Après ce recensement exhaustif, qui m’a épuisé, quelques nouvelles de :
– Mumia Abu-Jamal ▻https://www.humanite.fr/mumia-abu-jamal-laisse-sans-soins-face-au-covid-700791
– Jalil Muntaqim ▻http://amsterdamnews.com/news/2020/oct/08/jalil-muntaqim-home
– 16 Black Panthers ▻https://www.colorlines.com/articles/16-black-panthers-still-behind-bars (un peu vieux)
– Leonard Peltier ▻https://hightimes.com/high-times-greats/john-trudell
– Reality Winner ▻https://theweek.com/articles/966108/end-war-whistleblowers
(Je ne trouve pas de liste qui soit un peu complète et à jour… help !)
Tout le temps et l’énergie de #MOVE sont consacrés à ces activités et au combat pour libérer Mumia Abu-Jamal. MOVE travaille également maintenant avec les autres collectifs de soutien aux prisonniers politiques américains entre autre ceux de Leonard Peltier, Linda Evans, Mutulu Shakur, Geronimo Ji Jaga, Marilyn Buck, Sundiata Acoli, pour n’en citer que quelques uns.
Cette liste date de 1988
Native Americans: Eddie Hatcher, Leonard Peltier, Standing Deer
New Afrikans/Blacks: Mumia Abu-Jamal, Sundiata Acoli, Consuewella Dotson Africa, William Phillips Africa, Herman Bell, Hanif Shabazz Bey, Mark Cook, Herman Ferguson, Bashir Hameed, Abdul Haqq, Richard Mafundi Lake, Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa, Maliki Shakur Latine, Abdul Majid, Jalil Abdul Muntaquin, Sekou Mgobogi Abdullah Odinga, Hugo A. «Dahariki» Pinell, Geronimo ji Jaga Pratt, Mutulu Shakur, Gary Tyler, Sababu Na Uhuru, Albert «Nuh» Washington
Puerto Ricans: Antonio Camacho-Negron, Luis Colon Osorio, Edwin Cortés, Elizam Escobar, Ricardo Jiménez, Oscar López-Rivera, Adolfo Matos, Dylcia Pagán, Alberto Rodríguez, Ida Luz Rodríguez, Luis Rosa, Juan E. Segarra-Palmer, Alejandrina Torres, Carlos Alberto Torres, Carmen Valentín
Euro-Americans: Tim Blunk, Kathy Boudin, Marilyn Buck, Judy Clark, Mark Davis, Bill Dunne, Linda Evans, Larry Giddings, David Gilbert, Jaan Karl Laaman, Raymond Luc Levasseur, Carol Manning, Tom Manning, Ed Mead, Margaret «Peg» Millet, Richard Picariello, Susan Rosenberg, Laura Whitehorn, Richard Williams
Italian national: Silvia Baraldini
Japanese national: Yu Kikumura
Reality Winner est sortie… pour bonne conduite. Mais elle n’a pas le droit de parler.
Rendre justice aux Noirs de Philadelphie @la_vie_des_idees
L’ouvrage de W.E.B. Du Bois, publié en 1899 et sciemment négligé aux USA par une tradition sociologique structurée dans des institutions racistes, est enfin reconnu à sa juste valeur : une monographie considérable aux enjeux politiques cruciaux et très actuels. L’historien Nicolas Martin-Breteau a assuré la traduction et la présentation du livre.
Vous connaissez l’Histoire de #MOVE, ou comment une lutte antiraciste initialement pacifiste a fini bombardée par la police à #Philadelphie, le 13 mai 1985, tuant 11 personnes dont 5 enfants et laissant volontairement bruler tout un bloc de quartier ? Non ? Moi non plus, je l’ai découverte il y a peu grâce à ce fil twitter de @hegurgurk : ►https://twitter.com/hegurgurk/status/1266521204099186688
Voyons maintenant ce que disent les personnes ulcérées de la chanson commémorative de Camelia Jordana, reprenant les paroles des #Black_Panters, "Revolution has come, time to pick up the gun" : devant le même type de communication, mais venant d’un groupe de Blancs, prêts à tout pour défendre ses membres, dans un pays où les armes sont un droit constitutionnel :
(reprise d’un fil twitter initialement publié ici : ►https://twitter.com/ValKphotos/status/1268165470601052161 et auquel @colporteur m’a fait penser là ▻https://seenthis.net/messages/737030#message858280 avec la complicité involontaire de @sinehebdo ...)
Sur le fil oiseau bleu, tu as cité ce qui suit
I want you to look at this picture of a Philadelphia neighborhood after the police dropped a bomb on it in 1985, and ask me again if I give a fuck about the 3rd precinct.
Han il est pas passé ? Bah pourtant je l’avais mis... Je le rajoute, merci @colporteur !
// edit : si le tweet y est, mais tu as bien fait de le mettre au complet.
Jamie ajoute :
It’s not my place to be angry, since I’m white I’ve never truly faced an injustice from this system. I’m just upset that others feel like because it doesn’t happen to them it doesn’t happen at all.
Incroyable, merci, non, je ne connaissais pas, il y a tellement de pages sombres de l’histoire de ce pays, ça fait peur... Il n’y a pas si longtemps j’avais découvert l’histoire de #Tulsa par une chanson, mais aussi de Elaine et de Thibodaux, mais pas de chanson sur #Move à ma connaissance ?!
Je continue à en apprendre... deux des neuf sont morts en prison, un homme et une femme, jeunes, dans des conditions bizarres. Parmi les sept autres, Debbie et Mike Africa ont été libérés après 40 ans de prison. Ils ont alors rencontré leur enfant, Mike Jr., né en prison, pour la première fois. Et quelques mois plus tard, ils se sont mariés. L’histoire racontée en français et en 20 minutes ici :
#Mike_Africa_Jr. est un rappeur. On l’a vu récemment aux manifestations pour George Floyd. Et il n’a pas la langue dans sa poche : Time To Rise
Merci à toi, ça m’a inspiré une chronique :
ELO#410 - MOVE
Dror, Entre Les Oreilles, le 17 juin 2020
Nouvel album de Keb’ Mo’ - Oklahoma (2019), avec plusieurs chansons politisées
A propos de l’histoire méconnue de l’émeute raciste de Tulsa, Oklahoma, la destruction le 1er juin 1921 du quartier noir le plus florissant des Etats-Unis (sur Greenwood Avenue, entre Archer et Pine, le « Black Wall Street »), un danger et un affront pour les blancs aux alentours qui n’ont pas fait de quartier : 300 Noirs furent massacrés, 800 blessés, 10.000 sans abris, plus de 40 bâtiments détruits, et des milliers endommagés... Voir par exemple ici :
Le massacre de BLACK WALL STREET
B. World Connection,
Keb’ Mo’ - Oklahoma
Joe Biden à Tulsa, théâtre d’un massacre raciste longtemps oublié
Gilles Paris, Le Monde, le 1 juin 2021
lien propre :
RusBITech initially developed the OS for use in the Russian private market, but the company also expanded into the local government sector, where it became very popular with military contractors.
A few years back, the OS received certifications to handle Russian government information labeled as “secret” and “top secret” —two data secrecy levels situated underneath “special importance” according to Russian law.
Since then, Astra Linux has slowly made its way into government agencies and is currently in use at the Russian National Center for Defence Control, among various other government and military agencies.
Already used by the Russian military
In January 2018, the Russian Ministry of Defence announced plans to transfer military systems from the Windows OS to Astra Linux, citing fears that Microsoft’s closed-source approach might hide Windows backdoors that can be abused by US intelligence to spy on Russian government operations.
Since then, RusBITech has been going through the Russian government’s certification process to get a “special importance” classification for Astra Linux — which it did, on April 17, according to two local media reports.
In addition to the FSTEC certification, Astra Linux also received certificates of conformity from the FSB, Russia’s top intelligence agency, and the Ministry of Defense, opening the door for full adoption by Russia’s top military and intelligence agencies.
The certification was granted for Astra Linux Special Edition version 1.6, also known as the Smolensk release, per local reports. This is a commercial (paid) release.
The news comes after earlier this week it was reported that the Chinese military was taking similar steps to replace the Windows OS on military systems amid fears of US hacking. The Chinese military didn’t go for a Linux distro but instead alluded to plans of developing a custom OS instead.
#Niger, part 3 : Guns won’t win the war
After an ambush killed four US special forces and five local soldiers in #Tongo_Tongo, a village in the northern part of the #Tillabéri region close to Niger’s border with Mali, Boubacar Diallo’s phone rang constantly.
That was back in October 2017. Journalists from around the world were suddenly hunting for information on Aboubacar ‘petit’ Chapori, a lieutenant of #Islamic_State_in_the_Greater_Sahara, or #ISGS – the jihadist group that claimed the attack.
Diallo, an activist who had been representing Fulani herders in peace negotiations with Tuareg rivals, had met Chapori years earlier. He was surprised by his rapid – and violent – ascent.
But he was also concerned. While it was good that the brewing crisis in the remote Niger-Mali borderlands was receiving some belated attention, Diallo worried that the narrow focus on the jihadist threat – on presumed ISGS leaders Chapori, Dondou Cheffou, and Adnan Abou Walid Al Sahrawi – risked obscuring the real picture.
Those concerns only grew later in 2017 when the G5 Sahel joint force was launched – the biggest military initiative to tackle jihadist violence in the region, building on France’s existing Operation Barkhane.
Diallo argues that the military push by France and others is misconceived and “fanning the flames of conflict”. And he says the refusal to hold talks with powerful Tuareg militants in #Mali such as Iyad Ag Ghaly – leader of al-Qaeda-linked JNIM, or the Group for the support of Islam and Muslims – is bad news for the future of the region.
Dialogue and development
Niger Defence Minister Kalla Moutari dismissed criticism over the G5 Sahel joint force, speaking from his office in Niamey, in a street protected by police checkpoints and tyre killer barriers.
More than $470 million has been pledged by global donors to the project, which was sponsored by France with the idea of coordinating the military efforts of Mauritania, Mali, #Burkina_Faso, Niger, and Chad to fight insurgencies in these countries.
“It’s an enormous task to make armies collaborate, but we’re already conducting proximity patrols in border areas, out of the spotlight, and this works,” he said.
According to Moutari, however, development opportunities are also paramount if a solution to the conflict is to be found.
"Five years from now, the whole situation in the Sahel could explode.”
He recalled a meeting in the Mauritanian capital, Nouakchott, in early December 2018, during which donors pledged $2.7 billion for programmes in the Sahel. “We won’t win the war with guns, but by triggering dynamics of development in these areas,” the minister said.
A European security advisor, who preferred not to be identified, was far more pessimistic as he sat in one of the many Lebanese cafés in the Plateau, the central Niamey district where Western diplomats cross paths with humanitarian workers and the city’s upper-class youth.
The advisor, who had trained soldiers in Mali and Burkina Faso, said that too much emphasis remained on a military solution that he believed could not succeed.
“In Niger, when new attacks happen at one border, they are suddenly labelled as jihadists and a military operation is launched; then another front opens right after… but we can’t militarise all borders,” the advisor said. If the approach doesn’t change, he warned, “in five years from now, the whole situation in the Sahel could explode.”https://assets.irinnews.org/s3fs-public/styles/responsive_large/public/_baf1345_1920.jpg?cVPN7YoXH2AXpCvW9AEGTCd3c6R1jh.r&itok=_e1MKL5x#.jpg
Tensions over land
In his home in east Niamey, Diallo came to a similar conclusion: labelling all these groups “jihadists” and targeting them militarily will only create further problems.
To explain why, he related the long history of conflict between Tuaregs and Fulanis over grazing lands in north Tillabéri.
The origins of the conflict, he said, date back to the 1970s, when Fulani cattle herders from Niger settled in the region of Gao, in Mali, in search of greener pastures. Tensions over access to land and wells escalated with the first Tuareg rebellions that hit both Mali and Niger in the early 1990s and led to an increased supply of weapons to Tuareg groups.
While peace agreements were struck in both countries, Diallo recalled that 55 Fulani were killed by armed Tuareg men in one incident in Gao in 1997.
After the massacre, some Fulani herders escaped back to Niger and created the North Tillabéri Self-Defence Militia, sparking a cycle of retaliation. More than 100 people were killed in fighting before reconciliation was finally agreed upon in 2011. The Nigerien Fulani militia dissolved and handed its arms to the Nigerien state.
“But despite promises, our government abandoned these ex-fighters in the bush with nothing to do,” Diallo said. “In the meantime, a new Tuareg rebellion started in Mali in 2012.”
The Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (known as MUJAO, or MOJWA in English), created by Arab leaders in Mali in 2011, exploited the situation to recruit among Fulanis, who were afraid of violence by Tuareg militias. ISGS split from MUJAO in 2015, pledging obedience to ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.
Diallo believes dialogue is the only way out of today’s situation, which is deeply rooted in these old intercommunal rivalries. “I once met those Fulani fighters who are the manpower of MUJAO and now of ISGS, and they didn’t consider themselves as jihadists,” he said. “They just want to have money and weapons to defend themselves.”
He said the French forces use Tuareg militias, such as GATIA (the Imghad Tuareg Self-Defence Group and Allies) and the MSA (Movement for the Salvation of Azawad), to patrol borderlands between Mali and Niger. Fulani civilians were killed during some of these patrols in Niger in mid-2018, further exacerbating tensions.
According to a UN report, these militias were excluded from an end of the year operation by French forces in Niger, following government requests.https://assets.irinnews.org/s3fs-public/styles/responsive_large/public/_baf3551_1080.jpg?3iLw9NNiyLu.YLUAd0rKSzyOkTT9C8Fm&itok=2Clig_tF#.jpg
‘An opportunistic terrorism’
If some kind of reconciliation is the only way out of the conflict in Tillabéri and the neighbouring Nigerien region of Tahoua, Mahamadou Abou Tarka is likely to be at the heart of the Niger government’s efforts.
The Tuareg general leads the High Authority for the Consolidation of Peace, a government agency launched following the successive Tuareg rebellions, to ensure peace deals are respected.
“In north Tillabéri, jihadists hijacked Fulani’s grievances,” Abou Tarka, who reports directly to the president, said in his office in central Niamey. “It’s an opportunistic terrorism, and we need to find proper answers.”
The Authority – whose main financial contributor is the European Union, followed by France, Switzerland, and Denmark – has launched projects to support some of the communities suffering from violence near the Malian border. “Water points, nurseries, and state services helped us establish a dialogue with local chiefs,” the general explained.
“Fighters with jihadist groups are ready to give up their arms if incursions by Tuareg militias stop, emergency state measures are retired, and some of their colleagues released from prison.”
Abou Tarka hailed the return to Niger from Mali of 200 Fulani fighters recruited by ISGS in autumn 2018 as the Authority’s biggest success to date. He said increased patrolling on the Malian side of the border by French forces and the Tuareg militias - Gatia and MSA - had put pressure on the Islamist fighters to return home and defect.
The general said he doesn’t want to replicate the programme for former Boko Haram fighters from the separate insurgency that has long spread across Niger’s southern border with Nigeria – 230 of them are still in a rehabilitation centre in the Diffa region more than two years after the first defected.
“In Tillabéri, I want things to be faster, so that ex-fighters reintegrate in the local community,” he said.
Because these jihadist fighters didn’t attack civilians in Niger – only security forces – it makes the process easier than for ex-Boko Haram, who are often rejected by their own communities, the general said. The Fulani ex-fighters are often sent back to their villages, which are governed by local chiefs in regular contact with the Authority, he added.
A member of the Nigerien security forces who was not authorised to speak publicly and requested anonymity said that since November 2018 some of these Fulani defectors have been assisting Nigerien security forces with border patrols.
However, Amadou Moussa, another Fulani activist, dismissed Abou Tarka’s claims that hundreds of fighters had defected. Peace terms put forward by Fulani militants in northern Tillabéri hadn’t even been considered by the government, he said.
“Fighters with jihadist groups are ready to give up their arms if incursions by Tuareg militias stop, emergency state measures are retired, and some of their colleagues released from prison,” Moussa said. The government, he added, has shown no real will to negotiate.
Meanwhile, the unrest continues to spread, with the French embassy releasing new warnings for travellers in the border areas near Burkina Faso, where the first movements of Burkinabe refugees and displaced people were registered in March.
#foulani #ISIS #Etat_islamique #EI #Tuareg #terrorisme #anti-terrorisme #terres #conflit #armes #armement #North_Tillabéri_Self-Defence_Militia #MUJAO #MOJWA #Movement_for_Oneness_and_Jihad_in_West_Africa #Mauritanie #Tchad
How to Move Code into a #docker Container
Docker provides two good options for moving your code into an image or container: bind mounts and the Dockerfile COPY instruction. In this post, I’ll explain why images should always use the COPY instruction in production, and why it may be more convenient to use bind mounts in development.Dockerfile COPY InstructionThe COPY instruction in a Dockerfile is used to copy files or directories from the host machine filesystem into an image. For example, the following Dockerfile sets up a NodeJS application for running in production mode.# DockerfileFROM node:carbonWORKDIR /appENV NODE_ENV=production# Install dependencies first to take advantage of Docker layer caching. COPY package.json yarn.lock ./RUN yarn install —frozen-lockfile —no-cache —production# Copy the application files (...)
Surprenante, Camélia Jordana publie une chanson contre la violence policière, en anglais, Freddie Gray. Le clip inclut aussi des références à Adama Traoré, Trayvon Martin, et d’autres :
On y croise les pancartes :
ADAMA TRAORÉ 07.19.2016
MICHAEL BROWN 08.9.2014
MOHAMED BOUKROUROU 11.12.2009
TRAYVON MARTIN 02.26.2012
ZYED (BENNA) ET BOUNA (TRAORÉ) 10.27.2005
FREDDIE GRAY 04.12.2015
all day long we will sin and cry
we gonna walk downtown again
freddie gray’s soul is lingering on
people are running in maryland
my head is down coz I’m so affraid
but we won’t have to make a low profile there
today my heart is black as my skin
I’ll be proud of it forever
on baltimore bay our eyes are closed
there’s a soul and we pray it
fellas, the lazy night is coming to us
we’ll be heard or shot
they won’t have the choice
clouds are getting lower this time,
don’t worry about our sacred blood
revolution has come
time to pick up the gun
all day long we will sin and cry
we gonna walk downtown again
freddie gray’s soul is lingering on
people are running in maryland
my head is down coz I’m so affraid
but we won’t have to make a low profile there
« Revolution has come, time to pick up the gun »
J’ajoute au passage la superbe version qu’elle avait faite à l’occasion de la sortie du livre « Le combat Adama » d’Assa Traoré et Geoffroy de Lagasnerie, en avril 2019 :
Il semble que Camille Jordana sera à la tévé lors de la fête de la musique, ça intéresse les identitaires
[Anim] One day in the life of San Francisco Bay | Max Galka
Cartographie animée de 24h de mouvements de navire dans la Baie de San Francisco, rapportée par The Guardian
This blog has moved
As of September 2018, I am moving Probably Overthinking It to a new location . Blogger has been an excellent host; so far, this blog has ... Article word count: 265
As of September 2018, I am moving Probably Overthinking It to a new location. Blogger has been an excellent host; so far, this blog has received more than two million page views. But earlier this month, when I published a new article, Blogger prompted me to post it on Google+, and I did. A few hours later I discovered that my Google+ account had been suspended for violating terms of (...)
In Historic Move, Harvard Teaching and Research Assistants Vote to Unionize
This New York Activist Wants To Replace A Statue Of Columbus With Toussaint L’Ouverture | HuffPost
In 2013, when Glenn Cantave was an undergrad student studying abroad in Bolivia, he did as many tourists do in the country and visited the colossal statue of Cristo de la Concordia, one of the largest depictions of Jesus in the world.
For many Bolivians, the statue is a site of national pride. The 133-foot figure towers over visitors clamoring to take his photo, his arms outstretched as if offering a giant hug. But for Cantave, something about it felt wrong. “I have nothing bad to say about Jesus as a guy,” he told HuffPost. “But Bolivia has one of the largest indigenous cultures in South America and the religion of Christianity was imposed on its people. This image of a white man looking down on everyone was very problematic.”
Movers and Shakers is a coalition that executes direct action and advocacy campaigns for marginalized communities using virtual reality, augmented reality and the creative arts.
We live in a society whose foundation is based on a system where profit takes precedence over humanity. The residual effects of our country’s barbaric origins remain today. In 2017, millions of people face obstacles that impede their general safety, economic independence, social mobility, and equal protection under the law.
Our current sociopolitical climate is emphasizes division. On one side, there are large groups and institutions that feel threatened by the country’s shift towards a non-Eurocentric multiculturalism as the new norm. At the same time, multicultural groups are feeling threatened by the other side’s efforts to silence their voice and deny their history.
Our coalition is acknowledges the importance of focusing on the intersectionality of issues. Our vision is to accelerate the humanization of all marginalized people regardless of race, color, religion, gender, physical or mental disability, or age.
It is the goal of Movers and Shakers to merge traditional activism, powerful creative art and emerging technologies to educate the masses on institutional issues that affect marginalized communities. We want to rewrite antiquated Eurocentric narratives that deny our history, suffering and perpetuate our struggle.
#Movement data in GIS 10: open tools for #AIS tracks from MarineCadastre.gov
MarineCadastre.gov is a great source for AIS data along the US coast.
One of the advantages of creating trajectory lines is that they render many times faster than the original points.
With the trajectories ready, we can go ahead and start exploring the dataset. For example, we can visualize trajectory speed and/or create animations:
We can also perform trajectory analysis, such as trajectory generalization:
In this post, we use TimeManager to visualize the position of a moving object over #time along a #trajectory. This is another example of what is possible thanks to QGIS’ geometry generator feature. The result can look like this:
Earth Overshoot Day Explained
This video explains our Ecological Footprint and Earth Overshoot Day with a particular focus on the #movethedate campaign to move back the day of ecological overshoot.
Movement data in GIS part 3: visualizing massive trajectory datasets | Free and Open Source GIS Ramblings
While visualizing individual trajectories is important, the real challenge is trying to visualize massive trajectory datasets in a way that enables further analysis.
1) Extracting characteristic points from the trajectories
2) Grouping the extracted points by spatial proximity
3) Computing group centroids and corresponding Voronoi cells
4) Deviding trajectories into segments according to the Voronoi cells
Counting transitions from one cell to another
Movement data in GIS extra : trajectory generalization code and sample data
Today’s post is a follow-up of #Movement data in GIS 3: visualizing massive trajectory datasets. In that post, I summarized a concept for #trajectory #generalization. Now, I have published the scripts and sample data in my QGIS-Processing-tools repository on Github.
Breaking News: Serbia starts deportations to Bulgaria
Two days ago, Bulgaria was warned by Serbian officials to tighten up the border who, by the same time, announced deportations back to Bulgaria. By the same times, the new rules seem now to implemented in Dimitrovgrad and Preševo. On the 19th of February, Serbia has stopped issuing transit documents for migrants. Since now, the new biometric document is only issued and handed out at the Greek-Macedonian border in Gevgelija, where one needs a passport or a similar identification document for that procedure. Two days later, the “#Movebus” from the “Moving-Europe” project announced that, people from #Afghanistan were “not allowed to enter the offical corridor at the Greek-Macedonian (FYROM) border.”
Too often in Italy the arrival of migrants and refugees is perceived as “the” invasion “of a blurred crowd. Statements such as “let’s help them in their country” or its more xenophobic variant “They have to remain in their homeland” or even “we welcome refugees but illegal immigrants must be rejected” are often the legacy of politicians and stereotypes. This report, based on the stories and testimonies of hundreds of forced migrants from West Africa and the Horn of Africa, is an effort to provide data and information to foster better understanding this complex phenomenon, beyond dangerous and misleading simplifications.
Move or die. Migratory Routes from Sub-Saharan Countries to Europe summarises the information and testimonies collected by Medici per i Diritti Umani (Doctors for Human Rights) – #MEDU during the first 6 months of activities of the project “ON TO: Stopping the torture of refugees from Sub-Saharan countries along the migratory route to Northern Africa” in the Special Reception Centres for asylum seekers in Ragusa Province and in the Reception Centre for Asylum Seekers of Mineo, in Catania Province. Moreover, it reports the data and evidence gathered in 11 months of activities in informal settlements in Rome: squats, shanty towns, railway stations.
This report focuses in particular on the knowledge gained about migration routes, smuggling and trafficking on the way to Northern Africa and on the kind of violence and tortures migrants suffer during this long journey. The testimonies collected inside the reception centres in Sicily confirm that the business of migration across the Sahara Desert, Libya and the Mediterranean Sea appears to be increasingly a multiform network run by a combination of highly organized smugglers and non professional individuals or groups acting alone. The report also provides an overview of the psychological and physical consequences of the #trauma experienced by migrants in their country of origin or en-route.
According to the testimonies collected in Sicily and in Rome, the most common forms of torture and cruel and inhuman treatment were: beatings and other forms of blunt trauma; deprivation of water and food; beatings of the feet (Falaka); suspension and stress positions (handcuffing, standing up for long periods etc); threats of harm and death to migrants or their families; sexual or religious offences and other forms of degrading treatment; deprivation of medical treatment when needed; bearing witness to torture and cruel treatment. The violence occurred particularly in Libya.
From the analysis of individual stories it’s clear that the traditional dichotomy between refugees and economic migrants proves to be more an abstract concept than a tool able to adequately understand such a complex reality. It’s undeniable for example that asylum seekers from West Africa may migrate in search of a better life but at the same time a large part of them –the same as many Eritreans who are escaping a brutal dictatorship – are escaping from a multitude of unbearable circumstances which pose a threat to their lives. Regardless of country of origin, many of them must therefore undoubtedly be considered as forced migrants.
The reception systems in Italy and Europe need to take into account the many vulnerabilities of asylum seekers who experienced this journey, as these factors remain upon their arrival.
Lien vers le rapport :