• #Djazirat_al_Mawt, l’île de la mort

    Depuis l’instauration en 1995 du #visa dit « Balladur », les Comoriens n’ont d’autre possibilité que d’emprunter des barques pêcheurs, les #kwasa_kwasa pour se rendre à Mayotte. Des milliers sinon des dizaines milliers sont morts lors de cette traversée.

    #Jazirat_al_Mawt, l’#île_de_la_mort, c’est ainsi que les navigateurs venus d’Oman ou du Shiraz ont baptisé l’île de #Mayotte parce que ceinte d’une barrière de corail sur laquelle tant et tant de boutres et d’esquifs se sont abîmés.

    Depuis l’instauration en 1995 du visa dit « Balladur », les ressortissants comoriens n’ont d’autre choix que d’emprunter les kwasa kwasa, ces barques de pêcheurs à fond plat, pour rallier Mayotte où le PIB par habitant est dix fois supérieur à celui des Comores. Ils viennent trouver du travail, rejoindre de la famille ou bénéficier de soins.

    Entre 5000 et 10 000 personnes sont mortes dans les traversées de 1995 à 2012 selon la dernière estimation produite. Le décompte a cessé depuis. “C’est une #hécatombe” confie Jean Lhuillier, le directeur des pompes funèbres de Mayotte qui est régulièrement réquisitionné par la police pour récupérer des corps échoués sur les plages ou accrochés aux branches des arbres de la mangrove.

    Pour empêcher ces passages, les gouvernements français successifs ont investi des centaines de millions d’euros sans jamais parvenir à y mettre un terme malgré les drones, les radars, les hélicoptères ainsi que les patrouilles maritime et terrestre de la Police aux frontières aux effectifs toujours plus nombreux.

    “La mission est belle” confie un policier de la PAF aux commandes de son bateau semi-rigide destiné à intercepter les kwasa kwasa au large de Mayotte quand bien même sait-il qu’une fois renvoyées aux Comores, la plupart de ces personnes tenteront à nouveau la traversée.

    “Ça ne me dérange pas d’accueillir dix fois la même personne” abonde une responsable du centre de rétention administrative (CRA) de Mayotte. Lorsqu’ils embarquent sur le ferry qui les ramène vers l’île comorienne d’Anjouan, les personnes expulsées fredonnent une chanson d’amour d’un artiste mahorais : “ne t’en fais pas, je reviendrai”.

    https://www.radiofrance.fr/franceculture/podcasts/lsd-la-serie-documentaire/djazirat-al-mawt-l-ile-de-la-mort-1452799
    #mourir_aux_frontières #France #Mayotte #migrations #réfugiés #Comores #visa_Balladur #mourir_en_mer #décès #militarisation_des_frontières
    #podcast #audio

  • Immigration : la République dominicaine construit une nouvelle section de son mur à la frontière avec Haïti
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2025/06/21/la-republique-dominicaine-construit-une-nouvelle-section-de-son-mur-a-la-fro

    Immigration : la République dominicaine construit une nouvelle section de son mur à la frontière avec Haïti
    Le Monde avec AFP
    La République dominicaine a commencé, vendredi 20 juin, à prolonger le mur frontalier la séparant de son voisin haïtien, une construction initiée en 2021 par le gouvernement de Luis Abinader pour lutter contre l’arrivée illégale de migrants.La nouvelle section du mur, longue de 13 kilomètres, est en cours de construction dans la province de Dajabon (Nord). Elle portera la longueur totale du mur à environ 170 kilomètres, soit la moitié de la frontière séparant, sur l’île caribéenne d’Hispaniola, la République dominicaine hispanophone et son voisin, Haïti, francophone, pauvre et miné par la violence.
    Le ministre de la présidence, José Ignacio Paliza, et son homologue de la défense ont dirigé la cérémonie de pose de la première pierre, a précisé le gouvernement, dans un communiqué.
    « La clôture périmétrique n’est pas simplement une infrastructure de sécurité, mais aussi un symbole de souveraineté, d’intégrité institutionnelle et d’engagement pour la protection du territoire national », a déclaré M. Paliza. Le mur, composé d’une base en béton et d’une clôture surmontée de fils barbelés, est une initiative du président Abinader, qui a adopté une ligne dure sur la question migratoire depuis son arrivée au pouvoir, en 2020. La construction du mur a débuté l’année suivante.
    Haïti, le pays le plus pauvre des Amériques, a été mis à genoux par des gangs accusés de meurtres, de viols et d’enlèvements. La violence s’y est intensifiée au cours de l’année écoulée et un nombre record de près de 1,3 million de personnes ont été forcées de fuir pour trouver refuge ailleurs dans le pays, selon l’Organisation des Nations unies. Environ 500 000 Haïtiens vivent désormais en République dominicaine.En 2024, Luis Abinader a remporté un second mandat en promettant d’intensifier les expulsions. Au cours des cinq premiers mois de l’année, les autorités dominicaines ont expulsé un peu plus de 143 000 Haïtiens sans papiers, selon des données officielles.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#haiti#republiquedominicaine#sante#politiquemigratore#expulsion#pauvrete

  • Der Fall Helsing zeigt, woran es in Deutschland krankt

    via https://diasp.eu/p/17698678

    https://www.msn.com/de-de/finanzen/top-stories/der-fall-helsing-zeigt-woran-es-in-deutschland-krankt/ar-AA1GWjNm - 18.06.2025

    (Artikel faz.net)

    Es ist eine beeindruckende Geschichte, die das Münchner #Start-up Helsing bislang geschrieben hat. Die neue Finanzierungsrunde über 600 Millionen Euro beschert dem gerade einmal vier Jahre alten Rüstungsunternehmen eine Bewertung von zwölf Milliarden Euro. Damit spielt Helsing in einer Liga mit den wertvollsten Start-ups des Kontinents. Und im Gegensatz zu manch anderem Hoffnungsträger lässt sich mit dem Verkauf von #Kampfdrohnen auch rasch Umsatz machen und Gewinn erzielen. Zudem ist Helsing kein Einzelfall. In Deutschland schießen softwaregetriebene Start-ups aus dem Boden, um die #Rüstungsbranche durcheinanderzuwirbeln. Nicht alle werden atemberaubende Erfolgsgeschichten schreiben, und auch Helsings Weg nach oben kann abrupt enden. Aber (...)

    • (... und auch Helsings Weg nach oben kann abrupt enden. Aber) ... ob allein oder als Partner etablierter Konzerne – die neuen Spieler haben eine wichtige vitalisierende Funktion, Deutschland für den Ernstfall kriegstüchtig zu machen.

      Doch das Beispiel Helsing macht auch schmerzhaft klar, woran es hierzulande krankt. Zwar kommt der größte Anteil der Finanzierungsrunde vom schwedischen Spotify-Gründer Daniel Ek, und auch der aus seinem Land stammende #Rüstungskonzern Saab ist mit im Boot. Ansonsten ist aber viel amerikanisches Geld im Spiel, um einen neuen „deutschen“ Rüstungschampion zu schmieden. Wo sind die deutschen #Milliardäre, Familiy Offices und sonstigen Investoren?

      Warum müssen hiesige Hoffnungsträger – nicht nur in der #Rüstungsindus­trie – für das ganz große Geschäft irgendwann den Schritt über den Großen Teich tun? Wenn #Deutschland und Europa technologisch unabhängiger werden wollen, muss die Regulierung für Investoren kritisch hinterfragt und wenn nötig durch kluge Anreizsysteme ersetzt werden. Amerikanische Fonds haben die Chancen längst erkannt, die der europäische Billionenmarkt für Rüstung bietet. Sie setzen auf America first.

    • oAnth, 19. Juni 2025

      Mich würde interessieren, was man genau als den entscheidenden Unterschied zwischen einem sog. ‘Startup’ und einer Firmenneugründung zu verstehen hat - es ist doch wohl die Art und Weise der Finanzierung, die Kombination diverser Geldgeber, und die unmittelbare Einflussnahme dieser auf die Weiterentwicklung und zukünftige finanzielle Ausstattung des wie auch immer formal zu kategorisierenden Unternehmens.

      (vgl. https://www.de.digital/DIGITAL/Redaktion/DE/Gruenderwettbewerb/Artikel/Gruendungswissen/Rechtsformen.html)

      Im Artikel wird zwar auf die sog. Vorbildfunktion der amerikanischen Investitionsbereitschaft verwiesen, bedauerlicherweise aber, ohne diese genauer unter die Lupe zu nehmen:

      Bei wie vielen dieser zahlungspotente Investoren handelt es sich defacto um Under-Cover-Geheimdienst-Gründungen mit dem Ziel, junges universitär gut ausgebildetes #Know-How, d.h. gesuchte Spitzen- #Fachkräfte im europäischen Umfeld sowohl finanziell zu binden als technologisch zu überwachen, bzw. durch späteren (+/- erzwungenen) Verkauf der Neugründung in die us-amerikanischen #Rüstungsindustrie incl. evtl. Patente beruflich und rechtlich zu übernehmen.

      Der #IRA (US - Inflation Reduction Act) erweist hierbei zusätzlich seine qualitäts- und produktions-absaugende Wirkung

      Die oben geschilderte - nicht nur geheimdienstliche -Praxis hat sich im IT-Bereich über nunmehr mehr als 2 Jahrzehnte so gut wie unwidersprochen breit gemacht - spätestens seit der Corona-Pandemie wartet man auf ein kritisches Wort hierzu seitens der MSM vergeblich.

      Wer also die US-amerikanische Praxis als nachahmenswert anpreist, sollte sich vorab darüber informieren, was von dieser Handhabung er wie in einem europäischen und spezifisch deutschen Umfeld realisiert sehen möchte, und auf welche Art und Weise er sich gegen die US-amerikanische Finanz- und #Spionagemacht zu schützen gedenkt.

      Im Zeichen der hegomonialen medialen und militärischen Kontrolle via #NATO-Institutionen sicherlich eine Mamutaufgabe, die mit erheblichen ideologischen Grabenkämpfen und medial abgestimmter US-NATO- #Propaganda, d.h. de facto psychologischer #Kriegsführung und #Desinformation, einhergehen dürfte.

  • Récit « Je n’avais jamais vu ça de la part de la police » : près de #Dunkerque, des migrants interceptés dans l’eau à coups de #bombes_lacrymogènes

    Plusieurs agents armés, munis de boucliers et de casques lourds, se sont retrouvés au milieu des vagues à #Gravelines, le 13 juin. Si les syndicats de police y voient une opération « exceptionnelle », les associations craignent un changement de méthode pour empêcher les traversées de la Manche.

    Spray au poivre à la main, de l’eau jusqu’à la taille, le policier asperge plusieurs migrants. Objectif : empêcher le petit groupe de monter à bord d’une embarcation en direction de l’Angleterre. La scène se déroule sur la plage de Gravelines (Nord), à quelques kilomètres de Dunkerque, vendredi 13 juin au petit matin. Peu après 5 heures du matin, raconte à franceinfo, clichés et métadonnées à l’appui, le photographe britannique Dan Kitwood, qui a assisté à l’intervention. « C’est vite devenu assez chaotique, avec les gens qui criaient et les enfants qui pleuraient », relate-t-il. Arrivé une heure plus tôt sur les lieux, il remonte le fil de cette opération d’#interception rare, les forces de l’ordre n’ayant pas pour habitude d’intervenir aussi loin dans l’eau avec des équipements aussi lourds.

    « Peu avant 5 heures, les premiers migrants sont sortis des dunes. Ils étaient une trentaine, avec au moins cinq enfants, dont deux en bas âge », raconte-t-il, en se basant sur ses photos. Parmi eux, une poignée d’hommes n’a pas de gilet de sauvetage. Ils sont les seuls à cacher leur visage. « Probablement membres d’un réseau de passage plus large », se dit le photojournaliste. Dix minutes plus tard, une embarcation apparaît sur le rivage et s’approche du groupe de migrants dans l’eau. Depuis les dunes, une dizaine de policiers surgit alors. Ils font partie d’une compagnie d’intervention, reconnaissables aux bandes bleues sur leur casque. Certains courent droit dans la mer, jusqu’à être à moitié immergés, « avec l’intention de sortir [les migrants] de l’eau », explique Dan Kitwood.

    Afin de tenir les agents éloignés, certains hommes les éclaboussent. « Il y a aussi eu une altercation avec un policier muni d’un bouclier qui avait du mal à rester stable dans l’eau plus profonde, avec tout son équipement », relate le photographe. « C’est à ce moment-là qu’un autre agent a sorti son spray devant les personnes les plus agressives », ajoute-t-il. Finalement, les policiers, « qui n’ont rien pu faire », sortent de l’eau, déstabilisés par le courant et le trop grand nombre de migrants. Une famille « prise dans le gaz » est aussi contrainte de regagner la #plage, où d’autres migrants venus faire diversion sont chassés à coup de grenades #lacrymogènes.

    « C’était dangereux pour tout le monde »

    Malgré cette intervention musclée dans l’eau, la moitié du groupe parvient à prendre la mer ce matin-là. Pour Dan Kitwood, familier de la crise migratoire dans le Nord de la France, les policiers « n’ont pas fait un usage disproportionné de la force, et n’ont pas été trop agressifs ». « Ils ont tenté quelque chose de nouveau, et ça n’a pas fonctionné ». Reste que la tactique d’entrer dans l’eau avec autant d’équipement est inédite. « Je n’avais jamais vu ça de la part de la #police », assure le photographe, qui estime que « c’était dangereux pour tout le monde », migrants comme policiers. « Vous pouvez imaginer ce qu’il se passerait si un agent venait à glisser et se retrouver sous l’eau, avec le poids de son bouclier ou de quelqu’un sur lui... »

    Depuis 2018 et l’augmentation continue des traversées de migrants par bateau vers le Royaume-Uni, face à une frontière parmi les plus surveillées et sécurisées au monde, les forces de l’ordre ont renforcé leur présence sur les côtes françaises afin d’empêcher les départs et de gêner les passeurs à terre. « Chaque jour, 1 200 effectifs sont mobilisés » sur les 150 km de littoral entre Dunkerque et Le Touquet, rappelait le 27 février le ministre de l’Intérieur, Bruno Retailleau, cité par ICI Nord (Nouvelle fenêtre). Sur ces agents, « 730 sont financés par le Royaume-Uni », ajoutait-il, en vertu du #traité_de_Sandhurst signé entre les deux pays il y a sept ans.

    En plus de démanteler les campements, policiers et gendarmes ont souvent été aperçus sur les plages pour barrer la route des migrants ou pour lacérer les boudins des canots gonflables. Comme le révélait Le Monde(Nouvelle fenêtre) et plusieurs médias étrangers dans une enquête en mars 2024, des bateaux de gendarmerie ont expérimenté des techniques d’interception en mer, autorisées par les directives préfectorales, qui imposent toutefois la plus grande #prudence. Mais au bord des plages, la zone grise demeure et les interceptions dans l’eau avec un tel équipement ne font pas partie des méthodes habituelles des forces de l’ordre, observent plusieurs acteurs locaux.

    La crainte d’un « #changement_de_doctrine »

    « Nous avions déjà eu des témoignages d’opérations #dans_l'eau, mais jamais aussi profondément », explique à franceinfo Charlotte Kwantes, responsable plaidoyer et communication de l’association Utopia56, qui apporte une aide humanitaire aux migrants du secteur. « On se demande désormais jusqu’où le gouvernement français va aller, sous pression du Royaume-Uni », déplore-t-elle, en faisant référence aux récentes déclarations du Home Office, le ministère de l’Intérieur britannique, qui a par exemple appelé (Nouvelle fenêtre) le 31 mai à « exhorter les Français à apporter les changements nécessaires à leur politique opérationnelle » afin que les autorités puissent intervenir « dans les eaux peu profondes le plus rapidement possible ».

    Pour Charlotte Kwantes, « difficile de ne pas faire le rapprochement » entre les méthodes vues à Gravelines et le « changement de doctrine » réclamé par #Bruno_Retailleau fin février lors de sa visite (Nouvelle fenêtre) dans la région. Le ministre de l’Intérieur préconisait alors des interceptions en pleine mer, et ce, jusqu’à 300 mètres des côtes. « Ils veulent rendre la #mer infranchissable, mais c’est impossible. Et ça passera forcément par des moyens violents », juge Charlotte Kwantes.

    L’annonce ne passe pas non plus chez les sauveteurs du littoral, très souvent sollicités pour intervenir sur des naufrages. « On court vers des drames, les interceptions d’embarcations fragiles sont extrêmement dangereuses (...) encore plus si les personnes à bord ont reçu du gaz lacrymogène ou sont blessées au moment du départ », alerte un bénévole local de la Société nationale des sauveteurs en mer (SNSM), qui préfère rester anonyme pour évoquer « cette situation très tendue ».

    « Très difficile d’adapter les moyens »

    Contactées par franceinfo, ni la préfecture maritime de la Manche et de la mer du Nord (Prémar) ni la préfecture du Nord n’ont réagi. Mais aux yeux des syndicats de police, les agents photographiés dans la mer le 13 juin se trouvaient dans les clous. « C’est vrai que ça peut impressionner, cet équipement lourd dans l’eau, reconnaît Marc Hocquard, délégué général adjoint de l’Unsa Police. Mais il faut voir ce que les collègues se prennent comme projectiles lorsqu’ils interviennent sur ces situations. »

    Pour repousser les forces de l’ordre, les passeurs et certains migrants jettent des pierres « et emportent avec eux des barres de fer », assure-t-il. Un constat partagé par Julien Soir, délégué du syndicat Alliance dans les Hauts-de-France. « Ce matériel n’est peut-être pas le plus adapté, mais c’est tout ce que les collègues ont pour se protéger », justifie-t-il, sans écarter les risques de chute ou de noyade pour les agents. « L’intervention de Gravelines reste de l’ordre de l’exceptionnel », insiste-t-il.

    Pour les deux responsables syndicaux, la situation sur les côtes du Nord et du Pas-de-Calais a atteint « un niveau de violence très élevé ». « Mais il n’y a pas de changement de doctrine pour l’instant, ni de groupe de travail sur ce sujet » au sein de la police, réfute Marc Hocquard. « Nos collègues sont juste très engagés, surtout qu’il y a quelques jours, on nous reprochait d’avoir laissé partir un bateau soi-disant sans rien faire », justifie-t-il.

    De là à équiper les policiers de nouveaux moyens, voire de renforcer les brigades maritimes, il y a encore du chemin, prévient Julien Soir. « Selon la météo, il peut y avoir 50 personnes ou alors 1 000 qui tentent de traverser sur une journée, rappelle-t-il. C’est très difficile d’adapter les moyens face à un tel delta. » Surtout que, face aux forces de l’ordre, « les réseaux font sans cesse évoluer leurs techniques pour trouver un moyen de passer... »

    https://www.franceinfo.fr/monde/europe/migrants/recit-je-n-avais-jamais-vu-ca-de-la-part-de-la-police-pres-de-dunkerque-d
    #Calais #violence #violences_policières #frontière #Manche #migrations #réfugiés #France #Angleterre #UK #militarisation_des_frontières

    ping @karine4 @isskein

    • Louis Witter, 13 juin

      https://x.com/LouisWitter/status/1933568565023477981

      Cette image de Jack Taylor, photojournaliste pour le Times, a été prise ce matin sur les côtes françaises, non loin de Calais.

      Pour la première fois, des policiers français empêchent directement dans l’eau le départ de bateaux d’exilés, contrevenant ainsi au droit de la mer.

      #police

    • French plans to stop #small_boats will lead to more deaths, says charity

      French charity to challenge new Channel migrant interception plans in European courts.

      Plans by French police to enter the sea to stop small boats carrying UK-bound asylum seekers willcause more deaths and be challenged in the European courts, a French charity has said.

      Arthur Dos Santos, the coordinator of the refugee charity Utopia 56, said there would be an increase in the number of people who would take “desperate” measures to reach the UK.

      The official, based in Calais, said the charity was examining the possibility of a legal challenge in the European courts to stop the tactics.

      Government sources have told the Guardian that French police would be authorised to tackle boats within 300 metres of the shore and in nearby waterways.

      The strategy aims to be ready in time for the Franco-British summit, which begins on 8 July. This coincides with the state visit to London of Emmanuel Macron, the French president.

      Over the past few days, French police have waded into the sea to stop asylum seekers from boarding boats, increasing speculation that police are already using the tactic.

      In one incident this week at Gravelines beach near Dunkirk, officers were shown waist-deep in water, using CS gas, riot shields and batons, as they attempted to force a boat to return to the beach.

      Dos Santos said the French plan to harden its tactics against asylum-seekers and smugglers would result in more deaths.

      “When police enter the sea, it will cause more deaths, more people will drown as they try to get away before being caught and forced back to the beach. There will be more violence, as some people fight back, and the people attempting to reach England will find other ways to try to get to the UK. This will not stop them, but it will make the crossings much more dangerous,” he said.

      The scheme is intended to give the French authorities the power to halt dinghies that “taxi” up to beaches from nearby waterways. Until now, guidelines prevent French police from intervening offshore unless it is to rescue passengers in distress. In practice, the policy means officers can stop boats leaving the beach by puncturing them, but are restricted once they are in the water.

      Dos Santos said the tactic would face legal challenges in the European courts, with lawyers examining human rights laws and the UN convention on the law of the sea.

      “This policy will be taken to the European courts. We will look very closely at this, as will other organisations,” he said.

      A British charity that operates in France told the Guardian two weeks ago it planed to explore possible legal challenges to stop the tactic.

      Steve Smith, the chief executive of Care4Calais, said: “When the last Tory government tried to do pushbacks in the Channel, Care4Calais initiated a legal challenge and won. Any attempt to introduce interceptions in French waters must face the same level of resistance.”

      In 2024, 73 people died trying to cross the Channel in small boats, more than in the previous six years combined. Nine people this year have so far been reported dead or missing in the Channel.

      Nearly 17,000 people have crossed in small boats so far in 2025, according to Home Office figures, higher than at the same point in 2022, the overall record year for crossings. On Wednesday, Downing Street acknowledged that the situation in the Channel was “deteriorating”.

      The French police union Unity has expressed concern that officers could face legal action if people die during an intervention.

      https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2025/jun/20/french-plans-to-stop-small-boats-will-lead-to-more-deaths-says-charity
      #mortalité

  • The EU donates high-tech equipment worth 1.4 million BAM to strengthen operational capacities of the BiH Border Police

    The European Union donated specialised equipment worth 1.4 million BAM to the Border Police of Bosnia and Herzegovina today, with the aim of enhancing their operational capabilities. The equipment includes 25 short and medium-range drones, 30 handheld thermal imaging cameras, and 5 heartbeat detectors, along with specialised training for drone operators. In addition to advanced surveillance technologies, the donation provides four trailers designed for transporting service dogs which will be delivered next week. Together, these resources will significantly enhance surveillance and inspection capabilities at border crossing points and along the border.

    On behalf of the Delegation of the EU to Bosnia and Herzegovina, the equipment was handed over by Karel Lizerot, Head of the Section for Justice and Home Affairs, Migration, and Public Administration Reform to Border Police Director Mirko Kuprešaković, in the presence of Michael J.F. O’Mahony, Deputy Chief of Mission of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who represented IOM BiH, the organization responsible for implementing the procurement and monitoring process.

    “Border security and migration management are shared priorities for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union. The modern surveillance tools the Border Police officers received today will help strengthen the fight against irregular migration and smuggling. Improvements to the coordination, efficiency and the overall effectiveness of border control not only make Bosnia and Herzegovina’s borders safer but enhance our collective security. The EU is committed to supporting Bosnia and Herzegovina on its path to the EU, including strengthening border security and migration management in line with EU standards.”, said Lizerot.

    Director Kuprešaković expressed his gratitude for the long-standing and continuous cooperation with EU: “We especially appreciate that, through various projects - including donations of specialized equipment, vehicles, facilities, communication tools, and officer training, you have helped that Border police agency respond more effectively to numerous security challenges. Thanks to your support and the donated equipment, we are now able to manage the state border more efficiently and strengthen our own capacities, thereby jointly contributing to a safer environment for all citizens in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the wider region," said director Kuprešaković.

    Migration management requires a comprehensive approach to addressing complex humanitarian and security challenges. Therefore, the EU continuously supports the Ministry of Security and Bosnia and Herzegovina in building a sustainable migration management system. Recognising that this task requires significant resources, the EU funded a seven-month training programme in 2025 for 142 new Border Police cadets (the XII generation), worth one million BAM, building on last year’s training of 150 cadets from the XI generation.

    Over the past seven years, the EU has provided more than 9 million euros to strengthen the capacities of the Border Police of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including supplying specialised equipment, vehicles, communication systems, and IT infrastructure. This investment has directly enhanced the operational readiness and professionalism of border management institutions across the country.

    Cooperation between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the EU on border security and migration management will be further strengthened following the signature of the Frontex Status Agreement in Brussels on 11 June 2025, allowing the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) to carry out joint operations with Bosnia and Herzegovina and deploy its standing corps anywhere along the country’s borders.

    The European Union, in cooperation with the International Organization for Migration (IOM), will continue to support the strengthening of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s migration and border management systems through the procurement of equipment, capacity building, and the provision of professional assistance to the Ministry of Security, the Service for Foreigners’ Affairs, Border Police and Sector for Asylum, the Directorate for Coordination of Police Bodies in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and other institutions and agencies responsible for this sector.

    The Border Police of Bosnia and Herzegovina will continue to pursue opportunities to modernise its resources and strengthen the expertise of its staff, reaffirming its commitment to building a secure, reliable, and E-standard border management system.

    https://bih.iom.int/news/eu-donates-high-tech-equipment-worth-14-million-bam-strengthen-operational-
    #Bosnia #Bosnia-Herzégovine #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #frontières #migrations #réfugiés #militarisation_des_frontières #IOM #OIM #équipement #don #UE #EU #union_européenne #drones #police #caméras #training #formations #surveillance_des_frontières #Karel_Lizerot #Mirko_Kuprešaković #coopération #border_management #Frontex_Status_Agreement #Frontex

  • Veteranentag in Berlin : Danke für Euren Einsatz, Antifa Werkstatt
    https://taz.de/Veteranentag-in-Berlin/!6091226

    Adbusting-Aktion : „Deutscher Mix : Nazis, Munition, Einzelfälle“ Foto : Antimilitaristisches Aktionsnetzwerk

    Je suis entouré de connards qui veulent envoyer mes enfants à la mort. 59 pour cent des allemands sont pour le service militaire obligatoire. Heureusement il y a les adbusters pour expliquer ce que c’est le militaire.

    15.6.2025 von Lilly Schröder - Mit einer Adbusting-Aktion protestieren Ak­ti­vis­t*in­nen bundesweit gegen den „Nationalen Veteranentag“. In Berlin wurden 100 Vitrinen gekapert.

    A dbusting ist wie „Deine-Mudda- Witze“: unverschämt unoriginell und trotzdem erstaunlich witzig. Zum Beispiel, wenn am Hauptbahnhof ein Werbeplakat im Bundeswehr-Flecktarn auftaucht, auf dem steht: „Deutscher Mix: Nazis, Munition, Einzelfälle“. Darunter das Bundeswehr-Logo leicht abgeändert: „Braunes Heer“ statt „Bundeswehr“. Besonders lustig wird es, wenn sich dann drei Polizisten an dieser Plakatvitrine zu schaffen machen, um diesem staatszersetzenden, vaterlandsverräterischen Unfug umgehend ein Ende zu setzen!

    Das Plakat am Hauptbahnhof ist eines von über 100 gefälschten Plakaten, die Ak­ti­vis­t*in­nen aus der Werkstatt für Antifaschistische Aktionen am Samstagmorgen in Werbevitrinen der BVG platzierten – geöffnet mit einem Rohrsteckschlüssel aus dem Baumarkt. Wo sonst auf Bundeswehrplakaten traditionsverherrlichendes, völkisches Gelaber steht, wie: „Holma? Lassma? Tuma? Unsere Azubis haben noch richtige Namen“, prangt nun zum Beispiel „Mit Nazipreppern abhängen?“.

    Hintergrund der Aktion ist der erste „Nationale Veteranentag“, der am Sonntag mit einem „Bürgerfest“ auf der Reichstagwiese begangen wird. Offizielles Ziel: das „Band zwischen Bundeswehr und Gesellschaft stärken“. Zu diesem Anlass werden in mehreren Bundesländern alle öffentlichen Gebäude beflaggt. Das Antimilitaristische Aktionsnetzwerk in der Deutschen Friedensgesellschaft-Vereinigte Kriegsgegner*innen, das zu der Adbusting-Aktion aufgerufen hat, kritisiert: „Der Veteranentag ist ein weiterer Schritt, den militärischen Mordapparat in der Öffentlichkeit schrittweise zu normalisieren.“

    Gegen Normalisierung

    Dem wollen sie mit der Plakataktion etwas entgegensetzen –und es kam offenbar gut an: Viele Pas­san­t*in­nen hätten mit Zustimmung reagiert, so die Aktivist*innen. Nur ist Berlin nicht repräsentativ für Deutschland oder wie Fritze zu sagen pflegt: „Nicht Kreuzberg ist Deutschland!“ Eine in dieser Woche veröffentlichte Forsa-Umfrage zeigt: 59 Prozent der Deutschen sprechen sich für die Rückkehr zur Wehrpflicht aus, nur 37 Prozent lehnen sie ab.

    In den 12 weiteren deutschen Städten, in denen die Adbusting-Aktion stattfand, könnten die Reaktionen daher deutlich verhaltener ausgefallen sein. Nicht zuletzt, weil im Vorfeld des Veteranentags intensiv Stimmung vom Reservistenverband und dem Bund Deutscher Einsatzveteranen gemacht wurde – (Letzterer mit einem Lorbeerkranz-Logo, das dem der Neonazikleinstpartei „Der 3. Weg“ ungechillt ähnlich sieht).

    Was? Rechtsextremismus in der Bundeswehr?! Soll’s geben: Dem Jahresbericht des Verteidigungsministeriums zufolge gab es allein im Jahr 2023 916 rechtsextreme Verdachtsfälle. 62 Bundeswehrangehörige wurden 2023 wegen rechtsextremistischer Einstellungen entlassen, darunter 10 Offiziere .

    Doch die Bundeswehr zeigt sich traditionsverliebt und geschichtsvergessen wie eh und je. Der Veteranentag setzt diese Linie fort. Ein Dank gebührt deshalb einzig der Antifa Werkstatt: Danke für Euren Einsatz!

    #Allemagne #militarisme #conscription

  • THE TYRANNY of STRUCTURELESSNESS

    The earliest version of this article was given as a talk at a conference called by the Southern Female Rights Union, held in Beulah, Mississippi in May 1970. It was written up for Notes from the Third Year (1971), but the editors did not use it. It was then submitted to several movement publications, but only one asked permission to publish it; others did so without permission. The first official place of publication was in Vol. 2, No. 1 of The Second Wave (1972). This early version in movement publications was authored by Joreen. Different versions were published in the Berkeley Journal of Sociology, Vol. 17, 1972-73, pp. 151-165, and Ms. magazine, July 1973, pp. 76-78, 86-89, authored by Jo Freeman. This piece spread all over the world. Numerous people have edited, reprinted, cut, and translated “Tyranny” for magazines, books and web sites, usually without the permission or knowledge of the author. The version below is a blend of the three cited here.

    During the years in which the women’s liberation movement has been taking shape, a great emphasis has been placed on what are called leaderless, structureless groups as the main — if not sole — organizational form of the movement. The source of this idea was a natural reaction against the over-structured society in which most of us found ourselves, and the inevitable control this gave others over our lives, and the continual elitism of the Left and similar groups among those who were supposedly fighting this overstructuredness.
    The idea of “structurelessness,” however, has moved from a healthy counter to those tendencies to becoming a goddess in its own right. The idea is as little examined as the term is much used, but it has become an intrinsic and unquestioned part of women’s liberation ideology. For the early development of the movement this did not much matter. It early defined its main goal, and its main method, as consciousness-raising, and the “structureless” rap group was an excellent means to this end. The looseness and informality of it encouraged participation in discussion, and its often supportive atmosphere elicited personal insight. If nothing more concrete than personal insight ever resulted from these groups, that did not much matter, because their purpose did not really extend beyond this.

    The basic problems didn’t appear until individual rap groups exhausted the virtues of consciousness-raising and decided they wanted to do something more specific. At this point they usually foundered because most groups were unwilling to change their structure when they changed their tasks. Women had thoroughly accepted the idea of “structurelessness” without realizing the limitations of its uses. People would try to use the “structureless” group and the informal conference for purposes for which they were unsuitable out of a blind belief that no other means could possibly be anything but oppressive.
    If the movement is to grow beyond these elementary stages of development, it will have to disabuse itself of some of its prejudices about organization and structure. There is nothing inherently bad about either of these. They can be and often are misused, but to reject them out of hand because they are misused is to deny ourselves the necessary tools to further development. We need to understand why “structurelessness” does not work.

    FORMAL AND INFORMAL STRUCTURES

    Contrary to what we would like to believe, there is no such thing as a structureless group. Any group of people of whatever nature that comes together for any length of time for any purpose will inevitably structure itself in some fashion. The structure may be flexible; it may vary over time; it may evenly or unevenly distribute tasks, power and resources over the members of the group. But it will be formed regardless of the abilities, personalities, or intentions of the people involved. The very fact that we are individuals, with different talents, predispositions, and backgrounds makes this inevitable. Only if we refused to relate or interact on any basis whatsoever could we approximate structurelessness — and that is not the nature of a human group.
    This means that to strive for a structureless group is as useful, and as deceptive, as to aim at an “objective” news story, “value-free” social science, or a “free” economy. A “laissez faire” group is about as realistic as a “laissez faire” society; the idea becomes a smokescreen for the strong or the lucky to establish unquestioned hegemony over others. This hegemony can be so easily established because the idea of “structurelessness” does not prevent the formation of informal structures, only formal ones. Similarly “laissez faire” philosophy did not prevent the economically powerful from establishing control over wages, prices, and distribution of goods; it only prevented the government from doing so. Thus structurelessness becomes a way of masking power, and within the women’s movement is usually most strongly advocated by those who are the most powerful (whether they are conscious of their power or not). As long as the structure of the group is informal, the rules of how decisions are made are known only to a few and awareness of power is limited to those who know the rules. Those who do not know the rules and are not chosen for initiation must remain in confusion, or suffer from paranoid delusions that something is happening of which they are not quite aware.

    For everyone to have the opportunity to be involved in a given group and to participate in its activities the structure must be explicit, not implicit. The rules of decision-making must be open and available to everyone, and this can happen only if they are formalized. This is not to say that formalization of a structure of a group will destroy the informal structure. It usually doesn’t. But it does hinder the informal structure from having predominant control and make available some means of attacking it if the people involved are not at least responsible to the needs of the group at large. “Structurelessness” is organizationally impossible. We cannot decide whether to have a structured or structureless group, only whether or not to have a formally structured one. Therefore the word will not be used any longer except to refer to the idea it represents. Unstructured will refer to those groups which have not been deliberately structured in a particular manner. Structured will refer to those which have. A Structured group always has formal structure, and may also have an informal, or covert, structure. It is this informal structure, particularly in Unstructured groups, which forms the basis for elites.

    THE NATURE OF ELITISM

    “Elitist” is probably the most abused word in the women’s liberation movement. It is used as frequently, and for the same reasons, as “pinko” was used in the fifties. It is rarely used correctly. Within the movement it commonly refers to individuals, though the personal characteristics and activities of those to whom it is directed may differ widely: An individual, as an individual can never be an elitist, because the only proper application of the term “elite” is to groups. Any individual, regardless of how well-known that person may be, can never be an elite.
    Correctly, an elite refers to a small group of people who have power over a larger group of which they are part, usually without direct responsibility to that larger group, and often without their knowledge or consent. A person becomes an elitist by being part of, or advocating the rule by, such a small group, whether or not that individual is well known or not known at all. Notoriety is not a definition of an elitist. The most insidious elites are usually run by people not known to the larger public at all. Intelligent elitists are usually smart enough not to allow themselves to become well known; when they become known, they are watched, and the mask over their power is no longer firmly lodged.
    Elites are not conspiracies. Very seldom does a small group of people get together and deliberately try to take over a larger group for its own ends. Elites are nothing more, and nothing less, than groups of friends who also happen to participate in the same political activities. They would probably maintain their friendship whether or not they were involved in political activities; they would probably be involved in political activities whether or not they maintained their friendships. It is the coincidence of these two phenomena which creates elites in any group and makes them so difficult to break.
    These friendship groups function as networks of communication outside any regular channels for such communication that may have been set up by a group. If no channels are set up, they function as the only networks of communication. Because people are friends, because they usually share the same values and orientations, because they talk to each other socially and consult with each other when common decisions have to be made, the people involved in these networks have more power in the group than those who don’t. And it is a rare group that does not establish some informal networks of communication through the friends that are made in it.
    Some groups, depending on their size, may have more than one such informal communications network. Networks may even overlap. When only one such network exists, it is the elite of an otherwise Unstructured group, whether the participants in it want to be elitists or not. If it is the only such network in a Structured group it may or may not be an elite depending on its composition and the nature of the formal Structure. If there are two or more such networks of friends, they may compete for power within the group, thus forming factions, or one may deliberately opt out of the competition, leaving the other as the elite. In a Structured group, two or more such friendship networks usually compete with each other for formal power. This is often the healthiest situation, as the other members are in a position to arbitrate between the two competitors for power and thus to make demands on those to whom they give their temporary allegiance.
    The inevitably elitist and exclusive nature of informal communication networks of friends is neither a new phenomenon characteristic of the women’s movement nor a phenomenon new to women. Such informal relationships have excluded women for centuries from participating in integrated groups of which they were a part. In any profession or organization these networks have created the “locker room” mentality and the “old school” ties which have effectively prevented women as a group (as well as some men individually) from having equal access to the sources of power or social reward. Much of the energy of past women’s movements has been directed to having the structures of decision-making and the selection processes formalized so that the exclusion of women could be confronted directly. As we well know, these efforts have not prevented the informal male-only networks from discriminating against women, but they have made it more difficult.
    Because elites are informal does not mean they are invisible. At any small group meeting anyone with a sharp eye and an acute ear can tell who is influencing whom. The members of a friendship group will relate more to each other than to other people. They listen more attentively, and interrupt less; they repeat each other’s points and give in amiably; they tend to ignore or grapple with the “outs” whose approval is not necessary for making a decision. But it is necessary for the “outs” to stay on good terms with the “ins.” Of course the lines are not as sharp as I have drawn them. They are nuances of interaction, not prewritten scripts. But they are discernible, and they do have their effect. Once one knows with whom it is important to check before a decision is made, and whose approval is the stamp of acceptance, one knows who is running things.
    Since movement groups have made no concrete decisions about who shall exercise power within them, many different criteria are used around the country. Most criteria are along the lines of traditional female characteristics. For instance, in the early days of the movement, marriage was usually a prerequisite for participation in the informal elite. As women have been traditionally taught, married women relate primarily to each other, and look upon single women as too threatening to have as close friends. In many cities, this criterion was further refined to include only those women married to New Left men. This standard had more than tradition behind it, however, because New Left men often had access to resources needed by the movement — such as mailing lists, printing presses, contacts, and information — and women were used to getting what they needed through men rather than independently. As the movement has charged through time, marriage has become a less universal criterion for effective participation, but all informal elites establish standards by which only women who possess certain material or personal characteristics may join. They frequently include: middle-class background (despite all the rhetoric about relating to the working class); being married; not being married but living with someone; being or pretending to be a lesbian; being between the ages of twenty and thirty; being college educated or at least having some college background; being “hip”; not being too “hip”; holding a certain political line or identification as a “radical”; having children or at least liking them; not having children; having certain “feminine” personality characteristics such as being “nice”; dressing right (whether in the traditional style or the antitraditional style); etc. There are also some characteristics which will almost always tag one as a “deviant” who should not be related to. They include: being too old; working full time, particularly if one is actively committed to a “career”; not being “nice”; and being avowedly single (i.e., neither actively heterosexual nor homosexual).
    Other criteria could be included, but they all have common themes. The characteristics prerequisite for participating in the informal elites of the movement, and thus for exercising power, concern one’s background, personality, or allocation of time. They do not include one’s competence, dedication to feminism, talents, or potential contribution to the movement. The former are the criteria one usually uses in determining one’s friends. The latter are what any movement or organization has to use if it is going to be politically effective.
    The criteria of participation may differ from group to group, but the means of becoming a member of the informal elite if one meets those criteria art pretty much the same. The only main difference depends on whether one is in a group from the beginning, or joins it after it has begun. If involved from the beginning it is important to have as many of one’s personal friends as possible also join. If no one knows anyone else very well, then one must deliberately form friendships with a select number and establish the informal interaction patterns crucial to the creation of an informal structure. Once the informal patterns are formed they act to maintain themselves, and one of the most successful tactics of maintenance is to continuously recruit new people who “fit in.” One joins such an elite much the same way one pledges a sorority. If perceived as a potential addition, one is “rushed” by the members of the informal structure and eventually either dropped or initiated. If the sorority is not politically aware enough to actively engage in this process itself it can be started by the outsider pretty much the same way one joins any private club. Find a sponsor, i.e., pick some member of the elite who appears to be well respected within it, and actively cultivate that person’s friendship. Eventually, she will most likely bring you into the inner circle.

    All of these procedures take time. So if one works full time or has a similar major commitment, it is usually impossible to join simply because there are not enough hours left to go to all the meetings and cultivate the personal relationship necessary to have a voice in the decision-making. That is why formal structures of decision making are a boon to the overworked person. Having an established process for decision-making ensures that everyone can participate in it to some extent.
    Although this dissection of the process of elite formation within small groups has been critical in perspective, it is not made in the belief that these informal structures are inevitably bad — merely inevitable. All groups create informal structures as a result of interaction patterns among the members of the group. Such informal structures can do very useful things But only Unstructured groups are totally governed by them. When informal elites are combined with a myth of “structurelessness,” there can be no attempt to put limits on the use of power. It becomes capricious.
    This has two potentially negative consequences of which we should be aware. The first is that the informal structure of decision-making will be much like a sorority — one in which people listen to others because they like them and not because they say significant things. As long as the movement does not do significant things this does not much matter. But if its development is not to be arrested at this preliminary stage, it will have to alter this trend. The second is that informal structures have no obligation to be responsible to the group at large. Their power was not given to them; it cannot be taken away. Their influence is not based on what they do for the group; therefore they cannot be directly influenced by the group. This does not necessarily make informal structures irresponsible. Those who are concerned with maintaining their influence will usually try to be responsible. The group simply cannot compel such responsibility; it is dependent on the interests of the elite.

    THE “STAR” SYSTEM

    The idea of “structurelessness” has created the “star” system. We live in a society which expects political groups to make decisions and to select people to articulate those decisions to the public at large. The press and the public do not know how to listen seriously to individual women as women; they want to know how the group feels. Only three techniques have ever been developed for establishing mass group opinion: the vote or referendum, the public opinion survey questionnaire, and the selection of group spokespeople at an appropriate meeting. The women’s liberation movement has used none of these to communicate with the public. Neither the movement as a whole nor most of the multitudinous groups within it have established a means of explaining their position on various issues. But the public is conditioned to look for spokespeople.
    While it has consciously not chosen spokespeople, the movement has thrown up many women who have caught the public eye for varying reasons. These women represent no particular group or established opinion; they know this and usually say so. But because there are no official spokespeople nor any decision-making body that the press can query when it wants to know the movement’s position on a subject, these women are perceived as the spokespeople. Thus, whether they want to or not, whether the movement likes it or not, women of public note are put in the role of spokespeople by default.
    This is one main source of the ire that is often felt toward the women who are labeled “stars.” Because they were not selected by the women in the movement to represent the movement’s views, they are resented when the press presumes that they speak for the movement. But as long as the movement does not select its own spokeswomen, such women will be placed in that role by the press and the public, regardless of their own desires.
    This has several negative consequences for both the movement and the women labeled “stars.” First, because the movement didn’t put them in the role of spokesperson, the movement cannot remove them. The press put them there and only the press can choose not to listen. The press will continue to look to “stars” as spokeswomen as long as it has no official alternatives to go to for authoritative statements from the movement. The movement has no control in the selection of its representatives to the public as long as it believes that it should have no representatives at all. Second, women put in this position often find themselves viciously attacked by their sisters. This achieves nothing for the movement and is painfully destructive to the individuals involved. Such attacks only result in either the woman leaving the movement entirely-often bitterly alienated — or in her ceasing to feel responsible to her “sisters.” She may maintain some loyalty to the movement, vaguely defined, but she is no longer susceptible to pressures from other women in it. One cannot feel responsible to people who have been the source of such pain without being a masochist, and these women are usually too strong to bow to that kind of personal pressure. Thus the backlash to the “star” system in effect encourages the very kind of individualistic nonresponsibility that the movement condemns. By purging a sister as a “star,” the movement loses whatever control it may have had over the person who then becomes free to commit all of the individualistic sins of which she has been accused.

    POLITICAL IMPOTENCE

    Unstructured groups may be very effective in getting women to talk about their lives; they aren’t very good for getting things done. It is when people get tired of “just talking” and want to do something more that the groups flounder, unless they change the nature of their operation. Occasionally, the developed informal structure of the group coincides with an available need that the group can fill in such a way as to give the appearance that an Unstructured group “works.” That is, the group has fortuitously developed precisely the kind of structure best suited for engaging in a particular project.
    While working in this kind of group is a very heady experience, it is also rare and very hard to replicate. There are almost inevitably four conditions found in such a group;

    1) It is task oriented. Its function is very narrow and very specific, like putting on a conference or putting out a newspaper. It is the task that basically structures the group. The task determines what needs to be done and when it needs to be done. It provides a guide by which people can judge their actions and make plans for future activity.
    2) It is relatively small and homogeneous. Homogeneity is necessary to insure that participants have a “common language” for interaction. People from widely different backgrounds may provide richness to a consciousness-raising group where each can learn from the others’ experience, but too great a diversity among members of a task-oriented group means only that they continually misunderstand each other. Such diverse people interpret words and actions differently. They have different expectations about each other’s behavior and judge the results according to different criteria. If everyone knows everyone else well enough to understand the nuances, these can be accommodated. Usually, they only lead to confusion and endless hours spent straightening out conflicts no one ever thought would arise.
    3) There is a high degree of communication. Information must be passed on to everyone, opinions checked, work divided up, and participation assured in the relevant decisions. This is only possible if the group is small and people practically live together for the most crucial phases of the task. Needless to say, the number of interactions necessary to involve everybody increases geometrically with the number of participants. This inevitably limits group participants to about five, or excludes some from some of the decisions. Successful groups can be as large as 10 or 15, but only when they are in fact composed of several smaller subgroups which perform specific parts of the task, and whose members overlap with each other so that knowledge of what the different subgroups are doing can be passed around easily.
    4) There is a low degree of skill specialization. Not everyone has to be able to do everything, but everything must be able to be done by more than one person. Thus no one is indispensable. To a certain extent, people become interchangeable parts.

    While these conditions can occur serendipitously in small groups, this is not possible in large ones. Consequently, because the larger movement in most cities is as unstructured as individual rap groups, it is not too much more effective than the separate groups at specific tasks. The informal structure is rarely together enough or in touch enough with the people to be able to operate effectively. So the movement generates much motion and few results. Unfortunately, the consequences of all this motion are not as innocuous as the results’ and their victim is the movement itself.
    Some groups have formed themselves into local action projects if they do not involve many people and work on a small scale. But this form restricts movement activity to the local level; it cannot be done on the regional or national. Also, to function well the groups must usually pare themselves down to that informal group of friends who were running things in the first place. This excludes many women from participating. As long as the only way women can participate in the movement is through membership in a small group, the nongregarious are at a distinct disadvantage. As long as friendship groups are the main means of organizational activity, elitism becomes institutionalized.
    For those groups which cannot find a local project to which to devote themselves, the mere act of staying together becomes the reason for their staying together. When a group has no specific task (and consciousness raising is a task), the people in it turn their energies to controlling others in the group. This is not done so much out of a malicious desire to manipulate others (though sometimes it is) as out of a lack of anything better to do with their talents. Able people with time on their hands and a need to justify their coming together put their efforts into personal control, and spend their time criticizing the personalities of the other members in the group. Infighting and personal power games rule the day. When a group is involved in a task, people learn to get along with others as they are and to subsume personal dislikes for the sake of the larger goal. There are limits placed on the compulsion to remold every person in our image of what they should be.

    The end of consciousness-raising leaves people with no place to go, and the lack of structure leaves them with no way of getting there. The women the movement either turn in on themselves and their sisters or seek other alternatives of action. There are few that are available. Some women just “do their own thing.” This can lead to a great deal of individual creativity, much of which is useful for the movement, but it is not a viable alternative for most women and certainly does not foster a spirit of cooperative group effort. Other women drift out of the movement entirely because they don’t want to develop an individual project and they have found no way of discovering, joining, or starting group projects that interest them.
    Many turn to other political organizations to give them the kind of structured, effective activity that they have not been able to find in the women’s movement. Those political organizations which see women’s liberation as only one of many issues to which women should devote their time thus find the movement a vast recruiting ground for new members. There is no need for such organizations to “infiltrate” (though this is not precluded). The desire for meaningful political activity generated in women by their becoming part of the women’s liberation movement is sufficient to make them eager to join other organizations when the movement itself provides no outlets for their new ideas and energies. Those women who join other political organizations while remaining within the women’s liberation movement, or who join women’s liberation while remaining in other political organizations, in turn become the framework for new informal structures. These friendship networks are based upon their common nonfeminist politics rather than the characteristics discussed earlier, but operate in much the same way. Because these women share common values, ideas, and political orientations, they too become informal, unplanned, unselected, unresponsible elites — whether they intend to be so or not.
    These new informal elites are often perceived as threats by the old informal elites previously developed within different movement groups. This is a correct perception. Such politically oriented networks are rarely willing to be merely “sororities” as many of the old ones were, and want to proselytize their political as well as their feminist ideas. This is only natural, but its implications for women’s liberation have never been adequately discussed. The old elites are rarely willing to bring such differences of opinion out into the open because it would involve exposing the nature of the informal structure of the group.
    Many of these informal elites have been hiding under the banner of “anti-elitism” and “structurelessness.” To effectively counter the competition from another informal structure, they would have to become “public,” and this possibility is fraught with many dangerous implications. Thus, to maintain its own power, it is easier to rationalize the exclusion of the members of the other informal structure by such means as “red-baiting,” "reformist-baiting," “lesbian-baiting,” or “straight-baiting.” The only other alternative is to formally structure the group in such a way that the original power structure is institutionalized. This is not always possible. If the informal elites have been well structured and have exercised a fair amount of power in the past, such a task is feasible. These groups have a history of being somewhat politically effective in the past, as the tightness of the informal structure has proven an adequate substitute for a formal structure. Becoming Structured does not alter their operation much, though the institutionalization of the power structure does open it to formal challenge. It is those groups which are in greatest need of structure that are often least capable of creating it. Their informal structures have not been too well formed and adherence to the ideology of “structurelessness” makes them reluctant to change tactics. The more Unstructured a group is, the more lacking it is in informal structures, and the more it adheres to an ideology of “structurelessness,” the more vulnerable it is to being taken over by a group of political comrades.
    Since the movement at large is just as Unstructured as most of its constituent groups, it is similarly susceptible to indirect influence. But the phenomenon manifests itself differently. On a local level most groups can operate autonomously; but the only groups that can organize a national activity are nationally organized groups. Thus, it is often the Structured feminist organizations that provide national direction for feminist activities, and this direction is determined by the priorities of those organizations. Such groups as NOW, WEAL, and some leftist women’s caucuses are simply the only organizations capable of mounting a national campaign. The multitude of Unstructured women’s liberation groups can choose to support or not support the national campaigns, but are incapable of mounting their own. Thus their members become the troops under the leadership of the Structured organizations. The avowedly Unstructured groups have no way of drawing upon the movement’s vast resources to support its priorities. It doesn’t even have a way of deciding what they are.
    The more unstructured a movement it, the less control it has over the directions in which it develops and the political actions in which it engages. This does not mean that its ideas do not spread. Given a certain amount of interest by the media and the appropriateness of social conditions, the ideas will still be diffused widely. But diffusion of ideas does not mean they are implemented; it only means they are talked about. Insofar as they can be applied individually they may be acted on; insofar as they require coordinated political power to be implemented, they will not be.
    As long as the women’s liberation movement stays dedicated to a form of organization which stresses small, inactive discussion groups among friends, the worst problems of Unstructuredness will not be felt. But this style of organization has its limits; it is politically inefficacious, exclusive, and discriminatory against those women who are not or cannot be tied into the friendship networks. Those who do not fit into what already exists because of class, race, occupation, education, parental or marital status, personality, etc., will inevitably be discouraged from trying to participate. Those who do fit in will develop vested interests in maintaining things as they are.
    The informal groups’ vested interests will be sustained by the informal structures which exist, and the movement will have no way of determining who shall exercise power within it. If the movement continues deliberately to not select who shall exercise power, it does not thereby abolish power. All it does is abdicate the right to demand that those who do exercise power and influence be responsible for it. If the movement continues to keep power as diffuse as possible because it knows it cannot demand responsibility from those who have it, it does prevent any group or person from totally dominating. But it simultaneously insures that the movement is as ineffective as possible. Some middle ground between domination and ineffectiveness can and must be found.
    These problems are coming to a head at this time because the nature of the movement is necessarily changing. Consciousness-raising as the main function of the women’s liberation movement is becoming obsolete. Due to the intense press publicity of the last two years and the numerous overground books and articles now being circulated, women’s liberation has become a household word. Its issues are discussed and informal rap groups are formed by people who have no explicit connection with any movement group. The movement must go on to other tasks. It now needs to establish its priorities, articulate its goals, and pursue its objectives in a coordinated fashion. To do this it must get organized — locally, regionally, and nationally.

    PRINCIPLES OF DEMOCRATIC STRUCTURING

    Once the movement no longer clings tenaciously to the ideology of “structurelessness,” it is free to develop those forms of organization best suited to its healthy functioning. This does not mean that we should go to the other extreme and blindly imitate the traditional forms of organization. But neither should we blindly reject them all. Some of the traditional techniques will prove useful, albeit not perfect; some will give us insights into what we should and should not do to obtain certain ends with minimal costs to the individuals in the movement. Mostly, we will have to experiment with different kinds of structuring and develop a variety of techniques to use for different situations. The Lot System is one such idea which has emerged from the movement. It is not applicable to all situations, but is useful in some. Other ideas for structuring are needed. But before we can proceed to experiment intelligently, we must accept the idea that there is nothing inherently bad about structure itself — only its excess use.

    While engaging in this trial-and-error process, there are some principles we can keep in mind that are essential to democratic structuring and are also politically effective:

    1) Delegation of specific authority to specific individuals for specific tasks by democratic procedures. Letting people assume jobs or tasks only by default means they are not dependably done. If people are selected to do a task, preferably after expressing an interest or willingness to do it, they have made a commitment which cannot so easily be ignored.
    2) Requiring all those to whom authority has been delegated to be responsible to those who selected them. This is how the group has control over people in positions of authority. Individuals may exercise power, but it is the group that has ultimate say over how the power is exercised.
    3) Distribution of authority among as many people as is reasonably possible. This prevents monopoly of power and requires those in positions of authority to consult with many others in the process of exercising it. It also gives many people the opportunity to have responsibility for specific tasks and thereby to learn different skills.
    4) Rotation of tasks among individuals. Responsibilities which are held too long by one person, formally or informally, come to be seen as that person’s “property” and are not easily relinquished or controlled by the group. Conversely, if tasks are rotated too frequently the individual does not have time to learn her job well and acquire the sense of satisfaction of doing a good job.
    5) Allocation of tasks along rational criteria. Selecting someone for a position because they are liked by the group or giving them hard work because they are disliked serves neither the group nor the person in the long run. Ability, interest, and responsibility have got to be the major concerns in such selection. People should be given an opportunity to learn skills they do not have, but this is best done through some sort of “apprenticeship” program rather than the “sink or swim” method. Having a responsibility one can’t handle well is demoralizing. Conversely, being blacklisted from doing what one can do well does not encourage one to develop one’s skills. Women have been punished for being competent throughout most of human history; the movement does not need to repeat this process.
    6) Diffusion of information to everyone as frequently as possible. Information is power. Access to information enhances one’s power. When an informal network spreads new ideas and information among themselves outside the group, they are already engaged in the process of forming an opinion — without the group participating. The more one knows about how things work and what is happening, the more politically effective one can be.
    7) Equal access to resources needed by the group. This is not always perfectly possible, but should be striven for. A member who maintains a monopoly over a needed resource (like a printing press owned by a husband, or a darkroom) can unduly influence the use of that resource. Skills and information are also resources. Members’ skills can be equitably available only when members are willing to teach what they know to others.

    When these principles are applied, they insure that whatever structures are developed by different movement groups will be controlled by and responsible to the group. The group of people in positions of authority will be diffuse, flexible, open, and temporary. They will not be in such an easy position to institutionalize their power because ultimate decisions will be made by the group at large. The group will have the power to determine who shall exercise authority within it.

    https://www.jofreeman.com/joreen/tyranny.htm

    traduction en français :
    https://organisez-vous.org/tyrannie-horizontalite-jo-freeman

    #horizontalité #tyrannie #pouvoir #hiérarchie #structure #Jo_Freeman #Joreen #leaders #élitisme #féminisme #militantisme #actions #limites #oppression #organisation #groupe #laisser-faire #écran_de_fumée #hégémonie #structures_formelles #structures_informelles #explicitation #règles #prises_de_décision #pinko #élite #star_system #autorité #rotation_des_tâches #rotation

  • 11.06.2025 Kräfteverhältnis #NATO - #Russland

    via https://diasp.eu/p/17681551

    Greenpeace Studie entkräftet Kriegrhetorik

    Gestern waren wir auf einer Veranstaltung zur „Digitalen Aufrüstung“, wo auch Experten zur konventionellen Aufrüstung darüber berichtet haben, dass von einer „russischen Überlegenheit in 3-5 Jahren“ keine Rede sein kann. Sie verwiesen dabei auf eine Studie, die Greenpeace - völlig unverdächtig als "russische Wegwerf-Agenten tätig zu sein - zusammen mit den Daten von SIPRI erstellt haben.

    Seltsamerweise findet Google - nicht nur verdächtig, sondern nachgewiesen in den Anfangsjahren von der CIA finanziert - dazu nur Links, die nicht funktionieren:

  • « Das Böse beginnt dann, wenn der Mensch sich nicht in andere hineinfühlt »
    https://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/das-boese-beginnt-dann-wenn-der-mensch-sich-nicht-in-andere-10

    Tous les hommes sont capables de tuer ou faire souffrir d’autres personnes. Tant qu’on leur permet de vivre une vie agréabke sans trop de contraintes, seulement une infime minorité ressentira le besoin de se comporter en tortionnaire. Si par contre on expose systématiquement les humains à l’injustice, à la peinurie et à la cruauté ils pencheront vers leur côté obscur et se montreront les êtres inhumains qu’ils auront appris de l’être.

    S’ils vivent alors comme membres d’un groupe dominateur comme les riches d’aujourd’hui, les élites des empires chinois, romain, britannique, état-unien ou celui qui n’exista pendant mille ans que dans la folle imagination de ses organisateurs, on en transforme la majorité en tueurs par nécessité pleins de bonne conscience. Les autres couches populaires et populations des pays dominés les suivront en accomplissant le dur labeur de clouer á la croix, d’étouffer dans le sang ou de préparer les chambres à gaz.

    Je les ai encore rencontré dans leur habitat naturel les tueur de la guerre du Vietnam et les collaborateurs des assassins nazis. Ce sont des gens normaux à peine déformés par les actes inhumains qu’ils omt commis ou dont ils ont été les témoins plus ou moins impliqués.

    Là en Allemagne on est en train de préparer la transformation de la majorité en tueurs. Prenez garde de ne pas les rencontrer lors ce qu’on leur aura donné l’ordre de défendre leur suprématie en matant les inférieurs.

    Ce psychologue autrichien donne son avis à propos de la genèse des tueurs.

    4.2.2012 von Ulrike Timm - Reinhard Haller im Gespräch mit Ulrike Timm

    Menschen, denen das Einfühlungsvermögen in andere fehle, könnten diese auch quälen, vergewaltigen und töten, sagt der österreichische Gerichtspsychiater Reinhard Haller. Er glaubt, dass derzeit weltweit 120 bis 150 extrem gefährliche Sexualmörder auf freiem Fuß seien.

    Ulrike Timm: Dem abgrundtief Bösen widmen wir uns in dieser Woche im Radiofeuilleton und versuchen, uns aus verschiedensten Perspektiven Menschen, Denkrichtungen, Taten zu nähern, die man eigentlich nicht verstehen kann. Und damit wir uns auf der Suche nach dem Bösen nicht gleich philosophisch verheddern, haben wir jetzt einen Mann eingeladen, der täglich ganz konkret in Abgründe schaut, Reinhard Haller.

    Er widmet sich als Gerichtspsychiater und Neurologe Schwerstverbrechern, die bestialisch morden und quälen, die aber oft von den eigenen Taten ganz seltsam unberührt bleiben. Stehen die nun für das Böse? Herr Haller, schönen guten Tag!

    Reinhard Haller: Grüß Gott!

    Timm: Herr Haller, einer Ihrer prominentesten Fälle, das war der berühmte Jack Unterweger, ein Prostituiertenmörder, der im Gefängnis dann zum viel umjubelten Knastpoeten avancierte, fast verehrt wurde. Er kam heraus, wurde als charmanter Partylöwe herumgereicht, das vorbildliche Beispiel für Resozialisierung nach schlimmer Tat. Und dann mordete Jack Unterweger wieder. Im gleichen Milieu als Autor und Journalist sozusagen auf Recherche. Man kann es wirklich kaum glauben. 1994 dann wurde Jack Unterweger zum zweiten Mal verurteilt wegen neunfachen Mordes. Nach der Urteilsverkündung erhängte er sich mit dem gleichen Knoten, mit dem auch seine Opfer stranguliert wurden. Herr Haller, wie hat dieser Mann, wie hat dieser Mensch auf Sie gewirkt?

    Haller: Vom ersten Eindruck her war er nicht unsympathisch. Er war eher so der hilflose Junge. Er war recht intelligent, er war hilfsbedürftig. Er hat diesen Eindruck vermittelt, als ob von einem etwas erwartet, als ob er etwas braucht. Er hat vor allem auf Frauen einen sehr starken Eindruck gemacht. Mir hat er einmal gesagt, dass er in den zirka zwei Jahren, die er in Freiheit war, mit 151 Frauen geschlafen hat. Es war auch nach seiner Verhaftung so, dass sich sehr viele Frauen um ihn gekümmert haben, ihm ihre Partnerschaft, ihre Eheschließung, ihre Liebe, Geld und so weiter angeboten haben. Also man hat bei ihm besonders signifikant zwei Dinge gesehen: Zunächst einmal den Charme des Psychopathen, also das heißt, das Böse kommt oft in der Gestalt des Verführerischen daher. Und auf der anderen Seite auch das Verbrechen und psychische Störung einen enormen Anziehungseffekt auf jeden von uns haben.

    Timm: Also der liebenswerte Mann, der zwanghaft mordet?

    Haller: Das kann man ein Stück weit schon sagen. Allerdings sind die Gefühle dieser Menschen sehr oberflächlich. Das heißt, sie sind wahrscheinlich ein Stück weit gespielt. Sie sind nicht echt, es fehlt der Tiefgang. Es fehlt diesen Menschen im Prinzip das Einfühlungsvermögen in andere. Deswegen können sie sie auch quälen, vergewaltigen und töten.

    Timm: Wie hat denn Jack Unterweger das geschafft, alles so vollendet zu täuschen?

    Haller: Ich denke, er war zunächst einmal sehr intelligent. Er war ein Mensch, der aus der Sekunde heraus lügen konnte. Er war ein glänzender Naturpsychologe, das heißt er hat kein theoretisches Wissen gehabt, aber es war ihm möglich, sich sofort auf Menschen und auf Situationen einzustellen, vorauszudenken. Und damit hat er es zunächst einmal geschafft bei dem ersten Mord, bei dem es sich um eine bestialische Sexualtötung gehandelt hat – er hat ein 18-jähriges Mädchen mit einer Stahlrute durch den winterkalten Wald getrieben und dann mit ihrem Büstenhalter stranguliert – den zu verkaufen als eine Art Notwehr, als eine Art Totschlag.

    Also er hat allen Menschen dann nachher verkündet, da war nichts Böses dahinter, sondern ich habe mich im Prinzip nur gewehrt. Er hat dann in Haft gelernt, zu lesen und zu schreiben, er war ja bis dahin fast analphabetisch. Er hat dann einen Dichter beziehungsweise dessen Werke kennengelernt namens Peter Handke und hat also, ganz Narziss, wie er war, gesagt, das kann ich auch, und hat begonnen zu schreiben: über seine Taten und damit hat er sehr viele beeindruckt. Die sich dann für seine Freilassung eingesetzt haben. Sie haben gesagt: Wenn jemand so über seine Taten schreibt, dann hat er gesühnt, dann ist er geläutert. Dann muss das ein guter Mensch sein.

    Und er war dann draußen, sozusagen in der freien Gesellschaft ohne jegliche Sicherung. War Partylöwe, war Gast in Talkshows, war auch Reporter und hat, als dann in Österreich viele Prostituiertentötungen eingetreten sind, sogar im Prostituiertenmilieu Recherchen gemacht. Er hat die Ermittler befragt. Er ist zum höchsten Beamten der Republik gegangen und hat gesagt: Welch Skandal! Sie haben den Hurenmörder immer noch nicht erwischt. Dabei war er es selbst.

    Timm: Sie haben viele Psychopathen begutachtet, viele Mörder und Triebtäter, unter anderem auch Josef Fritzl, der seine Tochter 24 Jahre lang versteckt hat, eingesperrt hat, sieben Kinder mit ihr gezeugt. Gibt es eigentlich etwas, was allen Psychopathen gemeinsam ist?

    Haller: Wenn man sagt, es sind alles Narzissten, dann trifft man damit wahrscheinlich die Realität am nächsten. Und in den meisten Fällen ist das ein gemeinsamer Zug. Und es geht allen um Machtausübung. Das sagen ja die Psychologen immer, wenn man sie nach dem Profil eines großen Straftäters fragt. Aber damit haben sie meistens recht. Worum geht es hier? Wir alle haben in uns narzisstische Anteile, die aber eher gutmütig, harmlos sind. Also ich hab eine schöne Uhr, einen tollen Wagen, eine noch schönere Freundin und dergleichen. Das ist vielleicht lästig und eitel, aber es ist noch nicht gestört und nicht krank.

    Der bösartige, der gefährliche Narzisst, mit dem wir es in der Kriminologie zu tun haben, hingegen bleibt durchschnittlich. Es ist die berühmte graue Maus von nebenan, der man das nie zugetraut hätte. Innerlich hat er furchtbare Fantasien und er dreht dann sozusagen den Spieß um, das heißt, er erniedrigt andere, er wird zum Herrscher über sie, und dadurch ist er gleichsam als Einäugiger König unter Blinden. Und diese Form des umgekehrten Narzissmus, das ist das tatsächlich Gefährliche. Diese Menschen wollen einfach jemand anderen vollkommen beherrschen, sie weiden sich an der Todesangst und haben eine große Intelligenz und eine gute Logistik – Unterweger war also beispielsweise auch ein sehr intelligenter Mann. Und dementsprechend sind sie nicht einfach zu ergreifen. Es laufen zur Beunruhigung der Hörer, fürchte ich, weltweit zwischen 120 und 150 extrem gefährliche Sexualmörder frei herum.

    Timm: Sagt uns Reinhard Haller, Gerichtspsychiater aus Österreich im Radiofeuilleton von Deutschlandradio Kultur. Und wir sprechen über das abgrundtief Böse. Ist Ihnen denn in den Psychopathen, die sie begutachtet haben, das unerklärlich Böse begegnet? Wie würden Sie das persönlich sehen?

    Haller: Das muss ich bejahen. Weil, es ist folgendermaßen: Wir dürfen nicht von vornherein sagen, wenn eine schreckliche Tat passiert, dann muss das gleichzeitig auch ein abnormer, ein psychopathischer Mensch sein. Wir haben zwar diese Tendenz, denken Sie zurück beispielsweise an den 11.9.2001. Wenn so ein furchtbares Verbrechen passiert, dann rufen wir alle, das sind irre Straftäter, das sind fanatische Menschen, das sind geisteskranke Terroristen und so weiter.

    Also wir bedienen das gesamte psychiatrische Repertoire – und das ist falsch. Denn das Böse kann auch aus einem ganz normalen Menschen kommen. Und man sieht manchmal auch diese Taten, wo es nicht einmal ein erkennbares Motiv gibt. In der Regel kann man sagen: Es spielt sich ab im zwischenmenschlichen Bereich, es geht, wie ein alter Kriminologe mal gesagt hat, meistens um Sperma und oder Geld. Also um Beziehungen, Sexualität und um Eigentumserwerb.

    Aber in seltenen Fällen geschieht das Töten einfach um des Tötens willen, und das ist dann wirklich das Böse. Also wenn beispielsweise ein paar Jugendliche in Tessin in Ostdeutschland vor ein paar Jahren gesagt haben, wir wollen einfach mal wissen, wie es ist, Menschen umzubringen, Menschen zu töten, dann muss man schon sagen, dann kommt das dem, was wir als das Böse bezeichnen, sehr, sehr nahe.

    Timm: Wenn ganz normale Menschen dann auch töten können – haben Sie denn im Laufe Ihrer Arbeit eine Erklärung gefunden, sind ihr nahe gekommen, warum Menschen morden und vergewaltigen?

    Haller: Wir gehen davon aus, dass in jedem Menschen drinnen das Böse genauso steckt wie das Gute. Das Gute ist ja gar nicht möglich, wenn es den Schatten dazu nicht auch gibt. Und die Psychologen, die streiten sich im Wesentlichen mit zwei Theorien. Die einen besagen, der Mensch kommt als unschuldiges Wesen auf die Welt und wird erst durch die Erziehung und die Umwelt und so weiter zu einem Bösen, zu einem Straftäter unter Umständen.

    Die anderen hingegen sagen, und ich bekenne mich auch hierher dazu, dass der Mensch an sich als universell kriminelles Wesen auf die Welt kommt, aber durch die Erziehung sozialisiert wird und dann sich in der Regel normal verhält. Aber wenn wir ehrlich sind, deuten wir ja auch an, dass wir das Böse in uns drinnen spüren. Also wir sagen beispielsweise, wenn wir in Streit geraten mit jemandem: Du wirst mich noch kennenlernen. Damit meinen wir: Es ist in mir drinnen ein anderer Teil als der, den man kennt, und das ist ein böser Teil.

    Oder nehmen Sie das Beispiel, dass in unserer Nachbarschaft ein schweres Verbrechen passiert, ein Sexualdelikt oder dergleichen. Was läuft dann ab? Dann sagen zunächst alle in der Umgebung: Das hätte ich mir nie gedacht, so ein netter Mensch, das hätte ich ihm nicht zugetraut. Dann schlafen wir ein, zwei Nächte drüber und dann sagen wir: Irgendwie komisch ist der mir immer schon vorgekommen. Wie der so dreingeschaut hat und so weiter, was der für ein Gesicht gehabt hat. Dann schlafen wir noch eine Nacht, und dann sagen wir: Ich hab es immer schon gewusst, der geborene Verbrecher.

    Was läuft mit dieser Projektion ab? Dass wir auch in uns selbst drinnen das Böse vermuten und uns sehr viel zutrauen. Und es wahrscheinlich auch in bestimmten Situationen nicht im Griff haben. Wir können sagen: Der Mensch ist normalerweise gut und sozial verträglich, aber bestimmte Situationen, und die sind wirklich von Interesse, lassen in ihm das Böse sozusagen heraus. Persönlich glaube ich, das Böse beginnt dann, wenn der Mensch sich nicht in andere hineinfühlt.

    Jemandem ins Gesicht zu schauen, heißt, ihn nicht töten zu können, lautet ein berühmtes Philosophenwort. Wenn man den anderen entmenschlicht, das ist immer passiert, wenn es um lebensunwertes Leben, um geborene Verbrecher, um unnütze Esser und so weiter gegangen ist. Wenn sehr viel Macht eingesetzt wird, also wenn die Machtverhältnisse ganz einseitig sind, und wenn man den Moralinstinkt, der in jedem Menschen irgendwo vorhanden ist, in allen Kulturen weiß man, Töten ist nicht in Ordnung. Das ist ein Verbrechen. Wenn der übersprungen wird, dann, glaube ich, dann können wir sagen, ist das Böse ganz besonders nahe.

    Und es kommt noch ein Faktor hinzu, das ist die Autorisierung des Bösen. Also dass vollkommen normale Menschen zu schrecklichen KZ-Wärtern oder zu Mitgliedern eines Erschießungskommandos bei Massenerschießungen geworden sind, die daneben liebevolle Familienväter und fürsorgliche Söhne und so weiter sind, unter dieser Autorisierung des Bösen kommt aus ihnen etwas heraus, was sie wahrscheinlich selbst nie vermutet hätten.

    Timm: Das war der Gerichtspsychiater Reinhard Haller. Zum Auftakt unserer Reihe hier im Radiofeuilleton, „Das Böse“, die wir heute Nachmittag fortsetzen im Gespräch mit dem Neurowissenschaftler Niels Birbaumer, und dann geht es um die Frage, ob man das Böse im Hirn des Menschen womöglich lokalisieren kann.

    Äußerungen unserer Gesprächspartner geben deren eigene Auffassungen wieder. Deutschlandradio macht sich Äußerungen seiner Gesprächspartner in Interviews und Diskussionen nicht zu eigen.

    #guerre #meurtres #psychologie #histoire #militaire #Allemagne #empire_romain #nazis

  • Le #génocide se poursuivra-t-il indéfiniment ?
    https://lvsl.fr/le-genocide-se-poursuivra-t-il-indefiniment

    Alors que les Gazaouis agonisent sous les bombes, un basculement silencieux s’opère : les États-Unis négocient directement avec le Hamas, marginalisent #Israël et redessinent leur stratégie au Moyen-Orient. Déclin de l’unipolarité américaine, montée en puissance des États du Golfe, isolement de #Netanyahou, fissures au sein des élites israéliennes : l’architecture régionale vacille. Le soutien à Israël, jadis […]

    #International #Gaza #Isolationnisme #Militarisme #Palestine #Pivot_asiatique #Trump

  • Sentenza per il corteo a #milano in solidarietà a #cospito e contro il #41_bis
    https://radioblackout.org/2025/06/sentenza-per-il-corteo-a-milano-in-solidarieta-a-cospito-e-contro-il-

    La Procura di Milano ha richiesto pene che vanno da 6 mesi a 6 anni per gli 11 accusati in relazione agli scontri avvenuti durante il corteo in supporto ad Alfredo Cospito l’11 febbraio 2023

    #L'informazione_di_Blackout #carcere
    https://cdn.radioblackout.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/sentenza_mi_corteocospito.mp3

  • Après sept ans de calvaire, relaxe totale pour les militants de #Bure
    https://reporterre.net/Apres-sept-ans-de-calvaire-relaxe-totale-pour-les-militants-de-Bure

    Trois militants #antinucléaires poursuivis suite à une manifestation à Bure ont été relaxés le 5 juin par la cour d’appel de #Nancy. Leur calvaire judiciaire pour un dossier qui « ne tenait pas la route » aura duré sept ans.

    #acharnement #persécution #gabegie #cigéo

  • #briosco dice No all’Italian Raid Commando nella scuola del paese
    https://radioblackout.org/2025/05/briosco-dice-no-allitalian-raid-commando-nella-scuola-del-paese

    A Briosco, paesino di poche migliaia di abitanti in Brianza, si è tenuta la 37esima edizione dell’Italian Raid Commando ossia una esercitazione militare cammuffata da competizione/allenamento da svolgersi nella palestra della scuola, resasi disponibile per l’accoglienza, oltre che nei boschi circostanti. Cittadini e cittadine, militanti delle realtà della zona tra Monza e Lecco, associazioni pacifiste, […]

    #L'informazione_di_Blackout ##militarizzazione_scuola #guerra
    https://cdn.radioblackout.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Brianza-esercitazioni-militari-2025_05_29_2025.05.29-09.00.00-esc

  • #milano, #corvetto: il giovane #mahmoud_mohamed muore inseguito dalla #polizia
    https://radioblackout.org/2025/05/milano-corvetto-il-giovane-mahmoud-mohamed-muore-inseguito-dalla-poli

    Nella notte tra martedì 21 e mercoledì 22 maggio un giovane 21enne di origini libiche, Mahmoud Mohamed muore contro un semaforo a bordo dello scooter che stava guidando, inseguito da una volante di polizia. Il quartiere, Corvetto, è lo stesso in cui ha perso la vita Ramy Elgaml, il giovane diciannovenne morto schiantato contro un […]

    #L'informazione_di_Blackout #Ramy_Elgamil
    https://cdn.radioblackout.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Corvetto-2025_05_22_2025.05.22-09.00.00-escopost.mp3

  • Faire sa fête au Capital
    https://laviedesidees.fr/Sacha-Todorov-De-la-City-a-la-ZAD

    À la croisée de la #fête et de la contestation, le carnaval militant s’est imposé comme une forme mêlant tradition festive et intentions subversives. Outil de #mobilisation et de transgression, le carnaval brouille la frontière entre #révolte et mise en scène.

    #capitalisme #Histoire #militantisme #manifestations
    https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20250522_carnaval.pdf

  • Le #nucléaire va ruiner la #France
    https://reporterre.net/La-relance-du-nucleaire-va-ruiner-la-France

    Malgré le coût faramineux du tout-nucléaire, la France s’enferre dans cette impasse. Voici les bonnes feuilles du livre-enquête « Le nucléaire va ruiner la France ». Laure Noualhat y décortique les mécanismes d’une gabegie.

    La relance nucléaire est-elle raisonnable ? À en croire Emmanuel Macron et tant d’autres, le « graal » nucléaire serait la seule solution pour ralentir le changement climatique et préserver notre confort. Alors que l’État fait des économies à tout-va, le secteur semble bénéficier d’un budget illimité.

    On a appris lundi que le centre d’enfouissement de #déchets_nucléaires #Cigéo à #Bure, coûtera jusqu’à 37,5 milliards d’euros. Pour la relance de la filière, la facture grimpera au minimum à 80 #milliards d’euros. À mesure que les #retards s’accumulent, ces montants sont sans cesse revus à la hausse. Le tout alors qu’#EDF est déjà lourdement endettée.