• Seit Jahren funktioniert die deutsch-britische Militärkooperation g...

    Seit Jahren funktioniert die deutsch-britische Militärkooperation gut. Dennoch haben die Verteidigungsminister beider Länder einen neuen Vertrag namens „Joint Vision Statement“ geschlossen. Grund ist der drohende Brexit. Ein Brückenschlag in Zeiten des Brexit | DW | 05.10.2018 #Leyen #Williamson #Deutschland #Großbritannien #Brexit #NATO #PESCO #Militär #Wester

    • Il y a 5 ans, pour accompagner mon inévitable départ en « burn-out », nous avons fait le choix rationnel de l’institutionnalisation de La Quadrature du Net, afin de la faire évoluer et survivre de façon durable et pour tenter de protéger ses participants. Je crois aujourd’hui que nul d’entre nous ne pouvait réaliser à l’époque ce que cette décision recelait de changements qui allaient radicalement altérer nos façons de nous organiser, de rêver, d’agir et de vivre ensemble.

      Après une prise de distance progressive, les processus administratifs ont fini de m’éloigner définitivement de La Quadrature. Il me semble que budgets, rapports, mais surtout recrutements (« ressources humaines » !), gestion et autres processus plus ou moins déshumanisants sont la norme de toute structure institutionnalisée, son essence. Avec eux les réunions, les groupes et sous-groupes qui se forment, l’information qui circule mal, les conflits inter-personnels, etc. Certes nombres de ces contraintes et problèmes existaient probablement déjà, et sont peut-être inhérents à tout groupe qui évolue sur la durée et en nombre de participants. Je pense qu’ils s’en seront néanmoins trouvé amplifiés au fil du temps, apparaissant de plus en plus comme inévitables.

      Bref, ce que nous avons pu constater comme paramètres caractéristiques des froides institutions politiques, administratives ou industrielles que nous combattions, ont pris une importance croissante dans notre microscopique bande, avec leur lot de ressentis et de douleurs... laquelle structure apparaissant dans le même temps de l’extérieur comme plus sage, plus prévisible, plus « présentable », plus compatible avec le fait de devenir un « bon client » des médias, un « interlocuteur » pour des pouvoirs publics avides de vernis démocratique.

      Il décrit très bien en fait l’#acculturation capitaliste ou comment le #capitalisme inféode tout à travers les #structures qu’il impose #structuralisme.
      Je pense aussi que la structure impose le #comportement et tant que nous pensons combattre le capitalisme de l’intérieur et avec ses armes, nous sommes certains de perdre !

  • Financiarisation de la police : à qui profite la violence ?

    « La société est de plus en plus violente ». En réponse à ce constat, et dans le prolongement de l’état d’urgence, des députés de la majorité présidentielle française proposent en cette rentrée et en première lecture d’armer les policiers municipaux. Les maires seraient alors responsables de la « sécurité » de leur territoire en lieu et place de … Lire la suite →

    #Humeurs #économie #fascisme #militarisation #violences


  • #Niger suppresses dissent as US leads influx of foreign armies

    The western presence in one of the most militarised countries in Africa has sparked frustration and fear in locals.

    The demonstration was planned for 4pm on 15 April, a warm Sunday afternoon in the somnolent Nigerien capital. The protesters had two main complaints: rising taxes and the fact that, in recent years, some of the world’s most powerful armies had descended on their country.

    But before the civil society leaders could even get to the march, they were arrested.

    When a group of heavily armed men on motorbikes killed four American special ops soldiers in remote Niger last October, it was the first many had heard of the war the US was helping fight against a local branch of Isis.

    But their involvement in that fight represents only a fraction of the US presence in the west African country, poor but strategically located in the middle of the Sahel, its borders crisscrossed by extremists and traffickers.

    And the 800 US defence personnel in Niger are not alone. They are one of four western armies that have installed themselves in the vast desert landscape, variously flying armed drones, hunting militants, building vast bases, controlling migration and collecting intelligence from the region.

    This is what the April protest was about.

    Ibrahim Diori was arrested at home, and Maïkou Zodi in his car, both charged with participation in a banned demonstration and destruction of public property, even though they were not present. Today, they are in jail awaiting trial, along with colleagues arrested over previous marches.

    The Nigerien government allows foreign powers free rein to build military bases and send soldiers to defend their interests in the region, while suppressing any dissent, according to those civil society leaders not in jail, and key opposition figures.

    “Today there’s terrible repression of those who are against the government line. They put seven of my colleagues in prison because we said no to foreign bases,” said Mariama Bayard, leader of the opposition. She said that the government was “illegitimate” because the main challenger, Hama Amadou, was in jail at the time of the last election, and that it was being propped up by foreigners in the absence of domestic support.

    “Dictatorship is taking hold of this country. The people don’t want the bases. But the Sahel has become an important geo-strategic space for the great powers,” she said.

    According to Bayard, foreign powers do not have permission to build bases in their country.

    “Our constitution says that before a base can be installed, parliament has to accept it. It’s a deal between the government and these foreign powers. It’s illegal, the bases are illegal.”

    With Boko Haram in the south-east, Isis-linked ISGS on the Malian border, and a chaotic Libya to the north, Niger is surrounded by violent extremists.

    As part of its counter-terrorism mission Operation Barkhane, France has 500 soldiers on its base in Niamey, and more on its bases in Madama and Aguelal. Germany has 50 soldiers in Niamey to support the UN peacekeeping force in Mali, and is expanding accommodation to cater for more on the airbase it shares with France. Canadian soldiers come and go.

    Italy has an advance team of 40 soldiers in the country, preparing for the arrival of up to 430 more troops who will “train, advise and assist” local forces to fight illicit trafficking, mostly of migrants. Many of the 640,000 refugees who have arrived in Italy since 2014 came through Niger.

    But it is the US, with its armed drones targeting militants including al-Qaeda leaders in Libya, that has attracted the most attention.
    Niger is the perfect example of the US state of perma-war
    Trevor Timm
    Trevor Timm
    Read more

    The three giant white hangars of Airbase 201, the new US base near the centuries-old city of Agadez, which is costing $100m (£78m) to build, stand on a long stretch of sand that is prone to puddles ; local herders used to take their goats to drink there in rainy season.

    Some of these herders, living a few hundred metres away from the base’s new fences, said they had never met their new neighbours, though they often saw them whizzing past in air-conditioned SUVs, or by night, the shadow of their aircraft crossing the moon.

    “They don’t help us. I’ve always been poor, and I’m still poor,” said Sedefiou Abdou, who had never heard of America until the base came to his neighbourhood. References to Obama, Trump and Coca Cola drew a blank. Then he was played a snippet of a French cover of the wildly popular Latin hit Despacito, and his face finally lit up in recognition. Apart from the airbase, this was the closest America came to penetrating into his corner of the Sahel.

    Abdou had no more need of this knowledge than most Americans do for Niger’s rich and complex culture; the two countries are thousands of miles apart. But his government and theirs were firm friends, as the Nigerien president said in an interview at his palace in Niamey, where former presidents deposed in Niger’s many coups gaze down from their portraits on the building’s high white arches.

    “I don’t like the term ‘foreign forces’ – they’re friendly forces, who will leave as soon as we want them to,” said Mahamadou Issoufou. “They’re here at our request, and once the need for them disappears, they’ll leave.”

    Issoufou recognised that they were also looking after their own interests, however.

    “They’re not just here for us. They do it for themselves. The countries who have sent their armies know that once the Sahel is conquered, the threat will concern them, will concern Europe. It’s a way of preventing that threat from spreading into their territory.”

    Niger is one of the most militarised countries in Africa. The government spends 21% of its small budget on defence, which means there is much less to spend on things like health and education. Hence the need for higher taxes, which the government says do not affect the poor but which have nevertheless sparked fierce opposition.

    Civil society leaders and rights groups say protests against this and any controversial government policies have been “almost systematically denied”, while pro-government marches are allowed. Detained civil society leaders have been spread out in jails across the country, meaning their families struggle to visit and feed them; several were convicted of instigating an unarmed, banned gathering last month, and released having already served their time.

    According to Boulama Hamadou Tcherno, one of the few civil society leaders who was not arrested in the March and April crackdowns, there has been silence from the nations in a position to put pressure on the government.

    “We’re very worried about what will happen in the next few years. Freedom to demonstrate, freedom of religion – even praying to God is forbidden. And all the big democratic powers turn their gaze away.”

    The Guardian put the allegations that America is in effect propping up an illegitimate and repressive government to Thomas Waldhauser, the head of US Africa Command, in an interview at a small American base in Senegal last week.

    “They [Niger] have been a good partner of ours now for many years,” he said.

    He emphasised that there had been “a lot of aid and security force assistance” in recent years and said that was why the US was there, as well as to help the country maintain its borders.

    Speaking more generally about the US presence in Africa, he said US troops were trying to “prevent something from spreading and happening before it actually does”.

    According to opponents of the foreign bases, however, they do not stop terrorists but attract them.

    “We see no results from their presence on the ground; in fact we have the impression that terrorism has increased since they arrived. Are they really here to help our soldiers?” Tcherno asked.

    Bayard agreed. “They are creating the conditions for the Sahel to blow up,” she said. “They say that the bases are here for our security, but the opposite is true.”

    #militarisation #Italie #USA #Etats-Unis #terrorisme #sécurité #Airbase_201

    • Perché in Niger ci sono militari da tutto il mondo

      Il Niger è uno dei paesi più militarizzati dell’Africa. Nell’ottobre del 2017 questo dato è salito all’attenzione di tutti quando quattro soldati delle forze speciali statunitensi e almeno quattro militari nigerini sono rimasti uccisi in un’imboscata. Da allora la presenza militare straniera non ha fatto che intensificarsi. Cosa fanno in Niger tutte queste forze armate? Che interessi hanno? Stanno raggiungendo i loro obiettivi?

      Gli Stati Uniti non sono l’unico paese presente ad avere truppe in Niger: ci sono anche i soldati di Francia, Germania, Canada e Italia.

      Nell’aprile di quest’anno il Niger ha ospitato le esercitazioni militari congiunte Flintlock, che hanno coinvolto 1.900 soldati di una ventina di paesi. L’obiettivo delle esercitazioni, patrocinate dagli Stati Uniti, era rafforzare la collaborazione tra le forze di sicurezza africane per proteggere i civili dalle violenze legate all’estremismo religioso.

      La presenza militare straniera in Niger viene generalmente motivata in tre modi: lottare contro il terrorismo, prevenire le migrazioni degli africani in Europa e proteggere gli investimenti stranieri.

      Il terrorismo nel Sahel
      Nella regione del Sahel, che comprende anche il Niger, sono attivi alcuni gruppi estremisti islamici e per questo l’area è considerata la “nuova frontiera” delle operazioni della lotta globale al terrorismo. Oltre al Niger, gli Stati Uniti hanno una presenza militare in Mauritania, in Senegal, in Mali, in Burkina Faso, in Nigeria e in Ciad. Per quanto ne sappiamo, solo il Sudan e l’Eritrea non ospitano truppe statunitensi. Nel Sahel operano inoltre “attori esterni di secondo piano”, tra cui le forze armate dell’Unione europea, di Israele, della Colombia e del Giappone.

      Il coinvolgimento statunitense nel Sahel risale ai tempi della guerra al terrorismo lanciata da Washington dopo gli attentati dell’11 settembre 2001. Nel 2003 gli Stati Uniti crearono la Pan Sahel initiative, coinvolgendo il Ciad, il Mali, la Mauritania e il Niger nell’addestramento di unità dell’esercito specializzate nel contrastare le minacce terroristiche e la diffusione del radicalismo. Nel 2004 l’iniziativa è stata sostituita dalla Trans-Sahara counterterrorism partnership, un’alleanza più ampia che comprende anche l’Algeria, il Burkina Faso, il Camerun, il Marocco, la Nigeria, il Senegal e la Tunisia.

      Nel 2014 i capi di stato di Burkina Faso, Mali, Mauritania, Niger e Ciad hanno firmato una convenzione per istituire il G5 Sahel, con l’obiettivo di garantire “sviluppo e sicurezza per migliorare la qualità della vita della gente”. Nel 2017 gli stessi capi di stato hanno dato vita alla forza congiunta del G5 Sahel, con il benestare dell’Unione africana e delle Nazioni Unite. Lo scopo di questa forza armata, il cui presidente di turno è il nigerino Mahamadou Issoufou, è più ampio rispetto a quello di altre operazioni in corso nella regione: oltre a migliorare la sicurezza lungo i confini condivisi, i suoi uomini devono anche promuovere la cosiddetta soft security (”sicurezza morbida”, cioè quelle misure – anche di natura preventiva – che servono a riportare la stabilità e un senso di normalità nelle aree colpite da conflitti).

      Gli Stati Uniti hanno fornito supporto militare a ognuno degli stati del G5 Sahel e hanno promesso 60 milioni di dollari di aiuti bilaterali all’iniziativa.

      Il Niger è circondato da paesi che sono focolai di instabilità

      Il Niger si trova nel centro del Sahel. Purtroppo per i suoi abitanti, è circondato da paesi che sono focolai di instabilità. Storicamente il Niger è sempre stato la porta d’accesso al Nordafrica per i migranti originari dell’Africa subsahariana e negli ultimi anni è diventato uno dei più importanti paesi di transito per chi va in cerca di opportunità in Europa. È per questo che paesi come l’Italia hanno inviato le loro truppe in Niger, con l’obiettivo di fermare i migranti.

      Le forze armate straniere in Niger addestrano soldati africani, fanno volare droni, costruiscono basi, compiono incursioni oltre frontiera e raccolgono informazioni. Queste attività sono finalizzate alla lotta al terrorismo e al controllo dei flussi migratori. Tuttavia l’Africa è considerata anche uno dei mercati dalle potenzialità maggiori, cosa che spiega l’espansione dei rapporti economici e commerciali, e questa può essere un’ulteriore motivazione per la presenza militare straniera sempre più diversificata in Niger e, più in generale, nella regione.

      Dal canto suo, il governo di Niamey ha accolto a braccia aperte le truppe straniere. Il presidente Issoufou è felice di sostenere gli interessi di Washington nella regione finché gli Stati Uniti saranno disposti a sostenere il suo governo e ad addestrare le sue forze armate. Con l’aiuto statunitense Issoufou pensa di poter mantenere la promessa fatta in campagna elettorale di “sconfiggere i militanti estremisti islamici”.

      I rapporti amichevoli tra Niger e Stati Uniti assumono un significato particolare anche alla luce delle tensioni tra Washington e il Ciad, vicino del Niger. Alla fine del 2017 il presidente statunitense Donald Trump aveva inserito il Ciad nella
      lista di paesi colpiti dal divieto di viaggiare negli Stati Uniti, una mossa che ha stupito molti esperti di politica estera e ha evidentemente suscitato le ire del governo ciadiano. In seguito il divieto è stato abolito.

      Conseguenze indesiderate
      La presenza di forze militari straniere in Niger ha davvero permesso di contrastare il terrorismo e i flussi migratori? A che prezzo? Ci sono state ricadute impreviste e potenzialmente dannose? Alcuni sostengono che la presenza delle truppe straniere abbia avuto conseguenze negative sulla politica interna del Niger e che abbia favorito l’affermazione di un clima politico sempre più oppressivo.

      Alcuni rappresentanti della società civile e i leader dell’opposizione politica denunciano la costruzione di nuove basi militari straniere, denunciando delle violazioni della costituzione. Secondo loro, la presenza militare straniera e la centralità attribuita al tema della sicurezza sono strumenti che servono a rafforzare un governo che non ha più sostegno interno. Le elezioni nigerine del 2016, in cui Issoufou ha conquistato un secondo mandato, pare siano state “caratterizzate da gravi irregolarità”.

      La corsa alla militarizzazione del Niger desta ancora più preoccupazione in un paese dove le forze armate sono considerate “un’organizzazione profondamente politicizzata” e ostile al controllo delle autorità civili. Un esercito del genere potrebbe rivelarsi utile a un presidente che desideri consolidare il suo potere al di là di quanto concesso dagli strumenti democratici.

      Nel febbraio di quest’anno i nigerini sono scesi in piazza scandendo slogan come: “Eserciti francesi, americani e tedeschi, andate via!”. Issoufou ha risposto bloccando altre manifestazioni simili nel mese di marzo. Ha difeso la misura affermando l’importanza di uno stato “democratico, ma forte”.

      Non è ancora chiaro cosa succederà in futuro, soprattutto se – come rivela un articolo del New York Times – Washington starebbe valutando se ritirare la maggior parte delle truppe. Per chi si oppone alla presenza militare straniera in Niger non sarà mai troppo presto.

      (Traduzione di Giusy Muzzopappa)

      Da sapere

      Nel gennaio del 2018 è stata approvata dal parlamento italiano una missione militare in Niger (Misin), che dovrebbe occuparsi di addestramento e supporto dell’esercito nigerino nel contrasto di traffici illegali. I primi quaranta soldati italiani arrivati a marzo sono però rimasti accampati in una base statunitense a poche centinaia di metri dall’aeroporto di Niamey, senza avere ancora ricevuto il via libera dalle autorità del paese per operare. Il 20 settembre è stato reso noto da alcune agenzie di stampa, non smentite dal ministero, che il contingente è stato sbloccato e che entro novembre partiranno altri trenta militari italiani.
      Nella notte tra il 17 e il 18 settembre in Niger un gruppo armato ha rapito il religioso italiano Pierluigi Maccalli, della Società delle missioni africane (Sma). Il sequestro è stato inizialmente attribuito a miliziani jihadisti provenienti da oltre frontiera, ma potrebbe anche essere opera di gruppi peul radicalizzati, precisa un missionario della Sma.


    • La mission militaire italienne au Niger débute finalement

      La mission militaire italienne au Niger, visant à aider les autorités locales à contrôler les flux migratoires, va finalement débuter, huit mois après avoir été votée par le Parlement italien, a annoncé jeudi la ministre de la Défense Elisabetta Trenta.

      « Après huit mois d’impasse, nous avons débloqué la mission au Niger pour le contrôle des flux migratoires », a écrit Mme Trenta sur Facebook, sans préciser ce qui avait bloqué, puis débloqué, la situation.

      « L’Italie interviendra en soutien du gouvernement nigérien et assistera les autorités locales à travers des unités chargées de la formation (...) des forces nigériennes pour renforcer le contrôle du territoire », a poursuivi Mme Trenta sans préciser la date du début de cette mission.

      « Concrètement, l’objectif est de lutter, ensemble, contre la traite d’êtres humains et le trafic des migrants qui traversent le pays et se dirigent vers la Libye pour finalement s’embarquer en direction de nos côtes », a-t-elle ajouté.

      L’ancien chef du gouvernement italien, Paolo Gentiloni (centre gauche), avait annoncé l’envoi de cette mission lors du G5 Sahel (Mali, Tchad, Burkina Faso, Niger, Mauritanie) qui s’était tenu mi-décembre 2017 à la Celle-Saint-Cloud, près de Paris.

      Selon M. Gentiloni, il s’agissait de répondre à une demande des autorités locales, même si ces dernières avaient alors démenti avoir formulé une requête de ce type.

      En janvier, les députés italiens avaient entériné l’envoi de cette mission militaire au Niger, un pays d’origine mais surtout de transit pour les migrants souhaitant se rendre en Europe.

      La ministre de la Défense de l’époque, Roberta Pinotti, avait expliqué que cette mission devait compter dans un premier temps 120 militaires, avant de monter progressivement à 470.


  • Tschechien will sich den in Polen lauter werdenden Forderungen nach...

    Tschechien will sich den in Polen lauter werdenden Forderungen nach deutschen Kriegsreparationen nicht anschließen. Das stellte Staatschef Zeman nach einem Treffen mit Bundespräsident Steinmeier in Berlin klar. Zeman hält Reparationsfrage für erledigt | DW | 21.09.2018 #Tschechien #MilosZeman #Frank-WalterSteinmeier #Reparationen #Kriegsreparationen #Reparationszahlungen #Migration #Asylbewerber #AfD #Benes-Dekrete

  • Human #Trafficking-Smuggling_Nexus in Libya

    Probably nowhere more than in Libya have the definitional lines between migrant smuggling and human trafficking become as blurred or contested. Hundreds of thousands of migrants have left Libya’s shores in the hope of a new life in Europe; tens of thousands have died in the process.

    The inhumane conditions migrants face in Libya are well documented. The levels of brutality and exploitation they experience in Libya’s turbulent transitional environment have led to smuggling and trafficking groups being bundled under one catch-all heading by authorities and policymakers, and targeted as the root cause of the migration phenomenon. In many respects, this would appear to conveniently serve the interests of EU leaders and governments, who choose to disguise the anti-migration drive they urgently seek support for behind a policy of cracking down on both trafficking and smuggling rings, which they conflate as a common enemy, and one and the same.

    Given the highly complex context of Libya, this report proposes instead that any intervention to address the so-called migrant crisis should place the human rights of migrants at its centre, as opposed to necessarily demonizing smugglers, who are often the migrants’ gatekeepers to a better existence elsewhere.

    #Libye #trafiquants #smugglers #passeurs #asile #migrations #réfugiés #milices #visualisation

    Pour télécharger le #rapport :

    cc @reka @isskein

  • Be careful with each other
    Rushdia Mehreen et David Gray-Donald, Briarpatch, le 29 août 2018

    We all know of an activist group that brands itself as “non-hierarchical” but is riddled with unspoken and insidious hierarchies. When some activists organize without sleeping for days or can dedicate all their time to organizing, it puts pressure on other members to match their standards of productivity and output. Those who contribute at extreme levels often gain more knowledge of the group’s goings-on, build more social capital, and claim more decision-making power. The invisible hierarchies that are created are hard to name and harder to dismantle.

    This dynamic calls for feminist and anti-capitalist ethics of care: focusing on and acknowledging effort and impact rather than performance or outcome; encouraging interdependence through shared and rotating tasks; and affirming and supporting members regardless of their level of output.

    We don’t need to be friends to be comrades
    David Camfield, Briarpatch, le 17 septembre 2018

    Many people burn out or stop being active (these aren’t the same, though lots of burned out people do stop being active) because of mistakes in their political outlook. Some of us don’t realize we need to pace ourselves for the long haul. We may overestimate what relatively small groups can accomplish, or how likely they are to win victories. When we don’t see victories, sometimes we decide we just have to try harder. Or we start to blame each other. These mistakes are connected to weaknesses in our politics and how we understand the ground on which we fight.

    Caring About Thriving
    Convergence Journal, février 2017

    #Militantisme #Hiérarchie #Care #Efficacité #Domination #Solutions #Amitié #Burn_out

  • Déjouer le silence. Contre-discours sur les femmes haïtiennes

    Le #mouvement_féministe haïtien vient de célébrer ses 100 ans : occasion idéale pour réfléchir à la réalité des Haïtiennes, tout en y intégrant des courants de pensée européens, américains et panafricains. Ce livre est construit sur le constat qu’Haïti et la #Caraïbe ne peuvent faire l’économie de nouvelles pistes de réflexion dans un contexte où la situation des femmes ne cesse de se dégrader et où les #acquis_féministes sont constamment remis en question ou disqualifiés.

    Les recherches sur le genre et la pensée féministe produiront ainsi de meilleures analyses sur la situation de celles qui, dans l’#imaginaire_collectif, sont encore perçues à la fois comme garantes du bien-être des autres et citoyennes de seconde zone. Il en résulte un récit articulé sur une variété de sujets qui élabore un discours endogène remplaçant, nous l’espérons, les récits étrangers trop souvent stéréotypés.


    #Haïti #femmes #Etat_faible #décolonialité #post-colonialisme #féminisme #droits_des_femmes #avortement #genre #humanitaire #misérabilisme #victimisation #livre #militantisme #anti-féminisme #stéréotypes

    J’ai eu la chance d’écouter une des éditrices du livre, et leur démarche est passionnante... elles ont fait un super bon travail !

  • Map-archive of Europe’s migrant spaces

    The project of an interactive map-archive of ‘migrant spaces’ of transit, border enforcement and refuge across Europe stems from a workshop organised in London in November 2016 by researchers working on migration and based in different European countries.

    The goal of this collective project, is to bring to the fore the existence and the stories of ephemeral spaces of containment, transit, and struggle, that are the outcome of border enforcement politics and of their spatial effects, as well as of their impact on migrant lives.
    What we want to represent

    We do not represent on the map official detention centres or reception camps, but rather unofficial (but visible) spaces that have been produced as an effect of migration and border policies as well as of migrants’ practices of movement. Some well-known examples are the Jungle of Calais, or the Hellenic’s airport in Athens, which represent the output of the relation between the border enforcement policies with the autonomous movements of migrant subjects across Europe. Moreover, spaces of transit like the rail station of Milan will be represented, which have then become places of containment – such as Ventimiglia, Como, and the Brenner after the suspension of Schengen in such border areas. Several structures have been build in such transit knots, being characterized by their humanitarian element that intertwine the dimension of control with that of help and care. Finally, some of these places are zones inside European cities that have played the twofold role of spaces-refuge and area

    controlled by the police, and then have been evicted as dwelling places where migrants found a temporary place to stay – like Lycée Jean-Quarré in Paris, La Chapelle. Others are self-managed places, like Refugee City Plaza Hotel, or square and public spaces that had been sites of migrant struggles for some time – as Orianenplatz in Berlin.
    The three dimensions

    The complexity of the processes that get intertwined in these places can be represented through three dimensions that we aimed to represent, although they cannot be exhaustively of the complexity of this phenomenon.

    Border enforcement/ border control: by border control we understand all the operations, measures and actions put into place by the police for enhancing national borders and obstructing migrants’ movements and presence.

    Humanitarian enforcement: by humanitarian enforcement we understand all the operation/action and structures deployed by those humanitarian actors involved in managing migrants. Being ‘humanitarianism’ a blurry and contested category, we understand it as a continuum with the two endpoints of humanitarian control and humanitarian support. The first endpoint refers to all these actions, operations and structures that aim to control migrants and contain their mobilities. The second endpoint refers to all these actions, operation and structures that aim to support migrants and their movements avoiding deploying control measures.

    Migrant struggles: by ‘struggles’ we understand both self-organized struggles with a declared political claim, and everyday struggles such as the transits mobilities and the ‘everyday resistance’ (Scott, 1985) practices collectively enacted by migrants, that can be visible or remaining under the threshold of visibility.
    Temporality and spatiality

    A crucial feature of this map is the focus on temporality rather than spatiality. Indeed, this map cis an archive of those fleeting and ephemeral spaces that do no longer exist and that have changed their function over time, as frontiers or as spaces of refuge and struggle. The focus on temporality allows us to go beyond the mainstream representations of migrants routes offered by those official actors managing migration such as Fontex, European Union, IOM and the UNHCR.

    We do not want to represent those informal places that are still existing in order to avoid shedding more light on them that could bring some problem to the people dwelling and transiting through those places. The idea of archive is related to that ethical/political topic: we do not want to trace the still existing place where people are struggling, but rather we aim to keep a record and a memory of such ephemeral spaces that do not exist any-more but nevertheless have contributed to the production of a Europe not represented in the mainstream debate. Therefore, we represent only those places still existing where the border and humanitarian enforcement come to the fore, in order to keep an ongoing monitoring gaze.
    The aim

    The aims of this map-archive are: a) to keep memory of these spaces that have been visible and have been the effect of border enforcement policies but that then had been evicted, or ‘disappeared’ ; b) to produce a new map of Europe, that is a map formed by these spaces of transit, containment, and refuge, as result of politics of border enforcement and of migration movements; c) to shed light on the temporality of migration as a crucial dimension through which understand and interpret the complexity of social processes related to migration towards and within Europe and the consequent border enforcement.

    To be continued

    Since Europe externalizes its borders beyond its geopolitical frontiers, we would like to add also spaces of transit and containment that are located in the so called ‘third countries’ – for instance, in Tunisia, Turkey and Morocco – as the map wants also to represent a different image of the borders of Europe, looking also at sites that are the effects of EU borders externalisation politics.

    #cartographie #cartographie_radicale #cartographie_critique #frontières #frontière_sud-alpine #visualisation #migrations #asile #réfugiés #conflits #contrôle_humanitaire #militarisation_des_frontières #Europe

    On peut faire un zoom sur la #frontière_sud-alpine :

    #Vintimille #Côme #Brenner #Briançon #Menton

    cc @reka

    • Migration: new map of Europe reveals real frontiers for refugees

      Since the EU declared a “refugee crisis” in 2015 that was followed by an unprecedented number of deaths in the Mediterranean, maps explaining the routes of migrants to and within Europe have been used widely in newspapers and social media.

      Some of these maps came out of refugee projects, while others are produced by global organisations, NGOs and agencies such as Frontex, the European Border and Coastguard Agency, and the International Organisation for Migration’s project, Missing Migrants. The Balkan route, for example, shows the trail along which hundred of thousands of Syrian refugees trekked after their towns and cities were reduced to rubble in the civil war.

      However, migration maps tend to produce an image of Europe being “invaded” and overwhelmed by desperate women, men and children in search of asylum. At the same time, migrants’ journeys are represented as fundamentally linear, going from a point A to a point B. But what about the places where migrants have remained stranded for a long time, due to the closure of national borders and the suspension of the Schengen Agreement, which establishes people’s free internal movement in Europe? What memories and impressions remain in the memory of the European citizens of migrants’ passage and presence in their cities? And how is this most recent history of migration in Europe being recorded?

      Time and memory

      Our collective project, a map archive of Europe’s migrant spaces, engages with with these questions by representing border zones in Europe – places that have functioned as frontiers for fleeing migrants. Some of these border zones, such as Calais, have a long history, while other places have become effective borders for migrants in transit more recently, such as Como in Italy and Menton in France. The result of a collaborative work by researchers in the UK, Greece, Germany, Italy and the US, the project records memories of places in Europe where migrants remained in limbo for a long time, were confronted with violence, or found humanitarian aid, as well as marking sites of organised migrant protest.

      All the cities and places represented in this map archive have over time become frontiers and hostile environments for migrants in transit. Take for instance the Italian city of Ventimiglia on the French-Italian border. This became a frontier for migrants heading to France in 2011, when the French government suspended Schengen to deter the passage of migrants who had landed in Lampedusa in Italy in the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution in 2011.

      Four years later in 2015, after border controls were loosened, Ventimiglia again became a difficult border to cross, when France suspended Schengen for the second time. But far from being just a place where migrants were stranded and forced to go back, our map archive shows that Ventimiglia also became an important place of collective migrant protest.

      Images of migrants on the cliffs holding banners saying “We are not going back” circulated widely in 2015 and became a powerful slogan for other migrant groups across Europe. The most innovative aspect of our map-archive consists in bringing the context of time, showing the transformations of spaces over time into a map about migration that explains the history of border zones over the last decade and how they proliferated across Europe. Every place represented – Paris, Calais, Rome, Lesbos, Kos, and Athens, for example – has been transformed over the years by migrants’ presence.
      Which Europe?

      This archive project visualises these European sites in a way that differs from the conventional geopolitical map: instead of highlighting national frontiers and cities, it foregrounds places that have been actual borders for migrants in transit and which became sites of protest and struggle. In this way the map archive produces another image of Europe, as a space that has been shaped by the presence migrants – the border violence, confinement and their struggle to advance.

      The geopolitical map of Europe is transformed into Europe’s migrant spaces – that is, Europe as it is experienced by migrants and shaped by their presence. So another picture of Europe emerges: a space where migrants’ struggle to stay has contributed to the political history of the continent. In this Europe migrants are subjected to legal restrictions and human rights violations, but at the same time they open up spaces for living, creating community and as a backdrop for their collective struggles.

      It is also where they find solidarity with European citizens who have sympathy with their plight. These border zones highlighted by our map have been characterised by alliances between citizens and migrants in transit, where voluntary groups have set up to provide food, shelter and services such as medical and legal support.

      So how does this map engage with debate on the “migrant crisis” and the “refugee crisis” in Europe? By imposing a time structure and retracing the history of these ephemeral border zone spaces of struggle, it upends the image of migrants’ presence as something exceptional, as a crisis. The map gives an account of how European cities and border zones have been transformed over time by migrants’ presence.

      By providing the history of border zones and recording memories of citizens’ solidarity with migrants in these places, this map dissipates the hardline view of migrants as invaders, intruders and parasites – in other words, as a threat. This way, migrants appear as part of Europe’s unfolding history. Their struggle to stay is now becoming part of Europe’s history.

      But the increasing criminalisation of migrant solidarity in Europe is telling of how such collaboration disturbs state policies on containing migrants. This map-archive helps to erode the image of migrants as faceless masses and unruly mobs, bringing to the fore the spaces they create to live and commune in, embraced by ordinary European citizens who defy the politics of control and the violent borders enacted by their states.

      via @isskein

  • Deutschland, der verbotene Angriffskrieg und die « Schutzverantwortung » | Telepolis

    Il y a des fois qu’on peut faire confiance aux politiciens. En 2014 le président allemand Gauck déclare que le pays se prépare à entrer dans de nouvelles guerres. Ce n’étaient pas de vaines paroles. Heureusement qu’on a #seenthis pour en conserver la preuve.


    Actuellement les choses se précisent. On bombardera la Syrie. (M’enfin on très, très envie de le faire.) Cet article dans Telepolis en explique l’histoire et le contexte.

    Die deutsche Verteidigungsministerin von der Leyen erwägt einen Kampfeinsatz gegen Syrien, sollte „das Regime“ Giftgas einsetzen

    Artikel 26 Abs. 1 des Grundgesetzes verbietet die Vorbereitung eines Angriffskrieges. Der Konsens in der Gesellschaft nach dem 2. Weltkrieg lautete: Von deutschem Boden soll kein Krieg mehr ausgehen. Trotzdem hat sich Deutschland unter anderem nicht nur am Angriffskrieg gegen Jugoslawien, sondern auch unterstützend an den Kriegen gegen den Irak und nun gegen Syrien mit Aufklärungsflügen beteiligt. Inzwischen wurde der §80 StGB, der ein Strafmaß im Fall der Verletzung dieses Grundgesetzartikels vorsieht, gestrichen und durch eine „Harmonisierung mit EU Recht“ ersetzt (§ 80 StGB „Vorbereitung eines Angriffskriegs“ ist seit 1. Januar 2017 gestrichen). Mit anderen Worten ersatzlos gestrichen.

    Nun hören wir aus dem Verteidigungsministerium, dass man dort einen Kampfeinsatz gegen Syrien erwägt, sollte „das Regime“ Giftgas einsetzen. Damit ist genau das Szenario eingetreten, das ich bereits 2015 in einer Anzeige beim Generalbundesanwalt beschrieb, was dieser aber nicht akzeptieren wollte. Besonders empörend ist diese „Überlegung“, weil sich der Wissenschaftliche Dienst des Bundestages im Jahr 2018 meiner Auffassung, die ich in verschiedenen Artikeln darlegte (Deutsche Soldaten im illegalen Krieg gegen Syrien), anschloss. Dass nämlich die Anwesenheit der USA in Syrien und damit auch die Aktivitäten Deutschlands rechtswidrig sind, gegen das Völkerrecht verstoßen.

    Diese Unverfrorenheit, mit der sich das deutsche Politik-Establishment über Grundgesetz und Völkerrecht hinweg setzt, lässt schlimmste Befürchtungen aufkommen. Natürlich wird man wieder den „übergesetzlichen Notstand“ erklären, sich auf „R2P“ oder „Schutzverantwortung“ (Responsibility to Protect) berufen, die Legitimation eines Völkerrechtsbruch, den westliche Länder in neokolonialer Überzeugung seit einigen Jahrzehnten verzweifelt versuchen zur Rechtsnorm werden zu lassen.

    #Allemagne #militarisme #impérialisme #guerre

  • Before the Trump Era, the “Wall” Made In Arizona as Political Performance

    “Trump’s Wall” illustrates the US obsession with ever-greater militarization of the Mexican border, independently of the actual numbers of unauthorized crossings. Yet these debates began revolving around the slogan “Build The Wall” long before the rise of Trump. Between 2010 and 2013, the activities of a coalition of activists, politicians and Arizona security experts had already legitimized recourse to a “wall”. Border-security debates thus concern more than mere control of border crossings. More crucially, they structure local and national political life in accordance with the interests and agendas of the political players whom they bring together.

    The Governors of California and Arizona reacted unevenly to President Trump’s announcement on April 4th, 2018, that National Guard soldiers were to be sent to the Mexican border1 to reinforce the Border Patrol and local police. Doug Ducey, Republican Governor of Arizona, displayed his enthusiasm: “I’m grateful today to have a federal administration that is finally taking action to secure the border for the safety of all Americans” 2. Jerry Brown, Democrat Governor of California, was more circumspect. He insisted upon the limits of such a measure: “”This will not be a mission to build a new wall […] It will not be a mission to round up women and children or detain people escaping violence and seeking a better life. […] Here are the facts: There is no massive wave of migrants pouring into California3”. These contrasting reactions illustrate the US rift over migration and border-security issues. To the anti-migrant camp, the border is insufficiently secured, and is subject to an “invasion4”. For opponents of the border’s militarization, this deployment is futile.

    On the anti-migrant side, between 2010 and 2013, Republican state congressmen in Arizona set up a unified Committee to gather all the political players who demanded of President Obama that he increases militarization of the border5. This included Sheriffs and Arizona State ministers—but also a breeders’ organization, the border Chambers of Commerce, militiamen who patrol the desert, and Tea Party groups. In May 2011, this Committee launched a fundraising drive dubbed “Build the Border Fence”. They portrayed cross-border migration as a threat to the public, consecrated the “Fence” as a legitimate security tool, and, seeking to force the hand of the Federal Government, accused it of failing in its duty to protect. Examining this mobilization prior to Trump’s election enables illustrating how militarization and the debates around it came to acquire legitimacy—and therefore to shed light on its current crystallization around the rhetoric of the “Wall”. This article will, first, briefly describe stages in the performative militarization of the border within which this political mobilization is embedded. It then presents three stages in the legitimization of the “Wall”, drawing on pro-“Border Wall” activism in Arizona.

    #Militarization by One-Upmanship

    Parsing differences over migration debates in the United States requires situating them within the framework of the long-term political performance of militarization of the border. The process whereby the border with Mexico has become militarized has gone hand in hand with the criminalization of unauthorized immigration since the 1980s-6. In the border area, militarization is displayed through the deployment of technology and surveillance routines of transborder mobility, both by security professionals and by citizen vigilantes7. The construction of “fences”8 made the borderline visible and contributed to this policy of militarization. The Trump administration is banking on these high-profile moments of wall-construction. In doing so, it follows in the footsteps of the G.W.Bush administration through the 2006 Secure Fence Act, and California Republicans in the 1990s. This is even while the numbers of unauthorized crossings are at historically low levels9, and federal agencies’ efforts are more directed towards chasing down migrants within the US. At various stages in the development of this policy, different players, ranging from federal elected officials through members of civil society to the security sector, local elected officials and residents, have staged themselves against the backdrop of the territory that had been fenced against the “invaders”. They thereby invest the political space concerned with closing this territory,against political opponents who are considered to be in favor of its remaining open, and of welcoming migrants. The latter range from players in transborder trade to religious humanitarian and migrant rights NGOs. Border security is therefore at the core of the political and media project of portraying immigration in problematic and warlike terms. Beyond controlling migrants, the issue above all orbits around reassuring the citizenry and various political players positioning themselves within society-structuring debates.
    Why Demand “Fences”?

    First and foremost, Arizona’s pro-fence players package transborder mobility as a variety of forms of violence, deriving from interpretation, speculation and—to reprise their terms—fantasies of “invasion”. In their rhetoric, the violence in Mexico has crossed the border. This spillover thesis is based on the experience of ranchers of the Cochise County on the border, who have faced property degradations since the end of the 1990s as a result of migrants and smugglers crossing their lands. In January 2013, the representative of the Arizona Cattlemen Association struck an alarmist tone: “Our people are on the frontline and the rural areas of our border are unsecured10”. The murder of an Association member in March 2010 was cited as evidence, swiftly attributed to what was dubbed an “illegal alien11”.

    “Border security also reflects domestic political stakes.”

    Based on their personal experiences of border migration, the pro-fence camp has taken up a common discursive register concerning the national stakes tied to such mobility. As Republican State Senator Gail Griffin explains, they express a desire to restore public order over the national territory, against the “chaos” provoked by these violent intrusions:

    “People in larger communities away from the border don’t see it as we do on the border but the drugs that are coming in though my backyard are ending up in everybody’s community in the State of Arizona and in this country. So it’s just not a local issue, or a county issue or a state issue, it’s a national issue 12.”

    In their view, the threat is as much to public order as it is to national identity. These fears denote a preoccupation with the Hispanization of society and cultural shifts affecting a nation that they define as being “Anglo-Saxon”. When the Build the Border Fence fundraising drive was launched on July 27, 2011, for example, Representative Steve Smith pronounced himself “horrified” by a development that he called “Press 2 for Spanish” in telephone calls. He also condemned the lack of integration on the part of Mexican migrants:

    “If you don’t like this country with you, you wanna bring your language with you, your gangfare with you, stay where you were! Or face the consequences. But don’t make me change because you don’t want to13.”

    Finally, border security also reflects domestic political stakes. It is a variable in the political balance of power with the federal government to influence decisions on immigration policy. Arizona elected representatives condemn the federal government’s inefficiency and lay claim to migration decision-making powers at the state-level. The “fence” is also portrayed a being a common sense “popular” project against reticent decision-making elites.
    “Fences”—or Virtual Surveillance?

    Control of the border is already disconnected from the border territory itself, and virtual and tactical technologies are prioritized in order to manage entry to the US. “Fences” appear archaic compared to new surveillance technologies that enable remote control. In the 2000s, the “virtualization” of border control was favored by the Bush and Obama administrations. Since 2001-2002, it has been embedded in the strategic concept of “Smart Borders” within the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This aims to filter authorized migration through programs that grant expedited- and preregistered-entry to US ports of entry, and through the generalization of biometric technologies. This strategy also rests upon integrating leading-edge technologies, such as the Secure Border Initiative (SBI) program that was in place from 2006 to 2011. At the time, the border area (including South-West Arizona) acquired watchtowers equipped with cameras and radar. Fences are, moreover, costly—and the financial and human costs of the construction, guarding and upkeep of these fences raise doubts over the benefits of such infrastructure. These doubts are expressed at security-technology fairs, where security professionals and industrialists gather14. There, the “fence” is ultimately understood as being a marginal control technology.

    Regardless, pro-fence activism in Arizona grants a key role to those military and police who help legitimate the recourse to “fences”. In particular, they draw on such models of securitization as the California border, that has been gradually been sealed since 1991, as well as, since 2006-07, the triple-barrier of Yuma, in South-West Arizona. Sheriff Paul Babeu, an ex-military National Guardsman who erected the “fences” in Yuma, assesses that they provide a tactical bonus for Border Patrol agents in smuggling centers, urban areas and flatlands15. Mainly, Arizona security professionals articulate their defense of the “fence” within the pursuit of personal political agendas, such as Republican sheriffs who are both security and political professionals.

    Attacking the Federal Government for Failure to Protect

    The spread of the pro-fence narrative largely rests upon widely-covered events designed to symbolize the process of militarization and to call for federal intervention. The materiality of “fences” elicits easy media coverage. The pro-fence camp are well aware of this, and regularly stage this materiality. During such public events as the 4thof July national holiday, they erect fake wooden fences on which they encourage participants to write “Secure the Border”. These pro-fence political players also seek out media coverage for their public statements.

    “Republicans consecrate Arizona as their laboratory for immigration and border security policy.”

    Such media as Fox News follow their activities to the extent of turning pro-fence events into a regular series. On August 25, 2011, on the Fox News program On The Record, presenter Greta Van Susteren invited Republican Representative Steve Smith and publicized the fundraising drive using visuals drawn from the initiative’s website 16. The presenter framed the interview by gauging that Arizona parliamentarians had “got a grip on things to get the White House’s attention”. At no point was Steve Smith really challenged on the true cost of the fence, nor on opposition to the project. This co-production between the channel’s conservative editorial line and the pro-fence narrative enables the border area to be presented as a warzone, and amplifies the critique of the federal government.

    This staging of the debate complements lobbying to set up direct contact with federal decision-makers, as well as legal actions to pressure them. Pro-barrier activists in Arizona thus set out plans to secure the border, which they try to spread among Arizona authorities and federal elected officials-17. Sheriff Paul Babeu, for instance, took part in consultations on border security conducted by Senator John McCain and Presidential candidate Mitt Romney. By passing repressive immigration laws and mobilizing Arizona legal advisors to defend these laws when they are challenged in court, Republicans consecrate Arizona as their laboratory for immigration and border security policy.
    Twists and Turns of “Build The Wall”

    Portraying transborder mobility as a “problem” on the local and, especially, the national levels; Legitimizing a security-based response by promoting the “fence” as only solution; And accusing the federal government of failing to protect its citizens. These are the three pillars of “The Fence”, the performance by pro-fence activists in the early 2010s. These moves have enabled making militarization of the border and the “Build The Wall” trope banal. Its elements are present in the current state of the discourse, when Donald Trump resorts to aggressive rhetoric towards migrants, touts his “Wall” as the solution, and stages photo-ops alongside prototypes of the wall—and when he accuses both Congress and California of refusing to secure the border. The issue here has little to do with the undocumented, or with the variables governing Central American migration. It has far more to do with point-scoring against political opponents, and with political positioning within debates that cleave US society.

    #performance #performance_politique #spectacle #murs #barrières #barrières_frontalières #USA #Etats-Unis #Arizona #surveillance #surveillance_virtuelle #sécurité

    signalé par @reka

  • Nord #Cauca (Colombie): la police assassine Fredy Julian

    Communiqué du Mouvement de Libération de la « Terre Mère », Vallée nord du Cauca, municipalité de Caloto. Ce jeudi 23 août 2018, encore une fois en toute impunité et dans le silence médiatique total, Fredy Julian, un jeune #Nasa de Vista Hermosa a été assassiné pour avoir « libéré la terre mère ». Ce serait le huitième mort […]

    #actions_directes #Amériques #Colombie #émeutes #La_Albania #militaires #ouverture #potager

  • A military technique for falling asleep in two minutes (https://www...

    A military technique for falling asleep in two minutes

    It was developed to ensure soldiers stayed alert and didn’t make mistakes due to tiredness Article word count: 484

    HN Discussion: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=17905574 Posted by pmoriarty (karma: 27785) Post stats: Points: 113 - Comments: 48 - 2018-09-03T23:44:15Z

    #HackerNews #asleep #falling #for #military #minutes #technique #two

    Article content:

    While some people manage to nod off as soon as their head hits the pillow at night, others toss and turn all night as they struggle to drift off. 

    If you’re used to lying in bed awake at night, brain whirring at a million miles an hour, unable to get the sweet, sweet slumber you crave, then good news.

    A secret military technique that is said to help anyone fall (...)

  • L’armée américaine développe un drone capable de voler éternellement

    L’armée américaine travaille à la mise au point d’un drone potentiellement capable de voler sans jamais atterrir, grâce à une alimentation énergétique à distance par faisceau laser. Mise en parallèle avec le blocage des discussions internationales sur l’encadrement des armes létales autonomes, la nouvelle a de quoi inquiéter les adversaires des « robots tueurs ». Ça va vraiment devenir compliquer de refermer la boîte de Pandore. Surtout si le mal qu’elle contenait peut voler éternellement… En août 2017, (...)

    #Defense_Advanced_Research_Projects_Agency_(DARPA) #drone #USDepartmentOfDefense #militarisation #aérien #surveillance (...)

    ##Defense_Advanced_Research_Projects_Agency__DARPA_ ##vidéo-surveillance

  • al-Walaja (Palestine) : la police aux frontières israélienne détruit quatre maisons « illégales »

    Le gouvernement israélien continue sa politique de démolition de maisons palestiniennes. Lundi 3 septembre 2018, dans le village palestinien d’al-Walaja, situé en Cisjordanie, entre Jérusalem et Bethléem, la police aux frontières israélienne a démoli quatre maisons qui auraient été bâties sans permis de construire. Suite à cette intervention militaire, une quarantaine de personnes se retrouvent […]

    #émeutes #expulsion #militaires #Moyen-Orient #Palestine/Israël

  • Brasilien: Großbrand zerstört Nationalmuseum in Rio de Janeiro (htt...

    Brasilien: Großbrand zerstört Nationalmuseum in Rio de Janeiro

    Millionen Artefakte aus der Geschichte Brasiliens sind verloren: Das Nationalmuseum des Landes ist durch Flammen verwüstet. Pannen erschwerten die Arbeit der Feuerwehr.

    #nationalmuseum #zeitgeschehen #brasilien #großbrand #rio #janeiro #millionen #artefakte #geschichte #landes #flammen #pannen #arbeit #news #bot #rss

  • Military robots are getting smaller and more capable (https://www.e...

    Military robots are getting smaller and more capable

    Soon, they will travel in swarms Article word count: 1557

    HN Discussion: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=17898057 Posted by prostoalex (karma: 64719) Post stats: Points: 90 - Comments: 68 - 2018-09-02T18:45:51Z

    #HackerNews #and #are #capable #getting #military #more #robots #smaller

    Article content:

    ON NOVEMBER 12th a video called “Slaughterbots” was uploaded to YouTube. It is the brainchild of Stuart Russell, a professor of artificial intelligence at the University of California, Berkeley, and was paid for by the Future of Life Institute (FLI), a group of concerned scientists and technologists that includes Elon Musk, Stephen Hawking and Martin Rees, Britain’s Astronomer Royal. It is set in a near-future in which (...)

  • « Je ne suis pas féministe, mais... »

    Cet abécédaire, long entretien filmé de #Christine_Delphy avec Sylvie Tissot, explore en 26 lettres les concepts clefs de la théorie féministe (Genre, Travail domestique…) tout en revenant sur les épisodes de la vie de Delphy, ses rencontres et les événements historiques auxquels elle a participé. Il figure, avec le film Je ne suis pas féministe mais…, dans un coffret DVD. Nous souhaitons aujourd’hui le rendre accessible en intégralité au plus grand nombre. Le voici, de A comme Amitié à Z comme Zizi, qui rythmera, en feuilleton, le cours de votre été.


    #féminisme #vocabulaire #mots #terminologie #film #dictionnaire

    • Bon, c’est plus pratique, alors je fais le taf de tout compiler.

      A comme Amitié
      Qu’est-ce que le féminisme a à voir avec l’amitié, et même avec l’amour ? Si le féminisme désenchante certaines relations, notamment les relations hétérosexuelles, il naît à la faveur de rencontres, joyeuses, intenses et créatrices. C’est ce dont témoigne Christine Delphy dans la première lettre, qui fait écho aux liens (entre sœurs, entre féministes, entre générations, souvent d’accord mais pas toujours) à l’origine de ce projet.

      B comme Beauvoir
      Dans une émission enregistrée en 1985, Christine Delphy, née pendant la seconde guerre mondiale, est invitée avec Simone de Beauvoir, auteure du Deuxième sexe publié en 1949, pour discuter de leur engagement féministe. Simone de Beauvoir fait partie des rencontres qui ont compté dans la trajectoire de Delphy et son soutien a été crucial pour les militantes du MLF. Comment s’est fait ce croisement de générations, ce passage de relais, et quelle forme exactement a pris ce soutien ?

      C comme Communautarisme
      Qu’est-ce que le communautarisme ? Ou plutôt de quoi parle-t-on quand on brandit le spectre du « communautarisme » ? Analyse d’un mot piège qui, comme l’« intégration », permet tout simplement de ne pas parler de racisme et d’incriminer ses victimes.

      D comme Désengagement
      Les contradictions font partie de l’expérience de toutes les féministes : être en couple et subir l’inégalité dans la répartition des tâches domestiques, avoir des enfants et s’éloigner des modes de vie alternatifs, etc. Que faire de ces contradictions et nous rendent-elles moins féministes ?

      E comme Enfant
      Le désir d’enfant n’a rien de naturel, mais l’obligation d’en avoir, pour une femme tout particulièrement, est très sociale.

      F comme Famille
      La famille, en distribuant des rôles à chacun et chacune de ses membres, crée des hiérarchies. Christine Delphy raconte comment elle a pris conscience dès l’enfance des inégalités entre les hommes et les femmes.

      G comme Genre
      Il est souvent reproché aux mouvements féministes et homosexuels d’abolir la différence des sexes, voire le sexe tout court. Les femmes et les hommes sont-ils si différents, et le cas échéant est-ce la nature ou le conditionnement social qui explique ladite différence ? C’est pour poser ces questions, et y répondre, que les féministes se sont emparées des concepts de sexe biologique, de sexe social, et de genre.

      H comme Harcèlement
      Christine Delphy revient ici sur l’affaire Anita Hill / Clarence Thomas, et plus largement sur les affaires de harcèlement sexuel et leur traitement, aux Etats-Unis et en France. L’occasion de déboulonner quelques clichés sur « le puritanisme américain » et la « culture française de la séduction »… et de souligner le déni français en la matière, et l’indigence des politiques publiques.

      I comme IVG
      Christine Delphy revient ici sur la rédaction, la publication et l’impact du « Manifeste des 343 » pour le droit à disposer de son corps, dont elle fut l’une des principales initiatrices.

      J comme Joie et Rabat-Joie
      Manque d’humour, autoritarisme, mocheté... Les féministes font face à de constantes stigmatisations, dont elles doivent toujours se défendre. Et avant tout, « elles n’aiment pas les hommes ». Comment comprendre ce lieu commun ?

      K comme Kilo
      Derrière les injonctions pesant sur les femmes (être mince sans l’être trop, sexy mais sans "faire pute"), se cache l’idée que leur corps doit toujours rester désirable et accessible aux hommes.

      L comme Libéralisme
      « Comment articulez-vous la lutte féministe à la lutte des classes ? Et d’ailleurs êtes-vous vraiment anti-capitalistes ? » : telles sont les questions auxquelles les féministes sont souvent sommées de répondre. Christine Delphy revient sur sa trajectoire politique et les relations conflictuelles qu’elles a entretenues avec les représentants auto-proclamés de la classe ouvrière.

      M comme Militant
      Christine Delphy revient sur l’amitié singulière que certains hommes militants portent aux féministes : soutien à la cause mais efforts soutenus pour la cadrer, et rappeler inlassablement aux femmes qu’elles ne sauraient, sans eux, s’émanciper correctement.

      N comme Non Mixité
      Le fait de se réunir entre elles, sans hommes, a permis aux militantes du MLF de respirer, de libérer leur parole, de mieux se comprendre, de réaliser leur commune condition et de réfléchir aux moyens de lutter. Delphy analyse ici comment la remise en question de la non mixité, parfois par les femmes elles-mêmes, peut relever d’un sentiment d’infériorité intériorisé.

      O comme Outre-Atlantique
      Dans ses analyses critiques des discours en France, Delphy montre que les États-Unis apparaissent souvent comme le grand repoussoir, notamment quand il s’agit de leurs luttes progressistes contre les discriminations.

      P comme Parité
      « J’étais bien pour les résultats de la parité, mais pas avec les argumentaires essentialistes ». Christine Delphy défend ici les politiques de parité homme femme au nom du principe simple de « l’action positive », affirmative action, connue – et décriée – en France sous le nom de « discrimination positive ».

      Q comme Questions féministes
      Fondatrice avec Simone de Beauvoir de la revue Questions féministes, parue entre 1977 et 1980, puis de Nouvelles questions féministes, qui parait depuis 1981, Christine Delphy a consacré de nombreuses années à l’animation et à l’organisation de ce travail collectif, à la fois scientifique et militant. Une double identité souvent mal acceptée...

      R comme Religion et engagement féministe
      Christine Delphy revient ici sur la loi de 2004 interdisant le voile dans les écoles publiques, une loi qu’elle qualifie de « loi d’exclusion », d’inspiration « néo-colonialiste ». L’occasion d’interroger aussi une « laïcité » trafiquée, et la singulière injonction à « s’habiller comme tout le monde ».

      R comme Religion et oppression des femmes
      Christine Delphy critique ici les tendances anti-religieuses qui se sont manifestées dans les campagnes « anti-voile », et plus largement l’idéalisme qui consiste à se focaliser sur des « idéologies » plutôt contre des « structures sociales ».

      S comme Sexe
      Le féminisme matérialiste et son indispensable analyse des mécanismes de domination sont-ils incompatibles avec les approches queer et l’attention qu’elles accordent aux formes individuelles de subversion ? Celles-ci nous font-elles forcément oublier les mécanismes structurels d’oppression ? Comment tenir compte, alors, des subjectivités, des désirs, des pratiques sexuelles ou des parcours identitaires qui – du changement de sexe pour les personnes trans au sexe tarifé par les travailleuses du sexe, en passant par le SM – suscitent de vifs débats chez les féministes ? Faut-il simplement les défendre comme des droits humains fondamentaux, faut-il les investir d’une signification politique ? Déclinée en 4 moments, la lettre S apporte une contribution à ces débats qui ne peuvent progresser qu’à condition d’affirmer un soutien résolu aux personnes discriminées et stigmatisées, et de donner la priorité aux alliances et aux espaces de rencontre plutôt qu’à l’exclusion.

      S comme Sexe et pouvoir
      Abolir le genre est l’horizon d’émancipation du féminisme matérialiste. Christine Delphy reproche à la théorie queer de l’abandonner, mais aussi d’occulter la dimension de pouvoir, tout particulièrement dans le domaine de la sexualité, où se déploie aussi la domination masculine.

      S comme Sexe tarifé
      Y a-t-il quelque chose de spécifique dans les relations de pouvoir qui se déploient dans la prostitution ? Christine Delphy revient sur un des ressorts de sa position abolitionniste : la volonté de soustraire la vie sexuelle et amoureuse des femmes aux relations de dépendance. Mais quelles sont les solutions concrètes ? Et si l’on veut « punir », comment le faire sans pénaliser les prostituées ?

      S comme Changement de sexe
      Moins travaillé par Christine Delphy que la question de la prostitution, le débat sur la question trans est abordé ici à travers l’articulation avec la question du genre et de son abolition. Les obstacles que rencontrent les transexuel-le-s pour changer de sexe, l’opprobre qu’ils et elles encourent pour questionner le caractère « naturel » des catégories « homme » ou « femme », n’ont-ils rien à voir avec ce que combat le féminisme ?

      S comme Hétéro-sexualité
      Christine Delphy revient sur l’évolution de sa position sur l’institution de l’hétérosexualité. Elle évoque le rôle des hétérosexuelles dans le mouvement féministe, regrettant qu’elles n’aient pas davantage compris que la répression de l’homosexualité était partie prenante de l’oppression des femmes, hétéros aussi.

      T comme Travail domestique - Mode de production domestique
      Le féminisme matérialiste qu’ont développé Christine Delphy, Colette Guillaumin et d’autres, met au coeur de l’analyse l’exploitation spécifique des femmes : pas seulement sur le marché du travail, mais aussi dans la sphère domestique. Christine Dephy explique ici la révolution théorique consistant, en dépit des résistances des marxistes mais avec certains outils du marxisme, à penser les femmes comme une classe.

      T comme Travail domestique et Famille
      Qu’est-ce qu’est exactement le travail domestique ? Pas seulement une liste de tâches – ce qu’on associe communément au travail ménager. C’est un travail effectué pour autrui, les hommes, et de façon non rémunérée, gratuite. Le féminisme matérialiste développe une nouvelle vision de la famille hétérosexuelle, où s’instituent des rapports de pouvoir. Cette analyse reste d’une grande pertinence aujourd’hui : même actives professionnellement, les femmes sont toujours tenues d’effectuer ce travail d’entretien du foyer.

      U comme Universalisme
      Dans son livre Un universalisme si particulier. Féminisme et exception française, Christine Delphy évoque la prétention très singulière des élites françaises à faire de leur pays une incarnation de l’universel et de l’universalisme, et souligne ce que cette prétention comporte d’arrogance – et souvent de racisme et de sexisme.

      V comme Viol
      Reprenant l’expression du journaliste Jean-François Kahn déclarant que l’« affaire DSK » était tout au plus « un troussage de domestique », Christine Dephy coordonne en 2011 un recueil de textes qui analysent le traitement médiatique de cette affaire en France. Elle revient ici sur le classisme, le racisme et le sexisme qui se sont exprimés à cette occasion, assimilant notamment le viol au libertinage. Elle explique aussi que l’accord entre Nafissatou Diallo et Dominique Strauss-Kahn suite au procès civil est, contrairement à ce qu’on affirmé les élites françaises, un aveu de culpabilité de ce dernier.

      W comme Wittig
      Christine Delphy revient ici sur la difficile acceptation de son homosexualité à la fin des années 50 et dans les années 60, notamment au sein de sa famille, puis sur les réactions suscitées, au sein du MLF, par la fondation du premier groupe non mixte de lesbiennes. Elle raconte enfin les formes de discriminations qu’elle a subies tout au long de sa carrière au CNRS.

      XY comme Différence des sexes
      L’idée d’une différence irréductible est l’argument ultime pour contrer ou relativiser les demandes d’égalité : les hommes et les femmes seraient par nature différents, et donc nécessairement conduits à occuper des rôles différents dans la société. Christine Delphy réfute ici ce faux argument.

  • D’un coté #Macron en plein selfie à l’Elysée avec son grand pote saoudien, le jeune prince « moderne et féministe » #Mohamed_Bin_Salman, à qui la France vend des armes et qu’elle soutient contre vents et marées dans la région. Brutal et orgueilleux, il est en quelque sorte le Jupiter de la péninsule arabique.

    De l’autre #Asra-al-Ghangam, militante pour les #droits_des_femmes et la libération des prisonniers politiques en Arabie Saoudite, arrêtée en 2015 avec son mari. Elle a été exécutée, décapitée au sabre, hier matin. Avant de mourir elle aurait déclaré à ses bourreaux : « Je n’ai tué personne ».

    #Arabie_saoudite #France #armes #armement #féminisme #femmes #décapitation #militantisme #résistance
    cc @reka

    • En tout cas d’après https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/reportages/en-arabie-saoudite-une-activiste-chiite-risque-la-peine-de-mort-10174, ce n’est pas Esra al-Ghamgam sur la photo mais Samar Badawi
      La vidéo qui circule date de 2015

      Elle serait encore en vie


      https://twitter.com/ali_adubisi/status/1031146505611161600 13:50 - 19 août 2018

      علي الدبيسي

      في قضية #إسراء_الغمغام، الحكم لم يصدر بعد والذي حصل هو بدء المحاكمة بالجلسة ١ في ٦/٨/٢٠١٨ وطالبت النيابة العامة بإصدار حكم الإعدام.
      الجلسة ٢ ستعقد في ٢٨/١٠/٢٠١٨ وأقترح دعوة جماهيرية واسعة حول العالم لتظاهرات قبل الجلسة، تضامناً معها ودفاعا عن حقها في الحرية والحياة.
      حياتها أمانة.

      European Saudi Organization for Human Rights Director رئيس المنظمة الأوروبية السعودية لحقوق الإنسان ali.adubisi@esohr.org

    • C’est assez intéressant :

      cette info arrive sur FB formatée dans un style assez spectaculaire pour ne pas dire putassier (l’image de macron et du prince en vis à vis de la photo d’une femme supposée être Israa al-Ghamgham (que le post dit avoir été décapitée) et qui est en fait selon « middleeasteye.net » Samar Badawi, une autre militante saoudienne. Par ailleurs une vidéo circule prétendant être l’execution de cette militante et qui en fait s’avère être une autre décapitation qui date de 2015. Tout le monde a été profondément ému au point de signaler ce post FB sans penser à vérifier. C’est peut-être vrai, peut-être pas, mais une journée complète de recherche n’a rien donné de vraiment probant.

      Comme nous nous intéressons à la situation des droits humains en Arabie saoudite, nous avons aussi été très bouleversé, d’autant plus qu’il y a cette incertitude.

      Ce type de dissémination de l’info me fait peur et me fait penser que nous restons très fragiles face à ce qui nous arrive par différents canaux. D’où l’importance des débats et des partages, et des recherches communes sur seenthis pour tenter de déconstruire cet invraissemblable magma.

    • Saudi Prosecution Seeks Death Penalty for Female Activist

      Saudi Arabia’s Public Prosecution is seeking the death penalty against five Eastern Province activists, including female human rights activist #Israa_al-Ghomgham, Human Rights Watch said today. The activists, along with one other person not facing execution, are being tried in the country’s terrorism tribunal on charges solely related to their peaceful activism.

      The Public Prosecution, which reports directly to the king, accused the detained activists of several charges that do not resemble recognizable crimes, including “participating in protests in the Qatif region,” “incitement to protest,” “chanting slogans hostile to the regime,” “attempting to inflame public opinion,” “filming protests and publishing on social media,” and “providing moral support to rioters.” It called for their execution based on the Islamic law principle of ta’zir, in which the judge has discretion over the definition of what constitutes a crime and over the sentence. Authorities have held all six activists in pretrial detention and without legal representation for over two years. Their next court date has been scheduled for October 28, 2018.

      “Any execution is appalling, but seeking the death penalty for activists like Israa al-Ghomgham, who are not even accused of violent behavior, is monstrous,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Every day, the Saudi monarchy’s unrestrained despotism makes it harder for its public relations teams to spin the fairy tale of ‘reform’ to allies and international business.”

      Al-Ghomgham is a Shia activist well known for participating in and documenting mass demonstrations in the Eastern Province that began in early 2011, calling for an end to the systematic discrimination that Saudi Shia citizens face in the majority-Sunni country. Authorities arrested al-Ghomgham and her husband in a night raid on their home on December 6, 2015 and have held them in Dammam’s al-Mabahith prison ever since.

      Saudi activists told Human Rights Watch that the Public Prosecution’s recent demand makes al-Ghomgham the first female activist to possibly face the death penalty for her human rights-related work, which sets a dangerous precedent for other women activists currently behind bars.

      Saudi Arabia’s Specialized Criminal Court (SCC), set up in 2008 to try terrorism cases, has since been increasingly used to prosecute peaceful dissidents. The court is notorious for its violations of fair trial standards and has previously sentenced other Shia activists to death on politically motivated charges. The court sentenced a prominent Shia cleric, Nimr al-Nimr, and seven other men to death for their role in the 2011 Eastern Province demonstrations in 2014 and another 14 people in 2016 for participating in the protests. Saudi authorities executed al-Nimr and at least three other Shia men on January 2, 2016 when they carried out the largest mass execution since 1980, putting 47 men to death.

      International standards, including the Arab Charter on Human Rights, ratified by Saudi Arabia, require countries that retain the death penalty to use it only for the “most serious crimes,” and in exceptional circumstances. Human Rights Watch opposes capital punishment in all countries and under all circumstances. Capital punishment is unique in its cruelty and finality, and it is inevitably and universally plagued with arbitrariness, prejudice, and error.

      A recent crackdown on women’s rights activists in Saudi Arabia has led to the arrest of at least 13 women under the pretext of maintaining national security. While some have since been released, others remain detained without charge. They are: Loujain al-Hathloul, Aziza al-Yousef, Eman al-Nafjan, Nouf Abdelaziz, Mayaa al-Zahrani, Hatoon al-Fassi, Samar Badawi, Nassema al-Sadah, and Amal al-Harbi. Authorities have accused several of them of serious crimes and local media outlets carried out an unprecedented campaign against them, labeling them “traitors.

      “If the Crown Prince is truly serious about reform, he should immediately step in to ensure no activist is unjustly detained for his or her human rights work,” added Whitson.


    • L’algorithme de Google a encore des progrès à faire pour savoir utiliser correctement le féminin …

      A recent crackdown on women’s rights activists in Saudi Arabia has led to the arrest of at least 13 women under the pretext of maintaining national security. While some have since been released, others remain detained without charge. They are: Loujain al-Hathloul, Aziza al-Yousef, Eman al-Nafjan, Nouf Abdelaziz, Mayaa al-Zahrani, Hatoon al-Fassi, Samar Badawi, Nassema al-Sadah, and Amal al-Harbi. Authorities have accused several of them of serious crimes and local media outlets carried out an unprecedented campaign against them, labeling them “traitors.

      est traduit par

      Une récente répression contre les militantes des droits des femmes en Arabie saoudite a conduit à l’arrestation d’au moins 13 femmes sous prétexte de maintenir la sécurité nationale.

      En utilisant « militantes des droits des femmes » sont invibilisés les hommes « militants des droits des femmes ». A la phrase suivante, les femmes redeviennent des hommes …

      Alors que certains ont depuis été libérés, d’autres sont toujours détenus sans inculpation. Les autorités ont accusé plusieurs d’entre eux de crimes graves et les médias locaux ont mené une campagne sans précédent contre eux, les qualifiant de « traîtres ».

  • Israel’s conducts mass psychological experiment on #Gaza

    This study is much more successful than the famous experiment carried out by social psychologist Stanley #Milgram 55 years ago, and the Israelis are the guinea pigs

    The experiment is about compliance and cruelty; it’s an experiment on adapting to increasing cruelty. It’s much more successful than the famous experiment carried out by social psychologist Stanley Milgram 55 years ago, about a year after the Eichmann trial.


    The experiment on us Israelis has been going on since 1991; thousands of Israelis take part while tens of thousands egg them on. Gaza is an enclave that we have shut in; only few Gazans receive permission to enter and leave, cut off from the world. It’s a place with polluted water because we refuse to connect the Strip to the country’s other water resources, demanding that 2 million people suffice with a piece of the coastal aquifer that in 1947 provided water to 80,000 people.