• Les opérations de #sauvetage en #Méditerranée rejetées à deux voix près

    Le 24 octobre, le Parlement européen a voté contre une #résolution appelant l’UE à intensifier les opérations de recherche et de sauvetage en Méditerranée. Le texte a été rejeté par les groupes de centre droit et libéraux. Un article d’Euroefe.

    La résolution, lancée et soutenue par les députés sociaux-démocrates (S&D), a finalement été rejetée à une très faible majorité de deux voix au sein d’un hémicycle qui compte 750 eurodéputés.

    Le président de la commission des libertés civiles, de la justice et des affaires intérieures, le socialiste espagnol Juan Fernández López Aguilar, a déclaré que « trop de personnes perd[ai]ent la vie en Méditerranée » et a qualifié la situation d’« urgente ».

    « Notre système doit être réformé d’urgence », a plaidé Juan Fernández López Aguilar, ajoutant : « Si nous voulons agir de manière responsable, la recherche et le sauvetage ne peuvent être laissés aux seules #ONG et nous ne devons en aucune manière criminaliser l’aide humanitaire. »

    Les sociaux-démocrates se sont engagés à poursuivre la lutte en faveur d’« un mécanisme qui permette une #répartition plus équitable et plus durable entre les États membres des personnes sauvées en mer, et dont la solidarité et la justice sont les principes directeurs », expliquent-ils dans un communiqué de presse.

    Au nom d’OXFAM, Raphael Shilhav a déclaré que « l’Europe se doit de procéder à des opérations de recherche et de sauvetage plus nombreuses et mieux organisées en Méditerranée pour sauver des vies humaines ».

    Il a rappelé que « plus de 1000 femmes, hommes et enfants se sont noyés ou ont disparu en Méditerranée cette année seulement ». « L’’Europe doit tout mettre en œuvre pour éviter de nouvelles tragédies », a-t-il souligné.

    https://www.euractiv.fr/section/affaires-publiques/news/les-operations-de-sauvetage-en-mediterranee-rejetees-a-deux-voix-pres
    #EU #UE #parlement_européen #honte #asile #migrations #réfugiés #décès #morts
    ping @reka

  • #Calais : huit migrants, dont des enfants, trouvés en hypothermie dans un camion frigorifique

    Tôt ce dimanche 27 octobre, la Border Force britannique a trouvé huit migrants en état d’#hypothermie dans un #camion_frigorifique, au terminal ferry du port de Calais. Parmi eux, deux enfants en bas âge.


    https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/657776/article/2019-10-27/calais-dix-migrants-dont-des-enfants-trouves-en-hypothermie-dans-un-cam

    #asile #migrations #frontières #France #Angleterre #UK #camion #décès #morts #mourir_aux_frontières #mourir_dans_la_forteresse_européenne

    –---------

    Mise à jour du 29.10.2019...
    Je pense que les 8 personnes qui ont été retrouvées dans le camion ne sont pas mortes (ouf !) :

    Huit migrants afghans, dont quatre mineurs ont été hospitalisés à Calais après avoir été retrouvés dimanche 27 octobre en état de « légère hypothermie » dans un camion frigorifique dans le port de cette ville du Pas-de-Calais.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/20418/une-trentaine-de-migrants-decouverts-dans-des-camions-en-belgique-et-a

    • Une trentaine de migrants découverts dans des camions en Belgique et à Calais

      Quelque 28 migrants, dont des mineurs, ont été retrouvés depuis samedi dans plusieurs camions en partance de Calais et du nord de la Belgique vers le Royaume-Uni. La plupart sont Afghans, Irakiens et Érythréens. L’un des transporteurs avait caché les migrants sous un trappe verrouillée, derrière des poulets surgelés.

      Huit migrants afghans, dont quatre mineurs ont été hospitalisés à Calais après avoir été retrouvés dimanche 27 octobre en état de « légère hypothermie » dans un camion frigorifique dans le port de cette ville du Pas-de-Calais.

      Ils étaient cachés derrière des poulets surgelés, dans le double fond de la cellule frigorifique qui se trouvait sous une trappe.

      Ils ne pouvaient pas s’échapper en cas de problème

      La trappe était verrouillée de l’extérieur, un dispositif extrêmement dangereux puisque les personnes transportées ne pouvaient pas s’échapper seules en cas de problème.

      La semaine dernière, trente-neuf migrants vietnamiens sont morts piégés dans des conditions similaires, dans un camion frigorifique dont le conteneur était arrivé de Zeebruges jusqu’à Londres.

      Dimanche, le petit camion de 3,5 tonnes qui transportait les migrants afghans, a été contrôlé au moment d’embarquer sur un ferry à destination du Royaume-Uni. « Tout le contenant n’était pas rempli, ce qui prouve bien que ce n’était pas un véritable transport de marchandises », a indiqué une source judiciaire.

      Vingt migrants découverts à bord de deux camions en Belgique

      La veille, vingt migrants ont été découverts dans deux camions en route pour le Royaume-Uni depuis la Belgique. Ils ont tous été retrouvés en bonne santé.

      Le premier véhicule transportait onze personnes, dont des femmes et des enfants d’origine africaine, a priori érythréenne, a précisé le parquet du Limbourg. Le chauffeur a découvert ces passagers clandestins lors d’un arrêt technique dans un garage de Saint-Trond, situé à proximité de la frontière avec l’Allemagne (environ 65 km à l’est de Bruxelles).

      Par ailleurs, la police a trouvé samedi matin neuf hommes se disant de nationalité irakienne. Ils étaient cachés dans un camion qui circulait sur une voie rapide à Bruges en direction du port de #Zeebruges, a indiqué le parquet de Flandre occidentale. Les policiers sont intervenus après avoir été avertis de la présence de migrants dans ce camion.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/20418/une-trentaine-de-migrants-decouverts-dans-des-camions-en-belgique-et-a

  • Au cimetière de Calais, on enterre les migrants morts depuis 20 ans

    230 migrants sont morts parce qu’ils voulaient gagner l’Angleterre, selon un observatoire créé par des bénévoles. Faute d’argent ou d’avoir été identifiés, certains sont enterrés dans deux cimetières de Calais.

    https://www.francebleu.fr/infos/societe/au-cimetiere-de-calais-enterre-les-migrants-morts-depuis-20-ans-157147296
    #cimetière #morts #Calais #asile #migrations #réfugiés #France #enterrement

  • #Camion_de_la_honte : les 39 victimes sont chinoises

    L’enquête semble se diriger vers un nouveau drame d’esclavage moderne, avec la révélation de la nationalité chinoise des 39 victimes, 8 femmes et 31 hommes.

    Ils n’ont pas encore de noms, d’âge et encore moins de sépultures. Mais on sait déjà que leur voyage cauchemardesque a commencé loin, très loin, à l’autre bout du monde. Les 39 personnes retrouvées sans vie dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi dans le conteneur d’un camion réfrigéré sur une zone industrielle de l’Essex, à l’est de l’Angleterre, venaient de Chine. Il y avait 8 femmes, dont une très jeune adulte, et 31 hommes, a confirmé jeudi la police d’Essex.

    L’ambassade de Chine au Royaume-Uni a immédiatement réagi. « C’est avec un cœur lourd que nous lisons ces informations », a tweeté un porte-parole en indiquant « travailler avec la police pour éclaircir et confirmer la situation ». Ce n’est pas la première fois, sans doute pas la dernière, que des Chinois sont les victimes d’un drame de l’esclavage moderne au Royaume-Uni, les otages de gangs ultra-organisés, aux ramifications mondiales, des triades chinoises aux réseaux criminels d’Europe centrale et à ceux d’Europe occidentale. Ces criminels vendent, très cher et sans scrupule, la promesse d’un eldorado qui n’existe pas.

    L’enquête le confirmera, mais la National Crime Agency (NCA), qui travaille en coordination avec la police de l’Essex et celle d’Irlande du Nord d’où est originaire le chauffeur du camion, a indiqué chercher à identifier « des groupes de crime organisé qui pourraient avoir joué un rôle » dans cette tragédie. La garde à vue du chauffeur, un homme de 25 ans, a été prolongée de vingt-quatre heures et des perquisitions étaient en cours dans trois résidences en Irlande du Nord, dans le comté d’Armagh. Selon le Daily Mail, qui cite un proche, le jeune homme aurait lui-même prévenu les secours après avoir ouvert l’arrière du camion pour y récupérer des papiers. La police n’a pas confirmé ces informations.
    En 2000, 58 Chinois retrouvés morts dans un camion

    Le 18 juin 2000 déjà, 58 Chinois avaient été retrouvés morts asphyxiés à l’arrière d’un camion, dans le port de Douvres. Seules 2 personnes avaient survécu. Grâce à elles, le périple infernal des victimes avait été retracé. Partis de la province chinoise de Fujian, sur le littoral du sud-est de la Chine, en face de l’île de Taiwan, ils avaient pris un avion depuis Pékin, avec leurs passeports légaux, jusqu’à Belgrade en Yougoslavie.

    Des passeports volés, coréens pour la plupart, leur avaient alors été fournis. De Belgrade, ils avaient été acheminés par petits groupes dans des camionnettes vers la Hongrie, puis l’Autriche et la France. De là, ils avaient pris un train vers les Pays-Bas où ils avaient été « cueillis » par la branche européenne du gang de trafiquants, à Rotterdam. Enfermés à 60 dans un camion, dont le sas de ventilation avait été fermé, avec seulement quatre seaux d’eau, ils étaient morts étouffés lors de la traversée de Zeebruges en Belgique à Douvres. Le chauffeur, un Néerlandais, et une interprète chinoise, le contact des immigrés au Royaume-Uni, avaient été condamnés respectivement à seize et six ans de prison.
    « On coule »

    C’est aussi de la province de Fujian que venaient la plupart des 23 immigrés illégaux chinois, retrouvés noyés quatre ans plus tard, le 5 février 2004, dans la baie de Morecambe, dans le Lincolnshire (nord-ouest de l’Angleterre). Ils avaient été embauchés pour pêcher à marée basse des coques. Payés la misérable somme de 5 pounds (6 euros) pour 25 kg de coquillages. Cette baie est immense, sujette à de grands mouvements de marée. Les Chinois ne parlaient pas ou très peu anglais, ne connaissaient pas le coin, le danger de l’eau montante.

    C’était l’hiver, ils étaient à pied d’œuvre dans la soirée, dans l’obscurité. Un pêcheur chinois avait donné l’alerte en appelant les secours sur son téléphone portable et en criant, dans un anglais approximatif : « On coule, on coule dans l’eau, beaucoup, beaucoup, on coule dans l’eau. » 23 personnes s’étaient noyées. Le crâne d’une femme avait été rejeté sur la plage six ans plus tard. Le corps d’une des victimes n’a jamais été retrouvé.

    Un seul homme, Li Hua, a survécu. Dix ans plus tard, en 2014, il se confiait à la BBC. « Il faisait un noir d’encre et j’étais terrifié. Je me suis dit que je n’avais plus qu’à me laisser mourir et puis, je ne sais pas, une vague m’a retourné… J’étais seul et soudain, un hélicoptère m’a repéré. » Son témoignage avait permis la condamnation d’un trafiquant, Lin Liang Ren, à quatorze ans de prison. Pour éviter toutes représailles, Li Hua avait été placé sous la protection spéciale du gouvernement britannique. « Nous sommes tous venus ici pour la même raison. Nous avons laissé derrière nous nos familles pour construire une vie meilleure. Et tous ont disparu d’un coup, juste comme ça. J’ai juste eu de la chance. »
    L’identification de chacun « pourrait prendre du temps »

    Jeudi en milieu de journée, le camion et ses 39 victimes étaient dissimulés dans un hangar du port de Tilbury Docks, à quelques centaines de mètres de là où le conteneur a été débarqué mardi dans la nuit en provenance de Zeebruges. Les autorités belges ont précisé que le conteneur était arrivé dans le port ce même mardi, à 14h29, avant d’être embarqué sur un ferry dans la soirée. Pour le moment, les enquêteurs ne savent pas à quel moment, ni où exactement les victimes ont été enfermées dans le conteneur.

    A l’abri des regards, les médecins légistes ont entrepris la lourde tâche d’examiner les corps un à un pour déterminer les causes du décès. Ensuite, les autorités tenteront « d’établir l’identité de chacun, une opération qui pourrait prendre du temps », a précisé la police. Alors, ces âmes auront peut-être enfin un nom, un visage et quelqu’un pour les pleurer, loin très loin de ce triste hangar.

    https://www.liberation.fr/planete/2019/10/24/camion-de-la-honte-les-39-victimes-sont-chinoises_1759507

    –-> On sait depuis que probablement les victimes ne sont pas chinoises, mais vietnamiennes...

    #UK #Angleterre #Essex #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Manche #La_Manche #22_octobre_2019 #camion #décès #morts #mourir_dans_la_forteresse_Europe

    • #Pham_Thi_Trà_My

      “Mi dispiace mamma. Il mio viaggio all’estero non è riuscito. Mamma ti voglio tanto bene!
      Sto morendo perché non riesco a respirare …
      Vengo da Nghen, Can Loc, Ha Tinh, Vietnam …
      Mi dispiace, mamma.”

      Questo è l’ultimo, straziante, SMS che una ragazza ventiseienne vietnamita, di nome Pham Thi Trà My ha inviato, presumibilmente dall’interno del TIR dell’orrore, martedì scorso, 22 Ottobre 2019.

      Un messaggio carico di disperazione, un ultimo pensiero per la persona a lei più cara, la mamma.

      La sua mamma.

      E’ drammatico questo messaggio, perché ci fa comprendere che quei 39 migranti asiatici hanno sentito giungere la loro morte; ne hanno sofferto; hanno pensato; hanno avuto tutto il tempo per comprendere che la loro fine si andava, inesorabilmente, avvicinando.

      E tutto questo è terribile. Terribile. Terribile.

      Non sopporto più questa disumanità, non sopporto chi continua a dire aiutiamoli a casa loro, non sopporto chi continua a gioire (ma come cazzo si fa a gioire?) di questi tragici eventi.

      Io, lo dico francamente, sto imparando ad odiare!

      Ad odiare voi indifferenti, voi complici, voi misera gente che vi girate dall’altra parte.

      Ci state riuscendo.

      State riuscendo a trasformarmi, piano piano.

      State riuscendo a trasmettermi il vostro odio ma, sappiate, lo utilizzerò solo contro voi.

      Contro voi che pensate di essere gli unici ad avere diritto alla vita e spero, per questo, un giorno siate puniti!

      Perdonaci, se puoi, Pham Thi Trà My…


      https://eliminiamolapostrofo.wordpress.com/2019/10/25/pham-thi-tra-my
      #migrants_vietnamiens #Vietnam #22_octobre_2019

    • Essex lorry deaths: Vietnamese families fear relatives among dead

      At least six of the 39 people found dead in a lorry trailer in Essex may have been from Vietnam.

      The BBC knows of six Vietnamese families who fear their relatives are among the victims.

      They include Pham Thi Tra My, 26, who has not been heard from since she sent text messages on Tuesday saying she could not breathe.

      A man was earlier arrested at Stansted Airport on suspicion of manslaughter and conspiracy to traffic people.

      The 48-year-old from Northern Ireland is the fourth person to be arrested in connection with the investigation.

      Two people from Warrington are being held on suspicion of manslaughter and conspiracy to traffic people and the lorry driver is in custody on suspicion of murder.

      Ms Tra My’s brother, Pham Ngoc Tuan, said some of the £30,000 charge for getting his sister to the UK had been paid to people smugglers and her last-known location had been Belgium.

      The smugglers are understood to have returned money to some families.

      Meanwhile, relatives of Nguyen Dinh Luong, 20, have also said they fear he is among the 39 victims.

      Ms Tra My’s brother told the BBC: "My sister went missing on 23 October on the way from Vietnam to the UK and we couldn’t contact her. We are concerned she may be in that trailer.

      “We are asking the British police to help investigate so that my sister can be returned to the family.”

      The last message received from Ms Tra My was at 22:30 BST on Tuesday - two hours before the trailer arrived at the Purfleet terminal from Zeebrugge in Belgium.

      Her family have shared texts she sent to her parents which translated read: "I am really, really sorry, Mum and Dad, my trip to a foreign land has failed.

      “I am dying, I can’t breathe. I love you very much Mum and Dad. I am sorry, Mother.”

      Ms Tra My’s brother told the BBC her journey to the UK had begun on 3 October. She had told the family not to contact her because “the organisers” did not allow her to receive calls.

      “She flew to China and stayed there for a couple days, then left for France,” he said.

      “She called us when she reached each destination. The first attempt she made to cross the border to the UK was 19 October, but she got caught and turned back. I don’t know for sure from which port.”

      The BBC has passed details of Ms Tra My, who is from Nghen town in Can Loc district of Ha Tinh province area of Vietnam, to Essex Police, along with details of other people claiming to have information.

      The BBC also knows of two other Vietnamese nationals who are missing - a 26-year-old man and a 19-year-old woman.

      The brother of the 19-year-old said his sister called him at 07:20 Belgian local time (06:20 BST) on Tuesday, saying she was getting into a container and was turning off her phone to avoid detection.

      He has not heard from her since.

      He said a people smuggler returned money to the family overnight, and the family of the 26-year-old who she was travelling with also received money back.

      A spokesman from the Vietnamese Embassy in London confirmed they had been in contact with Essex police since Thursday.

      They said Vietnamese families had appealed to them for help finding out if their relatives were among the victims but added they had not yet received any official confirmation.

      The victims of the trailer were 31 men and eight women and Essex Police initially said they were all believed to be Chinese.

      They were found at an industrial estate in Grays at 01:40 BST on Wednesday.

      At a press conference on Friday evening Deputy Chief Constable Pippa Mills said the force was working with the National Crime Agency, the Home Office, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Border Force and Immigration Enforcement.

      She said she would not be drawn on any further detail about the nationalities of the victims until formal identification processes had taken place.

      “We gave an initial steer on Thursday on nationality, however, this is now a developing picture,” she said.

      Police have confirmed the scene at Waterglade Industrial Estate in Eastern Avenue was closed on Friday.

      Essex Police also urged anyone fearing their loved ones may have been in the lorry to get in touch.

      “I can’t begin to comprehend what some of you must be going through right now. You have my assurance that Essex Police will be working tirelessly to understand the whole picture to this absolute tragedy,” said Det Ch Con Mills.

      She also urged anyone living illegally in the UK who may have information to come forward, without fear of criminal action being taken against them.

      GPS data shows the refrigerated container trailer crossed back and forth between the UK and Europe in the days before it was found.

      It was leased from the company Global Trailer Rentals on 15 October. The company said it was “entirely unaware that the trailer was to be used in the manner in which it appears to have been”.

      Essex Police said the tractor unit (the front part of the lorry) had entered the UK via Holyhead - an Irish Sea port in Wales - on Sunday 20 October, having travelled over from Dublin.

      Police believe the tractor unit collected the trailer in Purfleet on the River Thames and left the port shortly after 01:05 on Thursday. Police were called to the industrial park where the bodies were discovered about half an hour later.

      Temperatures in refrigerated units can be as low as -25C (-13F). The lorry now is at a secure site in Essex.

      A spokesman for the UN International Organization for Migration said the discovery of bodies in Essex did not necessarily indicate a major shift in migration patterns.

      “These are the kind of random crimes that occur every day in the world somewhere,” he said. “They get huge attention when they do but they don’t necessarily indicate a big shift in migration or patterns in any place in particular. It’s just the condition of what happens when this many people are engaging this many criminal groups to reach a destination, which of course we deplore.”

      Detectives are still questioning the lorry driver, Mo Robinson, of County Armagh in Northern Ireland, on suspicion of murder. He was arrested on Wednesday.

      Two other people were also earlier arrested on suspicion of manslaughter.

      The man and woman, both 38, from Warrington, Cheshire, are also being held on suspicion of conspiracy to traffic people.

      Police officers were seen at the couple’s home address in Warrington, with a police van and two squad cars parked outside.

      Sources say the GPS data shows it left Monaghan in the Republic of Ireland on 15 October before crossing over to Northern Ireland and then returning south to Dublin
      From Dublin, it crossed over to Holyhead in Wales overnight on 16 October
      That evening, it travelled to continental Europe from Dover to Calais in France
      Between 17 and 22 October, it moved between various cities in Belgium and France, including Dunkirk, Bruges and Lille
      On 22 October, it made its final crossing from #Zeebrugge to #Purfleet

      https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-50185788

    • *Essex lorry deaths: The Vietnamese risking it all to get to the

      UK*

      An hour’s drive inland from the French coast, a dozen Vietnamese men nurse tea over a smoking campfire, as they wait for a phone call from the man they call “the boss”. An Afghan man, they say, who opens trailers in the lorry-park nearby and shuts them inside.

      Duc paid €30,000 ($33,200; £25,000) for a prepaid journey from Vietnam to London - via Russia, Poland, Germany and France. It was organised, he says, by a Vietnamese contact back home.

      “I have some Vietnamese friends in UK, who will help me find jobs when I get there,” he told me. “These friends help me get on lorries or container trucks to go across the border.”

      Security is much less tight in the nearby lorry park than around the ports further north. But few people here have managed to get past the border controls.

      We were told there is a two-tier system in operation here; that those who pay more for their passage to Britain don’t have to chance their luck in the lorries outside, but use this base as a transit camp before being escorted on the final leg of their journey.

      A Vietnamese smuggler, interviewed by a French paper several years ago, reportedly described three levels of package. The top level allowed migrants to ride in the lorry cab and sleep in hotels. The lowest level was nicknamed “air”, or more cynically “CO2” - a reference to the lack of air in some trailers.

      A local volunteer in the camp told us that they’d seen Vietnamese and British men visiting migrants here in a Mercedes. And that once migrants arrived in the UK, some went to work in cannabis farms, after which all communication stopped.

      Duc tells me he needs a job in the UK to pay back the loan for his journey.

      “We can do anything,” he says, “construction work, nail bars, restaurants or other jobs.”

      A report by one of France’s biggest charities described smugglers telling Vietnamese migrants that refrigerated lorries gave them more chance of avoiding detection, and giving each of them an aluminium bag to put over their heads while passing through scanners at the border.

      No one here had heard about the 39 people found dead this week.

      This journey is about freedom, one said.

      https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-50190199

    • More Vietnamese families fear relatives are among the 39 UK truck victims

      Two Vietnamese families have said they are scared relatives may be among the dead. Both of the suspected victims come from Ha Tinh, an impoverished province where many of the country’s illegal migrants come from.

      More Vietnamese families came forward Saturday saying their relatives may be among the 39 people found dead in a container truck east of London.

      Police initially believed all victims were Chinese but later announced this may not be accurate and that investigations were still a “developing picture.”

      At least two Vietnamese families have now said they are worried their relatives, who may have been carrying falsified Chinese passports, are among the dead.

      The Vietnamese Embassy in London said Friday it contacted police about a missing woman believed to be one of the dead after a family in Vietnam informed them about their daughter who had been missing since the lorry was found.

      The Embassy said it was working with British authorities over the case, Vietnamese media reported.

      Up to 10 of the victims may have originally come from Vietnam, according to unconfirmed reports. The BBC reported it had been in contact with six Vietnamese families, all who believe their relatives are among the 39 victims found in Grays, Essex on Wednesday.

      Read more: Opinion: It’s time to end human trafficking

      ’Something unexpected happened’

      The father of a 20-year-old Vietnamese man said he is scared his son is among the dead. He told the Associated Press that he had not been able to reach his son Nguyen Dinh Luong since last week.

      “He often called home but I haven’t been able to reach him since the last time we talked last week,” Nguyen Dinh Gia said. “I told him that he could go to anywhere he wants as long as it’s safe. He shouldn’t be worry about money, I’ll take care of it.”

      Gia said his son left home in Ha Tinh province, central Vietnam, to work in Russia in 2017 then on to Ukraine. He arrived in Germany in April 2019 before making his way to France. He had been living in France illegally since 2018.

      The 20-year-old told his family he wanted to go to the United Kingdom (UK), and that he would pay £11,000 (€12,700). Last week, he told his father he wanted to join a group in Paris that was trying to enter England.

      Several days ago, his father received a call from a Vietnamese man saying, “Please have some some sympathy, something unexpected happened,” Gia told AFP.

      “I fell to the ground when I heard that,” Gia said. “It seemed that he was in the truck with the accident, all of them dead.”

      The family said they shared the information with Vietnamese authorities.

      Read more: Opinion: EU’s immigration policy is stuck in a rut

      ’I’m dying because I can’t breathe’

      Hoa Nghiem, a human rights activist from Vietnamese civic network, Human Rights Space, said on Friday one of the victims may have been 26-year-old Pham Thi Tra My.

      Tra My had sent a text message to her mother saying she was struggling to breathe at around the same time as the truck was en route from Belgium to the UK.

      “I’m so sorry mom and dad....My journey abroad doesn’t succeed,” she wrote. “Mom, I love you and dad very much. I’m dying because I can’t breathe .... Mom, I’m so sorry,” she said in a message confirmed by her brother Pham Manh Cuong.

      Cuong had received a message from his sister on Wednesday saying, “Please try to work hard to pay the debt for mummy, my dear.”

      No confirmation

      Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying told a press briefing Friday in Beijing that Britain has not officially confirmed the identities or nationalities of the victims. She added that China is also working with Belgium police since the shipping container in which the bodies were found was sent from England to the Belgian port of Zeebrugge.

      “The police said that they were urgently carrying out the verification work and the identities of the victims cannot be confirmed at present,” said Tong Xuejun, a Chinese consular official in London.

      Both suspected victims come from the impoverished province of Ha Tinh where many of the country’s illegal migrants come from. Many who try to reach the UK end up working in nail salons or cannabis farms.

      https://www.dw.com/en/more-vietnamese-families-fear-relatives-are-among-the-39-uk-truck-victims/a-50997473

    • Vietnamese woman suspected killed in UK truck disaster

      A father has reported to Vietnamese authorities that his 26-year-old daughter may have been one of the 39 found dead in a container truck in England.

      #Pham_Van_Thin, of Can Loc District in the central Ha Tinh Province, sent a letter Friday to the People’s Committee of Nghen Town, saying his daughter was likely one of the 39 people found dead in a container truck in the Waterglade Industrial Park, Grays Town.

      “My daughter, Pham Thi Tra My, left Vietnam on October 3, 2019, then travelled to China, France and England,” Thin wrote in the letter, which had My’s photo attached. She was described as 1.5 meters tall and weighing around 46 kilograms.

      Thin asked the Nghen People’s Committee to verify that he is My’s father, in order to initiate legal procedures to identify and bring his daughter’s body back to Vietnam.

      At his home in Nghen Town, Thin’s family members confirmed that he had indeed submitted an application to the authorities to verify that My was missing, but refused to provide further information on her overseas travel.

      The Nghen Town People’s Committee has passed on Thin’s letter to the Can Loc District’s Department of Labor, Invalids and Social Affairs, which, in turn, will report to authorities with jurisdiction over the matter, said Bui Viet Hung, Vice Chairman of the committee.

      “Thin’s family has three children, of which My is the youngest. My had worked overseas in Japan for three years, and only last month completed procedures to go to China,” Hung said.

      A senior official of the Ha Tinh Provincial Department of Foreign Affairs, who did not wish to be named, said Friday afternoon that he had received a phone call from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Consular Department asking to verify the case of a Vietnamese worker from Ha Tinh Province suspected missing in the UK.

      The Ha Tinh Provincial Department of Foreign Affairs has contacted authorities of Can Loc District, where a person has allegedly been reported missing, to verify the information.

      According to an authorized source, My had used an emigration ring led by a resident of Nghe An Province to go to China. After getting there, she obtained forged Chinese citizenship documents and left for Europe.

      One of My’s relatives has reportedly contacted the Vietnamese Association in the U.K., a non-profit organization, to request their assistance in bringing her body home.

      In the early hours of Wednesday morning, U.K. emergency services discovered the bodies of 38 adults and one teenager, suspected immigrants, after being alerted that there were people in a refrigerated container truck at the Waterglade Industrial Park in Grays, Essex County, east of London.

      Staff of the Chinese Embassy in London have arrived at the scene to help police verify whether the victims were Chinese citizens.

      Three people, including truck driver, were arrested on suspicion of conspiracy to traffic people and manslaughter, the British police said on Friday, the first indication from officials that the deaths were linked to human smuggling.

      In 2000, 58 Chinese migrants were found dead in a refrigerated truck in Dover, Britain’s busiest port. The authorities said they had asphyxiated in the container, in which cooling and ventilation were switched off.

      https://e.vnexpress.net/news/news/vietnamese-woman-suspected-killed-in-uk-truck-disaster-4002594.html


    • https://www.facebook.com/ndt105/posts/10218065950232006

      Traduction et commentaire d’une étudiante de mon master, vietnamienne :

      He said: "It is possible that all 39 “Chinese-like-people” who were suffocated in the car in the UK were Vietnamese. Even the majority of them are probably Nghe An-Ha Tinh by participating in a smuggling transfer service. If they send a message to their family, the family will pay about 1 billion VND (35.000£) for the Vietnamese smugglers. If they NEVER text again, it looks like family members get a refund for the deposit. A terrible contract."
      The photos are captured in a Facebook group for recruiting and supporting Vietnamese in a foreign country (maybe England, I’m not sure). People are posting information of their relatives who left at the same time with the lorry and didn’t contact anymore. All of them were born in 1999, 2000 and from Ha Tinh, Nghe Anh (2 poor cities in the center of Vietnam). The last photo is a message of a woman saying that she has people in contact with the invesgators and there are already 20 people identified as Vietnamese.

    • Majority of 39 UK truck victims likely from Vietnam - priest

      YEN THANH, Vietnam (Reuters) - The majority of the 39 people found dead in the back of a truck near London were likely from Vietnam, a community leader from the rural, rice-growing community where many of the victims are believed to have come from told Reuters on Saturday.

      The discovery of the bodies - 38 adults and one teenager - was made on Wednesday after emergency services were alerted to people in a truck container on an industrial site in Grays, about 32km (20 miles) east of central London.

      Police have said they believe the dead were Chinese but Beijing said the nationalities had not yet been confirmed. Chinese and Vietnamese officials are now both working closely with British police, their respective embassies have said.

      Father Anthony Dang Huu Nam, a catholic priest in the remote town of Yen Thanh in northern-central Vietnam’s Nghe An province, 300km (180 miles) south of Hanoi, said he was liaising with family members of the victims.

      “The whole district is covered in sorrow,” Nam said, as prayers for the dead rang out over loudspeakers throughout the misty, rain-soaked town on Saturday.

      “I’m still collecting contact details for all the victim’s families, and will hold a ceremony to pray for them tonight.”

      “This is a catastrophe for our community.”

      Nam said families told him they knew relatives were travelling to the UK at the time and had been unable to contact their loved ones.

      Vietnam’s foreign ministry said in a statement on Saturday that it had instructed its London embassy to assist British police with the identification of victims.

      The ministry did not respond to a request for further comment regarding the nationalities of the dead.

      Essex Police declined to elaborate as to how they first identified the dead as Chinese.
      ‘BEAUTIFUL DAY’

      In Yen Thanh, Nghe An province, dozens of worried relatives of 19-year-old Bui Thi Nhung gathered in the family’s small courtyard home where her worried mother has been unable to rise from her bed.

      “She said she was in France and on the way to the UK, where she has friends and relatives,” said Nhung’s cousin, Hoang Thi Linh.

      “We are waiting and hoping it’s not her among the victims, but it’s very likely. We pray for her everyday. There were two people from my village travelling in that group”.

      In comments under a photo uploaded to Nhung’s Facebook account on Monday, two days before the doomed truck was discovered, one friend asked how her journey was going.

      “Not good,” Nhung replied. “Almost spring,” she said, using a term in Vietnamese meaning she had almost reached her destination.

      Other photos on her account show her sightseeing in Brussels on Oct. 18.

      “Such a beautiful day,” Nhung posted.

      Nghe An is one of Vietnam’s poorest provinces, and home to many victims of human trafficking who end up in Europe, according to a March report by the Pacific Links Foundation, a U.S.-based anti-trafficking organisation.

      Other victims are believed to come from the neighbouring province of Ha Tinh, Nam said, where in the first eight months of this year, 41,790 people left looking for work elsewhere, including overseas, according to state media.

      The province was ravaged by one of Vietnam’s worst environmental disasters in 2016 when a steel mill owned by Taiwan’s Formosa Plastics contaminated coastal waters, devastating local fishing and tourism industries and sparking widespread protests.

      Another suspected victim from Ha Tinh, 26-year-old Pham Thi Tra My, had sent a text message to her mother saying she could not breathe at about the time the truck container was en route from Belgium to Britain.

      “That girl who said in her message that she couldn’t breathe in the truck? Her parents can’t breathe here at home,” Nam said.

      https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-britain-bodies/majority-of-39-uk-truck-victims-likely-from-vietnam-priest-idUKKBN1X503M

    • « Désolée maman, je suis en train de mourir, je ne peux plus respirer » : les SMS déchirants d’une jeune victime à l’agonie dans le camion de l’Essex

      La jeune vietnamienne Pham Thi Tra My, 26 ans, avait parcouru la Chine puis la France dans ses tentatives pour atteindre la Grande Bretagne. Son périple se terminera dans le camion de Mo Robinson, comme celui de 38 autres ressortissants asiatiques.


      https://www.sudinfo.be/id148457/article/2019-10-25/desolee-maman-je-suis-en-train-de-mourir-je-ne-peux-plus-respirer-les-sms

    • UK police: man arrested in Ireland is of interest in truck death investigation

      British police said a man arrested in Dublin on Saturday is a person of interest in their investigation into the deaths of 39 people who were found in a truck container.

      “A man arrested by the Garda at Dublin Port on Saturday 26 October is a person of interest in our murder investigation regarding the 39 people found dead in a lorry in Purfleet on Wednesday 23 October,” Essex Police said.

      https://www.reuters.com/article/us-britain-bodies-ireland-idUSKBN1X70FX

    • The 39 people who died in the lorry were victims. Why does the law treat them as criminals?

      As long as the justice system is focused on immigration status, not on ending modern-day slavery, desperate people will suffer.

      What leads someone down the route where they find themselves locked into the back of a lorry, a beating heart in a metal box? What choices – or lack of them – have led someone to be reduced to a piece of human cargo? Can anyone who read the story of the 39 bodies found in the back of a lorry last week not feel the visceral terror of that cold, dark death and wonder at how we live in a world where a business model exists that thrives off this level of human desperation?

      At the moment it is unclear whether this tragedy is the work of smuggling gangs – who are in a transactional arrangement with the people they are moving from place to place – or human traffickers, who are exploiting and profiting from their human cargo. In the end, does it even matter? Both are looking to profit from the very human desire to not only survive but to thrive. Across the world, trafficking and smuggling gangs are flogging promises and dreams and then using fear – of pain, of the authorities, of their debts, of their failure – to make vast amounts of money in the knowledge that they’re unlikely to get caught, and in the certainty that their victims are expendable.

      One Vietnamese teenager I interviewed last year had, like last week’s victims, crossed the Channel in the back of a lorry. He described the experience to me: the pain of the jolting metal that tore into his skin; the stench of other silent bodies he was pressed up against; the poisonous diesel fumes; and the hunger and thirst that gnawed at his insides.

      His journey towards that point had begun with a childhood of crippling and monotonous poverty and the belief that the only way to escape and honour his filial responsibility to provide for his parents was to follow the promise of work in the UK. He embarked on an overland journey across Europe where he was smuggled from safe house to safe house, fell under the control of criminal gangs and was raped, beaten and brutalised. By the time he reached France, he was told he had to pay back £20,000 – an amount he couldn’t even comprehend. His parents would be the ones who would suffer if he didn’t pay them back.

      By his point his life was not in his hands. A chain of events had been set in motion that he had no control over. There was no way back: his only future was one where his sole reason for survival was to pay off his debts. He ended up being trafficked into a cannabis farm in Derbyshire.

      In the eyes of the law there is a distinction between illegal work and modern slavery – with the former you are a criminal, and the latter a victim – but in reality the line is not so clearly defined. Many who are here to work move between the two. Across the UK, thousands end up being exploited and unpaid in our restaurants, car washes, agricultural fields, care homes, hotels and nail bars – visible but unseen.

      Official statistics say up to 15,000 people are trapped in a form of modern slavery in the UK – although those working on the frontline believe this figure to be a huge underestimate. Our government says that with the 2015 Modern Slavery Act it is a global leader in cracking down on this practice, yet prosecutions remain low. In 2017-18 there were only 185 convictions for slavery and trafficking crimes – a fraction of the cases reported to the authorities.

      Crucially, prosecutions require victims to come forward and testify. Yet their immigration status is often considered more of a priority than their exploitation. Traffickers tell their victims if they go to the police they will be arrested and detained, and more often than not they’re right. Recent research found over 500 victims of trafficking were arrested and sent to immigration detention centres last year. Even though police guidance tells officers how to identify cases of modern slavery, Vietnamese children found in nail bars or cannabis farms are still routinely arrested, charged and detained.

      Even those who are recognised as victims of trafficking by the authorities are in for a rough ride. The government’s national referral mechanism, the framework for identifying and protecting victims of slavery, is sometimes considered by victims to be as traumatising as their trafficking. They can find themselves trapped in a legal limbo in a complex and under-resourced system for years at a time. And in the end victims are probably going to be removed back to the country where they were trafficked: according to the government’s own figures only 12% of victims of slavery are granted discretionary leave to remain.

      All of this matters because it creates an environment in which the business of exploiting the desperation of human beings can thrive. Where the gangs know that British people will pay £8 in cash for a pedicure, or to get our car hand washed, without thinking too much about why. It’s a business model where people can be exploited for profit over and over again with the near certainty that in the end it will be the victim who the system comes down upon, for making the journey in the first place.

      In 2004 the death of 23 Chinese cockle pickers in Morecambe Bay was a moment of reckoning – a human tragedy that, for many people, raised the spectre of modern slavery in the UK for the first time. Today, 15 years later, maybe these 39 deaths might do the same and remind us that our only chance of beating the business in flogging human lives is to try to understand how people come to be locked inside the backs of lorries in the first place.

      https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/oct/29/39-people-lorry-victims-law-criminals-immigration-slavery?CMP=share_btn

    • En route vers le Royaume-Uni, enquête de terrain auprès des migrants vietnamiens

      #France_terre_d'asile a réalisé une enquête de terrain auprès des migrants vietnamiens en transit dans le département du Pas-de-Calais, dans le cadre du projet d’aide aux victimes de traite des êtres humains mené par l’association.

      L’étude analyse les parcours migratoires de ces migrants, les raisons de leur départ, leurs profils, leurs relations avec les réseaux de passeurs, les moyens d’emprise et de coercition exercés sur eux et leurs besoins afin d’améliorer leur accompagnement en France et en Europe.

      https://www.france-terre-asile.org/toutes-nos-publications/details/1/209-en-route-vers-le-royaume-uni,-enqu%C3%AAte-de-terrain-aupr%C
      #rapport

    • Precarious journeys: Mapping vulnerabilities of victims of trafficking from Vietnam to Europe

      New research by ECPAT UK, Anti-Slavery International and Pacific Links Foundation traces the journeys made by Vietnamese children and adults migrating irregularly from Vietnam to the UK via Europe. The report, Precarious Journeys: Mapping Vulnerabilities of Victims of Trafficking from Vietnam to Europe, finds that the governments of countries on key trafficking routes routinely fail to protect Vietnamese children from trafficking, leaving them vulnerable to continued exploitation and abuse.


      https://www.ecpat.org.uk/precarious-journeys

    • Vietnamese migrants are not ‘lured’ by traffickers. They just want a better future

      The risks are known and won’t deter people. There will be more deaths in lorries unless Britain changes its immigration policy.

      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/05ed4f7268ba39f63a3d283434f6a7c153c96150/0_0_3600_2160/master/3600.jpg?width=620&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=479e7dd01a75bb999e8d74

      Thirty-nine bodies found in the back of a refrigerated lorry in an Essex industrial park. Apart from shock and rage, this tragic news feels like deja vu. Almost two decades ago, in 2000, 58 Chinese people were found suffocated to death in Dover, in similar horrific circumstances. Those men and women banged on doors and screamed for their lives, the only two survivors revealed. The tragic deaths left families behind and communities back in Fujian province devastated.

      Today, many of the 39 people, eight women and 31 men, are believed to have come from Vietnam, as families there desperately look for their missing loved ones.
      The 39 people who died in the lorry were victims. Why does the law treat them as criminals?
      Annie Kelly
      Read more

      I also felt deja vu listening to the response from British politicians and media. “Stop evil human traffickers”; “Stop international criminal networks”. I heard such phrases two decades ago from the home secretary, Jack Straw, and today his successor, Priti Patel, repeats the sentiment. While formal identification of the victims continues, Vietnamese people have mostly been portrayed as “unaware” trafficking victims sent to fill the nail bars and cannabis factories – as having no agency of their own and no control over their migratory decisions.

      In reality, the Vietnamese young men and women who choose to travel on these dangerous routes only do so when they cannot come to Britain in formal ways. Having no alternatives, they contact “snakeheads” (smugglers), who are often perceived as “migration brokers” rather than criminals, who organise their transportation to Britain.

      It appears that many of the 39 people may have come from the Nghe An and Ha Tinh provinces of Vietnam, which have been hit by economic reforms. Three decades ago, in 1986, the Vietnamese government launched the Doi Moi economic reforms, which aimed to facilitate a transition from a centralised planning to a “socialist-oriented” market economy. From the 1990s onwards, the government boasted of Vietnam’s rise in GDP – what was not said was that the growth was built upon the low-cost labour of millions of Vietnamese, toiling in processing factories and assembling products for overseas companies. The inflow of foreign investment has been a big part of Vietnam’s economic liberalisation. In recent years, it has brought cash to the high-tech processing, manufacturing, agriculture, education and healthcare sectors. Since the start of this year, Vietnam has attracted foreign direct investment of more than $1.1bn (£850m), China alone bringing in $222m.

      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/0437ed70716e77799c71a362955e1e1ce116355b/0_175_5568_3341/master/5568.jpg?width=620&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=97d294bd0eb6ec60a2715d

      Many of these changes have not been popular: large waves of anti-China protests happened in May 2014, in Ha Tinh and other places. And in 2018 there was popular opposition to legislation enabling special economic zones to grant land leases to foreign businesses for up to 99 years.

      In 2016 Ha Tinh was also the site of the country’s worst environmental disaster, caused by a chemical spill from a steel factory, owned by a Taiwanese company, Formosa Plastics, that poisoned up to 125 miles of the northern coastline and ruined the fishing industry. Formosa Plastics was fined $500m by the Vietnamese government, but much of the compensation did not reach the affected fishermen.

      The low labour cost in these provinces is the main attraction for Chinese and other foreign investors. For instance, a factory worker here earns around two-thirds of what a similar worker earns in China, and half the local population are under the age of 30.

      Rather than wealth, foreign investment has brought mainly dead-end, low-paid jobs with few long-term prospects for young locals. The average wage in Vietnam is around $150 a month; in these provinces many don’t even earn that. Besides, unemployment is severe. Last year, GDP per capita in both Nhge An ($1,600) and Ha Tinh ($2,200) fell below the national average of $2,500. This is the context compelling tens of thousands of Vietnamese from these impoverished provinces to choose to migrate, to seek livelihoods for themselves and their families.

      Families often depend on sons and daughters to find their way into advanced capitalist countries in the west, to work and be the breadwinners. Remittances from abroad also help sustain communities – Nghe An, for instance, brought in $225m a year, according to official estimates.

      The 39 people were not “unthinking migrants” lured by traffickers, as the media has suggested. They were fighting for a future for their families, and lost their precious lives as Britain firmly kept its doors locked shut.

      If the tragic deaths of these men and women truly sadden you, the best thing to do is oppose Britain’s anti-migrant policies. We need to dismantle the false categories of “economic migrants” and “genuine refugees”. Let our fellow human beings have the opportunity to live and work in the open – that is the only way forward.

      https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/oct/30/vietnamese-migrants-traffickers-deaths-lorries-britain-immigration-poli

    • Essex lorry deaths should be wake-up call for ministers, MPs say

      Policies focused on closing borders counterproductive, says foreign affairs committee

      The deaths of 39 people found in the back of a lorry in Essex should be wake-up call for the government to rethink its approach to migration, MPs have said.

      Policies focused on closing borders will drive migrants to take more dangerous routes and push them into the hands of smugglers, the foreign affairs select committee says in a new report.

      The human cost of irregular migration made international partnerships essential, including with the EU, the committee said.

      The report comes just over a week after 39 people, now understood to be Vietnamese nationals, were found dead in the back of a lorry that had arrived in the UK via the port of Zeebrugge.

      The driver, Maurice Robinson, has been charged with manslaughter and trafficking offences, and a police investigation into a suspected wider trafficking network continues.

      Tom Tugendhat, the chair of the influential committee, said that until the UK left the EU it should continue to attend EU meetings on migration.

      “The case of 39 people found dead in a lorry in Essex shocked us all. The full story won’t be clear for some time but this tragedy is not alone,” he said.

      “Today, hundreds of families across the world are losing loved ones who felt driven to take the fatal gamble to entrust their lives to smugglers. This case should serve as a wake-up call to the Foreign Office and to government.

      “The UK has been relatively isolated from the different migrant crises in recent years, but it’s wrong to assume that we are protected from their impact. The UK has a proud history of helping those fleeing conflict and persecution and cooperating with others to protect human rights. We should lead by example.”

      The report also raised concern that deals with countries such as Libya, Niger and Sudan to limit migration risked fuelling human rights abuses.

      It said such deals could be used as leverage by partner governments, as the Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, had done recently when he threatened to “reopen the gates”.

      The committee also said the fact that the Home Office was responsible for the UK’s response to irregular migration could lead to the “error of focusing on preventing migration to the exclusion of other goals such as preventing conflict and promoting stability and respect for fundamental human rights”.

      It called for more effort to negotiate future close cooperation on migration policy with the EU and an immediate return of UK officials to EU-level meetings where irregular migration is discussed.

      Other recommendations included the expansion of legal pathways to apply for asylum outside Europe and robust monitoring and safeguards to ensure UK funding for migration programmes in Libya did not contribute to human rights abuses.

      Tugendhat said the committee’s inquiry had been cut short by the “uncertain nature of parliamentary business”, but that it hoped to return to the issues in the future.

      Irregular migration is defined by the International Organization for Migration as the “movement of persons that takes place outside the laws, regulations, or international agreements governing the entry into or exit from the state of origin, transit or destination”.

      https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/nov/04/essex-lorry-deaths-should-be-wake-up-call-for-ministers-mps-say?CMP=Sha

    • France: Dozens of migrants found in back of truck near Italian border

      The truck had been carrying 31 people, reportedly from Pakistan, when it was inspected by authorities in southern France. The latest discovery comes after dozens of migrants were found dead in a truck near London.

      Officers carrying out a routine traffic check in southern France uncovered dozens of migrants in the back of a truck on Saturday, the public prosecutor’s office in Nice said.

      Some 31 people, including three unaccompanied minors, were found in the truck during a vehicle spot-check at a toll booth near La Turbie, near the border with Italy.

      Prosecutors said that all 31 people on board were Pakistani nationals. The driver of the truck, who is also from Pakistan, was arrested by French authorities.

      The migrants were handed over to Italian authorities, the Nice-Matin newspaper reported.

      Prosecutors will now try to determine whether a human smuggling ring is behind the operation. Should that prove not to be the case, the driver of the truck will be charged with aiding and abetting illegal immigration, news agency AFP reported.

      Concerns after UK migrant truck deaths

      The discovery comes just days after French authorities in the northern port city of Calais pulled over a refrigerated truck carrying eight migrants. All those inside the truck, including four children, were taken to the hospital after exhibiting signs of hypothermia.

      Border control agencies have been on high alert following the deaths of 39 migrants in the UK on October 23.

      The migrants, who were determined to be Vietnamese nationals, had also been transported in a refrigerated truck when the vehicle was found east of London.

      The alleged driver of the truck, a 25-year-old from Northern Ireland, has already been charged over the deaths. He faces 39 counts of manslaughter as well as human trafficking and immigration offenses.

      https://www.dw.com/en/france-dozens-of-migrants-found-in-back-of-truck-near-italian-border/a-51094985
      #ceux_qui_restent #vidéo #celles_qui_restent #celleux_qui_restent

    • #Spare_me_the_tears - Britain would have treated the Vietnamese nationals as criminals if they had not died in the lorry

      Had the police found the desperate migrants in the back of the truck they would have been arrested and deported

      I waited a while before writing this column. The deferral was out of respect for the dead, grieving relatives and the shocked Essex officers who discovered the bodies.

      But now it is time for uncomfortable, troublesome, questions: What if those thirty nine Vietnamese migrants found in the back of truck had been discovered still alive?

      Would the tabloids have published those tender pictures of young victims, smiling, buoyant, sons and daughters, grandsons and granddaughters, nieces and nephews, fathers and mothers?

      Would Boris Johnson and Home Secretary Priti Patel have been as compassionate as they have been?

      Would nationalist Brits have held back from their usual bellyaches about ‘uncontrolled migration’? Let’s not belabour the obvious. We know the answers.

      It is believed that all of those who were found were Vietnamese. On Saturday, around one hundred people attended the service at the Church of the Holy Name and Our Lady of the Sacred Heart in east London.

      The Reverend Simon Nguyen remembered the 39 who were ‘seeking freedom, dignity and happiness’. Such a low attendance is indicative. The victims are only numbers in the current news cycle.

      In 2000 when 58 bodies of Chinese migrants were found in the back of a lorry in Dover, some of us journalists and concerned actors such as Corin Redgrave and Frances de la Tour organised a vigil near Downing St. We wanted to remind people that behind the numbers were names, individual, special lives.

      Nothing has been learnt since then. One Vietnamese contact tells me her people are now petrified: ‘Police will come to ask us questions maybe. We know nothing. We are the children of the boat people. Mrs Thatcher asked them to come during the war. Now we are afraid again’.

      Thatcher did indeed invite these migrants to settle in Britain and made sure that the tabloids ran their arrival as a good news story. It was a strategic move, her way of winning the PR battle against Vietnamese communists.

      The refugees were welcomed and helped to settle. That was the only time I praised the iron lady. No Tory PM would dare to be that bold today.

      In the UK, Australia, the US, many eastern European and EU nations too, most citizens and politicians feel for refugees, asylum seekers and migrants only when they perish at sea or in airless, light-less vehicles.

      Alive they are a pestilence, dead they become pitiful innocents preyed on by traffickers. There are of course kind and generous people too, who do what they can, for the global wanderers desperately seeking a better life. But millions of others can only raise sympathy for bodies and really get exercised about the crimes, not the victims.

      Journalists, politicians and commentators are now well into the whodunnit, madly exhilarating murder mystery, identifying the traffickers, the arrests and extraditions. They are sniffing around for other ploys that could be being used by criminal people smugglers.

      A Times investigation this week revealed that at least 15 pupils from Vietnam had vanished after enrolling at private schools. Apparently, this is something that the Human Trafficking Foundation is worried about too.

      It fell upon Catherine Baker, the senior campaigns officer at Every Child Protected Against Trafficking to challenge the narrative: ‘ Victims are often criminalised instead of being protected and a hostile environment for people in the UK without immigration status makes those still trapped in exploitative situations nervous to seek help’.

      Mercy is in short supply at the Home Office and Ms Patel, utterly benighted and scarily ideological, wants officials to get even tougher because she thinks suffering helps to deter others.

      Charities are raising concerns about some devious new tactics being used by the Home office to catch and repatriate undocumented men and women.

      Rapar, a Manchester based human rights charity has just discovered that minority community groups are being co-opted and paid thousands of pounds to help find and expel illegal migrants.

      Fizza Qureshi, co-chief executive of the Migrants Rights Networks rightly warns that ‘these kinds of practices destroy trust within and between communities. It will leave many marginalised people wondering who they can turn to and trust in their time of need’.

      Had the police found the distressed 39 in the back of the truck before they expired, they would all have been treated as criminals, interrogated, detained in abominable centres and sent back.

      Few legal options are available to them. People will keep on trying and these inconvenient truths will continue to be avoided by Britain and other receiving nations.

      And so the tragedies will go on.

      https://inews.co.uk/opinion/uk-would-have-treated-vietnamese-migrants-as-criminals-if-they-had-lived-82

    • Grieve the Essex 39, but recognise the root causes

      In the wake of the deaths of 39 migrants in a lorry container, daikon*’s Kay Stephens writes on the global structures of capitalism and imperialism and the deadly border regimes that led to their deaths.

      On 24 October, daikon*, a group of anti-racist creatives of east and south east Asian descent, organised a vigil outside the Home Office with SOAS Detainee Support and members of the Chinese community to grieve for the 39 people found dead in a truck container in Essex – 39 people who died horrific deaths in miserable conditions in a desperate attempt to reach the UK.

      These deaths are no accident, but the direct result of global structures of capitalism and imperialism that marginalise, if not violently exclude, working-class undocumented migrants and people of colour. The mainstream’s response – calling for harsher borders, criminal justice for ‘greedy and unscrupulous’ traffickers and safe passage for ‘genuine’ refugees –fails to interrogate the global conditions that lead people to risk dangerous travel, and the deadly effects of border controls on all migrants.

      The global context

      Although initially identified as Chinese nationals, news is emerging that the majority of victims were from the neighbouring Vietnamese provinces of Nghệ An and Hà Tĩnh, both amongst the poorest regions in the country. In 2016, Hà Tĩnh suffered a water pollution disaster affecting over 200km of coastline, resulting in at least 70 tonnes of dead fish washing up on local shores. It was found that the Hà Tĩnh steel plant – a joint venture between the Taiwanese company Formosa, China Steel Corporation and Japan’s JFE Steel – had been discharging toxic waste into the ocean, devastating local marine life and directly affecting some 40,000 workers who relied on fishing and tourism for their livelihood. The affected communities have faced crackdowns on protest and are still seeking justice. Today, the region is a key site of people-smuggling to the UK.

      We can see neo-colonial dynamics playing out here. Big corporations from richer countries come in to exploit resources and low labour costs to produce wealth for themselves. When they cut corners to maximise profit, local working-class communities bear the brunt of the fallout, often in the form of irreparable environmental damage. These same countries then benefit from a hyper-exploitable migrant workforce: Taiwan and Japan, for instance, are on the receiving end of Vietnamese labour export programmes. These are effectively systems of debt servitude, whereby migrants work long hours for low pay in often poor conditions in order to send remittances to support their families back home, on top of repaying debts incurred to obtain work abroad. In Taiwan, low wages and rampant abuse drive many workers to break away from their contracts and seek criminalised forms of work. In Japan, Vietnamese workers commonly report experiences of racism and social exclusion, with many even dying of overwork.


      This year, we also saw the inclusion of an investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) style mechanism in EU-Vietnam trade deals. This effectively gives foreign investors the power to sue host governments when their court rulings, laws and regulations – many of which serve the public interest – undermine their investments. Globally, ISDS has been used by corporations to sue governments when hard-won social and environmental protections negatively impact their production and profits. Currently, two British oil firms are using ISDS to sue the Vietnamese government to avoid paying taxes in the country. With the EU-Vietnam trade deal, we can expect European corporations to continue to exploit this mechanism at the expense of the local environment and people, who may increasingly seek to build their lives elsewhere.

      The UK response

      It is in this context that smuggling networks develop and operate. Those seeking the prospect of a better life abroad may hire the services of smugglers who facilitate illegalised movement across borders. Many will incur debts to finance their journeys, and expect to undertake difficult work upon arrival at their destination. One response of the UK Home Office is to support IOM (International Organization for Migration) Vietnam, both in delivering propaganda campaigns that attempt to deter people from illegalised migration, and in criminal investigations aimed at prosecuting smugglers and traffickers – policies that do nothing to address the conditions that lead people to migrate. Politicians and commentators are also insisting that to avoid tragedies like the Essex 39, we need increased border security and continued collaboration with EU law enforcement and anti-trafficking units. Yet we have witnessed the prosecution of aid workers helping migrants to safety under EU trafficking laws, and there are countless reports of police brutality against migrants in EU border enforcement operations. In reality, tougher borders only lead migrants and smugglers to risk increasingly deadly and secretive migration routes in order to evade detection by improved security technology. Securitised responses also shift the smuggling industry away from community-based networks towards increasingly violent and highly organised criminal networks that are able to maximally exploit migrants’ vulnerability to increase their profit margins. In short, borders kill. If we want to prevent migrant deaths, we need to work towards the abolition of borders, starting with practical solidarity resisting borders in public life and our communities – refusing complicity in the hostile environment, visiting people in detention, and resisting immigration raids.

      The impact of criminalisation

      We should also be concerned about how an increased emphasis on anti-trafficking legislation may further endanger precarious migrant workers in the UK. In 2016, we saw ‘anti-trafficking’ police raids on massage parlours in Soho and Chinatown lead to the violent arrest of many migrant sex workers on immigration grounds. Whilst ostensibly aimed at addressing exploitation, these kinds of ‘rescue’ raids on brothels, nail bars and cannabis farms are basically indistinguishable from immigration raids, leading as they often do to the detention of migrant workers, who then either face deportation or a protracted legal battle to remain. Often underlying such operations are gendered and racialised assumptions of Asian migrant women as passive and helpless victims in need of rescue, and Asian men as unscrupulous and predatory traffickers, who control and exploit those helpless victims. The reality is that in the context of border regimes that push them into debt and underground economies, many migrants make a constrained choice to work under conditions that are to varying degrees exploitative or abusive in order to pay off debts to smugglers, send money to dependants, and indeed, to survive. The fact that the British state does not guarantee indefinite leave to remain, nor adequate social support to those it identifies as survivors of trafficking shows its fundamental failure to grasp the central role that borders and capitalism, rather than individual traffickers, play in producing conditions for exploitation and abuse.

      Whatever their circumstances, we need to ensure migrants are able to assert labour rights and access safe housing, work, healthcare and other public, legal and social services – all without fear of immigration sanctions or criminal convictions. At a minimum, this means ending the ‘hostile environment’ which embeds immigration checks throughout public life, and decriminalising industries such as sex work whose criminalisation only pushes undocumented workers deeper into secrecy and silence.

      As heart-breaking stories of victims continue to emerge, we must recognise that such deaths are an inevitability of the neo-colonial, securitised regimes being built globally, designed to marginalise working-class migrants and people of colour, who are rendered exploitable or disposable. Systemic analyses that centre anti-capitalism, no borders, building migrant workers’ rights globally, and the decriminalisation of sex work are not distractions but central to bringing an end to senseless deaths such as those of the Essex 39.

      http://www.irr.org.uk/news/grieve-the-essex-39-but-recognise-the-root-causes

    • Lorry driver pleads guilty over role in Essex deaths

      #Maurice_Robinson, 25, admits plotting to assist illegal immigration
      A lorry driver charged with the manslaughter of 39 Vietnamese migrants found dead in a refrigerated trailer has pleaded guilty to plotting to assist illegal immigration.

      Maurice Robinson, 25, who is known as Mo, was allegedly part of a global smuggling ring. He was arrested shortly after the bodies of eight females and 31 males were found in a trailer attached to his Scania cab in an industrial park in Grays, Essex, on 23 October.

      The victims were identified later as Vietnamese nationals, with the youngest being two boys aged 15.

      Robinson appeared at the Old Bailey in London via video link from Belmarsh prison for a plea hearing. He spoke to confirm his identity and British nationality.

      Robinson admitted conspiracy to assist unlawful immigration between 1 May 2018 and 24 October 2019. The charge states that he plotted with others to do “an act or series of acts which facilitated the commission of a breach of immigration law by various persons”.

      During the hearing before Mr Justice Edis, Robinson also admitted acquiring criminal property – namely cash – on the same dates. He was not asked to enter pleas to other charges, including 39 counts of manslaughter.

      Police formally identified all 39 victims this month and informed their families. It has emerged, however, that relatives of the migrants found dead were told that neither the British nor Vietnamese governments would bear the costs of repatriating the bodies.

      Police in Vietnam have arrested eight people suspected of being part of a ring responsible for smuggling Vietnamese people to Britain.

      Essex police have launched extradition proceedings to bring Eamonn Harrison, 22, from Ireland to the UK. He appeared at Dublin’s central criminal court last Thursday after he was arrested on a European arrest warrant in respect of 39 counts of manslaughter, one count of a human trafficking offence and one count of assisting unlawful immigration.

      Harrison is accused of driving the lorry with the refrigerated container to Zeebrugge in Belgium before it was collected in Essex by Robinson.

      Robinson was remanded into custody until a further hearing on 13 December.

      https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/nov/25/lorry-driver-pleads-guilty-in-essex-deaths-case?CMP=Share_AndroidApp_Tw

    • Don’t call the Essex 39 a ‘tragedy’

      Jun Pang on why the deaths of 39 undocumented migrants were entirely avoidable, and why borders are to blame.

      On 23 October, 39 people were found dead in the back refrigerated lorry in Essex, South East England, with media outlets reporting that the victims may have frozen to death in temperatures as low as -25°C.

      The truck had crossed The Channel from Belgium, a route that has been used increasingly by migrants after the French government tightened restrictions on departures from Calais.

      These 39 deaths were not a ‘tragedy’. They were not unavoidable. They were the direct result of British government policies that have made it impossible to enter the country using safe and legal means.

      The conditions that produced these 39 deaths emerge from the same set of policies that deny asylum, justify indefinite immigration detention, charter deportation flights, and restrict migrants’ access to fundamental rights – that is, the so-called ‘Hostile Environment’.

      The aim is to make the UK so inhospitable for migrants that they will not make the effort to try to enter. They are also the conditions that allow the Global North to continue to thrive off the exploitation of undocumented migrant workers.

      ‘The brutality of capitalism’

      When I first heard of the deaths, I was reminded of the 2004 Morecambe Bay disaster, when 23 undocumented Chinese workers drowned while picking cockles off the Lancashire coast. These workers did not die of ‘natural causes’, they died because their gangmaster did not give them any information about how to work safely in the notoriously dangerous bay. He was willing to sacrifice these undocumented workers’ lives for the sake of a higher yield.

      Chinese workers were described by one gangmaster as ‘a half-price... more punctual and productive workforce’. Did their employers imagine that Chinese people’s racialized ‘productivity’ somehow meant that they were also immune to the elements? One Morecambe Bay cockler later told journalist Hsiao-Hung Pai (who later wrote a book about Chinese migrant workers’ lives in the UK) that ‘he blamed the brutality of capitalism for the tragedy’.

      At the end of 2018, China was one of the countries with the highest numbers of citizens in UK detention centres. Earlier this year, I visited a Chinese man in detention, who had come to the UK with the help of so-called ‘snakehead’ smugglers, who are often blamed for the deaths of undocumented migrants like the Essex 39. The man had fled to the UK for fear that he would be killed; he did not know how else he could enter.

      The Home Office rejected his refugee application, detained him for more than a year (despite bundles of evidence from experts on his situation) and ended up deporting him – but not before first mistakenly deporting another man with the same surname.

      One of the most heartbreaking things he had said to me was that he would rather work for £1 an hour in the detention centre for the rest of his life, than go home and face persecution.
      Hierarchy of ‘desert’

      It is not useful to speculate on the reasons why these 39 Vietnamese nationals decided to try to enter the UK. More important is to recognize that the UK border has long been a site of racialized, classed, and gendered violence for all migrants, regardless of the reasons for entering. In 1998, the New Labour government published ‘Fairer, Faster, and Firmer – A Modern Approach to Immigration and Asylum’, a White Paper which warned that ‘economic migrants will exploit whatever route offers the best chance of entering or remaining within the UK’. Two years later, in 2000, 58 Chinese nationals were found dead, having suffocated in the back of a lorry at Dover docks.

      States often attempt to distinguish ‘economic migrants’ from ‘real refugees’ as a way to restrict legal entry at the border. Such categorization creates an arbitrary hierarchy of entitlement to international protection, absent of any consideration of the unequal distribution of resources across the Global North and Global South that often makes seeking employment overseas the only way that some people – and their families – can survive.

      In theory, this hierarchy of ‘desert’ is illegitimate because human rights violations, including deprivation of socioeconomic rights, are not subject to ranking. In practice, the hierarchy also fails to give ‘priority’ to ‘real refugees’ due to the culture of disbelief around asylum applications. So migrants are forced to rely on smugglers to gain entry.

      Smugglers facilitate the entry of migrants through different pathways. This entails significant risks, as states establish stronger barriers to entry, including visa restrictions, carrier sanctions, and interceptions at sea. The journeys do not stop; the conditions simply become more and more deadly.

      Smuggling is different to trafficking, which is the forced movement of a person for the purpose of exploitation, including labour and sexual exploitation. Anti-trafficking policies, however, are often criticized for failing to protect, and sometimes causing direct harm to, undocumented migrants. In the UK survivors of trafficking are detained and in some cases deported; even after being recognized as survivors, they often do not receive adequate social support.

      Part of the ‘anti-trafficking’ movement is also rooted in an anti-sex work politics that conflates sex work with sexual exploitation. This perspective presents all migrant sex workers as ‘victims’ requiring ‘saving’. In the end, this only pushes migrant sex workers into more insecure working conditions, subjecting them to the threat of arrest, detention, and deportation.

      States often conflate smuggling and trafficking to introduce blanket restrictions on entry and to criminalize particular forms of work in order to eject unwanted migrants. But blaming migrants’ deaths on smugglers and traffickers does nothing but mask the structures of racism and capitalism that both restrict the movement of, and exploit, undocumented workers.

      We do not at the time of writing know if the 39 people in the back of the lorry were hoping to come to the UK as workers; or whether they were being trafficked into labour exploitation. But the objectification of their ‘bodies’ reminded me of the way that migrants are only useful until they are not; and then, they are, quite literally, disposable.

      A man is being questioned in connection with the murder of the Essex 39; but the blood is ultimately on the hands of the British state, and the global system of borders that entrenches exploitative and deadly relations of power.

      https://newint.org/features/2019/10/25/dont-call-essex-39-tragedy
      #terminologie #vocabulaire #mots #tragédie #pouvoir #capitalisme

    • "Pray for Me"

      In October 2019, British police discovered a truck with 39 dead bodies. All from Vietnam. Who were they? How did they get there? The story of twins, one of whom died.

      The father is sitting hunched over at the table, a lanky, 50-year-old farmer with leathery skin and hair that is more gray than it is black. It’s late January, the air is warm and dry. Light filters in through the grated window, as do sounds: the crowing of a rooster, the lowing of a cow. The father wipes his nose on his sleeve and takes another drag from his cigarette. There have been a great number of cigarettes since the large, white altar appeared in the house entry bearing the photo of a smiling, 19-year-old girl in a white blouse and a red-and-gold scarf draped around her neck. Her name was Mai. She was his daughter.

      An acquaintance drops by, reaches for a stick of incense from the tray next to the altar, lights it and mumbles an Our Father. “Ah! You!” says the father in greeting and pours a glass of green tea. The guest sits down and says what everyone has been saying these days.

      “My condolences.”

      “Mai was such a good girl. It must be so deeply painful.”

      “I wish for you and your family that you may one day overcome this pain.”

      “May God help you.”

      The father nods and the visitor puts on his motorcycle helmet and drives off.

      The man and his wife cultivate two rice fields in addition to keeping three cows and a dozen chicken behind the house. The mother also distills liquor and the father used to take side jobs in construction – drilling wells or lugging sacks of cement. But since his daughter’s death, he has stopped taking any jobs, and his wife takes care of the fields and the animals on her own.

      The father can no longer handle much more than receiving guests dropping by to express their sympathies. Even eating is a challenge.

      Mai and her twin sister Lan had a dream: They wanted to get out of Vietnam and head to the West, to America or Europe. Two girls with the same round nose, the same high forehead and the same weakness for flannel shirts and jeans. Two girls who had shared a bed their entire lives, dyed their hair and put on red lipstick like popstars from South Korea. Two girls hoping for a better life.

      The father says he understood the dream of his daughters. Here, in the countryside of central Vietnam, all the young people want to leave. But in the big cities of Vietnam, they are ridiculed as rubes with a funny accent, so they head overseas. His brother’s children are living in America; he has cousins in South Korea. Classmates of his daughters have made their way to Japan, Germany and England.

      After finishing school, Mai and Lan applied to two American universities, but they were rejected. Then, a cousin put them in touch with a man from a neighboring village who was now living overseas. A smuggler.

      The father was worried. He had heard how dangerous it could be to travel to the West illegally, especially for women. On the evening before their departure, he took them aside.

      “I won’t let you go,” he said. “I can’t allow it.”

      The sisters protested. “If we don’t go now, we might never get away.”

      The father relented. When he thinks back to that discussion today, tears run down his face. He reaches for a cigarette.

      Mai’s and Lan’s journey to a better life ended in a news report that circled the globe. On 23rd of October 2019, British police officers discovered 39 dead bodies in a container on the back of a truck in the county of Essex east of London. Mai was one of them.

      Court documents show that a Northern Irish truck driver had hauled the container through France and Belgium before it was loaded onto a ferry in Zeebrugge for the crossing to England, disguised as a delivery of biscuits. Upon arrival in the port of Purfleet in Essex County, a second driver, also from Northern Ireland, picked up the container at 1:08 a.m. on that October night. A short time later, he turned into an industrial park, where he opened the container door.

      According to the London daily Evening Standard, the driver passed out after opening the refrigerator unit and discovering the bodies, although that suggestion remained unverified. The Daily Mail quotes emergency teams who said there were bloodied handprints. At 1:38 a.m., the ambulance was called.

      Post-mortem examinations have come to the conclusion that the victims died of suffocation and overheating, likely during the nine-hour crossing to England. The container’s refrigeration system had been switched off.

      The two truck drivers and three accomplices are now in custody, with their trial set to begin in Britain this autumn. Eight more suspects have been charged in Vietnam. Investigations into the unlawful migration network are continuing in both countries, but already it seems clear that the authorities have not managed to track down the leaders of the network. Only the foot soldiers will be hauled into court.

      Reports of people who die on their way to Europe are usually about migrants from Africa or civil war refugees from the Middle East who drown in the Mediterranean. But the Essex tragedy is different.

      All of the 39 people who died were from Vietnam, a country that has been at peace for decades – a place that is popular as a vacation destination and which is growing more prosperous by the year.

      Still, the twin sisters Mai and Lan took off on this dangerous journey. What were they hoping for once they arrived in England? And was the container disaster in Essex an isolated case, or was it part of a dangerous migration movement that had managed to stay under the radar until then?

      This article was researched over the course of several months. The ZEIT reporters traveled to Vietnam, England and Spain, with much of their reporting taking place long before SARS-CoV-2 arrived in these countries. Like so many other things, the virus has also slowed down irregular migration, and only in the coming weeks will it become clear what is stronger – the pandemic or the desire for millions of people to leave their homeland.
      Spain

      Around 9,900 kilometers from her parents’ home in Vietnam, Lan is sitting in a nail salon in a Spanish city not far from the Mediterranean. To protect their identities, the names of both Lan and her deceased twin sister Mai have been changed for this story, also Lan’s employer will not be identified. Lan, wearing jeans and a black hoodie, is filing a customer’s nails. She has a blue-and-white plaid fabric mask wrapped around her face, as do all of the workers here to protect themselves from the fumes and the fingernail dust. Winter is just coming to an end and the coronavirus has yet to arrive.

      Lan bends silently over the left hand belonging to a young Spanish woman with dark brown hair and a cheek piercing, her fingers spread wide. Lan’s workspace is in the back, next to the massage chair with the footbath. On her table is a fan and a clamp-on desk lamp, from which a small electric nail file is hanging. On the wall is a poster of a woman naked from the waist up, her arms crossed to cover her breasts. Next to it are the words “Beauty Nails.”

      Spain. Lan is stuck here. The Vietnamese smuggler who organized the sisters’ trip last summer – he’ll be called Long – told them all about the wonders of England. He told them he lived there himself, though it would later turn out that he really lives in Germany.

      Mai and Lan didn’t know much about England. They didn’t have a specific idea of the kind of life they wanted to live or the jobs they wanted to have, but they figured they would be granted residency and make lots of money. Then, they would return to Vietnam, get married and have children. That was the plan.

      Long, the smuggler, told the girls that the trip he was organizing for them would be almost as comfortable as vacation. They would only have to make a choice regarding the last leg of the journey, from France to England. Would they rather travel in the cab of a truck, in a horse trailer or in a container?

      The father chose the truck cab, the safest and most expensive method. The price: 1.1 billion Vietnamese Dong per sister, for a total equal to almost 88,000 euros. To get ahold of that much money, the father decided to take out a loan, with his property and that of his siblings as collateral.

      It was a good investment, Long promised. He would take care of everything, including forged passports. And once they arrived in England, he said, one of his contacts would pick up the girls and help them find jobs. Jobs that would lead to a better life.

      In the nail studio, Lan stands up from her stool and asks the customer to follow her and the two then sit down at a table near the entrance. The customer spreads her fingers out again and Lan walks over to a shelf where small, colorful bottles of nail polish are lined up. She pulls out two bottles, one white and one clear. The Spanish woman has requested a French manicure: clear nails with white tips.

      The nail studio where Lan works is no different from thousands of others just like it in Europe. It is located in a shopping mall with glass entry doors and faux-marble floors. On the ground floor, young shoppers push past H&M while families eat pizza up in the food court. At Beauty Nails, a manicure and pedicure with no polish costs 32 euros. The husbands sit on chairs near the door, fiddling with their smartphones.

      What remains invisible from the outside is the world that keeps the business going, the continued arrival of migrants who enter the country illegally. In many Western countries, nail studios are run by the Vietnamese, though the reason is more by chance than by design: In the 1970s, the Hollywood actress Tippi Hedren visited a Vietnamese refugee camp in California. To help the people there build up new lives for themselves, she set up courses in nail care and even flew in her own manicurist to help teach them. That was how the first Vietnamese began filing and polishing nails for a living. They were so successful, that many of their compatriots followed their example, first in the United States and then in Europe. And they are still expanding the business, with the necessary personnel coming from their former homeland.

      Only two of the five Vietnamese who are working in the nail studio on this day have valid residency papers, the boss and his longest-serving employee, both of whom have lived in Spain for a long time. The other three – a young man in his early 20s, a woman of the same age and Lan – are in the country without permission.

      It’s not easy to trace the circuitous path the two sisters took on their way to Europe. Lan has only faint memories of the many people and places they encountered, while some of the details regarding the smugglers and their methods cannot be adequately verified. The ZEIT reporters tried to corroborate the stories told by the young woman by looking at passport stamps, pictures and social media posts. They compared Lan’s account with those from the families of other victims and discussed them with migration experts. They have come to the conclusion that Lan’s story is credible.
      The Path to the West: Malaysia

      The two sisters began their trip in late August of last year at the airport in the Vietnamese capital of Hanoi, 300 kilometers from their home village. Their mother had stayed home, with Long, the smuggler, insisting that there be no intimate hugs or even tears as the parents bid farewell. He was concerned that such scenes could have attracted the attention of the police. Only their father had joined them on the trip to the airport.

      Mai and Lan had two, small trolley cases with them, one brown and the other white, in which they had packed T-shirts, collared shirts and a few articles of warm clothing. They also each had 500 USD and 700 euros in cash. Their plan was to pose as tourists heading off on a trip with their partners. At the terminal, they met two young Vietnamese men who were also on their way to the West. The twins were to fly with the two men to Malaysia. Their father thought they looked decent, and the fact that they were Catholic put his mind at ease.

      The sisters left Vietnam with the feeling that a grand adventure lay ahead of them.

      At the airport in Kuala Lumpur, the group was received by a Chinese woman, who drove them to a hotel outside of the city. Mai and Lan went out to eat and to have a look around, feeling like a couple of tourists. Later, the Chinese woman returned with red passports, telling the girls that they were to say they were from China from then on.

      Mai and Lan learned a few sentences in Chinese from the woman and had to memorize their new names and places of birth. Mai’s new name was “Lili,” but Lan has forgotten hers. “It was so long,” she says.

      The very next day, Lan had to continue the journey without her sister, with the smugglers saying that their identical dates of birth threatened to attract unwanted attention.

      So, she flew with three or four other Vietnamese and the Chinese woman to the Azerbaijan capital of Baku. There, they boarded a plane bound for Istanbul. When they arrived, Lan presented her Chinese passport. Mai arrived two days later with a different group.

      Spain

      At Beauty Nails, the hum of nail filers competes with the rattling of shopping carts outside in the mall. Every now and then, a customer walks in, triggering a flurry of orders from the boss in Vietnamese and the customer is taken to a free table.

      Vietnamese acquaintances of Vietnamese acquaintances helped Lan get the job in the nail studio and she now spends six days a week here, from 10 a.m. to 9:30 p.m., with only Sundays off. It’s of no consequence to her whether it is cold and wintery outside or whether the sun warms the colorful building facades as it does on this spring-like Saturday. All Lan sees are broken nails, split nails, torn nails, nails with chipped polish and unpainted nails that are waiting to be filed and painted.

      Lan guesses that she serves 20 customers a day, not many compared to the others, she says. She has been working here for more than two months, but she still hasn’t been paid. “It’s like an apprenticeship,” she later says after the workday is over and she can speak freely. “Plus, they take care of my lodging and food.”

      Lan lives in a four-room flat on the fifth floor of an apartment building together with eight other Vietnamese, seven men and a woman. She and the other woman share a room in the apartment and sleep in the same bed. The apartment belongs to her boss and everyone who lives here works in one of his two nail studios. Late in the evening, once the workday is over, they cook together.

      Lan speaks in short, hesitant sentences, frequently looking away in embarrassment. She says she doesn’t know how long her purported training program will last and she hasn’t yet managed to muster up the courage to ask.

      She leaves her own nails unpainted. Polished nails aren’t particularly practical in her line of work, nor does she like the look of colored fingernails. In the first week, her fingers turned red and scaly, but now she washes her hands after every customer and uses lotion, which has helped.
      The Path to the West: Turkey

      In Istanbul, the sisters stayed in an old hotel. Along with the rooms for normal guests, there were hidden rooms in the basement and in the attic, Lan says, adding that around 30 Vietnamese and 20 people from China were staying in the hotel, migrants passing through. They all contributed money for the shopping and then cooked together in a kitchen in the attic. After just over a week in Turkey, they made their first attempt to leave the country. The smugglers drove them into a forest, but they were taken into custody by the Turkish police and brought to a police station, where they were held for around four hours. The Turks were friendly, Lan recalls. “We even taught them a bit of Vietnamese.”

      Back in the city, Lan and the others waited a few days. Then they tried again.

      The vehicle was a minivan, designed for seven people, but the seats had been removed and that evening, 27 people crammed inside: Vietnamese, Chinese, Iraqis and Iranians. Mai and Lan had to leave their suitcases back in the hotel and were only allowed to bring along plastic bags with a bit of food and clothing. After about three hours, they again reached the forest, where they proceeded to wait. At around 2 a.m., two Turkish men showed up with two folded up inflatable rafts. The group then walked for around four hours until they reached a river that was just a few meters wide. The Turks pumped up the boats and brought Lan and the others across to the other side. It only took a couple of minutes. And then, they were in Greece.
      Vietnam

      Nghe An, the home province of the two sisters in Vietnam, is neither particularly rich nor is it extremely poor. The life that Mai and Lan led there was largely confined to just a few square kilometers: There was their parents’ two-story home with its red roof; there was the Catholic church where the family – the twins, their parents and their two younger siblings – would worship; and there were the rice fields everywhere.

      Sometimes, their father would drive Mai and Lan to the seaside, a 15-minute trip on the moped. At others, the twins would head out without him, driving around for a couple of hours on their own.

      During their excursions, the sisters could see how their region was changing. In many villages, there were hardly any traditional, dark farmhouses with moss covering the walls. Most families have built multi-story homes in recent years, painted in bright colors like lemon yellow or sky blue. Surrounded by banana trees and high fences, stucco-decorated gables jut upward with Greek columns out front and wooden shutters on the windows. Money left over after the homes are complete tends to be spent on air conditioning.

      The prosperity here comes from relatives living abroad, as everyone here knows. Mai and Lan were well aware of it too. There is even a term for these people who live somewhere in the West: Viet-Kieu, overseas Vietnamese.

      Emigration has long been a feature of life in Vietnam. After communist North Vietnam won the war against the Americans in the mid-1970s and took over South Vietnam, hundreds of thousands of people fled the country in boats and were taken in primarily by France and the U.S. Later, many Vietnamese traveled as contract workers to socialist “brother states,” like the Soviet Union, East Germany, Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia. More recently, migrant workers have followed, most of them young and from rural areas. People like Mai and Lan.

      Today, almost every Vietnamese family has relatives living overseas, who regularly send money back home. According to the World Bank, remittances worth $16.7 billion were sent back to Vietnam from abroad last year, a total that is many times what the country received in official development assistance.

      If the mother has to go to the hospital; if the son is to be sent to university; if the grandfather can no longer work: Many Vietnamese families are dependent on money from abroad. Those who earn that money thousands of kilometers away are smiling down from pictures hung in living rooms across the country – proud emigrants posing in front of famous Western tourist attractions like Big Ben, the Eiffel Tower and the Brandenburg Gate.

      What you don’t see in the pictures are the dangers encountered by many of the migrants who have left Vietnam in recent years.

      On that October night in the English county of Essex, 31 men and eight women from several central Vietnamese provinces died in the white metal container. The ZEIT reporters were able to speak with the families of 38 of the 39 victims.

      Such as the parents of 26-year-old Pham Thi Tra My. In the final minutes of her life, she was able to write her parents a text message. But only when the doors of the container were finally opened – long after all its occupants had died – did Tra My’s mobile phone once again find a signal and send her words to her family: “Mom and dad, I’m so sorry (…). I didn’t make it. Mom. I love you both. I’m dying because I can’t breathe (…). Mom, I’m so sorry.”

      The dead body of Dang Huu Tuyen, 22, was also lying in the container. His parents had sent him to Laos to make money, but the wages paid at the construction sites there were too low, so Tuyen headed off to Europe. Even now, after the death of his son, Tuyen’s father says heading abroad is the best thing a young man can do.

      Tran Hai Loc and his wife Nguyen Thi Van, both 35, also died in the container. In contrast to most parents, they decided to head abroad together to make more money so they could quickly return to their children in Vietnam. In the grandparents’ home, there is now an altar bearing a photo of the couple. The children, two and four years old, sometimes gaze at it uncomprehendingly.
      The Path to the West: Greece

      On the Greek side of the border, Lan says, they saw bushes with white tufts on them. Cotton. They reached a clearing that looked as though someone had just been camping there and the Turkish smugglers spread out a blanket for them to sit on.

      The smugglers told the group they had to wait in the clearing until evening and that they had to stay as quiet as possible because of the possibility of police roaming through the forest. It was a chilly evening, Lan recalls, and Mai was shivering because she had left her warm clothing back at the hotel. They passed Lan’s jacket back and forth and embraced to keep warm. At around 7 p.m., they headed off again and kept going until midnight, when they stopped. The smugglers passed out bags of food and drinks, then they all stretched out on the ground and went to sleep.

      When they woke up, they were picked up by a truck that had been modified for its very specific purpose. From the outside, Lan recalls, it looked just like a normal truck, with a cab up front and a large container in the back. But there was actually a hidden compartment, reachable through a metal hatch underneath. “We had to crawl under the truck so that we could climb in,” Lan says.

      Around four hours later, they had to climb back out of the truck on a country road. From here, the smugglers said, it’s about 10 kilometers to the train station, and the group set out on foot. The Vietnamese, says Lan, stopped at a small bistro they passed for a bite to eat and they asked someone to call a taxi for them. The Chinese, though, she says, walked the entire way and were exhausted when they arrived.

      “We Vietnamese,” Lan says, “are very smart.”

      They took the train to Athens and separated into smaller groups, with the twins staying together with the two young Vietnamese men with whom they had flown to Malaysia. An accomplice of their smuggler picked them up at the train station in Athens and brought them to his apartment. Here, they had to wait two or three weeks until their new forged passports were ready, this time from China and South Korea.

      It was a pleasant time for Mai and Lan. Mai posted a picture to her Facebook page showing the girls in front of the Academy of Athens, the setting sun shining on the building’s white columns and the twins smiling in each other’s arms. They were wearing T-shirts and jeans, both with belt bags slung over their shoulders. “This is the life,” Mai wrote, including a smiley.
      Spain

      It’s Sunday, Lan’s day off, and she wants to head out to the beach for the first time since arriving in Spain. Lan has lived in this city for several months, but still lives the life of a stranger. The language, the food, the streets, the buildings – none of it is familiar to her.

      In the old city center, she climbs into a green-and-white electric bus that is so full on this summery spring day that she is only just able to find a seat. The bus drives through a suburb with broad streets and lush palms. Even though the sun is shining outside and it is 20 degrees Celsius, Lan is wearing a woolen roll neck sweater and a black-and-white plaid winter coat.

      She begins talking about her apartment and about the eight other Vietnamese she lives with, saying she isn’t particularly interested in speaking or doing much with any of them, aside from church on Sunday, which they sometimes attend together. Her apartment mates offered to celebrate her birthday with her, but she declined. Her birthday reminds her too much of her twin sister, she says.

      She gets off the bus at the last stop and follows three young Spaniards carrying a blanket and a ball. They walk past a white casino and a park full of picnicking families. Lan walks up a small embankment until the air begins to smell of salt and the ground gives way to damp sand, the waves splashing onto the shore. The sky is so blue it could have been painted.

      “Just like the beach in Vietnam!” Lan yells.

      A couple of young people in swimming suits bat a volleyball back and forth. Lan, though, pulls her coat up over her head: Like many Vietnamese women, she finds tanned skin to be ugly.

      She stops, sits down in the sand and pulls her knees to her chin. When asked if she would like to return to Vietnam, she says that she regrets not having listened to her father’s warnings. “The price to come here was too high,” she says.

      Still, she doesn’t want to give up and go back. Her sister, she believes, would have wanted her to bring her journey to a successful conclusion, making it all the way to England to make enough money to help support her family.

      It’s quite possible that Lan would also be working in a nail salon had she made it to England, though some Vietnamese migrants also end up at the illegal cannabis farms there. Experts have compiled reports about young men being locked into buildings for months on end so they can monitor the heat lamps and fertilize and water the plants. The only food that the drug dealers give them are frozen meals they can heat up in the microwave. In many instances, says the British Home Office, these migrants live in a form of “modern slavery.”

      It seems likely, in other words, that Lan’s life in England would be no better than the one she has found in Spain. But at least she knows a few people in England who could help her. More than anything, though, Lan seems intent on reaching the goal that she and her sister had set for themselves.

      “If I were to return to Vietnam now, I would just be a burden to my parents,” Lan says. “I would have to find a secure, well-paid job. Otherwise, we wouldn’t have enough money to feed my siblings and send them to school.”

      In the months following the death of her sister, it seems almost as though Lan has packed up her feelings and set them aside. It’s as though she is bearing her pain just as disciplined as she is bearing her work at the nail salon. In her discussions with ZEIT about her journey and the death of her sister, she only began crying on one single occasion – when she was speaking about Mai dying in the container. “I can actually feel it when I think about her gasping for breath,” she says. “I can feel it with my own body.”
      The Path to the West: Separation

      In Athens, the smugglers once again wanted Mai to fly onward on her own. Mai resisted, afraid to be without her sister, but Lan reassured her, saying: “Go on ahead.” So, Mai flew to Palermo in Italy, where she looked around in the old town and went to the beach, before then boarding a plane to Spain and then a train to France.

      In the meantime, Lan tried to leave Athens with a South Korean passport. She managed to make it through the security check at the airport, but she was detained on the plane. A customs official took her forged passport, leaving Lan to call her parents in tears. “If you have to, go to the police and come home,” her father told her. But after 24 hours, the Greek authorities let her go, though they held onto the fake passport.

      A few days later, she spoke with her sister on the phone for the last time. It was the evening of Oct. 21 and Lan was still stuck in Athens. Mai, though, was at a train station in France, waiting for a man who was supposed to bring her to Belgium. From there, her smuggler had told her, she could head onward to England. Mai was thinking about staying in Belgium until Lan caught up with her, but Lan pushed her to keep going. It could be awhile until she got another forged passport, she said.

      “Pray for me,” Mai said.

      “I’m praying for you,” Lan responded.

      That was the last time they spoke. Shortly before the crossing to England, Mai wrote her sister one last time via Facebook.

      Oct. 22, 7:48 a.m.: “Lan, I’m leaving at 8.”

      8:49 a.m.: “I’m leaving at 9.”

      Mai’s father spent that day in Vietnam waiting for his daughter to get in touch after arriving in England. In vain. So, he tried calling her himself. And couldn’t reach her. Her father recalls that Long, the smuggler, tried to reassure him, saying that Mai had arrived safely in England and that he didn’t need to worry and that the father only had to hand over the money and Mai would be picked up and taken to an apartment.

      The father tried to believe him and even told Lan. But then, on Oct. 23, news suddenly began spreading in the village. There had been an accident in England. Thirty-nine dead bodies in a truck. All of them Asian.

      The father again called the smuggler. Is Mai really in England, he demanded? What about that container? Again, the father says, Long tried to convince him that everything was just fine. Mai had booked the most expensive of the travel options, after all, a seat in the cab. There was room for just two in the cab, not 39.

      In the hours that followed, the father says, he paced in the living room like a madman. Only two, not 39 – that thought kept going through his head, he says. He told Lan the same thing. But why wasn’t he able to reach Mai? And why had Long also stopped answering his phone?

      https://img.zeit.de/2020/20/bete-fuer-mich-bild-2/original__972x1211__desktop

      Lan says she could also feel that something wasn’t right. She laid in bed without being able to sleep. She says she prayed and read the bible.

      Days later, still in the dark about her sister’s fate, Lan flew from Greece to Spain with a forged South Korean passport, the next leg of the journey to England. After her arrival in Spain, Lan again wrote her sister over Facebook.

      5:25 p.m.: “Don’t leave me alone.”

      “We have to make it to make mom and dad happy.”

      5:53 p.m.: “Call me.”

      “Try your best to get me to England, too, so that we can see each other again.”

      6:53 p.m.: “Call me and I’ll come to you.”

      “We have to do all we can for our parents and our family.”

      That night, Lan spoke with her mother on the phone. Her mother told her: “Leave your phone camera on so that I can watch over you as you sleep.”

      It would take until Nov. 8 until the police in Essex brought an end to their uncertainty and released the names of the 39 people who had suffocated in the back of the truck.
      Vietnam

      For 40 days, Mai’s body lay in a wooden casket in England, the country where she so badly wanted to live. Then it was flown to Vietnam. On the morning of Dec. 2, 2019, a white ambulance brought the body to Mai’s hometown. Everyone was waiting for its arrival: parents, siblings, relatives, neighbors, former classmates, teachers and other members of the community. On videos of that day, you can see villagers crouched on their mopeds with colorful flags. When the ambulance finally arrived, they crowded around its tinted windows and pressed their hands against them – as if they were trying to grasp something that could no longer be grasped.

      In the videos, you can also see Mai’s father standing silently to the side. All around him are the sounds of drumming, rattling, mourning and singing, but it looks as though he’s not making a sound. His mouth is open, his face frozen in place as he walks to his home in the middle of the funeral march – losing strength as he goes, until a relative has to pull him for the last few steps through the crowd.

      Spain

      The sun has already set on the beach when Lan’s phone rings and a photo of her father pops up on the screen. “Dad?” she says. “Are you still awake? It’s late over there.”

      Lan and her father frequently talk on the phone several times a day. He always asks how she is doing and whether she has eaten. And he tells her she shouldn’t climb into a truck bound for England, and she shouldn’t go anywhere on her own.

      On this day, too, Lan’s father had tried to reach her several times, but because she was speaking with a reporter, Lan didn’t want to stop to pick up the phone. He was worried.

      “Everything is fine,” she says. “I’m at the beach.”

      They talk for a few minutes and then she sets her phone aside. It has grown chilly and Lan has wrapped herself in her coat. Later, she will say that it was her birthday. She is now 20 years old.

      She looks out at the sea as though she is looking for a ship to take her to the other side. “A Vietnamese friend who I met in Greece recently called me,” she says. “He’s in England. He crossed over in the truck, in the cab. He says it was quite comfortable.”
      Vietnam

      At the edge of the village that she had wanted to leave, just a few hundred meters from her childhood home, is Mai’s grave. The air is still, as is the sky. A low cement wall marks the area belonging to Mai’s family. Her grave is set slightly apart from those of her forbears, who lie close together. It’s also bigger, mightier, more admonishing. A small stone covering protects her photo from the sun and rain. The grave is surrounded by white flowers.
      Spain

      Lan receives her first wages at the nail salon after three months: 500 euros in addition to room and board. She is set to earn more money in the months to come: 600, 700, maybe even 1,000 euros. Finally, she will be able to send money home.

      But then the pandemic arrives. And Beauty Nails has to close its doors.

      A lockdown is imposed across Spain and Lan spends her days in the apartment with the other Vietnamese migrants. She sleeps, she cooks, she eats and she talks to her parents on the phone or exchanges messages with them. But really, she is waiting. Waiting for the country to reawaken so she can go back to fixing and polishing nails. And she is waiting for the borders to reopen so she can finish her journey to England.

      https://www.zeit.de/gesellschaft/zeitgeschehen/2020-05/migration-vietnamese-dead-bodies-lorry-essex-grossbritannien-english

      #parcours_migratoires #itinéraires_migratoires

    • Camion charnier en Angleterre : les 13 suspects interpellés en France mis en examen

      Les 13 personnes arrêtées mardi en France lors d’un coup de filet lié à l’enquête sur la mort de 39 migrants vietnamiens dans un camion frigorifique en octobre en Grande-Bretagne ont été mises en examen, a-t-on appris samedi de source judiciaire.

      Elles ont toutes été mises en examen vendredi pour « traite des êtres humains en bande organisée », « aide à l’entrée ou au séjour en bande organisée » et « association de malfaiteurs ». Six d’entre elles sont également poursuivies pour « homicide involontaire ».

      Sur les treize, douze ont été placées en détention provisoire et une sous contrôle judiciaire.

      Ces suspects, majoritairement des Vietnamiens et des Français, ont été interpellés mardi en divers lieux de la région parisienne. Au même moment, treize autres personnes ont aussi été arrêtées en Belgique dans le cadre d’une opération de police internationale, coordonnée par l’organisme de coopération judiciaire Eurojust.

      En Belgique, 11 personnes ont été écrouées après leur inculpation pour « trafic d’êtres humains avec circonstances aggravantes, appartenance à une organisation criminelle et faux et usages de faux », selon le parquet fédéral belge. Deux autres, inculpées des mêmes chefs, ont été remises en liberté.

      Selon plusieurs sources proches de l’enquête, un homme soupçonné d’être un organisateur du réseau de trafic de migrants a par ailleurs été interpellé mercredi en Allemagne, dans le cadre d’un mandat d’arrêt européen émis par la France.

      Le 23 octobre, les cadavres de 31 hommes et de huit femmes de nationalité vietnamienne, dont deux adolescents de 15 ans, avaient été découverts dans un conteneur dans la zone industrielle de Grays, à l’est de Londres. Le conteneur provenait du port belge de Zeebruges.

      Selon une source judiciaire française, les enquêteurs ont pu déterminer grâce à des investigations techniques et des surveillances physiques que les migrants partaient de Bierne, dans le Nord de la France, vers Zeebruges.

      Les personnes interpellées en Ile-de-France sont soupçonnées d’avoir hébergé et transporté des migrants par taxi entre la région parisienne et le Nord, selon cette source.

      Le réseau a continué à oeuvrer après le drame, ainsi que pendant le confinement. Pendant cette période, les trafiquants se sont adaptés en aménageant les cabines des camions pour y dissimuler les candidats à la traversée de la Manche, à raison de trois ou quatre par voyage.

      Le mois dernier, une arrestation avait déjà eu lieu en Irlande : celle du présumé organisateur de la rotation des chauffeurs participant au trafic.

      Par ailleurs, dans l’enquête britannique, cinq personnes ont déjà été inculpées, dont Maurice Robinson, 25 ans, le chauffeur du camion intercepté à Grays. Début avril, ce dernier avait plaidé coupable d’homicides involontaires devant un tribunal londonien.

      https://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/camion-charnier-en-angleterre-les-13-suspects-interpelles-en-

    • Après trois ans d’enquête, deux restaurants étaient à l’origine d’un vaste trafic d’êtres humains

      Un trafic international d’immigration irrégulière et de traite d’être humains a été démantelé après une enquête qui a démarré, il y a trois ans, dans deux restaurants de l’Aude. Deux ressortissants vietnamiens clandestins munis de faux papiers, qui remboursaient leur voyage, travaillaient dans ces deux établissements. Au total, dix-neuf personnes ont été interpellées à l’automne 2019 sur l’ensemble du territoire et treize d’entre elles sont en prison.

      Une filière internationale vietnamienne de traite d’êtres humains et d’aide à l’entrée et au séjour d’étrangers en bande organisée a été dévoilée à la suite d’une enquête qui a débuté il y a trois ans dans l’Aude, rapporte La Dépêche du Midi. Menée par la Brigade mobile de Recherche (BMR) de la Direction interdépartementale de la police aux frontières (DIDPAF) de Perpignan, cette enquête de longue haleine a démarré fin 2017 dans deux restaurants.

      Les enquêteurs ont d’abord constaté que deux ressortissants vietnamiens clandestins travaillaient dans les deux établissements de l’Aude et possédaient de faux papiers. Après de nombreux recoupements judiciaires et des contrôles dans plusieurs restaurants, les policiers ont mis en évidence l’existence d’un vaste réseau dans le sud de la France et la région de Grenoble (Isère), relate le quotidien. Depuis, sur l’ensemble du territoire, dix-neuf personnes ont été interpellées et treize d’entre elles ont été emprisonnées.

      Les clandestins devaient rembourser 35 000 €

      Concernant le mode opératoire, les migrants vietnamiens arrivaient sur le territoire français, munis de faux titres de séjour français et rejoignaient ensuite des restaurants. Les responsables se chargeaient de les héberger, mais également de « procéder aux démarches administratives susceptibles de justifier leur emploi », relate La Dépêche du Midi. En travaillant dans ces établissements, les clandestins remboursaient le coût de leur voyage, qui atteignait 35 000 €.

      « 29 restaurants, 66 personnes sans titre de travail et 29 personnes porteurs de faux ou susceptibles de l’être sont visés par l’enquête », rapporte le quotidien régional. Au vu des nombreuses ramifications de ce réseau, l’Office Central pour la Répression de l’Immigration Irrégulière de l’Emploi d’Étrangers Sans Titre (OCRIEST) a poursuivi les investigations. Les enquêteurs sont parvenus à établir un lien entre ce réseau et 39 migrants vietnamiens retrouvés morts dans un camion frigorifique, à Londres, en 2019. Deux des victimes venaient de Grenoble.

      À l’automne 2019, des interpellations ont eu lieu dans plusieurs régions. Il a alors été établi que les migrants auraient payé pour obtenir des passeports vietnamiens. Les policiers ont aussi trouvé « 125 000 € en espèces, l’équivalent de 100 000 € en tickets-restaurant, deux véhicules haut de gamme et des faux documents », précise le quotidien régional. Les personnes à la tête de ce réseau risquent 20 ans de prison et jusqu’à 3 millions d’euros d’amende.

      https://www.ouest-france.fr/societe/faits-divers/aude-apres-trois-ans-d-enquete-deux-restaurants-etaient-a-l-origine-d-u

    • Migrants morts : jusqu’à 27 ans de prison pour les responsables

      Quatre hommes ont été condamnés vendredi à Londres à des peines allant de 13 à 27 ans de prison pour la mort de 39 migrants vietnamiens retrouvés dans la remorque d’un camion en Angleterre en 2019.

      Les deux principaux prévenus, #Ronan_Hughes, un transporteur routier nord-irlandais de 41 ans, et #Gheorghe_Nica, un ressortissant roumain de 43 ans, accusés d’être les organisateurs du trafic, ont été condamnés respectivement à 20 et 27 ans de prison pour homicides involontaires et trafic de migrants.

      Le premier avait plaidé coupable, le second l’avait été déclaré par la cour de l’Old Bailey à Londres le 21 décembre.

      #Maurice_Robinson, le chauffeur qui conduisait le camion au moment de la découverte des corps, qui avait plaidé coupable, a quant à lui été condamné à 13 ans et quatre mois d’emprisonnement.

      #Eamon_Harrisson, le chauffeur de 24 ans qui avait acheminé la remorque jusqu’au port belge de Zeebruges, affirmant qu’il ignorait la présence des migrants à son bord, s’est vu infliger 18 ans de prison.

      Le 23 octobre 2019, les corps de 31 hommes et de huit femmes âgés de 15 à 44 ans avaient été découverts à bord d’une remorque dans la zone industrielle de #Grays, à l’est de Londres.

      #Asphyxie et #hyperthermie

      L’enquête a mis au jour une entreprise « sophistiquée » et « rentable » qui prospérait de longue date, a souligné le juge Nigel Sweeney, évoquant les tentatives désespérées des migrants de « joindre le monde extérieur au téléphone » ou de tenter d’échapper à la mort en essayant de briser le toit de la remorque.

      Les victimes sont mortes d’asphyxie et d’hyperthermie dans l’espace confiné du conteneur.

      Parmi elles, Pham Thi Tra My, 26 ans, avait envoyé un SMS glaçant à ses proches, quelques heures avant la découverte des corps : « Maman, papa, je vous aime très fort. Je meurs, je ne peux plus respirer ».

      Dans un message diffusé à l’audience, un homme de 25 ans répétait à sa famille qu’il était « désolé » : « C’est Tuan. (...) Je ne vais pas pouvoir m’occuper de vous. (...) Je n’arrive pas à respirer. Je veux revenir dans ma famille. Je vous souhaite une bonne vie ».

      Les migrants devaient débourser jusqu’à 13.000 livres sterling (14.000 euros) pour être acheminés en « VIP », c’est-à-dire avec un chauffeur au courant de leur présence.

      Au total, sept voyages ont été identifiés entre mai 2018 et le 23 octobre 2019.

      Un rêve qui s’évanouit

      Nombre des victimes de ce drame étaient originaires d’une région pauvre du centre du Vietnam, où les familles s’endettent pour envoyer l’un des leurs au Royaume-Uni, via des filières clandestines, dans l’espoir qu’ils y trouvent des emplois rémunérateurs.

      Dans leurs témoignages lus à l’audience par le procureur, les familles des victimes avaient raconté la douleur du deuil et le rêve d’une vie meilleure qui s’évanouissait. « Ca va être très dur pour moi de gagner de l’argent et d’élever notre enfant toute seule », a déclaré Nguyen Thi Lam, qui a perdu son mari dans le drame et n’a pour seules ressources que la culture du riz et un peu d’élevage.

      Condamnations au Vietnam

      Avant le procès à Londres, sept personnes ont été condamnées le 15 septembre au Vietnam pour leur rôle dans le trafic.

      Un tribunal de la province de Ha Tinh (centre) a prononcé contre quatre Vietnamiens âgés de 26 à 36 ans des peines allant de deux ans et demi à sept ans et demi de détention. Ils ont été reconnus coupables d’avoir participé à différents degrés à « l’organisation du trafic illicite de migrants ». Trois autres ont été condamnés à des peines de prison avec sursis.

      Des enquêtes ont également été ouvertes en France et en Belgique, 13 suspects ont été inculpés dans chacun de ces deux pays. Ils avaient été interpellés au cours d’une vaste opération de police internationale, coordonnée par l’organisme de coopération judiciaire #Eurojust.

      https://www.tdg.ch/migrants-morts-jusqua-27-ans-de-prison-pour-les-responsables-149171245435

    • 39 morts à bord d’un camion frigorifique : le leader des trafiquants d’êtres humains condamné à 15 ans de prison

      Le tribunal correctionnel de Bruges a condamné mercredi à 15 ans de prison un Vietnamien considéré comme la tête pensante des trafiquants d’êtres humains poursuivis pour la mort de 39 migrants dans un camion réfrigéré en Angleterre. Dix-sept autres membres de la bande organisée ont été condamnés à des peines de prison allant de un à 10 ans.

      Les corps des victimes avaient été découverts le 23 octobre 2019 à bord d’un camion frigorifique dans le comté britannique d’Essex. Il est rapidement apparu que le conteneur qui les transportait avait quitté Zeebrugge pour Purfleet la veille. Les 39 victimes, parmi lesquelles trois mineurs, étaient toutes originaires du Vietnam. Elles sont mortes d’asphyxie et d’hyperthermie en raison de la chaleur et du manque d’oxygène dans l’espace confiné du conteneur.

      Quatre hommes ont déjà été condamnés à de lourdes peines de prison en janvier 2021 au Royaume-Uni. Sept personnes ont également été condamnées au Vietnam pour leur rôle dans cette affaire.

      Dans le volet belge de l’enquête, deux planques ont été découvertes par les enquêteurs à Anderlecht. Depuis les locaux de la chaussée de Ninove et de la rue de l’Agrafe, 15 migrants vietnamiens avaient également été amenés à Bierne, dans le nord de la France, le 22 octobre, où ils se sont cachés dans un conteneur. Les victimes payaient en moyenne plus de 12.000 euros pour leur voyage clandestin vers l’Europe via la Russie. Ensuite, elles déboursaient près de 12.000 euros supplémentaires pour la traversée vers le Royaume-Uni. La traversée elle-même a été sous-traitée par la bande à une société de transport irlandaise.

      La branche belge du réseau clandestin a été démantelée le 26 mai 2020. Au total, la bande a pu être liée à 130 passages clandestins vers le Royaume-Uni.

      Vo Van Hong (45 ans) a été considéré par le parquet fédéral comme le leader de cette organisation criminelle. À la tête de la branche belge du réseau, il était en contact avec des coordinateurs à Berlin et à Paris. Il s’assurait également que les migrants arrivaient à temps sur les lieux de chargement et décidait de qui pouvait embarquer. Il donnait également des instructions de paiement. Le ministère public avait requis contre lui 15 ans de prison, 920.000 euros d’amende et une confiscation de 2,3 millions d’euros.

      N. Long (46 ans) a également joué un rôle important dans le réseau de trafic d’êtres humains, selon la procureure fédérale Ann Lukowiak. Il était impliqué dans les décisions de la bande et est davantage venu sur le devant de la scène après le déroulement fatal des événements dans l’Essex. Les activités avaient en effet repris peu après. Dix ans de prison, 480.000 euros d’amende et une confiscation de 380.000 euros avaient été requis contre lui.

      Une dizaine de chauffeurs de taxi étaient également poursuivis pour leur implication dans le dossier. Ils étaient chargés d’amener les victimes dans les planques. Mountassir F. (29 ans) aurait ainsi transporté 56 migrants et risquait pour cela huit ans de prison et 448.000 euros d’amende. Entre 2 et 5 ans de prison étaient requis contre ses collègues.

      Devant le tribunal correctionnel de Bruges, tous les accusés avaient demandé l’acquittement pour leur rôle dans le trafic. Vo Van Hong a déclaré avoir lui-même été une victime lors de son arrivée en Europe. Selon son avocat, Antoon Vandecasteele, sa connaissance linguistique limitée le rendait incapable de diriger un tel gang. La défense de la plupart des autres accusés a fait valoir qu’ils ne savaient pas que des personnes étaient transportées de manière clandestine. Les chauffeurs de taxi ont déclaré qu’ils étaient toujours payés au tarif normal.

      Conformément à ce qui avait été requis, le tribunal a finalement condamné Vo Van Hong non seulement à la peine maximale de 15 ans de prison, mais aussi à une amende de 920.000 euros et à la confiscation de près de 2,3 millions d’euros.

      Son lieutenant N. Long (46 ans) a été condamné à 10 ans de prison, 480.000 euros d’amende et 337.000 euros de confiscation. Dix autres personnes d’origine vietnamienne ont été condamnées à des peines de prison allant d’un an à 50 mois. Mountassir F. a été condamné à 7 ans de prison et à une amende de 448.000 euros pour le transport de migrants dans son taxi. Cinq collègues ont été condamnés à des peines allant de 2 à 4 ans d’emprisonnement pour leur rôle dans l’affaire. Les peines les plus légères qui ont été prononcées avec sursis.

      Les juges ont admis n’avoir pas suffisamment d’éléments pour condamner quatre chauffeurs de taxi. Les poursuites pénales ont par ailleurs été abandonnées pour un Vietnamien de 47 ans. Ce dernier était poursuivi en tant que membre de la bande, mais avait déjà été condamné pour cela dans un autre dossier.

      https://www.rtbf.be/article/39-morts-a-bord-dun-camion-frigorifique-le-leader-des-trafiquants-detres-humain

  • Drownings of Turkey’s Purge
    –-> 31 Turkish citizens drowned in the Aegean sea while seeking to escape the ongoing post-coup crackdown in Turkey.

    Thousands of people have fled Turkey over the past three years due to a massive witch-hunt launched by the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government against its critics such as academics, Kurdish politicians and especially the real or imagined sympathizers of the Gülen group, in the wake of a failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016. The gov’t accuses the group of masterminding the failed coup while the group denies any involvement.

    More than 500,000 people have been investigate and some 96,000 including academics, judges, doctors, teachers, lawyers, students, policemen and many from different backgrounds have been put in pre-trial detention over Gulen links July 2016.

    Many try to escape Turkey via illegal ways as the government cancelled their passports. Purge-victim Turks often cross Evros river to escape from the snowballing persecution. Around 14,000 people crossed the Evros frontier from January through September of 2018, a Wall Street Journal said, underlining that around half of those crossing the Evros river were Turkish citizens.


    https://turkeypurge.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/combinepdf.pdf
    #purge #Turquie #morts #décès #Evros #frontières #Mer_Egée #mourir_aux_frontières #Grèce #mourir_en_mer #migrations #asile #réfugiés #coup

    ping @isskein

  • A Calais, la frontière tue ! In Calais, the border kills !


    http://timeglider.com/timeline/65ecd96fa599a9c6

    –-----
    Deaths at the Calais Border

    Uncountable lives are wasted and suffer at the hands of the Calais border regime. There is no accurate count of how many people have died. This is a list of people known in Calais or from news reports.

    For sure there will have been more, their deaths ignored, the facts covered up or altogether unreported. Many already go unnamed, without vigils and protests, without families or friends to advocate on their behalf.

    But we will never let these deaths be silenced. We will not forgive and we will never forget.

    These borders kill! One death is too many!

    https://calaismigrantsolidarity.wordpress.com/deaths-at-the-calais-border

    #morts #décès #mourir_aux_frontières #Calais #France #frontières #Angleterre #UK #migrations #asile #réfugiés #base_de_données #database #liste #timeline #ligne_du_temps #mourir_dans_la_forteresse_Europe #visualisation #infographie #frise #frise_chronologique #time-line #chronologie

    ping @reka @simplicissimus @karine4

    • Un article de février 2018

      The deadly roads into Calais

      Since 1999, an estimated 170 migrants desperately seeking a clandestine passage across the Channel to Britain have died in road accidents in and around the port of Calais in northern France, 37 of them since 2015. One former police officer said the situation became so grim “it was humanly impossible to pick up more bodies from the road”. One of the most recent victims was a 22-year-old Eritrean whose mutilated body was found on a motorway last month after he was run over by a truck whose driver fled the scene. Elisa Perrigueur reports from Calais, where she met with Biniam’s relatives as they prepared the return of his body home to north-east Africa.
      The temperature was below freezing point on a bleak dawn last month when Biniam’s remains were found near the port of Calais, lying on the smooth tarmac of the A16 motorway that runs parallel to the Channel coast. According to statements given to the police afterwards by those who knew him, Biniam L. (full last name withheld here), a 22-year-old Eritrean, had probably spent all night looking for a truck he could climb onto in the hope of smuggling his way to England.

      He was successful, at first. He had managed to mount one of them, hiding in its cargo hold, most certainly hoping, like so many others who attempt the same, that once it passed through the fortified perimeter of the port, which is surrounded by 39 kilometres of fencing, it would be one of the vehicles that occasionally escapes the heat scanners and sniffer-dog searches, first in Calais and then, after the brief sea passage, through the British port of Dover. With no ID documents and no baggage, just the clothes he would hope could adequately keep out the biting cold.

      But on that early morning of January 9th this year, his plan went horribly wrong. The truck he had hidden in did not turn off the motorway into Calais, but instead continued its route eastwards. The young man must have panicked when he realised the fact, for he tried to jump from the truck onto the motorway despite the speeding traffic. According to members of the local French migrant aid association, l’Auberge des migrants, who spoke to police afterwards, Biniam landed on his head and was run over by another truck following behind. But neither vehicle stopped, and there remains doubt over the exact circumstances of his final moments.

      Between December 2017 and January this year two other migrants, 15-year-old Abdullah Dilsouz and Hussein Abdoullah, 32, both Afghan nationals, lost their lives in accidents on the roads around Calais. “Since 2015, there have been 37 migrants who have died in [and around] Calais,” said a spokesperson for the local prefecture. “The highest number date back to 2015 and 2016, the great majority are road accidents.” In 2015, the death toll reached 18, followed by 14 in 2016.

      Maël Galisson, a coordinator for the network of associations in the region providing aid for migrants, the Plate-forme de services aux migrants, has carried out research to establish the number of victims over the past almost 20 years and, where possible, to record their identities. “Since 1999, we estimate that at least 170 people have died while trying to cross this frontier area,” he said. The majority of road accidents occur on the stretches of the A16 and A26 motorways close to Calais, and the ring road into the port centre.

      The day after his death, Biniam’s brother Bereket, 26, arrived in Calais from Germany, accompanied by a cousin and uncle who had travelled from Norway. “He had no ‘dream’ as people put it, he just wanted a country where he was accepted,” said Bereket, who said he had difficulty believing the news that his brother, who he said was “so young to die”, had been killed in a road accident, which he received in a phone call from a friend.

      Bereket said he was not aware of the daily reality of the migrants in Calais, the road blocks migrants mount to try and slow traffic and the clandestine crossings in trucks. In his case, he had crossed to Europe by boat across the Mediterranean Sea. Biniam, he explained, had left the family village in Eritrea, north-east Africa, one-and-a-half years ago, to escape conscription into the army. At one point, he joined up with his brother Bereket in Germany, where the latter had been granted residence. “I obtained [official residency] papers close to Stuttgart and today I work in Germany, I had begun to have a stable life,” recounted Bereket. “His asylum demand was rejected, I don’t understand why.” Biniam had re-applied a second time for right of asylum, but was again turned down. It was after that, in November, that he set off for Calais, where between 550 and 800 migrants – according to figures respectively from the prefecture and the migrant aid associations – live rough, mostly in surrounding woodland.

      The few friends of Biniam who Bereket met with in Calais were little forthcoming about his time there. Loan Torondel of the Auberge des migrants association, which had offered Biniam shelter, said he was never seen at the daily distribution of meals. “A month here is not very long for finding a truck,” he said. “Often, migrants spend months before succeeding, for those who manage to.”

      During his visit to Calais on February 2nd, French interior minister Gérard Collomb, hoping to dissuade migrants from gathering there, described the frontier point as “a wall” and “a mirage”. But from the beach, the migrants can see the English coast, where some have family and friends they hope to join, in a country with lower unemployment than in France and where finding work, undeclared, is easier. Others say they would stay in France but fear that, if they engaged in the official procedures, because their fingerprints are registered in the first European Union (EU) country they reached before travelling to France they would be sent back there, in accordance with the regulations of the EU’s so-called Dublin Agreement.

      The victims are often young men’

      For the migrants hoping to cross to Britain from Calais there are few options in how to do so. The British government has handed France about 140 million euros over the past three years to part fund the increased security measures at the port, which is the frontier point before departure for the English coast. On January 18th, at a summit meeting between British Prime Minister Theresa May and French President Emmanuel Macron, London announced that it was to provide a further 50.5 million euros, for a further beefing up of security and for establishing a centre for migrants at a site distanced from the town.

      For the migrants who can afford their fees, one option is to use the services of people smugglers. They charge between 1,500 euros and 10,000 euros per person for a clandestine passage in a truck, operating out of vehicle parks which they reign over as their own territory. Clashes which broke out in Calais on February 1st between Afghan and Eritrean migrants, which left 22 needing medical treatment, including four teenagers wounded by gunfire, appear to have been linked to turf wars between people smugglers.

      Others try blocking trucks on the approach roads to the port, operating in small groups to lay down obstacles to slow or even halt the vehicles in order to jump on. The method is a dangerous one, for both the migrants and the drivers. In June 2017, the polish driver of a truck died after his vehicle crashed into another truck that was blocked by migrants on the A16 motorway, burned alive in his cabin.

      Then there are those, and who probably included Biniam, who try to mount the vehicles on their own. Eupui is a 19-year-old migrant from Cameroun, in West Africa, and has lived since 2016 on the ‘Dunes’ industrial zone of the port, the site of the notorious and now razed migrant camp known as “the Jungle”. His solitary sorties to find a truck that would take him across the Channel somehow allow him “to keep going”, he told Mediapart. “I sleep three hours and then I try,” he said. “As soon as I see a truck that isn’t going too fast, even a car, I see if I can get into the boot.” He said he hides “near the bends of the motorways” because vehicles reduce speed there. “I’m not afraid, I’ve lived much worse,” he added. “I crossed the Sahara in horrible conditions to come here. I have nothing left to lose. I’ve injured my knee, but never mind.”

      Biniam’s brother Bereket said his brother did not realise the danger in the risks he was taking. “I spoke to him three weeks before he died,” said Bereket. “He told me that everything was fine for him in France. But he lied to me, he didn’t tell me he was at Calais. If I had known, I would have told him to get out of this dangerous place.”

      Bereket said he was “disappointed” by what he saw on this, his first trip to France. He has been supported by local charitable associations, including the Réveil voyageur and the Secours catholique, who usually look after relatives of those who have died. “You don’t see many officials, politicians, as if Biniam’s death had no importance,” he said bitterly.

      “The associations have been managing this for years,” said Sabriya Guivy from the Auberge des migrants group. “When relatives arrive in Calais they are disappointed at not seeing many officials. They have the impression that they are not taken into account. Mr Macron referred to the death of the Polish driver, but not that of migrants,” she added, referring to a speech by the French president during his visit to Calais on January 16th.

      Undertaker Brahim Fares, based in nearby Grande-Synthe, says he charges a “lower than average” price to migrant families out of solidarity. “The dead are repatriated to Afghanistan for between about 3,400-3,500 euros, depending on the weight and the size,” he detailed. “For Eritrea, it begins at around 3,200 euros. Burials in Calais are about 1,600 euros, as opposed to a usual 2,400 euros.” Since 2015, Fares says he has organised the return home of about 15 bodies of migrants, and also the burials of about the same number in the north Calais cemetery managed by the Town Hall. The burial spots are simple ones, covered in earth and marked by crosses made of oak. “The victims are often young men, almost all of them identified,” he added. “I once had an Ethiopian woman. Not all the families can come all the way here. Those who manage to are very shocked, because the bodies are sometimes very damaged, as those in road accidents are.”

      Fares was given charge of Biniam’s body, which he recalled had “the hands cut off, the arms smashed up”. The corpse will be returned to Eritrea, where his parents live. Bereket, with his uncle and cousin, made up a large wreath of plastic flowers. “It’s really not so good but we had only that,” he said. But at the hospital in Lille where the body was placed in the coffin, they were told that they could not place the wreath on top of it, nor the white drape they had wanted to cover it with, according to their custom. “The airport authorities will end up throwing the wreath away, it’s not allowed in the hold,” Fares explained to them. After a poignant moment of silence, they asked him why it would be so complicated to do so.

      Biniam’s relatives spent two weeks attempting to find out the exact circumstances of what happened to him. At the police station in Calais, they were shown a photo of his injured face. Members of the motorway patrol police gave them the few details they had, which were the approximate time of the accident, a statement from a witness who had not seen very much, and the fact that the driver of the truck that ran over Biniam had fled the scene. “France is a developed country […] so why can’t the driver who did that be found?” asked Bereket. “Even in Eritrea we’d have found the killer of my brother.”

      Loan Torondel of the association l’Auberge des migrants said he had seen similar outrage by relatives before. “Many don’t understand why their close family member died under a lorry and that the driver did not act voluntarily,” he said. “Biniam’s family thought that there would be the launch of an investigation, like in American films. They think that the police is not [bothered into] carrying out an investigation, but in reality there are few witnesses.”

      Meanwhile, Bereket has lodged an official complaint over his brother’s death “against persons unknown”, explaining: “I won’t be able to sleep as long as I don’t know how he died, and while the person responsible is free.”

      ’It’s incredible that nobody saw anything’

      While the police systematically open investigations into the road deaths of migrants, they are often complex, beginning with the identification of the victim. Patrick Visser-Bourdon, a former Calais-based police detective, recalled the death of a Sudanese migrant whose body was found one morning in 2016 close to the port’s ring road, with “the head opened, abandoned, wearing a pair of jeans and a long-sleeved T-shirt”.

      During his enquiries, Visser-Bourdon approached the head of the Sudanese community of migrants living in the camp known as “the Jungle”, but nobody recognised the body. “We also put out his photo in the police stations,” he said. “In the majority of such cases, we mostly called on the NGOs for help.” As in the case of Biniam, the driver of what was apparently a truck that had hit the Sudanese man had not stopped. “There was blood on the road, there was necessarily some on the bumpers of the truck,” said Visser-Bourdon. “The driver therefore must have stopped his vehicle at some point to clean it, between the Jungle and the port. It’s incredible that nobody saw anything.”

      Sabriya Guivy from the Auberge des migrants group added that because some local sections of the motorways are unlit, “It is entirely possible to not realise that one has hit someone and to carry on”.

      A section of the numerous investigations into such events end up being closed, unsolved. Someone who is charged with involuntary homicide in France faces a sentence of three years in prison, and up to five years in jail in the case of aggravating circumstances such as fleeing the scene. “Sometimes, some of them don’t remain at the scene of the accident, notably in the case of dangerous [migrant] road blocks, but they go directly to present themselves to the police,” said Pascal Marconville, public prosecutor of the nearby port of Boulogne-sur-Mer, whose services have jurisdiction for events in Calais. “In that case, it’s regarded more as a hit-and-run offence which is exonerated by the circumstances.”

      Patrick Visser-Bourdon said he had welcomed the building of a wall surrounding the ring road in 2016 aimed at deterring migrants from the traffic. “It was humanly impossible to pick up more bodies from the road,” he said.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/en/journal/france/190218/deadly-roads-calais

      –----

      En français :
      A Calais, les routes de la mort pour les migrants
      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/180218/calais-les-routes-de-la-mort-pour-les-migrants?page_article=1%20

    • Voir Calais et mourir

      Si, depuis quelques années, militants et chercheurs commencent à compter les morts sur les routes migratoires, ils ont tendance à se focaliser sur l’arc méditerranéen, négligeant la frontière franco-britannique que l’on pourrait qualifier de nasse calaisienne. Accords européens, traités bilatéraux et leurs corollaires sécuritaires font en effet de cette frontière un mur meurtrier. Et les migrants n’ont d’autre choix que de prendre toujours plus de risques pour le franchir… au péril de leur vie.

      Nawall Al Jende avait 26 ans. Elle était originaire de Nawa, une ville située à une trentaine de kilomètres de Deraa, dans le sud de la Syrie. Elle avait fui la guerre et laissé derrière elle son époux et deux de ses enfants. Avec son troisième enfant, Mohamed, âgé de 9 ans, et le frère de son mari, Oussama, son périple l’avait amenée à traverser neuf pays avant d’atteindre Calais. Sa sœur, Sawson, avait réalisé un parcours quasi similaire deux mois plus tôt et l’attendait de l’autre côté de la Manche. Nawall est décédée le 15 octobre 2015, après avoir été percutée par un taxi sur l’autoroute A16, alors qu’elle tentait de se glisser dans un camion afin de franchir la frontière franco-britannique. Comme sur les autres routes de l’exil, des personnes migrantes meurent à Calais et dans sa région. Depuis 1999, on estime qu’au moins 170 personnes sont décédées en tentant de franchir cet espace frontalier reliant la France à l’Angleterre.

      Pourquoi prêter attention aux personnes mortes en migration à la frontière franco-britannique ? Il n’existe pas de données officielles à ce sujet. Par conséquent, participer au travail de collecte d’informations contribue à documenter l’histoire du fait migratoire dans la région. En l’espace de quelques années, la question des exilés morts aux frontières s’est imposée dans le débat public. Elle a été d’abord portée, par des acteurs militants, à l’image des travaux réalisés par United for Intercultural Action, Fortress Europe ou encore Watch the Med. Puis, des journalistes se sont intéressés au sujet (The Migrants Files), ainsi que des chercheurs (Deaths at the Borders Database). Aujourd’hui, une institution officielle telle que l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) commence à recenser les personnes mortes en migration. Toutefois, dans ces différents relevés, la situation à la frontière franco-britannique est peu prise en compte, le focus étant davantage dirigé sur la mortalité aux portes de l’Europe, dans l’arc qui va des Iles Canaries à la mer Égée, en passant par le détroit de Gibraltar et le canal de Sicile. Par conséquent, travailler à la collecte d’informations sur les personnes mortes à Calais et dans la région répond à un réel besoin et rend visible une réalité méconnue.
      Redonner un nom aux morts

      Ce travail d’enquête ne veut pas s’en tenir au traitement simplement comptable ou anecdotique de la question des morts en migration. Il cherche, quand cela est possible, à redonner une identité et une histoire à ces « corps sans nom » ou à ces « noms sans histoire ». Tenter de reconstituer des récits de vie, (re)donner une dimension personnelle à chaque décès est un moyen d’éviter leur dilution dans ce qu’on nomme communément, de façon globalisante, les « drames de la migration ». Il s’agit également de rompre avec l’idée que cette hécatombe résulterait de la fatalité. Réduire ces tragédies à des accidents (accident de la route, noyade, etc.), à des violences ou des règlements de compte entre migrants est une façon d’occulter la responsabilité des pouvoirs publics dans une situation qui dure depuis plus de vingt ans dans le nord de la France. Au contraire, c’est bien l’addition d’accords européens et de traités bilatéraux, destinés à empêcher les indésirables d’accéder au territoire britannique qui a fait de cette région un mur meurtrier. De même, considérer que les seules violences exercées à l’encontre des exilés sont dues aux « réseaux de passeurs » est une manière d’occulter celles qui sont liées aux conditions de vie et à l’absence de dispositifs d’accueil adaptés, au harcèlement policier et à la surenchère de dispositifs de surveillance de la frontière.

      On constate en effet que la majorité des décès sont liés aux tentatives de passage, qu’ils soient immédiats ou qu’ils surviennent des suites de blessures que ces tentatives occasionnent. Le long de la frontière franco-britannique, les exilés meurent principalement après avoir été percutés par un train sur le site d’Eurotunnel, renversés par un véhicule – parfois volontairement – sur un axe routier non loin d’un point de passage ou écrasés sous l’essieu d’un poids lourd. Et finalement, les « règlements de compte » ou les violences « inter ou intra-communautaires » se concluant par des morts restent des événements marginaux.

      La majeure partie des exilés tentent de passer la frontière cachés dans la remorque d’un camion ou en dessous. Cette méthode s’avère extrêmement dangereuse et les risques de mourir écrasé par le contenu de la marchandise, par suffocation ou en tombant du camion (en particulier une fois arrivé sur le territoire britannique) sont importants. On pense notamment aux 58 personnes migrantes de nationalité chinoise cachées dans un camion frigorifique et découvertes mortes par asphyxie à Douvres en juin 2000. Un événement qui fait terriblement écho à la tragédie survenue 15 ans plus tard en Autriche, quand 71 exilés syriens cachés dans un camion furent abandonnés sur le bord d’une autoroute par le conducteur et décédèrent par suffocation.

      Même si le phénomène reste minoritaire, on recense plusieurs cas de noyades. Si quelques-unes se sont produites à la suite de rixes ou afin d’échapper à des violences policières, la plupart sont survenues pendant des tentatives de franchissement de la frontière. On observe ainsi plusieurs cas désespérés, et finalement mortels, survenus lors de la traversée du détroit du Pas-de-Calais, par embarcation ou à la nage. Le 12 juin 2002, un exilé russe parti en canoë s’est noyé dans la Manche. Son corps n’a jamais été retrouvé et le camarade qui l’accompagnait est resté accroché pendant cinq heures à l’embarcation à la dérive avant d’être secouru. Le précieux travail d’investigation du journaliste norvégien Anders Fjellberg [1] a permis de retracer le parcours de deux exilés syriens, Mouaz Al Balkhi et Shadi Omar Kataf. Après plusieurs semaines passées entre les Jungles de Calais et de Grande-Synthe et une douzaine de tentatives de passage « classiques » ratées, les deux compatriotes optèrent pour une autre stratégie. Le 7 octobre 2014, ils se procurèrent une combinaison de plongée au magasin Décathlon de Calais. Leurs corps ont été retrouvés quelques semaines plus tard, l’un sur une plage de Norvège, l’autre sur une plage des Pays-Bas.
      Petits arrangements entre voisins

      Les modes de franchissement de la frontière évoluent en fonction de son niveau de sécurisation. Plus un point de passage est rendu inaccessible, plus il y a de prises de risque et plus ces tentatives impliquent le recours à un « tiers », le passeur. En septembre 2014, le ministre de l’intérieur français, Bernard Cazeneuve, signait avec son homologue britannique, Theresa May, un accord bilatéral « incluant une contribution britannique de 5 millions d’euros par an pendant trois ans » dont l’une des mesures principales visait à « renforcer la sécurité, à la fois autour du port et dans la zone portuaire [2] ». Cet accord visait à empêcher, d’une part, les tentatives d’intrusions collectives sur le site portuaire et, d’autre part, les incursions sur la rocade accédant au port, technique consistant à profiter des embouteillages pour se cacher dans la remorque d’un camion La mise en œuvre du versant « sécurisation » de cet accord a été confiée à l’entreprise Zaun, une firme britannique [3], et s’est déroulée en plusieurs étapes. Dans un premier temps, à partir d’octobre 2014, les barrières ont été doublées à l’intérieur du site portuaire. Puis, au printemps 2015, sur une distance de deux kilomètres le long de la rocade accédant à la zone portuaire, a été érigée une double clôture, l’une de 4 mètres de haut et l’autre d’un peu moins de 3 mètres, équipée d’une rampe d’accès incurvée pour éviter qu’on ne s’y s’agrippe, et surmontée d’un fil barbelé. Entre les deux clôtures, un espace de détection infrarouge a été installé. La mise en place de cet arsenal autour de la zone portuaire a obligé les exilés à se détourner du port pour trouver d’autres voies de passage, plus dangereuses, notamment celle du tunnel sous la Manche. Les conséquences ne se sont pas fait attendre : alors qu’aucun des 17 décès recensés en 2014 n’avait eu lieu sur le site d’Eurotunnel, on en comptait 15 sur les 25 enregistrés en 2015. Il serait difficile d’en conclure que plus on boucle la frontière franco-britannique, plus celle-ci devient meurtrière. En effet, l’augmentation significative du nombre de morts entre 2014 et 2015 s’explique aussi par celle du nombre d’exilés présents dans le Calaisis. Les militants locaux estiment qu’il a crû, en un an, de 1 500 à environ 5 000 personnes. Il est en revanche certain qu’à la multiplication des barrières et des dispositifs dissuasifs, se sont ajoutées les désastreuses conditions de vie des exilés, obligés de survivre dans une extrême précarité et dans un contexte de surpopulation croissante, tout en tentant d’échapper aux violences policières : un cocktail explosif qui les a poussés plus nombreux à prendre des risques pour espérer passer. En août 2015, un nouvel accord franco-britannique fut signé dans lequel les deux ministres reconnaissaient que « depuis la fin du mois de juin, en raison de la sécurisation du port, les migrants ont changé de stratégie, cherchant au péril de leur vie, à s’introduire au niveau des points d’entrée dans le tunnel sous la Manche ». Mais qu’imaginent-ils pour remédier à ce constat inquiétant ? Que « la France renforce l’actuel dispositif de sécurité et l’action de ses policiers et de ses gendarmes, grâce au déploiement d’unités mobiles additionnelles » et que le Royaume-Uni alloue des moyens supplémentaires pour « sécuriser le périmètre de l’entrée du tunnel, grâce à un dispositif de clôtures, de vidéosurveillance, de technologie de détection infrarouge et de projecteurs lumineux » tout en « [aidant] la société Eurotunnel à augmenter nettement ses effectifs en charge de la sécurité et de la protection du site [4] ». Ce qui s’est traduit par l’installation de 29 kilomètres de nouvelles barrières et le « renforcement » de 10 kilomètres déjà existants. Le paysage du site d’Eurotunnel a été radicalement bouleversé : 100 hectares ont été rasés afin de faciliter la surveillance et une partie de cette zone a été volontairement inondée « pour créer des obstacles naturels qui empêchent l’accès aux clôtures » [5].
      Fortification

      Cette séquence n’est finalement qu’une étape supplémentaire dans la longue histoire de la fortification de la frontière franco-britannique. Elle a commencé avec le code international pour la sûreté des navires et des installations portuaires (code ISPS) régissant les zones portuaires fournissant des services internationaux et s’est prolongée, depuis le début des années 1990, par une succession d’accords bilatéraux. Alors que le protocole de Sangatte (1991) avait initié la mise en place de contrôles juxtaposés français et britanniques des deux côtés de la frontière, son protocole additionnel (2000) les a étendus aux principales gares du nord de la France et du sud de l’Angleterre.

      Au tournant des années 2000, la fortification de la frontière prend une autre dimension. Du côté du site portuaire, « en 2000, un premier programme de 6 millions d’euros est engagé pour clôturer une partie du port, installer un réseau de vidéo surveillance ainsi qu’un bâtiment spécifique au département sûreté ». Jusqu’alors, la zone portuaire n’était que très sommairement clôturée. « À partir de 2005, un deuxième programme d’investissement de 7 millions d’euros est engagé […] [permettant] de finaliser l’année suivante, un réseau de 48 caméras fixes et mobiles de vidéo surveillance [6]. » De son côté, Eurotunnel renforce la surveillance de son site à partir du printemps 2001 et bénéficie, en février 2002, du prêt d’un radar PMMW (système à détection thermique) de l’armée britannique. Tandis que la signature du traité du Touquet (2003) étend les dispositions relatives aux contrôles juxtaposés à tous les ports de la Manche et de la mer du Nord, « l’arrangement » franco-britannique de 2009 accentue le recours aux dispositifs de détection et crée un centre de coordination conjoint « chargé de recueillir et partager toutes les informations nécessaires au contrôle des biens et de personnes circulant entre la France et le Royaume-Uni » [7]. Les accords franco-britanniques de 2014 et 2015 sont venus compléter cet empilement de textes.

      Retracer de manière précise et tenter de cartographier l’évolution des dispositifs mis en place autour de la frontière franco-britannique n’est pas chose aisée. En effet, l’accès à l’information est relativement restreint, du fait notamment de la multiplicité des acteurs impliqués (services de l’État, gestionnaires des sites portuaires et du tunnel, prestataires de sécurité privés, etc.) et du manque de transparence qui en résulte. Dans ses déclarations, le porte-parole d’Eurotunnel indique que « depuis l’apparition des clandestins [sic] dans le Calaisis, Eurotunnel a, au-delà de ses obligations contractuelles, investi massivement dans les moyens physiques (clôtures, éclairages, caméras, barrières infrarouges) et humains de protection du terminal de Coquelles : plus de 160 millions d’euros, dont 13 millions d’euros au premier semestre 2015 » [8]. Difficile d’évaluer finement ce que coûte cette surenchère. Cette question fait l’objet d’une bataille de communication, notamment entre l’État et Eurotunnel, le premier reprochant au second de ne pas en faire assez en matière de sûreté tandis que le second réclame toujours plus d’aides pour protéger le site. L’affaire, connue sous le nom de « contentieux de Sangatte », s’est d’ailleurs conclue devant les tribunaux en 2003 par une victoire d’Eurotunnel qui a obtenu de la France et de la Grande-Bretagne une indemnisation pour les investissements qu’il avait consentis à cet effet [9].

      Du coût humain, il n’en est bien entendu pas question. Aux morts recensées s’ajoutent celles qui n’ont pu l’être. Par manque de sources, car « il y a suffisamment à faire avec les vivants [10] » ou par oubli tout simplement. Et puis il y a les personnes blessées, « des jeunes aux mains et aux jambes lacérées par les barbelés qui entourent le site d’Eurotunnel […] ces clôtures [qui] déchiquettent la peau de manière anarchique [11] ». Mutilées ou accidentées, ces personnes n’entrent dans aucun décompte. Le 21 octobre 2001, dans La Voix du Nord, la journaliste Sophie Leroy titrait son article « Assez de mort aux frontières » [12] en reprenant l’un des slogans de la manifestation organisée à Calais par le collectif C’Sur [13] pour dénoncer cette frontière meurtrière. Quinze années plus tard, la liste des morts n’a cessé de s’allonger.

      https://www.gisti.org/spip.php?article5426

  • Info-#Rojava 18.10.2019 Complément

    Le « #Kurds_Freedom_Convoy » résiste autour de #Serekanyie. Malgré la proclamation du cessez-le-feu au moins 30 personnes ont été tuées à Serakanyie par l’#aviation et des #drones turques. Le convoi humanitaire de civils qui depuis hier se dirigeait vers la ville pour rompre le #siège et demander l’ouverture d’un couloir humanitaire à été à nouveau attaqué. Au même moment d’autres personnes sont venues grossir la ceinture humaine qui encercle les assiégeants turco-djihadistes. 80 voitures et 400 civils. Le Kurds Freedom Convoy a rejoint à pied le village de #Mishrafa près de Serakanyie. Le village a été rasé au sol. Il y a de nombreux corps de civils tués. Sont également signalé des civils blessés dans d’autres villages avoisinants assiégées par les turques. L’on dénombre 8 tués à #Bab-al-Xer. C’est littéralement du #nettoyage_ethnique qui a cours !
    Quelques images du convoi humanitaires près de Serakanyie. En particulier le village de Mishrafa rasé par les troupes turco-djihadistes.


    http://libradio.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/K_Info18102019_Compl%C3%A9ment.pdf
    #convoi #guerre #évacuation #convoi_humanitaire #Kurdistan #Syrie #Kurdes #Turquie #attaque #décès #morts

  • Increased deaths at the borders just before the decision on Croatia’s accession to Schengen

    Last week was marked by a series of information on dead bodies found at the border between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    People who found themselves in the area around #Cazin (BiH), Crnaj recorded a dead body. It was a case of drowning, according to Bosnian media (https://www.klix.ba/vijesti/crna-hronika/obdukcija-pokazala-migrant-cije-je-tijelo-pronadjeno-kod-cazina-se-utopio/191004072).
    Similarly, a dead body was found in an abandoned house (http://m.pogled.ba/clanak/migrant-pronadjen-mrtav-u-napustenoj-kuci-kod-cazina/178716) /trailer in the #Osmanagici settlement in the Cazin area - the body was sent for an autopsy (https://medium.com/are-you-syrious/ays-daily-digest-9-10-19-violent-refugee-deaths-on-the-rise-in-bosnia-ca47a1) and the exact cause of death is still unknown.
    Another case of death occurred in the town of #Bileća, Todorići village, southern Bosnia and Herzegovina - when a local villager, a shepherd, shot a migrant he had encountered (in a group with other migrants) at a farmhouse not far away from a flock he was guarding. According to media reports (http://novilist.hr/Vijesti/Svijet/UBOJSTVO-KOD-BILECE-Ubio-migranta-pa-se-prijavio-policiji), there was an altercation between the locals and a group of migrants and the rifle fired, which ended up with one person getting shot and dying. The denial of access to the asylum system and closed borders result in all these deaths as a consequence. The fear that comes from these events affects people on the move and local communities in border areas. The restrictive EU policy that the Republic of Croatia obediently implements and follows threatens human security in the Balkans - and spreads fear at the same time.

    Cazin (Bosnie du Nord, proche de la frontière avec la Croatie) :

    #Bileca (Bosnie du Sud, proche de la frontière avec le Monténégro) :

    Reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 14.10.2019
    #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #route_des_Balkans #frontières #décès #morts ##Bileca

    Ajouté à cette liste :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646#message806449

  • How well has China’s ultra low-emissions policy worked ? | Ars Technica
    https://arstechnica.com/science/2019/10/how-well-has-chinas-ultra-low-emissions-policy-worked

    In 2014, China introduced an ambitious policy to rapidly reduce air pollution from coal-fired power stations. How well did that work?

    #Pollution : la #Chine en voie d’atteindre ses cibles pour 2020 - Pieuvre.ca
    http://www.pieuvre.ca/2019/10/07/environnement-chine-pollution-cibles

    L’étude, publiée récemment dans Nature Energy, s’est penchée sur des données allant de 2014, lorsque la Chine a mis en place l’ambitieuse Politique d’#émissions_ultrabasses pour mettre à niveau les centrales au #charbon, histoire de limiter les émissions polluantes, jusqu’à 2017.

    L’équipe de recherche a découvert qu’entre 2014 et 2017, les émissions annuelles chinoises en matière de dioxyde de souffre, d’oxyde d’azote et de #microparticules avaient diminué de 65, 60 et 72%, respectivement, et ce chaque année. Ainsi, les réductions enregistrées par la Chine correspondent aux normes associées à la politique nationale en la matière.

    Cela signifie que la Chine est en voie de réduire davantage ses émissions si toutes ses centrales thermiques respectent les normes en vigueur d’ici 2020. Ces normes en question visent à limiter les émissions de dioxyde de souffre, l’oxyde d’azote et de microparticules à 35, 50 et 10 milligrammes par mètre cube, respectivement.

    Selon le coauteur de l’étude, le Dr Zhifu Mi de l’University College de Londres, « ce sont des nouvelles encourageantes pour la Chine, ainsi que pour les autres pays qui souhaitent réduire leurs émissions liées à la production d’#énergie ».

    « Ces réductions importantes des émissions démontrent la faisabilité technique et économique du contrôle des émissions des centrales énergétiques, histoire d’atteindre des niveaux particulièrement bas, ce qui est une étape importante pour réduire le nombre de #morts attribuables à la pollution atmosphérique. »

    https://www.nature.com/articles/s41560-019-0468-1

  • Les mots et la réalité Féminicide 1

    En France, le mot « féminicide » est récemment devenu d’usage assez courant. Il est intéressant d’essayer de comprendre comment et pourquoi un mot apparait et aussi pourquoi une population se l’approprie. Il s’agit, de fait, de réfléchir à une série de questions : pourquoi avoir créé un mot ? Quelle est sa définition ? En quoi reflète-t-il la réalité ? Peut-il aider à mieux appréhender le monde voire à le changer ? Ce qu’il désigne existait-il avant lui ? etc.

    Dans un premier temps, il faut s’interroger sur le sens du mot. Qu’est-ce donc que le féminicide ? Introduit dans le dictionnaire « Le petit Robert » en 2015, la définition est la suivante : « Meurtre d’une ou plusieurs femmes ou filles en raison de son sexe ». Le terme en lui-même est un « mot-valise » constitué d’une contraction entre les mots « féminin » et la racine « -cide » qui signifie « frapper, tuer ». Il complète une série de mots ayant la même logique de construction : homicide, parricide, infanticide. Ainsi, à l’intérieur de ce champ lexical, il désigne explicitement le meurtre d’une femme ou d’une jeune fille du fait de sa condition de femme.

    Avant que le terme ne soit utilisé en France, il a été légitimé par les instances internationales. Tout au long des années 1990, elles vont progressivement s’en emparer. Du point de vue de celles-ci, le féminicide regroupe quatre grandes catégories de meurtres de femmes ou de jeunes filles. Premièrement le féminicide « intime » est le fait du meurtre d’une femme par son conjoint ou un ex-conjoint. Deuxièmement le féminicide « non intime » est l’agression ou le meurtre de femmes parce qu’elles sont femmes comme la tuerie de l’école polytechnique de Montréal en 1989. Troisièmement les crimes « d’honneur » sont le meurtre d’une femme pour protéger la réputation de sa famille à cause d’une « transgression » morale. Enfin le féminicide lié à la « dot » est le meurtre d’une femme parce qu’elle n’a pas amené une dot suffisamment importante pour son mariage. Avec ces premiers éléments, nous pouvons voir que les régions du monde ne sont pas toutes confrontées aux mêmes types de féminicides. Ainsi en France si la première catégorie est majoritaire et la deuxième est imaginable, les deux autres dimensions sont a priori absentes. Dans tous les cas, aucune région du monde n’est épargnée par les meurtres de femmes ou filles en raison de leur sexe.

    Si le mot apparait dans un dictionnaire en 2015 pour la France et si les instances internationales s’en emparent dans les années 1990, cela ne résout pas la question de son origine. Il faut pour cela remonter un peu plus loin dans le temps. Selon Margot Giacinti, doctorante en science politique, le terme apparait pour la première fois au tribunal international des crimes contre les femmes à Bruxelles en 1976. En parallèle Diana E. H. Russel, une sociologue féministe sud-africaine mène de nombreuses recherches sur les violences dont les femmes sont victimes. Elle utilise rapidement le terme et publie en 1992 avec Jill Radford Femicide : the Politics of Woman Killing. Cet ouvrage va connaître un écho particulier dans les institutions internationales donc mais également dans les milieux et mouvements féministes. Porté et mobilisé par ces deux ensembles, l’usage du terme n’a fait que se multiplier depuis.

    Ainsi, si nous comprenons un peu mieux comment un mot peut apparaitre, se diffuser et finalement être adopté par une partie des sociétés et des populations, reste à comprendre quels sont ses liens avec le réel. Et c’est ce que nous essayerons d’appréhender dans le post de demain en particulier pour le cas français.

    https://geoprag.wordpress.com/2019/10/08/les-mots-et-la-realite-le-debat-feminicide-1

    –------
    Les mots et la réalité Féminicide 2

    Le terme féminicide ne s’est pas imposé facilement et il est encore discuté aujourd’hui. Quels sont les arguments contre son usage ? Tout d’abord, en suivant la définition, si une femme est tuée en raison de son sexe, cela ne concerne donc pas tous les homicides. En effet, une femme qui meurt dans un cambriolage n’entre évidemment pas dans cette catégorie. Mais cela pose une question fondamentale : comment savoir qu’une femme est tuée parce qu’elle est une femme ? Faut-il que le meurtrier l’avoue, qu’il le dise ou l’écrive ? Si pour définir un féminicide il faut attendre un aveu de culpabilité, il n’y en aurait alors probablement pas ou très peu en France. Or, à la date du 8 octobre 2019, il est estimé qu’il y a déjà eu 115 féminicides en France. Ce sont les femmes tuées par leur conjoint ou ex-conjoint qui rentrent dans cette statistique. Et c’est en parti cela qui est remis en cause par celles et ceux qui refusent l’usage du terme. Pourquoi ? Tout simplement parce qu’ils n’ont pas manifesté ou revendiqué ce meurtre au nom d’un sentiment anti-femmes. Il n’y pas de liens évidents et clairs entre le meurtre des femmes et la notion de féminicide.

    Le deuxième argument contre l’usage du terme féminicide se situe au niveau de ce qu’est un meurtre. En effet, pour les opposant-es, le meurtre d’une personne par un proche est toujours le résultat d’une histoire personnelle particulière. Les raisons concrètes du meurtre (jalousie, colère, tristesse, etc.) permettent d’appréhender cette histoire unique et l’isole en quelques sortes des autres meurtres. Et dans aucun des cas recensés, le meurtre n’a fait l’objet d’une revendication anti-femme. Comment alors passer d’un fait divers individuel à la dénonciation d’un comportement social récurrent contre les femmes ? Le pas à franchir est impossible. Comment appréhender alors l’usage du terme féminicide ? Quel serait l’intérêt de l’employer ? Cela relèverait en fait des mouvements féministes, toujours agressifs, qui visent ainsi à déstabiliser les rapports entre femmes et hommes dans la société. Cela relèverait donc plus de l’idéologie, d’une démarche politique et militante que d’une réalité sociale. Un écran de fumée en quelques sortes ?

    A ces arguments des opposant-es, plusieurs niveaux de réponses peuvent être apportés. Le premier s’appuie sur la réalité statistique et celle-ci est comme souvent têtue. En 2017, 130 femmes sont mortes tuées par leur conjoint ou ex-conjoint tandis que 19 hommes ont été tués par leur conjointe ou ex-conjointe. Ces femmes représentent donc 87,2% des morts violentes au sein du couple. Parmi les femmes ayant tué leur conjoint ou ex-conjoint, plus de la moitié avait subi des violences antérieurement. Cette différence de situation entre les hommes et les femmes ne peut être le simple fait du hasard ou de la malchance, d’autant plus qu’elle se répète année après année. Elle ne peut donc pas non plus être réduite à une série de cas individuel dont on refuserait systématiquement de faire la somme. En France, les femmes meurent, tuées par des hommes.

    Deuxièmement, ce déséquilibre entre les meurtres d’hommes et de femmes n’était pas visible à l’échelle nationale. Jusque-là ces meurtres relevaient de la rubrique fait divers des quotidiens régionaux et les articles évoquaient plus des « drames » (souvent déclinés : drame passionnel, conjugal, de séparation, etc.) que des meurtres. Ces histoires sont bien présentées de façon unique souvent sans lien les unes avec les autres. Ce sont les militantes féministes et les journalistes qui ont commencé à faire le recensement systématique de ces meurtres. Une des premières à le faire est Titiou Le Coq, journaliste de Libération, à partir de 2015. Pour parler de ces histoires individuelles, il a bien fallu trouver un terme, un mot et c’est celui de féminicide qui fut mis en avant. Comme le dit très bien Margot Giacinti : « À l’inverse, il semble que le terme de féminicide permette de relire un certain nombre de faits que l’on analysait comme de simples homicides, alors qu’il s’agit d’un fait social à part entière. Cette relecture oblige à s’interroger sur les raisons de ces meurtres et à se rendre compte de la permanence de meurtres de femmes dans la société. Un certain nombre de femmes ne sont pas tuées pour les mêmes raisons que les hommes, notamment dans le cadre intime. Lorsqu’on dit qu’une femme « est tuée en tant que femme », c’est pour signifier qu’elle est tuée en raison de la position de vulnérabilité dans laquelle les structures sociales la placent. »

    Enfin, il y a un troisième argument qui permet de mieux comprendre pourquoi le terme de « féminicide » est socialement utile et pourquoi il désigne non pas un fantasme de féministes mais une réalité. Cet argument sera abordé dans le troisième et dernier volet de cette étude.

    https://geoprag.wordpress.com/2019/10/09/les-mots-et-la-realite-feminicide-2

    –--------------

    Les mots et la réalité Féminicide 3

    Pour essayer de mieux comprendre pourquoi la dimension sociale du meurtre d’une femme par son conjoint ou son ex-conjoint semble invisible à certain-es, il faut aborder le troisième et dernier volet, celui de l’histoire, du temps long et de la dimension juridique des rapports entre les femmes et les hommes.

    Nous sommes des sociétés héritières de rapports largement inégalitaires entre les femmes et les hommes. Dans le domaine qui nous intéresse ici, c’est tout particulièrement visible : pendant longtemps les régimes qui se sont succédés en France ont largement assumé et autorisé le meurtre à l’intérieur du couple. Le droit romain, le droit monarchique puis le code pénal de 1810 ont autorisé l’« uxoricide » c’est-à-dire le meurtre par le conjoint de son épouse quand elle est prise en flagrant délit d’adultère.

    « ARTICLE 324. &1 Le meurtre commis par l’époux sur l’épouse, ou par celle-ci sur son époux, n’est pas excusable, si la vie de l’époux ou de l’épouse qui a commis le meurtre n’a pas été mise en péril dans le moment même où le meurtre a eu lieu. &2 Néanmoins, dans le cas d’adultère, prévu par l’article 336, le meurtre commis par l’époux sur son épouse, ainsi que sur le complice, à l’instant où il les surprend en flagrant délit dans la maison conjugale, est excusable. »

    Les hommes ont ainsi eu pendant plusieurs millénaires le droit juridique et l’onction sociale de tuer leur conjointe. Situation aberrante mais d’autant plus inégalitaire que l’inverse n’était pas du tout autorisé. Les femmes ayant tué leur mari ont toujours été très largement condamnées. Pour l’homme le meurtre de sa femme est juridiquement une circonstance atténuante, là où pour la femme tuer son mari est une circonstance aggravante. Ainsi sur le temps long, les sociétés ont considéré comme au mieux naturel au pire normal le meurtre d’une femme par son conjoint. Cette situation a laissé des traces dans nos comportements contemporains.

    Ce droit légal au meurtre est accompagné dans le droit civil et dans le droit pénal de très fortes inégalités entre les hommes et les femmes et vouloir distinguer ici l’intégralité des domaines où elles s’exprimaient prendrait plusieurs articles dans ce blog. Nous pouvons retenir que jusqu’à récemment, les hommes étaient des personnes juridiques à part entière tandis que les femmes étaient des mineures éternelles. Sur elles s’exerçaient un droit de propriété, comme à un objet : elles appartenaient littéralement et juridiquement à leur père d’abord à leur mari ensuite. Cette situation sociale fut largement gravée dans le marbre du code civil et du code pénal de Napoléon. Et même si la situation n’est plus la même aujourd’hui, le poids historique des rapports inégaux a laissé des traces dans les esprits et dans les comportements. D’autant plus que le détricotage de ces rapports inégalitaires entre femmes et hommes ne datent finalement pas de si longtemps que cela.

    Progressivement, l’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes se travaillant et s’améliorant lentement, cette situation est devenue intolérable. Il n’est plus devenu possible de justifier, « d’excuser » le meurtre légal d’une femme par son mari. Il faudra toutefois attendre 1975 pour que le deuxième paragraphe de la loi de 1810 soit effacé et que ce droit disparaisse. Néanmoins ce n’est pas parce que quelque chose n’est plus autorisé qu’il ne se fait plus. Le droit collectif que les hommes se sont donnés, le droit qu’ils se sont attribués de tuer leurs conjointes pendant des millénaires parce qu’elles étaient des femmes a disparu mais les traces de ce droit dans les mentalités, dans le corps social et dans les rapports entre genres est encore vivace. C’est bien ce passé qui explique la situation contemporaine. Des hommes considèrent encore trop souvent leur compagne comme leur propriété et préfère les tuer que de les laisser être libres. Cela est d’autant plus criant dans le cas où ils se suicident après. Ces hommes pensent donc qu’ils doivent emporter dans leur mort ce qui leur appartient et empêchent donc littéralement leur conjointe de leur survivre.

    Féminicide c’est le mot qui permet de dire cela. Féminicide c’est le mot qui affirme qu’une société qui connait ce type de meurtre a un problème. Féminicide c’est le mot qui permet de montrer que derrière les histoires individuelles, il y a un fait social. Féminicide c’est le mot qui permet de rappeler qu’en France des femmes meurent parce qu’elles sont des femmes.

    https://geoprag.wordpress.com/2019/10/10/les-mots-et-la-realite-feminicide-3

    #féminicide #mots #vocabulaire #France #terminologie #femmes #décès #morts

  • Revealed: hundreds of migrant workers dying of heat stress in Qatar each year | Global development | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2019/oct/02/revealed-hundreds-of-migrant-workers-dying-of-heat-stress-in-qatar-each

    Migrant labourers are being worked to death in searing temperatures in Qatar, with hundreds estimated to be dying from heat stress every year, a Guardian investigation can reveal.

    This summer, hundreds of thousands of migrant workers toiled in temperatures of up to 45C for up to 10 hours a day as Qatar’s construction boom hit its peak ahead of the Fifa World Cup 2022.

    #travailleurs_émigrés #exploitation #morts_au_travail #coupe_du_monde #Qatar

  • "#Atlantique" de #Mati_Diop, un film sur « la #jeunesse fantôme, disparue en mer »

    La réalisatrice franco-sénégalaise Mati Diop est la première réalisatrice noire à avoir été sélectionnée puis primée en compétition au Festival de Cannes. « Atlantique », son premier long métrage couronné du Grand Prix du Jury, sort en salles mercredi 2 octobre en France. Un film bouleversant qui montre le drame de l’immigration depuis l’autre côté, depuis la place de celles et ceux qui restent.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/19896/atlantique-de-mati-diop-un-film-sur-la-jeunesse-fantome-disparue-en-me
    #celles_qui_restent #ceux_qui_restent #film #mourir_en_mer #morts #décès #Méditerranée #asile #migrations #réfugiés #celleux_qui_restent

    Bande annonce :
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8AMmbssjtQk

  • Migranti, incendio e rivolta nel campo di Lesbo: muoiono una donna e un bambino, 15 feriti

    Scontri con la polizia nel campo dove sono ospitati 13mila migranti a fronte di una capienza di 3mila.

    Tragedia nel campo profughi di Lesbo dove la situazione era già insostenibile da mesi con oltre 13.000 persone in una struttura che ne può ospitare 3500. Una donna e un bambino sono morti nell’incendio (sembra accidentale) di un container dove abitano diverse famiglie ma le vittime potrebbero essere di più. Una quindicina i feriti che sono stati curati nella clinica pediatrica che Medici senza frontiere ha fuori dal campo e che è stata aperta eccezionalmente.

    «Nessuno può dire che questo è un incidente - è la dura accusa di Msf - E’ la diretta conseguenza di intrappolare 13.000 persone in uno spazio che ne può contenere 3.000».

    Dopo l’incendio nel campo è esplosa una vera e propria rivolta con i migranti, costretti a vivere in condizioni disumane, che hanno dato vita a duri scontri con la polizia e hanno appiccato altri incendi all’interno e all’esterno del campo di Moria, chiedendo a gran voce di essere trasferiti sulla terraferma. Ancora confuse le notizie che arrivano dall’isola greca dove negli ultimi mesi gli sbarchi di migranti provenienti dalla Turchia sono aumentati in maniera esponenziale.

    https://www.repubblica.it/cronaca/2019/09/29/news/incendio_e_rivolta_nel_campo_di_moria_a_lesbo_muoiono_una_donna_e_un_bamb
    #Moria #révolte #incendie #feu #Lesbos #Grèce #réfugiés #asile #migrations #camps_de_réfugiés #hotspot #camp_de_réfugiés #îles #décès #morts

    • Μία γυναίκα νεκρή και ένα μωρό από τις αναθυμιάσεις στη Μόρια

      Φωτιά ξέσπασε το απόγευμα σε κοντέινερ στο ΚΥΤ Μόριας, με τις μέχρι τώρα πληροφορίες μια γυναίκα είναι νεκρή και ένα μωρό.

      Μετά τη φωτιά στο κοντέινερ, ξέσπασε εξέγερση. Η πυροσβεστική μπήκε να σβήσει τη φωτιά, ενώ αρχικά εμποδίστηκε από τα επεισόδια η αστυνομία αυτή τη στιγμή προσπαθεί να παρέμβει.

      Νεότερα εντός ολίγου.

      https://www.stonisi.gr/post/4319/mia-gynaika-nekrh-kai-ena-mwro-apo-tis-anathymiaseis-sth-moria-updated

    • Fire, clashes, one dead at crowded Greek migrant camp on Lesbos

      A fire broke out on Sunday at a container inside a crowded refugee camp on the eastern Greek island of Lesbos close to Turkey and one person was killed, emergency services said.

      Refugees clashed with police as thick smoke rose over the Moria camp, which currently houses about 12,000 people in overcrowded conditions and firefighters fought to extinguish the blaze.

      Police said one burned body was taken to hospital in the island’s capital Mytilini for identification by the coroner. Police sent reinforcements to the island along with the chief of police to help restore order.

      Police could not immediately reach an area of containers, where there were unconfirmed reports of another burned body.

      Greece has been dealing with a resurgence in refugee and migrant flows in recent weeks from neighboring Turkey. Nearly a million refugees fleeing war in Syria and migrants crossed from Turkey to Greece’s islands in 2015.

      More than 9,000 people arrived in August, the highest number in the three years since the European Union and Ankara implemented a deal to shut off the Aegean migrant route. More than 8,000 people have arrived so far in September.

      Turks have also attempted to cross to Greece in recent years following a failed coup attempt against Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan in 2016.

      On Friday seven Turkish nationals, two women and five children, drowned when a boat carrying them capsized near Greece’s Chios island.

      https://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-greece-lesbos-moria/fire-clashes-at-crowded-migrant-camp-on-greek-island-lesbos-idUSKBN1WE0NJ

    • Incendio nel campo rifugiati di Moria. Amnesty: “Abbietto fallimento delle politiche di protezione del governo greco e dell’Ue”

      Incendio nel campo rifugiati di Moria. Amnesty International denuncia: “Abbietto fallimento delle politiche di protezione del governo greco e dell’Ue”

      “L’incendio di Moria ha evidenziato l’abietto fallimento del governo greco e dell’Unione europea, incapaci di gestire la deplorevole situazione dei rifugiati in Grecia“.

      Così Massimo Moratti, direttore delle ricerche sull’Europa di Amnesty International, ha commentato la notizia dell’incendio di domenica 29 settembre nel campo rifugiati di Moria, sull’isola greca di Lesbo, nel quale è morta una donna.

      “Con 12.503 persone presenti in un campo che potrebbe ospitarne 3000 e dati gli incendi già scoppiati nel campo, le autorità greche non possono sostenere che questa tragedia fosse inevitabile. Solo un mese fa erano morte altre tre persone“, ha aggiunto Moratti.

      “L’accordo tra Unione europea e Turchia ha solo peggiorato le cose, negando dignità a migliaia di persone intrappolate sulle isole dell’Egeo e violando i loro diritti“, ha sottolineato Moratti.

      “Il campo di Moria è sovraffollato e insicuro. Le autorità greche devono immediatamente evacuarlo, assistere, anche fornendo le cure mediche necessarie, le persone che hanno subito le conseguenze dell’incendio e accelerare il trasferimento dei richiedenti asilo e dei rifugiati in strutture adeguate in terraferma. Gli altri stati membri dell’Unione europea devono collaborare accettando urgentemente i programmi di ricollocazione che potrebbero ridurre la pressione sulla Grecia“, ha concluso Moratti.

      Ulteriori informazioni

      Nelle ultime settimane, Amnesty International ha riscontrato un drammatico peggioramento delle condizioni dei rifugiati sulle isole dell’Egeo, nelle quali si trovano ormai oltre 30.000 persone.

      Il sovraffollamento ha raggiunto il livello peggiore dal 2016. Le isole di Lesbo e Samo ospitano un numero di persone superiore rispettivamente di quattro e otto volte i posti a disposizione.

      La situazione dei minori è, a sua volta, drasticamente peggiorata. La morte di un afgano di 15 anni nella cosiddetta “zona sicura” del campo di Moria testimonia la fondamentale mancanza di sicurezza per le migliaia di minori costretti a vivere in quel centro.

      All’inizio di settembre il governo greco ha annunciato l’inizio dei trasferimenti dei richiedenti asilo e dei rifugiati sulla terraferma. Questi trasferimenti, effettuati in cooperazione con l’Organizzazione internazionale delle migrazioni, si sono rivelati finora una serie di iniziative frammentarie.

      All’indomani dell’incendio di Moria le autorità di Atene hanno espresso l’intenzione di arrivare a 3000 trasferimenti entro la fine di ottobre: un numero insufficiente a fare fronte all’aumento degli approdi da luglio, considerando che solo la settimana scorsa sono arrivate altre 3000 persone.

      La politica di trattenimento dei nuovi arrivati sulle isole dell’Egeo resta dunque immutata, poiché le misure adottate sono clamorosamente insufficienti a risolvere i problemi dell’insicurezza e delle condizioni indegne cui i richiedenti asilo e i rifugiati sono stati condannati a convivere a partire dall’attuazione dell’accordo tra Unione europea e Turchia.

      https://www.amnesty.it/incendio-campo-rifugiati-moria-grecia

    • This was not an accident!

      They died because of Europe’s cruel deterrence and detention regime!

      Yesterday, on Sunday 29 September 2019, a fire broke out in the so-called hotspot of Moria on Lesvos Island in Greece. A woman and probably also a child lost their lives in the fire and it remains unclear how many others were injured. Many people lost all their small belongings, including identity documents, in the fire. The people imprisoned on Lesvos have fled wars and conflicts and now experience violence within Europe. Many were re-traumatised by these tragic events and some escaped and spent the night in the forest, scared to death.

      Over the past weeks, we had to witness two more deaths in the hotspot of Moria: In August a 15-year-old Afghan minor was killed during a violent fight among minors inside the so-called “safe space” of the camp. On September 24, a 5-year-old boy lost his life when he was run-over by a truck in front of the gate.

      The fire yesterday was no surprise and no accident. It is not the first, and it will not be the last. The hotspot burned already several times, most tragically in November 2016 when large parts burned down. Europe’s cruel regime of deterrence and detention has now killed again.

      In the meantime, in the media, a story was immediately invented, saying that the refugees themselves set the camp on fire. It was also stated that they blocked the fire brigade from entering. We have spoken to many people who witnessed the events directly. They tell us a very different story: In fact, the fire broke out most probably due to an electricity short circuit. The fire brigade arrived very late, which is no surprise given the overcrowdedness of this monstrous hotspot. Despite its official capacity for 3,000 people, it now detains at least 12,500 people who suffer there in horrible living conditions. On mobile phone videos taken by the prisoners of the camp, one can see how in this chaos, inhabitants and the fire brigade tried their best together to at least prevent an even bigger catastrophe.

      There simply cannot be a functioning emergency plan in a camp that has exceeded its capacity four times. When several containers burned in a huge fire that generated a lot of smoke, the imprisoned who were locked in the closed sector of the camp started in panic to try to break the doors. The only response the authorities had, was to immediately bring police to shoot tear-gas at them, which created an even more toxic smoke.

      Anger and grief about all these senseless deaths and injuries added to the already explosive atmosphere in Moria where thousands have suffered while waiting too long for any change in their lives. Those who criminalise and condemn this outcry in form of a riot of the people of Moria cannot even imagine the sheer inhumanity they experience daily. The real violence is the camp itself, conditions that are the result of the EU border regime’s desire for deterrence.

      We raise our voices in solidarity with the people of Moria and demand once again: The only possibility to end this suffering and dying is to open the islands and to have freedom of movement for everybody. Those who arrive on the islands have to continue their journeys to hopefully find a place of safety and dignity elsewhere. We demand ferries to transfer the exhausted and re-traumatised people immediately to the Greek mainland. We need ferries not Frontex. We need open borders, so that everyone can continue to move on, even beyond Greece. Those who escape the islands should not be imprisoned once more in camps in mainland Greece, with conditions that are the same as the ones here on the islands.

      Close down Moria!

      Open the islands!

      Freedom of Movement for everyone!

      http://lesvos.w2eu.net/2019/09/30/this-was-not-an-accident

    • Grèce : quand s’embrase le plus grand camp de réfugiés d’Europe

      Sur l’île de Lesbos, le camp de Moria accueille 13 000 personnes dans des installations prévues pour 3000. Un incendie y a fait au moins deux morts et a déclenché un début d’"émeutes dimanche. En Autriche, les Verts créent la sensation aux législatives alors que l’extrême-droite perd 10 points.

      https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/revue-de-presse-internationale/la-revue-de-presse-internationale-emission-du-lundi-30-septembre-2019

    • Riots at Greek refugee camp on Lesbos after fatal fire

      Government says it will step up transfers to the mainland after unrest at overcrowded camp.
      Greek authorities are scrambling to deal with unrest at a heavily overcrowded migrant camp on Lesbos after a fire there left at least one person dead.

      Officials said they had found the charred remains of an Afghan woman after the blaze erupted inside a container used to house refugees at the Moria reception centre on Sunday. The fire was eventually extinguished by plane.

      More than 13,000 people are now crammed into tents and shipping containers with facilities for just 3,000 at Moria, a disused military barracks outside Mytilene, the island’s capital, where tensions are rising.

      “A charred body was found, causing foreign [migrants] to rebel,” said Lefteris Economou, Greece’s deputy minister for citizen protection. “Stones and other objects were hurled, damaging three fire engines and slightly injuring four policemen and a fireman.”

      The health ministry said 19 people including four children were injured, most of them in the clashes. There were separate claims that a child died with the Afghan woman.

      Greece’s centre-right government said it would immediately step up transfers to the mainland. The camp is four times over capacity. “By the end of Monday 250 people will have been moved,” Economou said.

      Like other Aegean isles near the Turkish coast, Lesbos has witnessed a sharp rise in arrivals of asylum seekers desperate to reach Europe in recent months.

      “The situation was totally out of control,” said the local police chief, Vasillis Rodopoulos, describing the melee sparked by the fire. “Their behaviour was very aggressive, they wouldn’t let the fire engines pass to put out the blaze, and for the first time they were shouting: kill police.”

      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/ed39991b42492c24aba4f85e701b66e48521375c/0_178_3500_2101/master/3500.jpg?width=620&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=356be51355ebcb04a111f2

      But NGO workers on Lesbos said the chaos reflected growing frustration among the camp’s occupants. There have been several fires at the facility since the EU struck a deal with Turkey in 2016 to stem the flow of migrants. A woman and child died in a similar blaze three years ago.

      “No one can call the fire and these deaths an accident,” said Marco Sandrone, a field officer with Médecins Sans Frontières. “This tragedy is the direct result of a brutal policy that is trapping 13,000 people in a camp made for 3,000.

      “European and Greek authorities who continue to contain these people in these conditions have a responsibility in the repetition of these dramatic episodes. It is high time to stop the EU-Turkey deal and this inhumane policy of containment. People must be urgently evacuated out of the hell that Moria has become.”

      Greece currently hosts around 85,000 refugees, mostly from Syria although recent arrivals have also been from Afghanistan and Africa. Close to 35,000 have arrived this year, outstripping the numbers in Italy and Spain.

      It is a critical issue for the prime minister, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, who won office two months ago promising to crack down on migration.
      Aid workers warn of catastrophe in Greek refugee camps
      Read more

      Mitsotakis raised the matter with Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, on the sidelines of the UN general assembly in New York last week, and Greece’s migration minister and the head of the coastguard will fly to Turkey for talks this week.

      Ministers admit the island camps can no longer deal with the rise in numbers.

      Government spokesman Stelios Petsas announced that a cabinet meeting called to debate emergency measures had on Monday decided to radically increase the number of deportations of asylum seekers whose requests are rejected.

      “There will be an increase in returns [to Turkey],” he said. “From 1,806 returned in 4.5 years under the previous Syriza government, 10,000 will be returned by the end of 2020.”

      Closed detention centres would also be established for those who had illegally entered the EU member state and did not qualify for asylum, he added.

      However, Spyros Galinos, until recently the mayor of Lesbos, who held the post when close to a million Syrian refugees landed on the island, told the Guardian: “This is a bomb that will explode. Decongestion efforts aren’t enough. You move more to the mainland and others come. It’s a cycle that will continue repeating itself with devastating effect until the big explosion comes.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/30/riots-at-greek-refugee-camp-on-lesbos-after-fatal-fire

    • Grèce : incendie meurtrier à Moria suivi d’émeutes

      Au moins une personne a péri dans un incendie survenu dimanche dans le camp surpeuplé de Moria, sur l’île grecque de Lesbos. Ce drame a été suivi d’émeutes provoquées par la colère des habitants du camp, excédés par leurs conditions de vie indignes.

      Un incendie survenu, dimanche 29 septembre, au sein du camp de Moria sur l’île de Lesbos en Grèce a fait au moins un mort parmi les habitants. "Nous n’avons qu’une personne morte confirmée pour l’instant", a déclaré le ministre adjoint à la protection civile Lefteris Oikonomou, lundi. La veille, plusieurs sources ont indiqué que la victime était décédée avec son enfant portant le nombre de décès à au moins deux.

      Selon les médias grecs, une couverture brûlée retrouvée à côté de la femme morte, contiendrait des résidus de peau qui pourraient appartenir à l’enfant de la défunte, un nouveau-né. Des examens médico-légaux sont en cours.

      Selon l’Agence de presse grecque ANA, citant des sources policières, la femme a été transportée à l’hôpital de Lesbos, tandis que l’enfant a été remis aux autorités par les migrants qui l’avait recouvert d’une couverture. Un correspondant de l’AFP a confirmé avoir vu deux corps, l’un transporté au bureau de l’ONG Médecins sans frontières (MSF), l’autre devant lequel “sanglotaient des proches”.

      Il a fallu, d’après un témoin cité par l’AFP, plus de 30 minutes pour éteindre l’incendie et les pompier ont tardé à arriver. C’est un avion bombardier d’eau qui a permis de stopper le brasier qui aurait démarré dans un petit commerce ambulant avant de s’étendre aux conteneurs d’habitation voisins.

      Dans un communiqué, la police fait état de deux incendies, le premier à l’extérieur du camp, puis un autre à l’intérieur, à 20 minutes d’intervalle. Les émeutes ont débuté juste après que le second feu s’est déclaré.
      "Six ou sept conteneurs [hébergeant des migrants] étaient en flammes. On a appelé les pompiers qui sont arrivés après 20 minutes. On s’est mis en colère", a déclaré Fedouz, 15 ans, interrogé par l’AFP. Le jeune Afghan affirme avoir trouvé deux enfants “complètement carbonisés et une femme morte” en voulant essayer, avec ses proches, d’aider les personnes qui se trouvaient dans les conteneurs.

      Afin de reprendre le contrôle sur la foule en colère à cause de la lenteur des secours, la police a tiré des gaz lacrymogènes. Peu après 23h locales (20h GMT), le camp avait retrouvé son calme, selon des sources policières.

      Plus de 20 blessés dans les émeutes soignés par MSF

      “Nous sommes outrés”, a réagi Marco Sandrone, le coordinateur de Médecins sans frontières (MSF) en Grèce. “L’équipe médicale de notre clinique située juste à l’extérieur du camp a porté secours à au moins 15 personnes blessées à la suite des émeutes entre les migrants et la police, juste après l’incendie.” L’ONG a ensuite revu le nombre de patients à la hausse indiquant que 21 personnes avaient été prises en charge dans leur clinique.

      Pour Marco Sandrone cet incendie et ces émeutes n’ont rien d’un banal incident. “Cette tragédie est le résultat d’une politique brutale qui piègent 13 000 migrants dans un camp qui ne peut en accueillir que 3 000. Les autorités européennes et grecques qui maintiennent ces personnes dans ces conditions de vie ont une part de responsabilité dans ce genre d’épisode”, a-t-il déclaré.

      Moria est le plus grand camp de migrants en Europe. La Grèce compte actuellement 70 000 migrants, principalement des réfugiés syriens, qui ont fui leur pays depuis 2015 et risqué la traversée depuis les côtes turques voisines.

      Le gouvernement grec doit se pencher, à compter de lundi, sur une modernisation de la procédure d’asile afin d’essayer de désengorger ses camps de migrants. En vertu d’un accord conclu au printemps 2016 entre la Turquie et l’Union européenne, la Turquie avait mis un frein aux flux des départs de migrants vers les cinq îles grecques les plus proches de son rivage, en échange d’une aide de six milliards de dollars. Mais le nombre des arrivées en grèce est reparti à la hausse ces derniers mois.

      Quelque 3 000 migrants arrivés dans les îles grecques cette semaine

      Ainsi, en seulement 24 heures, entre samedi matin et dimanche matin, près de 400 migrants au total sont arrivés en Grèce, selon les autorités. En outre, le Premier ministre grec Kyriakos Mitsotakis a déclaré plus tôt cette semaine qu’environ 3 000 personnes étaient arrivées depuis la Turquie ces dernier jours, ce qui ajoute à la pression sur des installations d’accueil déjà surpeuplées.

      Début septembre, le président turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan, dont le pays accueille près de quatre millions de réfugiés, a menacé "d’ouvrir les portes" aux migrants vers l’Union européenne s’il n’obtient pas davantage d’aide internationale.

      “Il est grand temps d’arrêter cet accord entre la Grèce et la Turquie ainsi que cette politique de rétention des migrants dans les camps. Il faut évacuer d’urgence les personnes de cet enfer qu’est devenu Moria”, a commenté Marco Sandrone de MSF.

      Le gouvernement grec, pour sa part, a réitéré la nécessité de continuer à transférer vers le continent les migrants hébergés dans les centres d’enregistrement et d’identification sur les îles du nord de la mer Égée.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/19850/grece-incendie-meurtrier-a-moria-suivi-d-emeutes

    • “Il y a au moins 500 manifestants en ce moment dans le camp de Moria, la police anti-émeute est sur place”

      InfoMigrants a recueilli le témoignage d’un habitant du camp de Moria sur l’île de Lesbos en Grèce au lendemain d’un incendie meurtrier et d’émeutes survenus dimanche 30 septembre. Les manifestations ont repris mardi et la situation semble se tendre d’heure en heure.

      Je m’appelle Lionel*, je viens d’Afrique de l’Ouest* et je vis dans le camp de Moria depuis le mois de mai. Depuis un mois, des vagues de nouvelles personnes se succèdent, la situation se dégrade de jour en jour. Ce sont surtout des gens qui arrivent depuis la Turquie. Il paraît que le gouvernement turc laisse de nouveau passer des gens à la frontière malgré l’accord [qui a été signé avec l’Union européenne au printemps 2016].

      Il y a eu un grave incendie suivi d’émeutes dimanche. J’habite juste en face de là où le feu a démarré. Les autorités disent qu’il y a eu un mort mais nous on en a vu plus.

      Hier soir [lundi], des personnes ont organisé une veillée musulmane sur les lieux de l’incendie en hommage aux victimes. Il y avait des bougies, c’était plutôt calme.

      Depuis ce matin, les Afghans, Irakiens et Syriens se sont mis à manifester en face de l’entrée principale du camp. Ils protestent contre les conditions de vie qui sont horribles ici. Ils veulent également transporter, eux-mêmes, le corps d’une autre victime de l’incendie jusqu’à Mytilène pour montrer à la population et aux dirigeants ce qu’il se passe ici.

      Il doit y avoir au moins 500 personnes rassemblées. La police anti-émeute est sur place et empêche les manifestants de sortir du camp pour porter le corps jusqu’à Mytilène. Un autre bus de policiers est arrivé ce matin mais en revanche, personne ne se soucie de comment on va.

      Moi j’ai trop peur que ça dégénère encore plus alors j’ai quitté le camp. Je fais les cent pas à l’écart pour rester en dehors des problèmes et pour me protéger. On ne sait pas ce qui va arriver, j’ai peur et cette situation est très frustrante.

      « Le matin, on part se cacher dans les oliviers pour rester à l’écart de la foule »

      Tous les matins, on doit se lever à 5h pour aller faire la queue et espérer avoir quelque chose à boire ou à manger. Après le petit-déjeuner, on part se cacher et s’abriter dans les oliviers pour rester à l’écart de la foule. Il y a tellement de gens que l’air est devenu irrespirable dans le camp.

      Je retourne dans ma tente en fin d’après-midi et j’essaie de dormir pour pouvoir me lever le plus tôt possible le matin, sinon je n’aurai pas à manger.

      On ne nous dit rien, la situation est désastreuse, je dirais même que je n’ai pas connu pire depuis mon arrivée à Moria il y a près de cinq mois. J’ai fait une demande d’asile mais je me sens totalement piégé ici et je ne vois pas comment je vais m’en sortir à moins d’un miracle.

      Au final, la situation est presque semblable à celle de mon pays d’origine. La seule différence, c’est qu’il n’y a pas les coups de feu. Ils sont remplacés par les tirs de gaz lacrymogènes de la police grecque. Cela me déclenche des flashback, c’est traumatisant.

      * Le prénom et le pays d’origine ont été changés à la demande du témoin, par souci de sécurité.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/19879/il-y-a-au-moins-500-manifestants-en-ce-moment-dans-le-camp-de-moria-la

    • Greece must act to end dangerous overcrowding in island reception centres, EU support crucial

      This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Liz Throssell – to whom quoted text may be attributed – at today’s press briefing at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.

      UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is today calling on Greece to urgently move thousands of asylum-seekers out of dangerously overcrowded reception centres on the Greek Aegean islands. Sea arrivals in September, mostly of Afghan and Syrian families, increased to 10,258 - the highest monthly level since 2016 – worsening conditions on the islands which now host 30,000 asylum-seekers.

      The situation on Lesvos, Samos and Kos is critical. The Moria centre on Lesvos is already at five times its capacity with 12,600 people. At a nearby informal settlement, 100 people share a single toilet. Tensions remain high at Moria where a fire on Sunday in a container used to house people killed one woman. An ensuing riot by frustrated asylum-seekers led to clashes with police.

      On Samos, the Vathy reception centre houses 5,500 people – eight times its capacity. Most sleep in tents with little access to latrines, clean water, or medical care. Conditions have also deteriorated sharply on Kos, where 3,000 people are staying in a space for 700.

      Keeping people on the islands in these inadequate and insecure conditions is inhumane and must come to an end.

      The Greek Government has said that alleviating pressure on the islands and protecting unaccompanied children are priorities, which we welcome. We also take note of government measures to speed up and tighten asylum procedures and manage flows to Greece announced at an exceptional cabinet meeting on Monday. We look forward to receiving details in writing to which we can provide comments.

      But urgent steps are needed and we urge the Greek authorities to fast-track plans to transfer over 5,000 asylum-seekers already authorized to continue their asylum procedure on the mainland. In parallel, new accommodation places must be provided to prevent pressure from the islands spilling over into mainland Greece, where most sites are operating at capacity. UNHCR will continue to support transfers to the mainland in October at the request of the government.

      Longer-term solutions are also needed, including supporting refugees to become self-reliant and integrate in Greece.

      The plight of unaccompanied children, who overall number more than 4,400, is particularly worrying, with only one in four in a shelter appropriate for their age.

      Some 500 children are housed with unrelated adults in a large warehouse tent in Moria. On Samos, more than a dozen unaccompanied girls take turns to sleep in a small container, while other children are forced to sleep on container roofs. Given the extremely risky and potentially abusive conditions faced by unaccompanied children, UNHCR appeals to European States to open up places for their relocation as a matter of priority and speed up transfers for children eligible to join family members.

      UNHCR continues to work with the Greek authorities to build the capacity needed to meet the challenges. We manage over 25,000 apartment places for some of the most vulnerable asylum-seekers and refugees, under the EU-funded ESTIA scheme. Some 75,000 people receive monthly cash assistance under the same programme. UNHCR is prepared, with the continuous support of the EU and other donors, to expand its support through a cash for shelter scheme which would allow authorized asylum-seekers to move from the islands and establish themselves on the mainland.

      Greece has received the majority of arrivals across the Mediterranean region this year, some 45,600 of 77,400 – more than Spain, Italy, Malta, and Cyprus combined.

      https://www.unhcr.org/news/briefing/2019/10/5d930c194/greece-must-act-end-dangerous-overcrowding-island-reception-centres-eu.html

    • Migration : Lesbos, un #échec européen

      Plus de 45 000 personnes ont débarqué en Grèce, en 2019. Au centre de la crise migratoire européenne depuis 2015, l’île de Lesbos est au bord de la rupture.
      Le terrain, un ancien centre militaire, est accidenté de toutes parts. Entre ses terrassements qu’ont recouverts des rangées de tentes et de conteneurs, des dénivelés abrupts. Sur les quelques pentes goudronnées, des grappes d’enfants dévalent en glissant sur des bouteilles de plastique aplaties. Leurs visages sont salis par la poussière que soulèvent des bourrasques de vent dans les oliveraies alentours. Ils courent partout, se faufilent à travers des grilles métalliques éventrées ici et là, et disparaissent en un mouvement. On les croirait seuls.

      Vue du camp de Moria sur l’île grecque de Lesbos, le 19 septembre. Samuel Gratacap pour Le Monde
      Ici, l’un s’est accroupi pour uriner, à la vue de tous. Un autre joue à plonger ses mains dans la boue formée au sol par un mélange d’eau sale et de terre. D’autres se jettent des cailloux. Alors que le jour est tombé, une gamine erre au hasard des allées étroites, dessinées par l’implantation anarchique de cabanes de fortune. Les flammes des fours à pain, faits de pierres et de terre séchée, éclairent par endroits la nuit qui a enveloppé Moria, sur l’île grecque de Lesbos.

      Article réservé à nos abonnés Lire aussi
      Migrants : A Bruxelles, un débat miné par l’égoïsme des Etats
      Un moment, à jauger le plus grand camp d’Europe, à détailler ses barbelés, sa crasse et le dénuement de ses 13 000 habitants – dont 40 % d’enfants –, on se croirait projetés quatre-vingts ans en arrière, dans les camps d’internement des réfugiés espagnols lors de la Retirada [l’exode de milliers de républicains espagnols durant la guerre civile, de 1936 à 1939]. Ici, les gens balayent les pierres devant leur tente pour sauvegarder ce qui leur reste d’hygiène, d’intimité. Depuis cet été, ils arrivent par centaines tous les jours, après avoir traversé en rafiot lesquelques kilomètres de mer Egée qui séparent Lesbos de la Turquie. Ce sont des familles afghanes, en majorité, qui demandent l’asile en Europe. Mais viennent aussi des Syriens, des Congolais, des Irakiens, des Palestiniens…

      « Ceci n’est pas une crise »

      Au fur et à mesure que les heures passent, les nouveaux venus apprennent qu’ils devront se contenter d’une toile de tente et d’un sol dur pour abri, qu’il n’y a pas assez de couvertures pour tous, qu’il faut faire la queue deux heures pour obtenir une ration alimentaire et que plusieurs centaines d’entre elles viennent à manquer tous les jours… Très vite, à parler avec les anciens, ils réalisent que beaucoup endurent cette situation depuis plus d’un an, en attendant de voir leur demande d’asile enfin examinée et d’être peut-être autorisés à rejoindre le continent grec.

      Lire aussi
      En Grèce, dans l’enfer du camp de réfugiés de Moria, en BD
      Plus de 45 000 personnes ont afflué en Grèce, en 2019, dont plus de la moitié entre juillet et septembre. « Ceci n’est pas une crise », répète Frontex, l’agence européenne de gardes frontières et de gardes-côtes, présente dans cette porte d’entrée en Europe. Les chiffres ne sont en effet guère comparables avec 2015, quand plus de 860 000 personnes sont arrivées sur les rivages grecs, provoquant une crise majeure dans toute l’Europe.

      C’est fin 2015 que le « hot spot » de Moria, nom donné à ces centres d’accueil contrôlés pour demandeurs d’asile, a été créé. D’autres centres de transit sont apparus sur les îles grecques de Chios, Samos, Leros, Kos ainsi qu’en Italie. Face à la « crise », l’Europe cherchait à s’armer. Dans les « hot spots », les personnes migrantes sont identifiées, enregistrées, et leur situation examinée. Aux réfugiés, l’asile. Aux autres, le retour vers des territoires hors de l’Union européenne (UE).

      L’accord UE-Turquie

      Pour soulager les pays d’entrée, un programme temporaire de relocalisations a été mis en place pour permettre de transférer une partie des réfugiés vers d’autres Etats membres. Une façon de mettre en musique une solidarité européenne de circonstance, sans toucher au sacro-saint règlement de Dublin qui fait de l’Etat d’entrée en Europe le seul responsable de l’examen de la demande d’asile d’un réfugié.

      Dans la foulée, en mars 2016, l’accord UE-Turquie prévoyait qu’Ankara renforce le contrôle de ses frontières et accepte le renvoi rapide de demandeurs d’asile arrivés sur les îles grecques, en contrepartie, notamment, d’un versement de 6 milliards d’euros et d’une relance du processus d’adhésion à l’UE.

      Quatre années se sont écoulées depuis le pic de la crise migratoire et ses cortèges de migrants traversant l’Europe à pied, le long de la route des Balkans, jusqu’à l’eldorado allemand. Si les flux d’arrivées en Europe ont considérablement chuté, Lesbos incarne plus que jamais l’échec du continent face aux phénomènes migratoires.

      Le mécanisme de relocalisation, une lointaine chimère

      Sur les 100 000 relocalisations programmées depuis l’Italie et la Grèce, à peine 34 000 ont eu lieu. « Les Etats n’ont pas joué le jeu », analyse Yves Pascouau, fondateur du site European Migration Law. Plusieurs pays (Hongrie, Pologne, République tchèque, Slovaquie, Autriche, Bulgarie) n’ont pas du tout participé à l’effort. Seuls Malte, le Luxembourg et la Finlande ont atteint leur quota. « Il y a aussi eu des difficultés techniques et organisationnelles liées à un processus nouveau », reconnaît M. Pascouau.

      L’ONG Lighthouse Relief accueille un groupe de réfugiés qui vient d’être intercepté en mer par Frontex puis transféré à terre par l’ONG Refugee Rescue, entre Skala Sikamineas et Molivos, sur l’île de Lesbos, le 19 septembre. Samuel Gratacap pour Le Monde

      Le 19 septembre au petit matin, 37 personnes, des familles et des mineurs tous originaires d’Afghanistan viennent de débarquer entre Skala Sikamineas et Molivos, sur l’île de Lesbos. Ils sont pris en charge et dirigés vers le camp de transit Stage 2 géré par l’UNHCR et administré par les autorités grecques. À l’horizon, la côte turque. Samuel Gratacap pour Le Monde
      Le mécanisme de relocalisation n’est plus aujourd’hui qu’une lointaine chimère, comme l’ont été les « hot spots » italiens, Rome choisissant de laisser ses centres ouverts et ses occupants se disperser en Europe. « On a été dans une double impasse côté italien, analyse l’ancien directeur de l’Office français de protection des réfugiés et apatrides (Ofpra), Pascal Brice. Les Italiens se sont satisfaits d’une situation où les migrants ne faisaient que passer, car ils ne voulaient pas s’installer dans le pays. Et les autres Etats, en particulier les Français et les Allemands, se sont accrochés à Dublin. C’est ce qui a provoqué cette dérive italienne jusqu’à Salvini et la fermeture des ports. »

      Le système est à l’agonie, les personnes qui arrivent aujourd’hui se voient donner des rendez-vous pour leur entretien d’asile… en 2021
      Seule la Grèce a continué de jouer le jeu des « hot spots » insulaires. Résultat : plus de 30 000 personnes s’entassent désormais dans des dispositifs prévus pour 5 400 personnes. « Nous n’avons pas vu autant de monde depuis la fermeture de la frontière nord de la Grèce et l’accord UE-Turquie, souligne Philippe Leclerc, représentant du Haut-Commissariat pour les réfugiés des Nations unies (HCR) en Grèce. Plus de 7 500 personnes devraient être transférées des îles vers le continent et ne le sont pas, faute de capacités d’accueil. On arrive à saturation. » Le système est à l’agonie, les personnes qui arrivent aujourd’hui se voient donner des rendez-vous pour leur entretien d’asile… en 2021.

      A Lesbos, 13 000 personnes s’agglutinent à l’intérieur et autour du camp de Moria, pour une capacité d’accueil officielle de 3 100 personnes. Les deux tiers de cette population sont sous tente. Et leur nombre enfle chaque jour. Cette promiscuité est mortifère. Dimanche 29 septembre, un incendie a ravagé plusieurs conteneurs hébergeant des demandeurs d’asile et tué au moins une femme. « Tous les dirigeants européens sont responsables de la situation inhumaine dans les îles grecques et ont la responsabilité d’empêcher toute nouvelle mort et souffrance », a réagi le jour même Médecins sans frontières (MSF). La même semaine, un enfant de 5 ans qui jouait dans un carton sur le bord d’une route a été accidentellement écrasé par un camion. Fin août, déjà, un adolescent afghan de 15 ans avait succombé à un coup de couteau dans une bagarre.

      Un bateau vient de débarquer entre Skala Sikamineas et Molivos, avec à son bord 37 personnes originaires d’Afghanistan. Samuel Gratacap pour Le Monde
      « Personne ne fait rien pour nous », lâche Mahdi Mohammadi, un Afghan de 27 ans arrivé il y a neuf mois. Il doit passer son entretien de demande d’asile en juin 2020. En attendant, il dort dans une étroite cabane, recouverte de bâches blanches estampillées Union européenne, avec trois autres compatriotes. A côté, une femme de plus de 60 ans dort sous une toile de tente avec son fils et sa nièce adolescente.

      « Nous n’avons aucun contrôle sur la situation »

      « Des années ont passé depuis la crise et on est incapables de gérer, se désespère une humanitaire de Lesbos. Les autorités sont dépassées. C’est de plus en plus tendu. » Un fonctionnaire européen est plus alarmiste encore : « Nous n’avons aucun contrôle sur la situation », confie-t-il.

      En Grèce, le sort des mineurs non accompagnés est particulièrement préoccupant. Ils sont 4 400 dans le pays (sur près de 90 000 réfugiés et demandeurs d’asile), dont près d’un millier rien qu’à Lesbos. La moitié dort en présence d’adultes dans une sorte de grand barnum. Sur l’île de Samos, des enfants sont obligés de dormir sur le toit des conteneurs.

      Le 19 septembre, dans la partie extérieure du camp de Moria appelée « Jungle », une famille Syrienne de 7 personnes originaire de la ville de Deir Ez Zor, en Syrie. Ils sont arrivés à Moria il y a deux jours. La jeune femme dans la tente attend un enfant. Samuel Gratacap pour Le Monde

      Dans la clinique pédiatrique de MSF, qui jouxte le camp de Moria, le personnel soignant mesure les effets d’un tel abandon. « Sur les deux derniers mois, un quart de nos patients enfants nous ont été envoyés pour des comportements d’automutilation, déclare Katrin Brubakk, pédopsychologue. Ça va d’adolescents qui se scarifient à des enfants de deux ans qui se tapent la tête contre les murs jusqu’à saigner, qui se mordent ou qui s’arrachent les cheveux. » « A long terme, cela va affecter leur vie sociale, leurs apprentissages et, in fine, leur santé mentale », prévient-elle. Présidente de l’ONG grecque d’aide aux mineursMETAdrasi, Lora Pappa s’emporte : « Ça fait des années qu’on dit que plus d’un tiers des mineurs non accompagnés ont un membre de leur famille en Allemagne ou ailleurs. Mais chaque enfant, c’est trente pages de procédure et, si tout se passe bien, ça prend dix mois pour obtenir une réunification familiale. Le service d’asile grec est saturé, et les Etats membres imposent des conditions de plus en plus insensées. »

      Dans le petit port de plaisance de Panayouda, à quelques kilomètres de Moria, des adolescents jouent à appâter des petits poissons argentés avec des boules de mie de pain. Samir, un Afghan de 21 ans, les regarde en riant. A Moria, il connaît des jeunes qui désespèrent de rejoindre leur famille en Suède. « Leur demande a déjà été rejetée trois fois », assure-t-il. Samir a passé deux ans sur l’île, avant d’être autorisé à gagner le continent. Il est finalement revenu à Lesbos il y a une semaine pour retrouver son frère de 14 ans. « Ça faisait cinq ans qu’on s’était perdus de vue, explique-t-il. Notre famille a été séparée en Turquie et, depuis, je les cherche. Je ne quitterai pas Athènes tant que je n’aurai pas retrouvé mes parents. »

      « Les “hot spots” sont la preuve de l’absurdité et de l’échec de Dublin »

      « Il faudrait repenser à des mécanismes de répartition, affirme Philippe Leclerc, du HCR. C’est l’une des urgences de solidarité, mais il n’y a pas de discussion formelle à ce sujet au niveau de l’UE. » « La relocalisation, ça n’a jamais marché parce que ça repose sur le volontariat des Etats, tranche Claire Rodier, directrice du Gisti (Groupe d’information et de soutien des immigrés). Les “hot spots” sont la preuve de l’absurdité et de l’échec de Dublin, qui fait peser tout le poids des arrivées sur les pays des berges de l’Europe. » Yves Pascouau appuie : « Les Etats ont eu le tort de penser qu’on pouvait jouir d’un espace de libre circulation sans avoir une politique d’asile et d’immigration commune. Ce qui se passe à Lesbos doit nous interroger sur toutes les idées qu’on peut avoir de créer des zones de débarquement et de traitement des demandes d’asile. » Marco Sandrone, coordinateur de MSF à Lesbos, va plus loin : « Il est grand temps d’arrêter cet accord UE-Turquie et sa politique inhumaine de confinement et d’évacuer de toute urgence des personnes en dehors de cet enfer qu’est devenu Moria. »

      Des policiers portugais de Frontex, l’agence européenne de garde-frontières et de garde-côtes surveillent la mer au large de la côte Nord de l’île, dans la nuit du 18 au 19 septembre. Samuel Gratacap pour Le Monde

      A Skala Sikamineas, les équipes de FRONTEX procèdent à la destruction sommaire d’un bateau clandestin. Samuel Gratacap pour Le Monde
      Dans les faits, l’accord UE-Turquie est soumis à « forte pression », a reconnu récemment le nouveau premier ministre grec, Kyriakos Mitsotakis. Jusqu’ici, en vertu de cet accord, Athènes a renvoyé moins de 2 000 migrants vers la Turquie, en majorité des ressortissants pakistanais (38 %), syriens (18 %), algériens (11 %), afghans (6 %) et d’autres. Mais le nouveau gouvernement conservateur, arrivé au pouvoir en juillet, envisage d’augmenter les renvois. Lundi 30 septembre, il a annoncé un objectif de 10 000 migrants d’ici à la fin 2020, en plus de mesures visant à accélérer la procédure d’asile, à augmenter les transferts vers le continent ou encore à construire des centres fermés pour les migrants ne relevant pas de l’asile.

      Dans le même temps, le président turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan n’a eu de cesse, ces derniers mois, de menacer d’« ouvrir les portes » de son pays aux migrants afin de les laisser rejoindre l’Europe. « Si nous ne recevons pas le soutien nécessaire pour partager le fardeau des réfugiés, avec l’UE et le reste du monde, nous allons ouvrir nos frontières », a-t-il averti.

      « Entre Erdogan qui montre les dents et le nouveau gouvernement grec qui est beaucoup plus dur, ça ne m’étonnerait pas que l’accord se casse la figure », redoute le fonctionnaire européen. Le thème migratoire est devenu tellement brûlant qu’il a servi de prétexte à la première rencontre, en marge de l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies à New York, entre le président turc et le premier ministre grec, le 26 septembre. A l’issue, M. Mitsotakis a dit souhaiter la signature d’« un nouvel accord », assorti d’un soutien financier supplémentaire de l’UE à la Turquie.

      La Turquie héberge officiellement 3,6 millions de réfugiés syriens, soit quatre fois plus que l’ensemble des Etats de l’UE. L’absence de perspectives pour un règlement politique en Syrie, le caractère improbable de la reconstruction, l’hostilité manifestée par Damas envers les éventuels candidats au retour, menacés d’expropriation selon le décret-loi 63 du gouvernement de Bachar Al-Assad, ont réduit à néant l’espoir de voir les réfugiés syriens rentrer chez eux. Le pays ne pourra assumer seul un nouvel afflux de déplacés en provenance d’Idlib, le dernier bastion de la rébellion syrienne actuellement sous le feu d’une offensive militaire menée par le régime et son allié russe.

      Un « ferrailleur de la mer » sur la côte entre Skala Sikamineas et Molivos, le 19 septembre. Après l’évacuation d’une embarcation de 37 réfugiés d’origine Afghane, un homme vient récupérer des morceaux du bateau. A l’horizon la côte turque, toute proche. Samuel Gratacap pour Le Monde
      Le président turc presse les Etats-Unis de lui accorder une « zone de sécurité » au nord-est de la Syrie, où il envisage d’installer jusqu’à 3 millions de Syriens. « Nous voulons créer un corridor de paix pour y loger 2 millions de Syriens. (…) Si nous pouvions étendre cette zone jusqu’à Deir ez-Zor et Raqqa, nous installerions jusqu’à 3 millions d’entre eux, dont certains venus d’Europe », a-t-il déclaré depuis la tribune des Nations unies à New-York.

      Climat de peur

      La population turque s’est jusqu’ici montrée accueillante envers les « invités » syriens, ainsi qu’on désigne les réfugiés en Turquie, dont le statut se limite à une « protection temporaire ». Mais récemment, les réflexes de rejet se sont accrus. Touchée de plein fouet par l’inflation, la perte de leur pouvoir d’achat, la montée du chômage, la population s’est mise à désapprouver la politique d’accueil imposée à partir de 2012 par M. Erdogan. D’après une enquête publiée en juillet par le centre d’étude de l’opinion PIAR, 82,3 % des répondants se disent favorables au renvoi « de tous les réfugiés syriens ».

      A la mi-juillet, la préfecture d’Istanbul a lancé une campagne d’arrestations et d’expulsions à l’encontre de dizaines de milliers de réfugiés, syriens et aussi afghans. Le climat de peur suscité par ces coups de filet n’est peut être pas étranger à l’augmentation des arrivées de réfugiés en Grèce ces derniers mois.

      « La plupart des gens à qui on porte secours ces derniers temps disent qu’ils ont passé un mois seulement en Turquie, alors qu’avant ils avaient pu y vivre un an, observe Roman Kutzowitz, de l’ONG Refugee Rescue, qui dispose de la seule embarcation humanitaire en Méditerranée orientale, à quai dans le petit port de Skala Sikamineas, distant d’une dizaine de kilomètres de la rive turque. Ils savent que le pays n’est plus un lieu d’accueil. »

      La décharge de l’île de Lesbos, située à côté de la ville de Molivos. Ici s’amassent des gilets de sauvetages, des bouées et des restes d’embarcations qui ont servi aux réfugiés pour effectuer la traversée depuis la Turquie. Samuel Gratacap pour "Le Monde"
      Au large de Lesbos, dans le mouchoir de poche qui sépare la Grèce et la Turquie, les gardes-côtes des deux pays et les équipes de Frontex tentent d’intercepter les migrants. Cette nuit-là, un bateau de la police maritime portugaise – mobilisé par Frontex – patrouille le long de la ligne de démarcation des eaux. « Les Turcs sont présents aussi, c’est sûr, mais on ne les voit pas forcément », explique Joao Pacheco Antunes, à la tête de l’équipe portugaise.

      Dix jours « sans nourriture, par terre »

      Sur les hauteurs de l’île, des collègues balayent la mer à l’aide d’une caméra thermique de longue portée, à la recherche d’un point noir suspect qui pourrait indiquer une embarcation. « S’ils voient un bateau dans les eaux turques, le centre maritime de coordination des secours grec est prévenu et appelle Ankara », nous explique Joao Pacheco Antunes. Plusieurs canots seront interceptés avant d’avoir atteint les eaux grecques.

      Sur une plage de galets, à l’aube, un groupe de trente-sept personnes a accosté. Il y a treize enfants parmi eux, qui toussent, grelottent. Un Afghan de 28 ans, originaire de la province de Ghazi, explique avoir passé dix jours « sans nourriture, par terre », caché dans les champs d’oliviers turcs avant de pouvoir traverser. « J’ai perdu dix kilos », nous assure-t-il, en désignant ses jambes et son buste amaigris. Un peu plus tard, une autre embarcation est convoyée jusqu’au port de Skala Sikamineas par des gardes-côtes italiens, en mission pour Frontex. « Il y a trois femmes enceintes parmi nous », prévient un Afghan de 27 ans, qui a fui Daech [acronyme arabe de l’organisation Etat islamique] et les talibans. Arrive presque aussitôt un troisième canot, intercepté par les gardes-côtes portugais de Frontex. Tous iront rejoindre le camp de Moria.

      https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2019/10/04/migration-lesbos-un-echec-europeen_6014219_3210.html

    • Grèce : une politique anti-réfugiés « aux relents d’extrême-droite »

      Suite à l’incendie mortel qui s’est déclenché dimanche dans le camp de Moria à Lesbos, le gouvernement grec a convoqué en urgence un conseil des ministres et annoncé des mesures pour faire face à la crise. Parmi elles, distinguer les réfugiés des migrants économiques. Revue de presse.
      Suite à l’incendie qui s’est déclenché dimanche dans le camp

      surpeuplé de Moria, sur l’île de Lesbos, et qui a fait une morte – une

      réfugiée afghane mère d’un nourrisson – le gouvernement s’est réuni en

      urgence lundi et a présenté un plan d’actions. Athènes veut notamment

      renvoyer 10 000 réfugiés et migrants d’ici à 2020 dans leur pays

      d’origine ou en Turquie, renforcer les patrouilles en mer, créer des

      camps fermés pour les immigrés illégaux et continuer à transférer les

      réfugiés des îles vers le continent grec pour désengorger les camps sur

      les îles de la mer Egée. D’après Efimerida Ton Syntakton, le

      Parlement doit voter dans les jours à venir un texte réformant les

      procédures de demande d’asile, en les rendant plus rapides.

      « L’immigration constitue une bombe pour le pays », estime le site

      iefimerida.gr. « Le gouvernement sait que c’est Erdoğan qui détient la

      solution au problème. Si le sultan n’impose pas plus de contrôles et ne

      veut pas diminuer les flux, alors les mesures prises n’auront pas plus

      d’effet qu’une aspirine. » Le quotidien de centre droit Kathimerini

      rappelle que la Grèce est « première en arrivées de migrants » en

      Europe. « La Grèce a accueilli cette année 45 600 migrants sur les

      77 400 arrivés en Méditerranée, devant l’Espagne et l’Italie », tandis

      qu’en septembre 10 258 arrivées ont été enregistrés par le

      Haut-commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés.

      Comme à la loterie

      Dans l’édition du 1er octobre,

      une caricature d’Andreas Petroulakis montre un officiel tenant un

      papier près d’un boulier pour le tirage du loto. « Nous allons enfin

      différencier les réfugiés des immigrés ! Les réfugiés seront ceux qui

      ont les numéro 12, 31, 11... » Le dessin se moque des annonces du

      gouvernement qui a affirmé vouloir accepter les réfugiés en Grèce, mais

      renvoyer chez eux les migrants économiques, et selon qui la Grèce n’est

      plus confrontée à une crise des réfugiés mais des migrants. « De la

      désinformation de la part du gouvernement », estime Efimerida Ton Syntakton,

      car « les statistiques montrent bien que la majorité des personnes

      actuellement sur les îles sont originaires d’Afghanistan, de Syrie,

      d’Irak, du Congo, de pays en guerre ou en situation de guerre civile ».

      « Le nouveau dogme du gouvernement est que les réfugiés et les immigrés sont deux catégories différentes », souligne la chaîne de télévision Star.

      Le gouvernement veut « être plus sévère avec les immigrés, mais

      intégrer les réfugiés », précise le journal télévisé de mardi. Le

      journal de centre-gauche Ta Nea indique que « huit réfugiés sur

      dix seront transférés des îles vers des hôtels ou des appartements », le

      gouvernement souhaitant décongestionner au plus vite les îles de la mer

      Égée comme Lesbos.

      Pour le magazine LIFO, « la grande pression exercée sur le

      gouvernement Mitsotakis concernant l’immigration vient de ses

      électeurs ». « Les annonces selon lesquelles les demandes d’asile seront

      examinées immédiatement, tandis que ceux qui ne remplissent pas les

      critères seront renvoyés dans les trois jours, sont irréalistes car il y

      a des standards européens à respecter. Ces annonces sont faites

      uniquement pour soulager quelques électeurs. » Enfin, pour le site

      News247, « depuis longtemps à Moria un crime se déroule sous nos yeux,

      les responsables sont les décideurs à Bruxelles et les gouvernements en

      Grèce. Des mesures respectant les êtres humains doivent être prises ou

      bien l’avenir risque de nous réserver d’autres tragédies ».

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Grece-le-gouvernement-grec-face-a-une-nouvelle-augmentation-des-f

  • #Méditerranée centrale : les #garde-côtes libyens assurent la moitié des sauvetages - B2 Bruxelles2
    http://www.bruxelles2.eu/2019/09/23/le-dernier-bilan-en-mediterranee-de-loperation-sophia

    Selon les dernières données de l’#opération_Sophia, 10.137 personnes ont été secourues au total lors de 153 opérations de #sauvetage menées par différents navires en Méditerranée centrale au large des côtes libyennes, en quasiment un an (entre le 1er septembre 2018 et le 2 août 2019). Un chiffre en baisse drastique par rapport à 2018. Il y avait eu 41.961 personnes récupérées lors de 543 opérations de secours, durant la même période en 2018, soit quatre fois plus.

    […] Les opérations de sauvetage et les interceptions durant ces onze derniers mois ont été en grande partie assurées par la marine et les garde-côtes libyens qui ont assuré presque la moitié des sauvetages : 72 opérations (sur 153).

    […] Les navires italiens (des garde-côtes, de la marine et de la Guardia di Finanza, des Carabinieri) assurant avec les forces armées maltaises (respectivement 21 et 18 opérations) un quart des sauvetages. Tandis que le dernier quart des sauvetages se répartit entre les navires des #ONG (17 opérations), des navires marchands (13 opérations) et des navires de pêche (3 opérations), ainsi que les forces tunisiennes (9 opérations).

    #[…] Au cours du premier semestre 2019, 333 décès sur l’itinéraire central ont été enregistrés pour 2130 arrivées. Soit un taux de mortalité de un sur six, contre un sur 14 personnes en 2018 (1132 décès pour 15.537 arrivées) et un pour 38 en 2017 (2851 décès pour 108.255 arrivées)

    #sauvetage_en_mer #migrants #migrations #morts

  • Border Memorial: Frontera de los Muertos

    #Border_Memorial: Frontera de los Muertos is an augmented reality public art project and memorial, dedicated to the thousands of migrant workers who have died along the U.S./Mexico border in recent years trying to cross the desert southwest in search of work and a better life.


    https://bordermemorial.wordpress.com/border-memorial-frontera-de-los-muertos

    Sorte de #cartographie_macabre...
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwXQUTxST74

    #mémoire #morts #mourir_aux_frontières #art #art_et_politique #décès #mémoriel #frontières #réalité_augmentée #app #visualisation #squelettes #google_earth

    ping @mobileborders @isskein @reka

  • Mort de Mugabe : à propos du massacre de 2008 au champ de mines de Chiadzwa

    The death of Robert Mugabe (1924-2019) is being celebrated by Zimbabweans around the world. The 2008 massacre at the Chiadzwa minefield deserves to stand as a testament to his rule, writes Leo Zeilig.
    Around the world tens of thousands of Zimbabweans are celebrating the death of Robert Mugabe. The media has resounded to a chorus of clichés – that either condemns him in racist terms as an African ‘monster’, or laud his liberation of Zimbabwe. Neither comes close to the truth about the man. Mugabe neither liberated Zimbabwe, nor was he a ‘monster’.
    [...]
    In 2008 the Chiadzwa mining area in the east of the country, was the scene of a massacre. Following the end of the London based De Beers mining licence in 2006, hundreds of informal workers who had come to the area were murdered by the state. Clearing the way for a ‘looting’ frenzy that took place between government bureaucrats, the Chinese and other foreign companies.

    Zimbabwean activist Raymond Sango, reported:

    unemployed youths descended on Chiadzwa in 2008 to pan for diamonds were brutally massacred by the military and police …approximately four hundred miners were killed in 2008 through indiscriminate volleys of gunshots fired by mounted police accompanied by dogs and helicopters.

    Once the bodies were cleared away seven private entities began operations at the site: all joint ventures between the state and foreign capital.

    Mugabe must be remembered for Chiadzwa – there can be no more devastating testament to what Mugabe’s rule really meant for Zimbabwe’s poor. In the last two decades of his life, thousands died, and millions fled as the country was systematically plundered by the state, mining capital and international business.

    https://www.rs21.org.uk/2019/09/06/mugabe-is-dead-remember-chiadzwa
    http://aidc.org.za/operation-hakudzokwi-happened-chiadzwa
    #Zimbabwe #Robert_Mugabe #massacre #Chiadzwa #diamants

  • Over 7,400 Deaths on Migration Routes Across Africa in Last Five Years, IOM Figures Show

    African migrants are perishing at a rate of about 25 persons per week – or about 1,300 annually – on the African continent, even before embarking on perilous sea journeys to Europe or the Arabian Peninsula. Since 2014 over 7,400 men, women and children have died in transit across Africa, new records published today by IOM’s Missing Migrants Project (MMP) show.

    These recently added records bring the total number of deaths documented on the African continent to 573 in 2019, and 7,401 in the last five years. Moreover, these figures fail to capture the true scale of the tragedy, as they represent only fatalities which have been reported.

    The new records are based on hundreds of eyewitness accounts collected from migrants through surveys by the Mixed Migration Centre’s Monitoring Mechanism Initiative (4Mi: http://www.mixedmigration.org/4mi). The interviews with migrants were conducted by 4Mi between December 2018 and April 2019 in West, North and East Africa and were analysed by the Missing Migrants Project team before being added to its MMP database.

    However, 4Mi interviews covered only a small sample of the total number of migrants on the move in Africa – meaning that hundreds of additional deaths likely remain unreported and, of course, uncounted.

    Nonetheless, due to the absence of other sources of information, surveys such as those conducted by 4Mi reveal important information about migrants’ experiences, including the risks to life that people face during their journeys.

    Records show that thousands of people lose their lives as they journey through North Africa, where 4,400 deaths have been reported since 2014. However, deaths in this region are not well documented, and the true number of lives lost during migration remains unknown.

    Migration routes in Sub-Saharan Africa also are dangerous, as demonstrated by the 1,830 deaths recorded by the project since 2014. Many of these deaths were recorded in West Africa, where 240 people were reported dead in 2019.

    Overland routes in the Horn of Africa and the perilous sea passage across the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea have claimed the lives of at least 1,171 people since 2014. Migrants reported having witnessed others die from starvation, dehydration, exposure to harsh weather conditions, vehicle accidents and violence at the hands of smugglers.

    Unfortunately, survey data contain no information on the identities of those whom survey participants witnessed die. Beyond initiatives like 4Mi, little efforts have been made to collect more information on people who die on migration journeys in the African continent. Their remains may never be recovered, nor their deaths investigated. Their deaths may also not be known by their families, who are forced to navigate daily life with the pain of not knowing whether their loved one is alive or dead.

    For the latest data on migrant deaths in Africa, visit the Missing Migrants Project website here (https://missingmigrants.iom.int/region/africa). Anonymized Missing Migrants Project data can be downloaded from missingmigrants.iom.int/downloads.

    For more information on the strengths and weaknesses of different data sources on deaths during migration, including survey data, please see Fatal Journeys Volume 3, Part 1: https://publications.iom.int/books/fatal-journeys-volume-3-part-1-improving-data-missing-migrants

    https://reliefweb.int/report/world/over-7400-deaths-migration-routes-across-africa-last-five-years-iom-figur

    #décès #morts #Afrique #désert #Sahara #IOM #OIM #statistiques #chiffres #mourir_dans_le_désert
    ping @reka @karine4

  • Liste des personnes en situation migratoire mortes à la frontière dite « haute » (#Mongenèvre, #Val_Susa, #Col_de_l'Echelle, #Bardonecchia, #Oulx, #Briançon) entre la #France et l’Italie ces dernières années.

    Selon les informations collectées par Eva Ottavy et Lydie Arbogast, qui ont fait une mission de collecte d’info en octobre 2019 dans le cadre du projet de La Cimade « Personnes décédées et disparues aux frontières françaises » :

    5 cas de personnes décédées à la frontière franco-italienne haute ont été recensés dont 3 côté français (Matthew Blessing le 07/05/2018, #Mamadi_Condé le 18/05/2018 et Tamimou Derman le 07/02/2019) et 2 côté italien (Mohamed Fofana le 25/05/2018 et une personne non identifiée le 07/09/2019)

    Mise en garde des deux personnes qui ont fait un rapport intermédiaire de leur mission :

    Il est possible que ce chiffre soit en deçà de la réalité d’une part (difficultés pour mener de recherches dans la zone, possibilité que des personnes aient disparu sans laisser de trace…) et qu’un certain nombre de décès et/ou disparition ont pu être prévenus grâce aux maraudes

    Elles mentionnent notamment le cas d’une personne (nom mentionné dans le rapport, mais je ne le mets pas ici) :
    « Suite à l’appel de deux proches, inquiets d’être sans nouvelle de leur ami depuis le 15/11/2019 (date du dernier contact, lors duquel la personne disparue se trouvait à Oulx en Italie), la disparition de XXX a été signalée au procureur de la république à Gap (France) par l’’association Tous Migrants et au Comando del carabinieri à Oulx (Italie) par une militante italienne. Les recherches menées par les équipes de secours italiennes n’ont rien donné. A ce stade, aucune information n’a été transmise sur les suites données à ce signalement. »

    #frontières #mourir_aux_frontières_alpines #morts #décès #migrations #asile #réfugiés #Alpes #montagne #mourir_aux_frontières #violent_borders #frontière_sud-alpine

    Je vais ajouter à cette métaliste sur les morts à la frontière sud-alpine :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

    • Sur les morts du printemps 2018...

      Tre morti in tre settimane, scoperto il cadavere di un altro migrante in Val di Susa

      Ancora un corpo che spunta tra le neve sporca e i detriti all’Orrido del Frejus.

      Le peggiori previsioni fatte nell’inverno si stanno rivelando fondate. Si scioglie la neve, si contano i cadaveri. È il terzo morto in poche settimane causato dalla militarizzazione della frontiera operata dalle forze dell’ordine in questi ultimi mesi, da quando la chiusura del passaggio di Ventimiglia ha spostato i flussi verso i valichi alpini. Archiviati i dissapori causati dall’invasione di campo della gendermerie a Bardonecchia, ormai dai due lati della frontiera è caccia al nero, con gendarmerie e polizia unite per respingere in Italia i migranti che vogliono arrivare in Francia. Anche a costo di ucciderli. Vittime collaterali dello spettacolo della frontiera, messo su per compiacere l’Unione europea e qualche cinico politico.

      Prima Blessing, una ragazza di 21 anni morta sulle sponde della Durance. Gli amici che erano con lei hanno raccontato che la gendarmeria francese l’ha inseguita di notte per i sentieri scoscesi fino a quando non è caduta nel torrente. Il suo corpo è stato ritrovato a valle qualche giorno dopo. Mamadou, un signore senegalese, invece è morto di sfinimento in montagna. Aveva provato a passare come i suoi coetanei con la pelle bianca in autobus ma la polizia l’ha rispedito indietro, con il nipote ha dovuto inerpicarsi sulla montagna per sfuggire alla battuta di caccia che i gendarmi lanciano ogni giorno e ogni notte, con visori notturni e motoslitte. Da aprile ad aiutare gli agenti sono arrivati i fascisti di Generation identitiare, che con droni ed elicotteri hanno messo in scena un blocco delle frontiere prima che un corteo di trecento valsusini li ridicolizzasse passando la frontiera con qualche decina di migranti. Sotto l’occhio benevole delle autorità francesi e col tifo dei fascisti nostrani, ora continuano di tanto in tanto le loro azioni spot, respingendo i migranti, obbligandoli a percorsi sempre più impervi e a rischiare la vita fino a perderla.

      Durante l’inverno tanti abitanti delle valli frontaliere hanno setacciato i sentieri ed accolto le persone in transito, dando informazioni, soccorrendo chi era in difficoltà anche a costo di denunce e processi. Tre di loro, Bastien, Théo ed Eleonora, sono ancora sottoposti a controllo giudiziario in Francia dopo un passaggio di diverse settimane nel carcere di Marsiglia, in attesa de loro processo che comincerà il 31 maggio. Chi quei sentieri li conosce aveva avvertito: la frontiera uccide. Voleva essere una denuncia, a fare qualcosa prima che fosse troppo tardi. Si è trasformata in una previsione che in questi giorni si è fatta dolorosa realtà.

      Dai due lati della frontiera è stato lanciato un appuntamento per una risposta collettiva, domenica 27 maggio alle 12:30 a Claviere, al rifugio autogestito chez jesus. Non vogliamo contare i corpi, non vogliamo che la Val di susa si trasformi in un cimitero a cielo aperto. Restiamo umani.

      https://www.infoaut.org/migranti/tre-morti-in-tre-settimane-scoperto-il-cadavere-di-un-altro-migrante-in-val

    • #Mohamed_Ali_Bouhamdi , citoyen tunisien, 37 ans.

      Septembre 2019, #Bardonecchia, corps d’un homme retrouvé dans la rivière #Dora :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/800830

      –-> Selon une personne avec qui j’ai discuté et qui habite dans la région et qui s’intéresse à la question, Mohamed ne serait pas décédé parce qu’il est tombé dans la rivière, mais il a probablement été tué ailleurs (crime raciste ? règlement de comptes ?) et son cadavre jeté dans la rivière.

    • Une 5ème victime de la frontière dans les Alpes (passage Bardonneccia/Briançon col de l’Echelle).

      Hier le corps d’un homme a été retrouvé dans le fleuve Dora, près de Bardonnecchia. C’est la cinquième personne tentant de traverser cette frontière, au niveau du col de l’échelle, qui est retrouvé décédée.

      « Ces dernières années tous les moyens ont été mis en place pour que ce genre de chose arrive : militaire en poste dans les forts autrefois abandonnés, gendarmes, police, douane, police en civils, laisser-passer pour les fascistes de génération identitaire venus épauler la flicaille. Les frontières se sont fermées pour les hommes et les femmes non-blanches.
      Les compagnon.n.e.s anarchistes subissent là-haut une répression féroce, les militant.e.s solidaires sont harcelé.e.s.

      All Cops Are Borders
      Burn the borders »

      https://www.facebook.com/collectifmigrants13/posts/2085425978430142?__xts__[0]=68.ARC3SUc6HicLfWSZMxbdmmf_CxCNvhE5BUP-usMmqYF

    • 15.02.2020

      Un groupe de migrants « disparus » récupérés grâce à un dispositif de secours...

      Montgenèvre : les Italiens déploient un important dispositif pour secourir des migrants

      Un groupe de migrants s’est perdu dans la montagne, samedi 15 février, en tentant de traverser la frontière franco-italienne, entre Claviere et Montgenèvre.

      Selon la presse transalpine, ces migrants portés disparus ont été retrouvés et récupérés à la mi-journée sur le sol français alors qu’un important dispositif de recherche avait été déclenché en Italie, dans la Val Susa : sapeurs-pompiers et bénévoles de la Croix-Rouge au sol appuyés dans les airs par l’hélicoptère Dragon pour inspecter les secteurs les plus hauts.

      https://www.ledauphine.com/faits-divers-justice/2020/02/16/montgenevre-les-italiens-deploient-un-important-dispositif-pour-secourir

    • Juin 2021, disparition d’un Soudanais :

      Une enquête pour « disparition inquiétante » a été ouverte vendredi après plus de 48 heures de recherches infructueuses près de Briançon (Hautes-Alpes) pour retrouver un migrant soudanais qui arrivait d’Italie, a annoncé le parquet de Gap.

      Il faisait partie d’un groupe de quatre « jeunes hommes » partis dimanche du village italien d’Oulx pour passer la frontière, a expliqué Didier Fassin, sociologue français présent à Briançon pour aider les migrants et mener des travaux de recherche. C’est lui qui a alerté les secours.

      https://seenthis.net/messages/922630

      Les personnes solidaires à Briançon espèrent qu’il soit en vie :

      Nous avons l’espoir qu’elle a poursuivie sa route car elle n’avait pas de téléphone et donc pas de moyen de se signaler.

    • 06.02.2022, commémor’action des mortEs aux frontières à #Briançon, #La_Vachette :

      La Vachette, Hautes-Alpes, 6 février 2022 : Commémoration des migrant.e.s mort.e.s à la frontière entre l’Italie et la France suite à l’appel collectif à mobilisations dans plusieurs pays à l’occasion de la journée mondiale de lutte contre le régime de mort aux frontières et pour exiger la vérité, la justice et la réparation pour les victimes de la migration et leurs familles.


      https://hanslucas.com/jbenard/photo/52306
      photos de #Julien_Benard

    • Confine italo-francese: una frontiera dove si continua a morire. Appello alle autorità (11.02.2022)

      Le recenti morti di Fathallah Balafhail, 31enne di origine marocchina, trovato senza vita nei primi giorni di gennaio non lontano da Modane, in Francia, Ullah Rezwan Sheyzad, quindicenne proveniente dall’Afghanistan, e della persona deceduta a Latte, la cui identità non può essere accertata a causa delle modalità del decesso, testimoniano con forza la necessità di un cambio di rotta nella gestione dei confini. Le associazioni si appellano alle autorità francesi, italiane e locali attraverso un documento che denuncia la realtà della situazione al confine italo-francese.

      Questi episodi dimostrano chiaramente che malgrado l’aumento dei controlli, la volontà di portare a termine il progetto migratorio spinge le persone a individuare nuove rotte migratorie, a discapito della propria sicurezza, trovando anche la morte.

      Quanto accade nelle aree di frontiera, incluse le recenti morti, è secondo le associazioni firmatarie effetto collaterale di precise scelte politiche adottate tanto a livello locale e nazionale quanto a livello europeo. È necessario ed urgente un cambio di approccio al sistema di gestione delle frontiere interne ed esterne europee che faccia della tutela dei diritti fondamentali e del diritto di asilo il principio giuridico intorno a cui ripensare le politiche migratorie.

      Alle frontiere vengono lesi il diritto di asilo, anche di minori e soggetti vulnerabili, e altri diritti fondamentali quali il diritto alla salute e quello a poter avere accesso ad una anche minima forma di accoglienza così da evitare gravi forme di emarginazione. Viene inoltre leso il diritto alla verità nel momento in cui le persone decedute rimangono senza identità.

      Le organizzazioni firmatarie esprimono il loro sincero ed incondizionato sostegno alle famiglie dei defunti ed invitano le organizzazioni della società civile a promuovere ogni azione utile a contrastare le modifiche del Codice frontiere Schengen e, in senso più ampio, gli ulteriori strumenti previsti dalla Strategia Schengen che siano potenzialmente lesivi dei diritti fondamentali dei cittadini stranieri.

      Chiedono inoltre:

      – alle autorità italiane e francesi di modificare le politiche relative alla gestione delle frontiere interne, con particolare riferimento alle modalità con le quali i controlli di polizia e di frontiera vengono svolti, garantendo il pieno rispetto dei diritti fondamentali e dei principi riconosciuti, in particolare, dalla Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell’Unione europea nonché degli obblighi in materia di protezione internazionale e di non respingimento;

      – alle autorità locali di predisporre servizi adeguati a rispondere alle esigenze e al bisogno di protezione dei migranti presenti nei luoghi di frontiera garantendo in primo luogo accoglienza anche alle persone in transito.

      https://www.asgi.it/primo-piano/confine-italo-francese-una-frontiera-dove-si-continua-a-morire-appello

      –-

      Si ritorna a morire alla frontiera Nord Ovest delle Alpi

      Fathallah Balafhail, 31 anni, è stato trovato morto il 2 gennaio 2022 al Barrage del Freney non lontano da Modane dopo aver cercato di varcare a piedi le Alpi. Veniva dal Marocco, anche lui aveva tentato il giro più lungo passando dalla Turchia e aveva attraversato i Balcani. Aveva vissuto per un certo tempo a Crescentino, paese vicino a Vercelli, poi la partenza, due tentativi falliti di arrivare in Francia, passando da Ventimiglia, e infine l’arrivo in Valle di Susa. L’ultimo suo messaggio alla famiglia risale alle 23.54 dalla stazione di Oulx. Forse aveva trovato un passeur per arrivare dall’altro lato del confine con una macchina. Il tentativo non è coronato da successo e forse matura lì la scelta del cammino in montagna, un percorso lungo e pericoloso, già sperimentato in anni passati e in seguito abbandonato per gli evidenti rischi. Rimane un buco di tre giorni prima del ritrovamento del cadavere. Molti particolari rimangono oscuri e inquietanti. I parenti non hanno avuto accesso ai risultati dell’autopsia. Anche il rimpatrio in Marocco è avvenuto frettolosamente senza attenzione alcuna alla sensibilità della famiglia e ai rituali funerari del paese d’origine. Si rimane invisibili anche dopo la morte. Poche righe su un giornale locale francese hanno liquidato il caso. Nonostante la presenza ricorrente di giornalisti in Alta Valle di Susa, il fatto è rimasto sotto silenzio.

      #Ullah_Rezwan_Sheyzad, 15 anni, afgano: come molti aveva lasciato la sua terra prima della frettolosa ritirata occidentale. Anche per lui, bambino, c’è un cammino lungo che lo porta ad attraversare l’Iran, la Turchia e da lì la scelta, perlopiù effettuata dai giovani che viaggiano soli, di attraversare la Bulgaria, la Serbia, la Croazia e la Slovenia fino ad arrivare in Italia. Come nel caso precedente il percorso scelto è quello più veloce, ma anche viabile solo per giovani o per piccoli gruppi. In meno di un anno arriva in Italia, viene fermato e accolto a Cercivento nella comunità Bosco di Museis, indi riprende il cammino e transita per la Valle di Susa: la meta è il ricongiungimento con la sorella a Parigi. Viene trovato il 26 gennaio 2022, travolto da un treno, lungo le rotaie che collegano Salbertrand a Oulx. Un ragazzo di 15 anni è dunque morto sotto un treno anche se poteva per legge valicare il confine e chiedere legittimamente protezione.

      Non sono la montagna e neppure i treni responsabili di queste morti, ma la frontiera con le sue ramificazioni che non si scollano dalla pelle di chi è catalogato migrante e da chi non può più tornare indietro e non ha terra che lo accolga. Nel 2021 possiamo indicare 15.000 presenze a Oulx; senza contare le persone che sono state registrate più volte dopo i respingimenti in frontiera, possiamo azzardare il passaggio di più di 10.000 persone. Da dicembre dello stesso anno al primo mese di gennaio del nuovo sicuramente i flussi sono diminuiti. I confini si sono moltiplicati anche in relazione a una congiuntura complessa. Le temperature artiche e le tensioni politiche nei Balcani, le difficoltà nell’utilizzo dei trasporti e le norme anticovid hanno sicuramente rallentato momentaneamente l’esodo. Soprattutto hanno reso più difficoltosi gli spostamenti per le famiglie numerose. Tuttavia, la tragedia attuale trova ragione nella militarizzazione alla frontiera e nella caccia all’uomo che si scatena ogni giorno sulle nostre montagne. Una farsa tragica che non ferma i passaggi, ma obbliga le persone in cammino a scegliere vie e strategie che mettono a rischio la vita. I più deboli vengono perlopiù respinti: famiglie numerose, donne gravide, nuclei parentali con bambini piccoli o con anziani. Non bisogna però dimenticare la criticità costantemente presente di un’urgenza vitale delle persone di passare nonostante problemi di salute e vulnerabilità. Nel 2021 abbiamo potuto documentare donne incinte al nono mese, persone con una sola gamba e con stampelle, anziani con problemi sanitari pregressi, donne con neonati che non hanno esitato a sfidare ogni rischio pur di continuare il cammino (si vedano i report precedenti di Medu sulla frontiera alpina del Nord Ovest). È inoltre opportuno ricordare le reiterate volte in cui persone, ancora in attesa di referti e di analisi mediche, sono scappate dagli ospedali pur di non prolungare le permanenze.

      In questo primo mese del 2022, coloro che sono morti di frontiera sono però giovani, che proprio in ragione della loro età e della loro prestanza fisica, credono di poter superare le prove più pericolose. Con il dispiegamento militare sul versante francese e la collaborazione tra polizie di frontiera (accordi europei e tra Italia-Francia), il risultato è stato quello di sponsorizzare l’attività degli smugglers (trafficanti), che in questi mesi sono pericolosamente ricomparsi o, addirittura, hanno occupato la scena. Mentre al rifugio “Fraternità Massi” di Oulx diminuivano le presenze, si consolidava la constatazione di nuove vie che si aprivano. Non si fermano i flussi che, come acque sorgive, quando incontrano sbarramento, deviano e trovano nuovi canali. Così la stazione di servizio di Salbertrand sull’autostrada, a sette chilometri da Oulx, è divenuta luogo per imbarcarsi sui Tir che lì sostano. Con ugual prospettiva, vie impervie sulle montagne a partire da Bardonecchia si sono riaperte. Anche la morte del giovane Ullah racconta come in un luogo geograficamente insensato per passare la frontiera si possa morire. Forse dopo un tentativo fallimentare di trovare un passaggio nel non lontano autogrill di Salbertrand, forse per evitare possibili controlli o forse addirittura nascosto sotto un treno merci, così come è uso fare nei Balcani, è maturato il tragico incidente. Di fatto ci tocca prendere atto che la militarizzazione e il moltiplicarsi degli sbarramenti hanno prodotto illegalità e morte.

      Il caso di Ullah apre un’altra questione, forse non nuova, ma di certo poco analizzata. Scappare dalla guerra gettata addosso e sopravvivere alla guerra che poi l’Europa continua ad effettuare contro chi fugge producono disastri a catena. Abbiamo documentato come con i flussi provenienti dai Balcani dal 2020 ad oggi si siano verificati cambiamenti significativi nella composizione di questi popoli in viaggio: famiglie allargate e presenza plurigenerazionale dei nuclei domestici. Il dato trascurato riguarda però la polverizzazione delle reti familiari e la loro disseminazione in tante nazioni. La disaggregazione di questi nuclei durante il cammino è un elemento significativo e aggiunge apprensione e urgenza nelle persone. Per essere più chiari vale la pena riportare un esempio tra i tanti: un padre con il figlio arriva a Oulx e poi dice a una volontaria “Ti affido il mio bambino di 14 anni affinché possa continuare il viaggio come minore, (consegnandosi alla gendarmerie, n.d.r.), e io ritorno in Grecia a prendere l’altra parte della mia famiglia”. Il viaggio può costare ai singoli e ancor di più alle famiglie cifre ingenti. Per esemplificare 8.000 euro per persona dalla Turchia all’Italia in barcone, 4.000 euro dalla Bosnia a Trieste, dai 20.000 ai 50.000 euro per famiglia dall’Afghanistan al nostro paese (la famiglia di Ullah aveva investito 6.000 euro, dato a reti di trafficanti, per permettere la partenza del figlio anche se ancora tanto giovane). Così alcuni passano prima, altri aspettano e confidano nell’aiuto che proviene da chi è arrivato. A volte sono le donne e i più vulnerabili ad aprire il cammino, altre volte può essere un minore che viene mandato fin dalla terra d’origine a cercare un altro orizzonte di vita. Sempre più spesso raccogliamo memoria di persone che arrivano e che hanno lasciato indietro parenti e non sempre il nucleo che approda alle Alpi è composto solo da consanguinei o affini, ma da aggregazioni solidali. Chi parte ha il peso e la responsabilità di una famiglia e non può fermarsi: è un’Odissea senza che si sappia se davvero esista in qualche luogo una Itaca. Così si muore, invisibili al mondo, sotto le ruote di un treno o scivolando in un lago montano.

      Molti sono i minori non accompagnati che scelgono di non presentarsi alla Paf (Polices aux frontieres) con la conseguente protezione umanitaria che a loro spetta per legge e decidono di affrontare la traversata in modo clandestino pur di non perdere l’ausilio dei compagni di viaggio. L’esperienza insegna che non si deve rimanere mai soli. Quando i minori vengono “catturati” in montagna dalla gendarmerie, il respingimento è prassi. Non v’è spazio né volontà per accertamenti. La situazione si complica ancora, quando, così come abbiamo potuto documentare, il minore, nel porto italiano di entrata, viene indotto dalla polizia con maniere minacciose, a sottoscrivere la sua maggiore età, nonostante i suoi documenti provino il contrario. Il caso è stato vagliato anche dallo sportello legale della diaconia valdese in Oulx.

      Non è da sottovalutare il problema dei green pass e delle vaccinazioni. Istituzioni ed anche ONG spesso non affrontano con abbastanza decisione la questione. La mancanza di attestati che dimostrino il vaccino rende complicati i trasferimenti e, soprattutto, induce le persone in cammino ad accelerare il passo, accettando qualsiasi costo o rischio, pur di non rischiare di rimanere intrappolati e bloccati in tempi di attesa, vuoti quanto indefiniti. Rispetto al problema sostanziale dell’essere senza vaccino, tristemente s’afferma la prassi delle vite diseguali, anche quando in gioco non c’è solo la salute del “migrante” ma quella della collettività. Non ci dimentichiamo quando l’Italia era in fascia rossa e ogni assembramento era vietato per legge mentre in un container presso la stazione di Oulx di circa 18 metri quadrati si accalcavano più di 30 persone. Nessuno ha mai pensato di intervenire o di trovare soluzioni. Poi le persone tornavano al rifugio con rischi di contagio per tutti. Oggi vaccini e documentazione relativa sono una necessità inderogabile. Già solo il fatto che si obblighi a livello nazionale alla vaccinazione e ce ne si dimentichi per coloro che sono in cammino è indicativo di quanto con la categoria migrante pensiamo a “non persone”.

      In questo specchio di frontiera –e la valle di Susa ripropone logiche che si moltiplicano dal Mediterraneo al deserto, dai Balcani alla Libia,-scopriamo quanto valgono gli enunciati sui diritti umani, qui a casa nostra. Il reiterarsi di casi tragici lascia senza parole: arriva notizia di altra persona morta carbonizzata a seguito di folgorazione sul tetto di un treno a Ventimiglia: un’altra vittima che si aggiunge a quelle che hanno insanguinato la frontiera del Nord Ovest (https://www.ansa.it/liguria/notizie/2022/02/01/migrante-muore-folgorato-su-un-treno-per-la-francia_a16cb44f-ba45-4e7f-bff0-811; https://www.avvenire.it/attualita/pagine/migrante-muore-folgorato-su-treno-per-la-francia ).

      Medici per i Diritti umani:

      Chiede alle istituzioni e a tutti gli attori presenti in frontiera di intervenire affinché vengano rispettati i diritti umani delle persone in transito e garantita la loro incolumità e sicurezza.

      Auspica una collaborazione allargata per il monitoraggio dei diritti umani in frontiera.

      Denuncia che la condizione dei minori non accompagnati è affrontata non in base alla legge e alle convenzioni internazionali europee ma spesso con prassi tollerate che le violano.

      Chiede che i vaccini e i green pass siano garantiti alle persone migranti. Le istituzioni e tutti gli attori presenti sul territorio devono occuparsi della vaccinazione. La mancanza di questa non deve essere un’altra frontiera.

      https://mediciperidirittiumani.org/si-ritorna-a-morire-alla-frontiera-nord-ovest-delle-alpi

      –—

      Ritorno sulla rotta alpina, dove il confine continua a uccidere

      Al confine tra Italia e Francia parte l’ultima tappa, la più dura, di un viaggio iniziato migliaia di chilometri prima e che spesso si chiude in tragedia. Come a Oulx dove, nelle ultime settimane, sono morte due persone nel tentativo di attraversare la frontiera. Ci torniamo insieme a Christian Elia per capire come sono cambiate le cose dopo un anno dalla nostra ultima visita.

      Fathallah aveva 31 anni, veniva dal Marocco. Ullah era afghano, aveva 15 anni. Sono morti di frontiera, al confine tra Italia e Francia.

      Il corpo di Balafhail è stato ritrovato il 2 febbraio scorso, al Barrage del Freney, nei pressi di Modane, in Francia. Un volo dal Marocco alla Turchia, che non richiede visti, per affrontare la rotta balcanica. Per un periodo, in questo viaggio che ti lascia scegliere solo l’inizio, si era anche fermato in Italia, in provincia di Vercelli, per tirare il fiato. Un sms alla famiglia, il 30 gennaio alle 23.54 dalla stazione di Oulx, è il suo ultimo segnale di vita. Poi il silenzio, il tentativo di passare a piedi le montagne, la morte di freddo.

      Ullah era ancora un bambino, ma con un’età adulta e feroce, costruita in frontiera. Iran, Turchia, Bulgaria, Serbia, Croazia e Slovenia prima di giungere in Italia, un viaggio lungo più di un anno, per raggiungere Parigi, dove vive sua sorella. È stato trovato il 26 gennaio, sui binari della linea ferroviaria tra Salbertrand e Oulx.

      Un anno fa Open Migration ha raccontato quella frontiere, le vite che la abitano, migranti e volontari che tentano di rendere umano l’inevitabile, di fronte a un discorso istituzionale che continua a negare quella che non è un’emergenza, ma resta una ferita dei sistemi democratici.

      https://twitter.com/MEDUonlus/status/1489615389172674562

      “Non sono la montagna e neppure i treni responsabili di queste morti, ma la frontiera con le sue ramificazioni che non si scollano dalla pelle di chi è catalogato migrante e da chi non può più tornare indietro e non ha terra che lo accolga. Nel 2021 possiamo indicare 15.000 presenze a Oulx; senza contare le persone che sono state registrate più volte dopo i respingimenti in frontiera, possiamo azzardare il passaggio di più di 10.000 persone. Da dicembre dello stesso anno al primo mese di gennaio del nuovo sicuramente i flussi sono diminuiti. I confini si sono moltiplicati anche in relazione a una congiuntura complessa. Le temperature artiche e le tensioni politiche nei Balcani, le difficoltà nell’utilizzo dei trasporti e le norme anti-covid hanno sicuramente rallentato momentaneamente l’esodo. Soprattutto hanno reso più difficoltosi gli spostamenti per le famiglie numerose. Tuttavia, la tragedia attuale trova ragione nella militarizzazione alla frontiera e nella caccia all’uomo che si scatena ogni giorno sulle nostre montagne. Una farsa tragica che non ferma i passaggi, ma obbliga le persone in cammino a scegliere vie e strategie che mettono a rischio la vita. I più deboli vengono perlopiù respinti: famiglie numerose, donne gravide, nuclei parentali con bambini piccoli o con anziani”, racconta l’ultimo rapporto di MEDU (Medici per i Diritti Umani): https://mediciperidirittiumani.org/si-ritorna-a-morire-alla-frontiera-nord-ovest-delle-alpi.

      Un sistema che offende nella sua inutile ferocia. Mentre ovunque, dalla Libia alla Turchia, si sommergono di denaro istituzioni compromesse per motivi molto differenti, che non rispettano i diritti umani, mentre si definiscono ‘paesi sicuri’ Afghanistan e Siria, riprendendo a espellere le persone verso la guerra, non si fa nulla per rendere meno pericolose rotte sempre più costose, sempre più pericolose.

      A Oulx convive una piccola comunità di persone che non lo accettano, connessi con altre realtà solidali della regione, e dell’altro versante della frontiera. Persone con storie differenti, che vengono dall’area antagonista, come dal mondo del volontariato cattolico, ma di fronte al loro impegno quotidiano c’è un silenzio assordante delle istituzioni e un atteggiamento sempre più duro di criminalizzazione della solidarietà.

      Non dimentichiamo mai che si parla di persone, siano essi volontari o migranti, che non hanno mai commesso alcun reato. Sono uomini e donne, vecchi e bambini in viaggio e in fuga. E volontari che portano loro aiuto, ristoro, scarpe per la neve e mappe per non farli smarrire e, di inverno, morire di freddo.

      “Abbiamo documentato come con i flussi provenienti dai Balcani dal 2020 ad oggi si siano verificati cambiamenti significativi nella composizione di questi popoli in viaggio: famiglie allargate e presenza plurigenerazionale dei nuclei domestici. Il dato trascurato riguarda però la polverizzazione delle reti familiari e la loro disseminazione in tante nazioni. La disaggregazione di questi nuclei durante il cammino è un elemento significativo e aggiunge apprensione e urgenza nelle persone. Per essere più chiari vale la pena riportare un esempio tra i tanti: un padre con il figlio arriva a Oulx e poi dice a una volontaria “Ti affido il mio bambino di 14 anni affinché possa continuare il viaggio come minore, (consegnandosi alla gendarmerie, n.d.r.), e io ritorno in Grecia a prendere l’altra parte della mia famiglia” – denuncia MEDU – Il viaggio può costare ai singoli e ancor di più alle famiglie cifre ingenti. Per esemplificare 8.000 euro per persona dalla Turchia all’Italia in barcone, 4.000 euro dalla Bosnia a Trieste, dai 20.000 ai 50.000 euro per famiglia dall’Afghanistan al nostro paese (la famiglia di Ullah aveva investito 6.000 euro, dato a reti di trafficanti, per permettere la partenza del figlio anche se ancora tanto giovane). Così alcuni passano prima, altri aspettano e confidano nell’aiuto che proviene da chi è arrivato. A volte sono le donne e i più vulnerabili ad aprire il cammino, altre volte può essere un minore che viene mandato fin dalla terra d’origine a cercare un altro orizzonte di vita. Sempre più spesso raccogliamo memoria di persone che arrivano e che hanno lasciato indietro parenti e non sempre il nucleo che approda alle Alpi è composto solo da consanguinei o affini, ma da aggregazioni solidali. Chi parte ha il peso e la responsabilità di una famiglia e non può fermarsi: è un’Odissea senza che si sappia se davvero esista in qualche luogo una Itaca. Così si muore, invisibili al mondo, sotto le ruote di un treno o scivolando in un lago montano”.

      Una ferocia che sta segnando generazioni intere, a volte nate e cresciute sulle frontiere. “Figli che ormai conoscono più il cammino che la terra d’origine, una costruzione di umanità e di emozioni itinerante, che conoscono un’altra geografia, che non si limita agli stati nazionali”, raccontava a OM Piero Gorza, antropologo, in una breve pausa nel suo moto perpetuo tra la stazione di Oulx e il Rifugio Massi, o la Casa Cantoniera occupata, sgomberata con violenza, ma che ha dato un letto, un tetto e un pasto caldo a tanti Fatallah e Ullah. “E Oulx, di base, sta a guardare, senza eccessi di rifiuto o di accoglienza. Le persone passano, non si fermano. Portano con loro le relazioni del cammino, con quelle continuano per la loro meta, con la fretta di chi ha impegnato tutto, compresa la rete parentale, per quel cammino.”

      Un’indifferenza che non è solo di Oulx, che non riguarda solo imprenditori del turismo della zona che non vogliono avere lo stigma della ‘Lampedusa delle Alpi’, ma che riguarda tutti noi, come società civile, a Oulx e ovunque. Perché nel 2022 si muore di freddo e di frontiera, come i migranti di Pietro Germi nel film Il cammino della speranza, del 1950, solo che quei migranti erano italiani, ma avevano la stessa fame di futuro di Fathallah e Ullah.

      https://openmigration.org/analisi/ritorno-sulla-rotta-alpina-dove-il-confine-continua-a-uccidere

    • 31.05.2023 :
      NB : Attention : selon les dernières nouvelles reçues oralement par mes contacts à la frontière, personne ne serait décédé. Le corps n’a jamais été trouvé, malgré les recherches. Probablement le migrant qui a signalé le cadavre n’a vu que des habits.
      TRAGEDIA, MIGRANTE MUORE SULLE MONTAGNE TRA LA VALSUSA E LA FRANCIA, ALTRI 9 RECUPERATI DAI SOCCORRITORI
      https://seenthis.net/messages/1004806

  • Aux Etats-Unis, les « livraisons express » Amazon provoquent des accidents mortels
    https://usbeketrica.com/article/aux-etats-unis-les-livraisons-express-amazon-provoquent-des-accidents-m

    Deux enquêtes publiées par BuzzFeed News et ProPublica montrent que le service américain de livraison « express » d’Amazon, présenté comme pratique et efficace, repose sur un système de sous-traitance extrêmement dangereux pour les livreurs qui y travaillent et les passants qui croisent leurs routes, au point d’avoir déjà provoqué des accidents mortels. Envie de recevoir une télé, un meuble ou un nouveau jean avant ce soir ? Aux Etats-Unis, rien de plus simple avec Amazon : « 1. Recherchez l’article que (...)

    #UPS #Amazon #travail #FedEx

  • Libération de Paris : Qui sont les soldats oubliés de La Nueve, premiers libérateurs de la capitale ?
    https://www.20minutes.fr/paris/2587407-20190824-liberation-paris-soldats-oublies-nueve-premiers-liberateu

    Ils sont les premiers à avoir libéré Paris de l’occupation allemande et pourtant ils sont les grands oubliés de l’Histoire. Le 24 août 1944, la Nueve, compagnie de la 2e division blindée du général Leclerc, est entrée dans Paris, porte d’Italie vers 20h avant d’atteindre l’Hôtel de Ville de Paris à 21h22. La spécificité de cette unité ? Sur les 160 hommes qui la composent, 146 sont des Républicains espagnols. « Des anarchistes en majorité mais aussi des communistes, des socialistes et quelques Républicains de droite, détaille Ramon Pino de l’association 24 août 1944. Ce sont des guerriers aguerris qui sortent de trois ans de Guerre civile en Espagne. » A leur tête le capitaine Raymond Dronne appelé « el capitan » par ses hommes.

    Arrivés en France après la victoire de Franco et parqués dans les camps de réfugiés, le gouvernement de Vichy leur laissa le choix de rejoindre la Légion étrangère ou d’être rapatriés en Espagne. Le choix fut simple et ces Républicains espagnols désertèrent ensuite pour rallier le général Leclerc et l’armée de la France libre. La Nueve combattit d’abord en Afrique du Nord avant de débarquer début août en Normandie. Puis les Alliés arrivent aux abords de Paris, « la question de qui pénètre en premier dans la capitale se pose alors, ce n’est pas neutre. Les Américains se sont effacés face aux exigences de De Gaulle », raconte Serge Ballerini, président général du Souvenir français. L’armée d’une nation qui entre en premier dans une ville, toute la mémoire se construit dessus. »
    « On a volontairement gommé [de l’Histoire] la participation des Espagnols »

    C’est donc l’armée française avec son unité composée quasi exclusivement d’Espagnols qui est entrée en premier dans Paris, le 24 août, alors que la capitale s’est soulevée contre l’occupation allemande le 20. Les hommes de la Nueve défileront sur les Champs-Elysées le 26 dans leurs véhicules portant les noms de batailles de la Guerre civile espagnole. Puis ils participeront à la prise du Nid d’aigle d’Hitler à Berchtsgaden, à la frontière de la Bavière et de l’Autriche, le 5 mai 1945. « Entre les blessés et les morts, seulement 16 Espagnols sont arrivés là-bas, souligne Ramon Pino. La compagnie avait été reconstituée avec des soldats français. »

    Ensuite, la déception a envahi le camp les Républicains espagnols. « Ils espéraient qu’après Mussolini et Hitler, les alliés s’occuperaient de Franco, note le membre de l’association du 24 août 1994. Démobilisés, ils sont restés en France et ont participé à la lutte anti-Franco via la clandestinité. » Surtout, ils sont les oubliés de l’Histoire « On a volontairement gommé la participation des Espagnols, estime Ramon Pino. Pour De Gaulle – qui a pourtant descendu les Champs-Elysées entouré d’half-tracks de la Nueve –, la France a été libérée par les Français, pas par des étrangers hors dans la Résistance, on trouvait aussi des Belges, des Polonais, des Allemands anti-nazis, etc. »

    Pour Serge Ballerini, « on a construit la mémoire sur l’armée française, sur la 2e DB qui est la première à entrer dans Paris. Tout le discours de De Gaulle, le 25 août, a été : “Paris libéré par lui-même”. C’est cette mémoire qui est montrée dans Paris brûle-t-il ?. Aujourd’hui, on individualise la mémoire, elle s’affine sur les événements et le rôle exceptionnelle de la Nueve dans la Libération de Paris, mais aussi des Républicains espagnols dans la Résistance, réapparaît. »

    Une fresque de 17 mètres de haut rend hommage à la Nueve dans le 13e

  • #Espagne : les migrants inconnus des cimetières du détroit de #Gibraltar

    Selon le décompte de plusieurs ONG andalouses, entre 6 700 et 8 000 personnes sont mortes en tentant la traversée de la mer Méditerranée entre le Maroc et l’Espagne, ces trois dernières décennies. Des tombes mais aussi des plaques à la mémoire de ces migrants morts en mer parsèment les cimetières qui bordent le détroit de Gibraltar.

    De Tarifa, on aperçoit facilement les côtes marocaines. En ce mois de juin, le vent souffle avec sa force et sa régularité habituelle. Les voiles aux couleurs vives des kitesurf flottent dans un ciel d’un bleu intense.

    La petite ville située tout au bout de la péninsule ibérique a des allures de station balnéaire. Mais ses habitués savent-ils que le vieux fort à l’entrée du port est un centre de détention pour les migrants entrés de façon irrégulière sur le territoire espagnol ? Qui sait que c’est sur la plage de Los Lances, à la pointe de la péninsule, qu’en novembre 1988 le premier corps d’un migrant marocain a été rejeté par la mer ?

    Une visite au petit cimetière sur les hauteurs de la ville offre un autre regard sur Tarifa. Les sépultures sont simples, blanches, fleuries et se logent dans des niches, comme bien souvent en Andalousie. Un seau d’eau à la main, des habitants viennent enlever le sable et la poussière qui s’accumulent sur les tombes de leurs proches.

    En regardant vers les niches en hauteur, on découvre les tombes d’hommes et de femmes qui ont perdu la vie en traversant le détroit dans la clandestinité. « Immigrant du Maroc, 7 mars 2001 » : quatre plaques funéraires portent cette inscription. Un peu plus loin, deux autres portent la même mention mais sont datées de 2009. Enfin, une simple plaque déposée dans une niche porte une inscription encore plus administrative : « cadavre non identifié. 3ème chambre du tribunal d’Algésiras. Décision provisoire 47/2017 ».

    En 2018, selon l’APDHA, 1064 personnes ont perdu la vie en tentant la courte mais périlleuse traversée vers l’Europe. La plupart de ces victimes sont rapidement identifiées, car, lorsque se produit un naufrage, les survivants connaissent souvent l’identité de ceux qui n’ont pas réussi à gagner le rivage. Mais il y a aussi les anonymes, ceux dont les corps sont alors enterrés sans noms, en Espagne.

    En continuant la visite du cimetière de Tarifa, d’autres stèles attirent l’attention. Celles-ci portent des noms aux consonances peu espagnoles : Esther Adawale, Nigéria, 24 février 2003. Hope Ibrahim, Nigéria, 19 avril 2005. Yacouba Koné, Côte d’Ivoire, 17 avril 2013. Dans ces tombes reposent des migrants qui ont été identifiés par la police judiciaire espagnole mais qui, pour diverses raisons, n’ont pas été rapatriés vers leurs pays d’origine.

    José Maria Perez, un membre actif de la paroisse locale, raconte que ces tombes reçoivent les visites périodiques de « chrétiens et de musulmans » et que « de l’autre côté du détroit, on connaît l’existence de ces sépultures ».

    Miguel Delgado, en charge de l’aide aux migrants à l’archevêché de Cadix (dont dépend la commune de Tarifa), organise, lui, chaque 1er Novembre une cérémonie œcuménique à la mémoire des immigrants morts dans les eaux du détroit.

    Fidèle au message de l’église catholique sur le sujet des migrations, il réclame « un passage sûr pour ceux qui veulent émigrer en Europe et dont l’Europe a besoin ». Pour sensibiliser ses paroissiens et l’opinion publique, chaque deuxième mercredi du mois, dans plusieurs villes de part et d’autres du détroit (Cadix, Barbate, Tarifa, Algésiras, Ceuta, Tanger, Tétouan, Melila etc…) son association organise des « rondes du silence » qui réunissent des personnes de tous horizons derrière un seul mot d’ordre « solidarité avec les immigrants ».

    Chaque année, pour la journée internationale des migrants, il se rend sur la plage de Tarifa pour une prière publique qui réunit militants, habitants et parfois quelques surfeurs.

    A 25 kilomètres de Tarifa, dans le port de Barbate, l’apparition de corps de migrants sans vie sur les rivages n’est pas non plus inédite. Dans le cimetière, les mêmes tombes blanches nichées sur les murs révèlent les histoires des disparus du détroit.

    Là aussi, des emplacements sont marqués par un simple numéro ou une mention « inconnu », ainsi qu’une date. Les plus anciennes de ces tombes de migrants anonymes datent de 2002, les plus récentes de 2019. Là encore, des corps non identifiés. Et une plaque à la mémoire « des victimes du détroit ».

    Mais dans une des allées, une tombe se distingue des autres. Celle de Samuel Kabamba, un enfant originaire de la RD Congo âgé de 5 ans. Son histoire a provoqué une grande émotion dans cette région du sud de l’Espagne et bien au delà.

    Fin janvier 2017, son corps a été retrouvé sans vie sur une plage proche du petit port de pêche andalou. Celui de sa mère, Véronique, est rejeté par la mer 15 jours plus tard sur les côtes algériennes.

    La découverte du corps du petit garçon a provoqué l’indignation des associations de défense des migrants et de Gabriel Delgado qui a organisé une veillée funèbre le 1er février sur la plage où il s’était échoué. Une centaine de personne sont venues prier et lancer des fleurs à la mer. L’affaire s’est médiatisée faisant écho à celle du petit Alan Kurdi, cet enfant syrien retrouvé noyé sur une plage de Turquie en septembre 2015.

    Début mars, les autorités espagnoles ont autorisé le père du petit garçon à se rendre en Espagne. Un test d’ADN a confirmé que le petit Samuel était bien son fils. Le père de famille a organisé l’enterrement de son fils à Barbate, le 10 mars.

    Ce jour-là, l’église était pleine à craquer. Les habitants de Barbate sont venus en nombre, le petit Samuel repose désormais parmi eux. Chaque jour, des femmes fleurissent sa tombe « car ses proches sont loin, il faut bien que quelqu’un s’occupe de lui » confie une vieille dame.


    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/18435/espagne-les-migrants-inconnus-des-cimetieres-du-detroit-de-gibraltar
    #cimetière #morts #décès #migrations #réfugiés #asile #cadavres #identification #mourir_en_mer