#mourir_sur_la_route_des_balkans

  • Réfugiés morts sur la route des Balkans

    En 2015, en Macédoine, un train a renversé plus de quatorze réfugiés. Parmi eux, #Mahdi_Mohebi, un jeune afghan âgé de 19 ans, qui a survécu à la catastrophe. Depuis l’accident, Mahdi n’a plus aucune nouvelle de son jeune frère Alireza. À Brême, il poursuit tant bien que mal son existence, dans une incertitude angoissante...

    D’autres familles qui ont perdu des proches dans ce drame sont en quête de réponses. Mais elles se heurtent au silence des autorités macédoniennes, peu enclines à collaborer. Leur dernier espoir : retourner sur la route des Balkans, afin de mener leur propre enquête.

    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/078229-004-A/arte-regards
    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #route_des_balkans #Balkans #Macédoine #accident #morts #mourir_dans_la_forteresse_européenne #cadavres #identification #attente #Croix-Rouge #mourir_sur_la_route_des_balkans

    –-> Dans le documentaire on dit que la tragédie du #23_avril_2015 a fait 14 morts.

    • Izbjeglice umiru na balkanskoj ruti

      Balkanska ruta se od 2016. godine smatra zatvorenom. Ali izbjeglice i dalje umiru pokušavajući da pređu granice - kao što je slučaj sa Ihsanudinom Gull Muhammadom.

      hsanudin Gull Muhammad stradao je u maju 2018. Njegovo tijelo su našli u rijeci Korani. Ta rijeka predstavlja granicu između Bosne i Hercegovine i članice EU - Hrvatske. Rasim Ruždić živi u blizini Korane. On ima terensko vozilo sa prikolicom, tako da ga policija uvijek pita za pomoć kada treba da se transportuje nešto sa teško pristupačnog terena. Tako je bilo i ovaj put. “Okrenuo sam auto i stavio beživotno tijelo u prikolicu. Držao sam ga za ruke. Koža mu se već počela guliti, što znači da je već nekoliko dana bio u vodi”, kaže Rasim.

      Ihsanudin Gull Mohammad imao je na sebi sivu majicu, traperice, tene, jednu bosansku marku i 30 centi gotovine, gumu za kosu i perle za molitvu safirne boje. Kada je Rasim Ruždić položio njegovo tijelo u prikolicu, vidio je da je u Ihsanudinovoj lijevoj šaci ostao tespih - čvrsto stegnut.

      Udavio se u bijegu od hrvatske granične policije?

      Okolnosti pod kojima je Ihsanudin umro nemoguće je razjasniti. Zna se da je bio u grupi i da je pokušao da pređe bosansko-hrvatsku granicu. Ruždić pretpostavlja da je grupu zaustavila hrvatska granična policija:

      “Onda su pobjegli natrag u Bosnu, ali jadni mladić se najvjerovatnije izgubio i nije znao kako da se vrati. Ušao je u duboku vodu, vjerojatno nije znao plivati i utopio se.”

      Bosna i Hercegovina godinama nije bila na takozvanoj „Balkanskoj ruti". Putevi ka zapadnoj Evropi vodili su kroz druge, susjedne zemlje. Tokom 2017. godine u BiH je došlo manje od 800 ljudi, dok je 2018. godine registrovano čak 25.000 takozvanih ilegalnih migranata. Ljudi se pokušavaju domoći neke od članica EU. Neki uspijevaju, druge hvata i vraća hrvatska granična policija.

      Migranti i izbjeglice uvijek iznova izvještavaju da im hrvatska policija ne daje šansu da podnesu zahtjev za azil, da ih ilegalno šalje nazad preko “zelene granice” i da koristi silu. Hrvatska konsekventno odbacuje ove navode. Rasim Ruždić ne vjeruje hrvatskim vlastima i ima o tome jasno mišljenje:

      “Ako želite da spriječite ljude da pređu granicu, trebali biste da ih zaustavite, ali ne morate ih ubiti.”

      Ihsanudin Gull Mohammad sahranjen je na muslimanskom groblju u Bihaću, na sjeverozapadu Bosne. Prije toga je njegovo tijelo držano mjesec dana u mrtvačnici. Bosanske vlasti nisu bile sigurne šta da rade sa lešom. Na kraju je sahranu organizovala Zemira Godinjac, koja se dobrovoljno brine o izbjeglicama u Bihaću. “Svako ljudsko biće zaslužuje minimum dostojanstva na kraju ovozemaljskog života, i ja sam, kao čovjek, u to duboko uvjerena”, kaže ova Bosanka.

      Zemira Godinjac je najprije pokušala dobiti informacije o nastradalom mladiću. Od jednog Ihsanudinovog pratioca saznaje da je mladić bio oženjen i da je imao dvoje djece. Nakon toga pokreće akciju da njegovo tijelo bude prebačeno u rodni Afganistan.

      Zemira Godinjac traži Ihsanudinove članove porodice

      To je teško, jer nema kontakta sa njegovom porodicom i jer joj nedostaju informacije o njegovom mjestu porijekla. Ali Zemira Godinjac ne odustaje i nada se da će neko već početi da traži Ihsanudina. Dodaje i da je imao jednu osobenost: šest prstiju na lijevoj ruci. Zato će, kaže, na sigurno pohraniti Ihsanudinov plavi tespih I njegovu gumu za kosu. “Sigurno je želio više od ovoga ostaviti svojoj porodici, ali tako vam je to. Njegova sudbina je bila da pronađe smiraj u Bosni. Ovo je njegov tespih a sa ovim je vjerovatno vezao kosu. Ostaviću te stvari kod sebe da ih jednoga dana mogu dati njegovoj porodici.”

      https://www.dw.com/bs/izbjeglice-umiru-na-balkanskoj-ruti/a-48052681

    • Die Story im Ersten: Tote auf der Balkanroute

      2015 überrollt ein Zug in Mazedonien 14 Flüchtlinge. In Europa ist dieses Unglück nicht einmal eine Randnotiz. Recherchen vor Ort zeigen: Die Ermittlungen wurden schnell eingestellt, nicht alle Augenzeugen befragt. Wie der 19-jährige Afghane Mahdi Mohebi aus Bremen. Er hat das Unglück überlebt. Von seinem Bruder jedoch fehlt jede Spur: Hat der Zug seinen 14-jährigen Bruder verletzt, getötet? Wenn ja, was ist mit seinen sterblichen Überresten geschehen?

      Statt aufzuklären und zu helfen, schob die mazedonische Polizei Mahdi Mahebi sofort zurück nach Griechenland: ein klarer Verstoß gegen die Europäische Menschenrechtskonvention, wie die Kritiker sagen. Informationen und Hinweise zur Identifizierung der unbekannten Toten werden von den mazedonischen Behörden bis heute zurückgehalten. Kein Einzelfall, doch kaum jemand traut sich, die Verantwortlichen anzuklagen.
      Entlang der Balkanroute sind Tote Alltag

      Anders die Eltern des sechsjährigen Mädchens Madina Hussiny. Sie starb an der kroatisch-serbischen Grenze in Folge eines „Pushbacks“, einer polizeilichen Sofort-Abschiebung. Ihre Eltern klagen an, ihre Tochter hätte nicht sterben müssen, wenn es Rechtsstaatlichkeit an der kroatischen EU-Außengrenze gegeben hätte. Die Eltern erleben dann einen weiteren Schock. Denn statt den Fall aufzuklären, versucht die Regierung in Zagreb, genau das Gegenteil zu erreichen.

      Fast überall entlang der Balkanroute sind Tote Alltag: Menschen, die erfrieren, die vor Erschöpfung zusammenbrechen, die Opfer von Gewaltverbrechen werden. Genaue Zahlen gibt es nicht, nirgendwo in Europa eine Stelle, die Zahlen fortlaufend zusammenträgt und jeden Fall prüft.
      Behörden und Politik fühlen sich nicht zuständig

      In Deutschland leben mehrere Flüchtlingsfamilien, die ihre Angehörigen vermissen und annehmen müssen, dass sie auf der Balkanroute ums Leben gekommen sind. Es sind Familien, die 2015 über diesen beschwerlichen Weg nach Deutschland gekommen sind. Nach ihrer Ankunft wenden sie sich an die deutsche Polizei, berichten dem BAMF, dass es von ihren Verwandten auf der Balkanroute kein Lebenszeichen mehr gibt. Hilfe jedoch bekommen sie nicht.

      Weder Behörden noch Politik in Deutschland fühlen sich zuständig. Der Suchdienst des Deutschen Roten Kreuzes ist zwar bereit zu helfen, ist jedoch auf eine Kooperation der Behörden im In- und Ausland angewiesen. Die aber gibt es nur selten. Ist die Notlage von in Deutschland lebenden Flüchtlingsfamilien also einfach egal?
      Leidvolles Bangen um das Schicksal von Angehörigen

      Der Film belegt: Es wird so gut wie gar nicht hingeschaut, wenn Flüchtlinge in Deutschland sich seit Jahren mit der Ungewissheit um den Verbleib ihrer Familienmitglieder quälen. Einige halten das leidvolle Warten nicht mehr aus: Sie wollen zurück auf die Balkanroute, um ihre Kinder und Geschwister zu finden.

      „Die Story im Ersten“ hat sie auf ihrer Spurensuche begleitet und die Behörden vor Ort konfrontiert. Werden die Angehörigen Antworten auf ihre drängendste Frage finden: Was geschah mit ihren Familienmitgliedern?

      Der Film zeigt auf, welchen Stellenwert Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Menschenwürde einnehmen, wenn es um den Umgang mit toten Geflüchteten und ihren Angehörigen geht.


      https://www.daserste.de/information/reportage-dokumentation/dokus/sendung/tote-auf-der-balkanroute-100.html

    • Cette histoire est d’une telle violence ! Je ne sais pas, c’est totalement indescriptible… Même le droit ultime d’enterrer dignement ses morts, on ne peut pas l’avoir quand on est migrant ? « Like a dog » effectivement.

    • «Care #Divany e #Medina, scusateci»

      Avevano 3 e 6 anni, sono morte rispettivamente il 6 e il 21 novembre nel mar Mediterraneo e sulla ferrovia alla frontiera tra Croazia e Serbia. La mamma di Divany la ricorda a Scicli con una corona di fiori, i genitori di Medina non si danno pace. Attorno a loro volontari e operatori che condividono il dolore e denunciano la disumanità delle frontiere chiuse: ecco la lettera-monito di Silvia Maraone di Ipsia che era con la bimba afgana pochi giorni prima della tragedia

      http://www.vita.it/it/article/2017/12/12/care-divany-e-medina-scusateci/145422

    • Morire di Europa a sei anni.

      Numeri.

      L’altra sera mi trovavo a Milano e leggevo i numeri delle migrazioni negli ultimi quattro anni. Oltre ai diversi ingressi registrati, c’è un’altra statistica che viene citata poco. Il numero delle persone morte nel tentativo di arrivare da noi, in Europa. Sono stime, perchè di tante persone non conosceremo mai veramente il destino. Chi annega in mare e viene sommerso dai flutti. Chi muore di sete e di caldo nel deserto e sparisce ingoiato dalla sabbia rovente. Chi congela nei fiumi e tra le montagne dei Balcani e viene divorato dagli animali selvatici. Sono in media quattromila all’anno le persone che spariscono così. Seppellite in fosse comuni, lontane dalle proprie famiglie e dalle proprie case. Noi li vediamo come una massa indistinta, fatta di numeri. E non ci sconvolge.

      Viviamo tra i morti, nuotiamo tra i cadaveri nel Mediterraneo. E non ci pensiamo, se non quando magari una foto più di un’altra non ci colpisce. Ci fu il caso di Aylan nel 2015, con la sua maglietta rossa, riverso a faccia in giù sulla riva del mare, che ci fece trattenere per un attimo il fiato e che spalancò di colpo le porte del sogno EU a quasi un milione di persone. Dopodichè, quel quasi milione di persone divenne troppo da gestire e firmammo un accordo a Marzo 2016, per chiudere la rotta balcanica, lasciando quasi 80.000 persone ferme tra la Grecia, la Macedonia e la Serbia.

      Di loro, dei quasi settemila bloccati in Serbia, la maggioranza Afghani, ci siamo dimenticati in fretta. Sono stati sistemati tutti quanti nei 18 campi profughi aperti dal governo con il finanziamento dell’UE. I siriani sono rimasti in Grecia, prima o poi verranno ricollocati. E quasi quattro milioni sono in Turchia, bloccati dopo l’accordo di cui sopra.

      In questi mesi, da Maggio, quando sono arrivata in Serbia, ho conosciuto diverse centinaia di persone. Famiglie sopratutto, ragazzi, uomini. Sono in viaggio da due anni, per lo più. Hanno già conosciuto la durezza del cammino, la paura dell’acqua, il dolore dei colpi dati dal manganello. Uomini, donne, bambini.

      Quando ho cominciato a fare volontariato vent’anni fa nei campi profughi in Slovenia, erano sopratutto loro, i bambini, l’energia in più che faceva sembrare meno brutta la vita in quel limbo. Con loro era facile dimenticare dove ti trovavi, la durezza e la noia della vita nel campo, l’incertezza del futuro. Quei pensieri consumavano e consumano sopratutto gli adulti, coloro che sanno quanti soldi hanno già speso e quanto ancora devono indebitarsi per andare avanti nel game. Quanto costerà provare ad attraversare la Croazia o l’Ungheria con i trafficanti.

      Negli ultimi mesi molti hanno cominciato a tentare di attraversare i boschi tra la Serbia e la Croazia da soli, con le mappe di Google. L’Ungheria è più difficile da attraversare, lì il confine è più sorvegliato, ci sono fili spinati doppi con lame di rasoio in cima, ci sono i cani, ci sono i sensori di rilevamento termico e le telecamere a infrarossi. E poi ci sono i manganelli, gli ungheresi prima di cacciarti ti pestano, così forse non proverai più la prossima volta. E’ così che rimandano in Serbia brandelli di umanità, feriti nello spirito e nel corpo. La Croazia invece da quest’estate sembrava più porosa, sembrava quasi si riuscisse a passare e poi se proprio non si riusciva ad andare più in là, verso Austria o Ungheria, si poteva chiedere l’asilo. Non sarà Shengen, ma è pur sempre EU.

      Da novembre, osserviamo impotenti i tentativi che le persone fanno di andare di là, a Nord dalle parti di Šid. Dal nostro campo decine di persone sono partite e le abbiamo viste ritornare.

      Una di queste famiglie non è tornata intera. Avevano lasciato il nostro campo ad Agosto e passato un paio di mesi tra Tutin e Belgrado, fino a quando non hanno provato ad attraversare il confine.

      Di Madina ricordo che aveva gli occhi grandi, i capelli neri e folti, uno sguardo vispo e un sorriso furbo. Era piccolina e si confondeva in mezzo ai suoi fratelli e sorelle. Una mattina di Maggio, ero da poco arrivata in Serbia, arrivo al campo e sento i bambini che urlano e corrono verso di me: “cats, cats”! Madina mi prende per mano e mi porta a un grande vaso in cemento, dentro il quale ci sono due gattini neri di meno di un mese, terrorizzati. I bambini sono eccitati e contenti, giocano coi gatti, senza pensare a quanto siano spaventati. Prendo i gatti, li metto in una scatola e li porto in auto. I gatti, avranno molta più fortuna dei profughi bloccati da anni nel limbo migratorio, loro sono a Milano e vivono pasciuti e felici in una bella famiglia, con documento di identità e regolarmente registrati in Comune.

      Madina era così, curiosa, sorridente, chiacchierona. Anche se non parlava così bene inglese riusciva a farsi capire e ti saltellava intorno.

      Mi immagino come sia stato faticoso per lei, con le sue gambette corte, attraversare la “jungle” tra la Serbia e la Croazia, di notte, tra i fili spinati e le pattuglie della polizia, senza probabilmente capire cosa stava succedendo. Così come non avrà capito cosa è successo, quanto un treno l’ha travolta, uccidendola e lasciando il suo corpo insanguinato al buio, vicino ai binari, mentre gli altri della sua famiglia cercavano di capire al buio dove fosse finita la piccola. L’ha trovata Rashid, suo fratello. Un ragazzo alto e gentile, taciturno, sempre disponibile e attento ai piccoli della famiglia. Mi immagino le urla di Nilab, la sorella maggiore con cui giocavo a pallavolo e con cui parlavamo dei sogni di arrivare in Europa e poter vivere liberamente, in Germania.

      La versione ufficiale della polizia croata è che abbiano assistito con i visori infrarossi ai movimenti di un gruppo di persone lungo la ferrovia, dal lato serbo del confine e di come sia passato il treno, a seguito di questo parte del gruppo è andata di corsa verso le pattuglie portando in braccio il corpo di una bambina. La polizia afferma che stavano compiendo i loro compiti routinari di difesa delle frontiere, così come previsto dalle leggi del’UE, applicando i respingimenti forzati.

      La versione della famiglia, supportata da organizzazioni umanitarie (tra cui MSF) e gruppi di attivisti e volontari è che la famiglia avesse invece già raggiunto la Croazia e che sia stata respinta verso la Serbia, ricevendo come indicazioni di seguire la ferrovia, senza essere avvisati del potenziale pericolo del passaggio dei treni anche di notte e rifiutando la richiesta della madre stremata che chiedeva solo di poter riposare un po’ con i figli, stanchi, affamati e infreddoliti. Oltre a questo, in nessun modo la famiglia ha avuto alcun aiuto da parte né dei croati, né tantomeno dei serbi, che per alcuni giorni non hanno nemmeno dato il corpo alla famiglia e hanno loro imposto un funerale senza rispettare le usanze musulmane. E’ così che la piccola Madina ora si trova sepolta a pochi chilometri dal luogo in cui è stata uccisa, lontana dalla sua casa, dalla sua famiglia. Era la notte tra il 20 e il 21 Novembre.

      Questa notizia all’inizio era passata in silenzio, diffusa tra i social, twittata da alcuni organizzazioni, sino a quando Al Jazeera non l’ha ripresa, seguita dal Guardian e anche dal nostro Corsera. Le parole di Nilab, che Madina non venga dimenticata, sono state ascoltate.

      E noi, cosa possiamo fare? Come si può restare indifferenti alla morte di Madina e delle migliaia di innocenti che cercano solamente un futuro migliore, mettendo in gioco tutto ciò che hanno, cioè la loro vita?

      Io li vedo questi confini insaguinati e queste vite miserabili. Ero in Croazia il giorno dopo che Madina era morta, lungo la strada che passa dietro il confine. Ho visto le pattuglie, i cani, la caccia all’uomo. Ho visto la polizia croata. E ho visto la polizia ungherese e la caccia all’uomo da quella parte del confine. Ho visto il filo spinato, ho respirato la paura, il buio e il freddo. Ho visto i fuocherelli accesi nella notte da chi parte per il game, le immondizie abbandonate dietro di sé, le scarpe spaiate, le coperte grigie dell’UNHCR. Ho sentito i racconti di bambini di sei-sette anni, di come dopo aver camminato per tanti chilometri non riuscivano più a fare un passo e si addormentavano ogni volta che si dovevano abbassare per sfuggire alle vedette. Mi hanno parlato del freddo, della sete, della fame. Della paura.

      E no, bambini, non è questo il game. Non è giusto che il gioco sia questo. Io ho avuto fortuna, sono stata una bambina amata e cresciuta in una grande città, dove andavo a scuola, giocavo coi compagni, ho fatto gli scout, sport e volontariato. Dopo la Slovenia, sono stata in Bosnia e in Kosovo e ora qua in Serbia, e provo a portare sorrisi e giocare, a dimenticare, a ricordare che siete solo bambini e che avete diritto alla felicità e alla spensieratezza, ad andare a scuola, avere vestiti caldi e puliti, pupazzi e giocattoli, dei nonni che vi coccolino e vi vizino, dei genitori che si preoccupino per voi.

      E no, non posso dimenticare Madina, non posso dimenticare il suo entusiasmo per i gattini, il modo in cui ballava “tutte le scimmiette in fila per sette”. Non posso dimenticare lei, la sua famiglia e tutte le persone incontrate in questi anni di Balkan route, accampate a Idomeni, a Hotel Hara, a Eko station, al campo profughi di Sounio, a Helliniko, a Horgos e Kelebija, nelle barracks di Belgrado, nell’Afghan park e il modo in cui nonostante tutto, i bambini riescano a giocare. Non posso.

      E se vi chiedete come si fa, non lo so nemmeno io come si fa, so solo che quando vedo mia nipote Anna che ha 4 anni e dei ricci bellissimi e le ho appena regalato un pigiama con Elsa di Frozen, penso solo che lei è fortunata e le auguro che la vita non le dia mai quello che sta dando a queste migliaia di Madina in giro per il mondo alla ricerca di fortuna.

      Tra poco è Natale, spenderemo un sacco di soldi per cibo, regali, luminarie e decorazioni.
      Qualcosa lo potete fare anche voi. Ricordatevi di Madina e di quelli che stanno ancora facendo il game.

      Potete fare un regalo ai bambini di Bogovadja. Non sono giocattoli, non sono dolci e caramelle, sono scarpe e vestiti per l’inverno, dignitosi e caldi, che forse gli serviranno quando dovranno attraversare i boschi al confine.
      http://www.caritasambrosiana.it/emergenze-caritas/emergenze-in-corso/emergenza-freddo-bogavadja

      Ciao, Madina.


      https://nellaterradeicevapi.wordpress.com/2017/12/09/morire-di-europa-a-sei-anni

    • Odvjetnica obitelji #Madine: “Policija me zastrašivala, nisam to nikad doživjela”

      NJEMAČKA javna televizija ARD sinoć je emitirala 45-minutni dokumentarac “Smrt na balkanskoj ruti” koji se bavi smrtnim slučajevima migranata i izbjeglica koji pokušavaju preko područja bivše Jugoslavije doći do Europske unije od 2015. do danas. Dio dokumentarca je posvećen ponašanju hrvatske policije prema migrantima, naročito u slučaju afganistanske djevojčice Madine.

      U ARD-ovom dokumentarcu se hrvatsku policiju optužuje da na granici provodi tzv. push back, tj. ilegalno vraćanje migranata u državu iz koje su ušli, a da im se ne omogućuje traženje azila, što je protiv važećih pravnih propisa Europske unije i Hrvatske. No ističe se i licemjerje njemačkih vlasti koje tvrde da nemaju nikakvih dokaza o takvom postupanju hrvatske policije, iako su “već stotine takvih slučajeva dokumentirane”, navodi se u dokumentarcu. Tj. jasno se kaže da hrvatska policija uz prešutno odobravanje službenog Berlina krši važeće zakone i onemogućava migrantima konzumiranje njihovih ljudskih prava.

      Ilegalna politika “push backa” migranata

      U dokumentarcu su razgovarali i sa SDP-ovim bivšim ministrom unutarnjih poslova Rankom Ostojićem koji kaže da je “push back” postao neslužbena politika EU-a prema migrantima.

      Detaljno se obrađuje i smrt male Madine koja je poginula nakon što su hrvatski policajci na granici Hrvatske i Srbije uhvatili njenu obitelj u ilegalnom prelasku te ih vratili u Srbiju po željezničkoj pruzi unatoč tome što je Madinina majka zatražila azil. Madinu je onda udario vlak, a hrvatska policija je djevojčicu odvela u bolnicu u Hrvatskoj, dok njenoj majci nije dozvolila da ide s njom, nego ju je protjerala opet prema Šidu na srbijanskoj strani granice.

      Odvjetnica Madinine obitelji: “Nešto tako nisam doživjela u svojoj karijeri”

      Odvjetnica Madinine obitelji Sanja Jelavić u dokumentarcu ARD-a svjedoči o tome kako je hrvatska policija dolazila u njen ured i pokušala je zastrašiti, kao i da joj nisu dozvoljavali da kontaktira svoje klijente. “Nešto tako nisam još doživjela u svojoj karijeri”, kaže Jelavić te dodaje da je to ipak nije pokolebalo u zastupanju klijenata.

      Pučka pravobraniteljica pak proziva hrvatsku policiju zbog toga što je misteriozno nestala toplotna snimka protjerivanja Madinine obitelji u Srbiju te ističe da postoje toplotne snimke tog dana i prije i poslije tog incidenta. Ni sama ne vjeruje u službeno objašnjenje hrvatske policije da je baš u tom periodu “nestalo struje”, no još više zabrinjava činjenica da nestanak snimke sugerira kako policija zapravo uništava dokaze o vlastitom kršenju zakona.

      Novinari ARD-a uspjeli su nakratko o svemu tome pitati i premijera Andreja Plenkovića koji je Madininu smrt opisao kao nesretan slučaj, no na detaljnija pitanja nije htio odgovarati, ustvrdivši da hrvatska policija sve radi po zakonu.


      https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/odvjetnica-obitelji-madine-policija-me-zastrasivala-nisam-to-nikad-dozivjela/2073807.aspx

    • Two years ago, because of the violence and the illegal actions of Croatian police officers, a young Afghan girl lost her life: her name was Madina, and she died hit by a train after being pushed back during a cold night of November 2017. A date that activists in the region remember with great sadness and concern. Welcome! Initiative decided to commemorate this date remembering Madina and the square that was named like her one year ago - on our facebook event you can see how several people took some time to remember Madina and her family, by taking pictures with the panel writing the real name of that square: Trg Madina Hussiny (https://www.facebook.com/events/2425274427693693). “the square with her name as a lasting reminder that no one and no nation-state, government, military force, economy or political regime has the right to determine whose life is worth living and who is not”. H-alter wrote more about today’s date in this article: https://www.h-alter.org/vijesti/pravda-za-madinu-hussiny-ldquomadina-dobrodosla-u-srediste-zagrebardquo

      Because of the work of several individuals, activists and organizations on the tragic event of Madina, and the decision of the family to file a legal complaint against Croatia to the European Court of Human Rights, a lot of measures of criminalization of solidarity and intimidation started, towards the same lawyers, individuals and organizations that supported the family in their request for justice. Today, Centre for Peace Studies and Are You Syrious talked about it at the European Parliament (https://www.greens-efa.eu/en/article/event/shrinking-spaces), bringing the Madina’s memory there and firmly asking the European politicians to do everything in their power to stop the violence at the borders and the human rights violations against refugees and whoever decides to support them.

      Reçu via Inicijativa Dobrodosli, mail du 27.11.2019.

    • Finally, justice for Madina!

      This week, The European Court of Human Rights has rejected Croatia’s request to reconsider the decision in the case of little Madina’s death. In fact last year, Croatia has been found guilty, and Madina Hussiny and her family were recognized by the European Court of Human Rights as victims of illegal expulsion by the Republic of Croatia, which resulted in the loss of Madina’s life, a six-year-old girl, on November 21, 2017. In addition, the judgment showed that the Republic of Croatia treated children inhumanely by keeping them in detention, illegally deprived the whole family of their liberty, collectively expelled part of the family from Croatia and, after all, denied them access to lawyer precisely with the aim of preventing this case from reaching the European Court of Human Rights. The verdict, which confirms that Croatia has violated her right to life, has become final. An effective investigation in this case was never conducted. Centre for Peace Studies in their press release (https://www.cms.hr/en/azil-i-integracijske-politike/presuda-esljp-a-u-slucaju-obitelji-hussiny-je-konacna-trazimo-hitnu-smjenu-vrha-) declared: “After this strong and final confirmation of the ruling, the Government of the Republic of Croatia and Prime Minister Andrej Plenković can no longer turn their heads, but must urgently dismiss those responsible, led by the Minister of the Interior Davor Božinović. In addition to urgently finding and sanctioning the direct perpetrators, we again demand the immediate dismissal of those with command and political responsibility, namely Chief of Police Nikola Milina and Chief of Border Police and Assistant Chief of Police Zoran Ničeno, as well as Secretary of State Terezija Gras who participated in pressures against human rights defenders and blocking the independent international investigations.”

      In this occasion, to permanently remember and never suppress the truth about the death of Madina Hussiny, several local initiatives together with Welcome! Initiative (Zagreb city-refuge, and Initiative for Madina Hussiny Square Naming), sent to the Committee for the Naming of Settlements, Streets and Squares a proposal for the name Madina Hussiny for inclusion in the Name Fund. Zagreb can and should have Madina Hussiny Square, for her and all the other lives lost because of racist border regimes.

      –-> via Inicijativa Dobrodosli (mailing-list du 08.04.2022)

    • Madina Hussiny

      According to Aleksandra, a volunteer in the refugee camp in Sofia, where Madina Hussiny (Hosseini, Husseni), a girl from Afghanistan who was at most five or six years old when she died on the Croatian-Serbian border during the pushback from Croatia, lived for several months in 2016 with her large family: The biography of someone who hasn’t even lived their life can’t actually be written. The milestones of life’s journey, intimate and socially recognized struggles and achievements, everything that makes up the essence of a biography, are actually the privilege of those who had the opportunity to live, grow up, grow old. Madina had no such chance. Madina was at most five or six years old when she died on the Croatian-Serbian border at the end of 2017.

      The biography that follows covers only the last stops of Madina’s journey from Afghanistan, through Iran and Turkey to Europe. In addition to the summary of events of the night in which she tragically died, the biography contains the impressions she left on employees and volunteers in the facilities for collective accommodation on the peripheries of the European Union. It is based on information from the media, court rulings and reports, as well as interviews conducted in 2021 with Aleksandra, Andrijana, Jovana, Francesca, Katerina, Margarita and Silvia who met Madina in Bulgaria and Serbia, in the camps where, according to the interviews quoted here in italics, bed sheets can be a luxury, and torn furniture comes standard.

      They remember Madina as tiny, really tiny, small, with a big head and large, curious eyes that were something really special. They remember her as very beautiful, very sweet, with a slightly round face, chubby and with a big smile and wonderful eyes, with curly, very curly hair, quite black and quite thick, and a skin that was darker, olive, and with a Sherpa hairstyle, which slowly grew out. They emphasize Madina’s special, sweet voice, similar to the voice of a very small child who does not yet know how to pronounce all the words. They remember her as an extremely cheerful girl who radiated happiness. As summed up by Jovana, who met Madina at the camp in Bogovađa, Serbia: It’s as if she carried some sort of joy. She stood out with that kind of joy, and just by being in a room she changed its atmosphere. Aleksandra specifically remembered how disappointed and unhappy Madina was when she couldn’t go on a trip with the other children from the camp because she was too young. Silvija and Francesca, who saw her every day at the camp in Bogovađa, remember Madina’s pride and happiness when she found some kittens, but also the sadness and disappointment she felt because she could not keep them.

      Aleksandra, as well as Slivia and Francesca to a certain extent, remember that Madina was inseparable from her slightly older sister, and that volunteers and employees often confused them for one another, because the two of them looked alike, with the same hair color, the same hairstyle, similar height and build. Andrijana, who occasionally came to the camp in Bogovađa, primarily remembers Madina in the company of her younger brother, who also looked a lot like her, and they were close in age as well. She remembers how she took him by the hand and imitated the way adults take care of children, she took his hand, then started talking as if she was warning him about something, like she was scolding him.

      Madina, according to our interlocutors’ memories of her, was always in a group of other children of a similar age, with whom, in the words of Jovana, she played around the camp. Sometimes she used to hang out with them in front of the classroom doors or on the windows in the camp in Sofia, waiting for the arrival of volunteers, calling them: Teacher! Teacher! or We are here! We want to go to medresa, medresa! In Bogovađa, they also used to yell out: Caritas! Caritas! because of the words printed on the volunteers’ T-shirts. Silvia jokingly states that Madina was the worst child of all the children there, of all the little rascals, as she called them. She was impossible to deal with and unbearable. She didn’t follow any rules, because she’s very small and very cute, so it goes without saying that she can do whatever she wants. In short, Madina was very active, restless, hyperactive, always running and jumping, she was generally delighted with physical contact, even ready for physical confrontations with other children.

      She always wanted to participate in everything, in all activities in the camp. In addition to some Bulgarian and Serbian, she also learned English, which, as Francesca summed up, she could follow, but of course she didn’t speak very well. Francesca recalls: How she talks to us, a kind of child-like English, but English. The famous photo of Madina shown below was taken after one such activity at the camp in Bogovađa, with her looking straight into our eyes, playfully sticking out her tongue, arms and body in motion. In that photo, Madina is wearing her black Star Wars T-shirt and was photographed by Silvia on a sunny, summer day after a water coloring workshop attended by many children. Francesca recollects how she took them all to wash their hands on the ground floor, to a shared bathroom and toilet. All of them were dirty and I know the photo was taken at the moment when they all came out of that toilet together. Madina, as Silvija remembers, simply ran out, along with two other children she always spent time with, the same two she was with when she found the kittens.

      In the camp in Sofia, Madina socialized with other children her age every day and in the classroom which was always quite noisy. About twenty children were usually in the classroom, and Margarita and Katerina remember that Madina especially loved the dressing room corner, where she would dress up as a princess. Aleksandra also remembers Madina in that little corner, in a very big princess dress. It wasn’t meant for her age. It was very big. She could barely walk in it. It piled up under her feet, but she was happy and kept on saying: Teacher, teacher. She also mentions that Madina loved dolls. And reading. There was a book, Shark in the Park by the British children’s writer Nick Sharatt, which Aleksandra read to the children every day, and they loved to repeat after her. Madina also liked to listen to her read the book and repeat after her. The classroom was a place for play, drawing, singing. This is where Madina probably drew the colorful hearts on the messages for Bulgarian citizens that Margarita and other volunteers distributed in Sofia on World Refugee Day in 2016.

      Aleksandra remembers Madina in a purple jacket that was big for her, too big for her, always unbuttoned. She was always running around in that jacket that was always unbuttoned. The photos at the beginning of the video about the organization of the camp in Sofia show Madina in such a jacket around the one minute mark, with a hood over her head and a big scarf around her neck, the way she was described in interviews: small, with wide-open eyes full of questions. Jovana, who occasionally came to Bogovađa, also remembers Madina in a cyclamen-colored coat and in general in those kinds of colors she wore. Jovana, however, also remembers that same coat, jacket covered Madina’s dead body when they returned it to her parents just like that, so cruelly, harshly. When Francesca saw Madina for the last time, at the camp in Belgrade where the family was getting ready for the game, Madina was wearing that pink jacket, like in that photo that you sometimes see on the Internet. I think it might be the last photo of her, Francesca concludes.

      Madina went on the game on November 21, 2017, with her mother and five siblings. An hour after they clandestinely crossed the border between Serbia and Croatia in the afternoon, they were intercepted by the police. Madina’s mother, as she stated in the complaint she sent to the ombudswoman through Doctors Without Borders, asked the Croatian police for asylum for herself and her underage children. However, they told her that they had to return to Serbia. They told them to come to Croatia again next month. The mother then started begging the policemen to let them at least spend the night in Croatia, because the children were exhausted, but they ignored her pleas. After some time, a police vehicle arrived and transported them to the border, to a place next to the railway line near Tovarnik, which at the time was already known as the place where the Croatian police bring people they pushed back to Serbia. The policemen then ordered them to go back to Serbia, to Šid by following the railway line. Shortly thereafter, the train that knocked Madina down came. The ambulance doctors who arrived at the railway station in Tovarnik, where the police brought Madina after the accident, could only declare Madina’s death at twenty-one hours and ten minutes. Madina’s body was kept in Croatia, while the family was deported to Serbia the same night. The body was subsequently sent to Serbia and handed over to the family. Madina was buried in Šid, where she still rests to this day.

      The responsibility for Madina’s death was investigated by the Ombudswoman, the State Attorney Office, at the Municipal Court in Vukovar, the County Court in Osijek, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia and, finally, at the European Court of Human Rights. However, justice for Madina has not been served to this day. Those responsible for her death have not been identified nor punished.

      Madina has become a symbol of harsh migrant routes going through Croatia and neighbouring countries, a symbol of border deaths, but also of resistance to policies that imply and produce such deaths. The first anniversary of Madina’s death was marked by the renaming of Republic of Croatia Square in Zagreb to Madina Hussiny Square. This action, as well as other counter-memorialization actions in the following years, was aimed at determining who is responsible for Madina’s death and for all those who were persecuted and died at the borders and in the name of borders. The renaming was used to demand, as stated in the leaflets, swift responsibility for the committed act, for the irretrievably lost life and the system that produces such deaths (cf. grief activism). The third anniversary of Madina’s death was commemorated by a giant graphic novel titled Madina by Ena Jurov, exhibited at the Square of the Victims of Fascism in Zagreb, and on the fourth anniversary, the Zagreb Sanctuary City Initiative submitted a request to the city authority and the Committee for Naming Neighborhoods, Streets and Squares of the Zagreb City Assembly to have the name Madina Hussiny included in the pool of names from which public areas for the area of the City of Zagreb are named.

      https://e-erim.ief.hr/pojam/p-madina-hussiny-p?locale=en

      #toponymie #toponymie_migrante #commémoration

    • Violence at the Hungarian border

      This winter, as temperatures dropped to 20 below zero, the level of violence at Hungary’s border with Serbia increased sharply, with many describing acts that can be only seen as torture. People of all ages, some as young as 13, were beaten, stripped naked and ordered to lie face-down in the mud, snow or water for as long as an hour. Their clothing was taken or destroyed. Water poured down their necks. Eyes pepper sprayed. Batons struck against genitals. Forced selfies with laughing officers. All this performed by people in “dark blue uniforms” – official Hungarian border police.

      Over the past two years, the Hungarian government has been running a “xenophobic scapegoating campaign" against migration, according to the Helsinki Committee. A 175 kilometer long fence has been setup along the Serbian-Hungarian border, while parallel efforts have been made to prevent the possibility of getting asylum through legal paths.

      Meanwhile in Serbia, the number of refugees significantly exceeds the country’s accommodation capacity and is still growing. During one of the harshest winters in years, up to 2000 people have had no alternative but to sleep rough outdoors – on the streets of Belgrade or in the forests of the north. Without a safe place to stay in Serbia and no legal way to travel backwards, they’ve been stuck in limbo.

      For most of them, attempting irregular crossings has become the only option. Nearly all of those who tried encountered systematic brutality and humiliation regardless of their gender, age or nationality.

      Numerous cases of beatings, dog bites and other abuses at the hands of Hungarian border police have been reported by human rights organisations and activists during the past year. From January 2016 to February 2017, Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) treated over a hundred people in Belgrade alone with intentional injuries allegedly perpetrated by the Hungarian border patrols.

      Although the Hungarian authorities deny all the accusations, the enormous scale and clear pattern of violence leave no doubt: these are not just rare and isolated acts of brutality.

      The stories in this video were collected during January and February 2017. During these 2 months we’ve interviewed more than 20 victims of abuse following human rights reporting guidelines. Informally, we’ve talked with many more.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nYxb2rtAohQ


      #vidéo

  • #Border_deaths

    The Deaths at the Borders Database is the first collection of official, state-produced evidence on people who died while attempting to reach southern EU countries from the Balkans, the Middle East, and North & West Africa, and whose bodies were found in or brought to Europe.
    Each of the dots in the chart below corresponds to one dead migrant documented by local authorities in Italy, Malta, Spain, Gibraltar and Greece, from 1/1/1990 to 31/12/2013.


    http://www.borderdeaths.org

    #mourir_en_mer #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #Méditerranée #morts #statistiques #asile #réfugiés #chiffres #migration #infographie #chiffres #database #mourir_sur_la_route_des_balkans #base_de_données
    cc @reka

    • L’animation est très intéressante :
      http://www.borderdeaths.org

      Il y a des documents sur la collecte des données :
      http://www.borderdeaths.org/?page_id=7
      Ici les lieux de la collecte :

      Et des documents montrant les résultats préliminaires :
      http://www.borderdeaths.org/?page_id=293

      Et un graphique qui montre la différence entre les principales bases de données (comparaison avec UNITED et Fortress Europe) :

    • Je pense qu’ils ont fait très bien leur travail (je connais 2 personnes faisant partie de l’équipe, et je leur fais pleine confiance). Par contre, ils ont décidé, de ce que j’ai compris, uniquement des données dans des registres officiels de personnes décédées disponibles dans les communautés locales (municipalités, régions ?). Il y a peut-être là beaucoup de corps qui passent entre les gouttes.
      En tout cas, @reka, on peut une fois écrire à mes contacts dans ce projet, pour en savoir plus.
      Une différence entre la longue liste pdf de UNITED et la leur c’est que UNITED compte aussi les migrants morts à l’intérieur de la forteresse Europe (soit dans les centres de détention, par exemple). Mais ceci, effectivement, ne peut pas expliquer la différence...

      Il faudra une fois se pencher sur ce qui a déjà été publié sur ce site pour voir la méthodologie et les résultats et le cas échéant entrer en contact avec eux pour en savoir plus.

      En tout cas, je le répète, les personnes qui ont fait ces recherches sont vraiment de confiance pour moi.

    • je lis cette initiative de la manière suivante :
      1) les institutions d’État (ou de l’Europe) n’ont pas de système de reporting sur les morts aux frontières, question pourtant d’une importance très élevée même à leurs yeux ;
      2) Dans l’hypothèse où elles se doteraient d’un tel système, leurs données (qu’on aide à établir) mentiraient par omission, au minimum pour des tas de raisons méthodologiques ;
      3) On essaie quand même pour évaluer ce que l’appareil d’État est capable de produire ;
      4) C’est pas glorieux.

    • Counting the Human Cost of Border Control, Pieter Boeles, 2014

      An impressive and moving short documentary about a search for traces of the fate of boat refugees in public registers. Nobody knows how many African boat refugees drowned during their attempt to reach Europe. A team of researchers from VU University Amsterdam investigated the death certificates in all the civil registries along the Mediterranean coast in order to trace the anonymous deceased and bring them back to public memory in a comprehensive data-base. In the documentary, two researchers are followed during their first visit to Malta. They realize that their project is about human dignity.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DxQr3gQGQQs