Les Danois veulent loger les demandeurs d’asile déboutés sur une #île_déserte
Sans vouloir faire de Point Godwin, cette métaliste me fait penser aux différents projets envisagés pour relocaliser les #Juifs du monde, dont l’île de #Madagascar (avant bien sûr de finir par « choisir » la Palestine)...
Le Mécanisme pour le Myanmar toque à la porte de Naypyidaw
Le nouvel organe de collecte de preuves des Nations unies sur les crimes internationaux au Myanmar, lancé il y a un an, a annoncé qu’il a commencé à partager des informations dans l’affaire du génocide des Rohingyas devant la Cour internationale de justice, y compris avec le gouvernement du Myanmar, dans l’espoir d’ouvrir une nouvelle porte.
En l’absence de justice, le Mécanisme d’enquête indépendant pour le Myanmar (IIMM ou Mécanisme pour le Myanmar) a été mis en place pour recueillir et conserver des preuves en vue d’éventuels procès internationaux ou nationaux. Cependant, la Gambie, petit État d’Afrique de l’Ouest qui sort lui-même d’une dictature marquée par des violations des droits humains, a posé un acte historique en saisissant la Cour internationale de justice (CIJ) d’une plainte contre le (...)
The #Rohingya. A humanitarian emergency decades in the making
The violent 2017 ouster of more than 700,000 Rohingya from Myanmar into Bangladesh captured the international spotlight, but the humanitarian crisis had been building for decades.
In August 2017, Myanmar’s military launched a crackdown that pushed out hundreds of thousands of members of the minority Rohingya community from their homes in northern Rakhine State. Today, roughly 900,000 Rohingya live across the border in southern Bangladesh, in cramped refugee camps where basic needs often overwhelm stretched resources.
The crisis has shifted from a short-term response to a protracted emergency. Conditions in the camps have worsened as humanitarian services are scaled back during the coronavirus pandemic. Government restrictions on refugees and aid groups have grown, along with grievances among local communities on the margins of a massive aid operation.
The 2017 exodus was the culmination of decades of restrictive policies in Myanmar, which have stripped Rohingya of their rights over generations, denied them an identity, and driven them from their homes.
Here’s an overview of the current crisis and a timeline of what led to it. A selection of our recent and archival reporting on the Rohingya crisis is available below.
Who are the Rohingya?
The Rohingya are a mostly Muslim minority in western Myanmar’s Rakhine State. Rohingya say they are native to the area, but in Myanmar they are largely viewed as illegal immigrants from neighbouring Bangladesh.
Myanmar’s government does not consider the Rohingya one of the country’s 135 officially recognised ethnic groups. Over decades, government policies have stripped Rohingya of citizenship and enforced an apartheid-like system where they are isolated and marginalised.
How did the current crisis unfold?
In October 2016, a group of Rohingya fighters calling itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, or ARSA, staged attacks on border posts in northern Rakhine State, killing nine border officers and four soldiers. Myanmar’s military launched a crackdown, and 87,000 Rohingya civilians fled to Bangladesh over the next year.
A month earlier, Myanmar’s de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, had set up an advisory commission chaired by former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan to recommend a path forward in Rakhine and ease tensions between the Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine communities.
On 24 August 2017, the commission issued its final report, which included recommendations to improve development in the region and tackle questions of citizenship for the Rohingya. Within hours, ARSA fighters again attacked border security posts.
Myanmar’s military swept through the townships of northern Rakhine, razing villages and driving away civilians. Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fled to Bangladesh in the ensuing weeks. They brought with them stories of burnt villages, rape, and killings at the hands of Myanmar’s military and groups of ethnic Rakhine neighbours. The refugee settlements of southern Bangladesh now have a population of roughly 900,000 people, including previous generations of refugees.
What has the international community said?
Multiple UN officials, rights investigators, and aid groups working in the refugee camps say there is evidence of brutal levels of violence against the Rohingya and the scorched-earth clearance of their villages in northern Rakhine State.
A UN-mandated fact-finding mission on Myanmar says abuses and rights violations in Rakhine “undoubtedly amount to the gravest crimes under international law”; the rights probe is calling for Myanmar’s top generals to be investigated and prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes.
The UN’s top rights official has called the military purge a “textbook case of ethnic cleansing”. Médecins Sans Frontières estimates at least 6,700 Rohingya were killed in the days after military operations began in August 2017.
Rights groups say there’s evidence that Myanmar security forces were preparing to strike weeks and months before the August 2017 attacks. The evidence included disarming Rohingya civilians, arming non-Rohingya, and increasing troop levels in the area.
What has Myanmar said?
Myanmar has denied almost all allegations of violence against the Rohingya. It says the August 2017 military crackdown was a direct response to the attacks by ARSA militants.
Myanmar’s security forces admitted to the September 2017 killings of 10 Rohingya men in Inn Din village – a massacre exposed by a media investigation. Two Reuters journalists were arrested while researching the story. In September 2018, the reporters were convicted of breaking a state secrets law and sentenced to seven years in prison. They were released in May 2019, after more than a year behind bars.
Myanmar continues to block international investigators from probing rights violations on its soil. This includes barring entry to the UN-mandated fact-finding mission and the UN’s special rapporteurs for the country.
What is the situation in Bangladesh’s refugee camps?
The swollen refugee camps of southern Bangladesh now have the population of a large city but little of the basic infrastructure.
The dimensions of the response have changed as the months and years pass: medical operations focused on saving lives in 2017 must now also think of everyday illnesses and healthcare needs; a generation of young Rohingya have spent another year without formal schooling or ways to earn a living; women (and men) reported sexual violence at the hands of Myanmar’s military, but today the violence happens within the cramped confines of the camps.
The coronavirus has magnified the problems and aid shortfalls in 2020. The government limited all but essential services and restricted aid access to the camps. Humanitarian groups say visits to health centres have dropped by half – driven in part by fear and misunderstandings. Gender-based violence has risen, and already-minimal services for women and girls are now even more rare.
The majority of Rohingya refugees live in camps with population densities of less than 15 square metres per person – far below the minimum international guidelines for refugee camps (30 to 45 square metres per person). The risk of disease outbreaks is high in such crowded conditions, aid groups say.
Rohingya refugees live in fragile shelters in the middle of floodplains and on landslide-prone hillsides. Aid groups say seasonal monsoon floods threaten large parts of the camps, which are also poorly prepared for powerful cyclones that typically peak along coastal Bangladesh in May and October.
The funding request for the Rohingya response – totalling more than $1 billion in 2020 – represents one of the largest humanitarian appeals for a crisis this year. Previous appeals have been underfunded, which aid groups said had a direct impact on the quality of services available.
What’s happening in Rakhine State?
The UN estimates that 470,000 non-displaced Rohingya still live in Rakhine State. Aid groups say they continue to have extremely limited access to northern Rakhine State – the flashpoint of 2017’s military purge. There are “alarming” rates of malnutrition among children in northern Rakhine, according to UN agencies.
Rohingya still living in northern Rakhine face heavy restrictions on working, going to school, and accessing healthcare. The UN says remaining Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine communities continue to live in fear of each other.
Additionally, some 125,000 Rohingya live in barricaded camps in central Rakhine State. The government created these camps following clashes between Rohingya and Rakhine communities in 2012. Rohingya there face severe restrictions and depend on aid groups for basic services.
A separate conflict between the military and the Arakan Army, an ethnic Rakhine armed group, has brought new displacement and civilian casualties. Clashes displaced tens of thousands of people in Rakhine and neighbouring Chin State by early 2020, and humanitarian access has again been severely restricted. In February 2020, Myanmar’s government re-imposed mobile internet blackouts in several townships in Rakhine and Chin states, later extending high-speed restrictions until the end of October. Rights groups say the blackout could risk lives and make it even harder for humanitarian aid to reach people trapped by conflict. Amnesty International has warned of a looming food insecurity crisis in Rakhine.
Rights groups have called on the UN Security Council to refer Myanmar to the International Criminal Court to investigate allegations of committing atrocity crimes. The UN body has not done so.
There are at least three parallel attempts, in three separate courts, to pursue accountability. ICC judges have authorised prosecutor Fatou Bensouda to begin an investigation into one aspect: the alleged deportation of the Rohingya, which is a crime against humanity under international law.
Separately, the West African nation of The Gambia filed a lawsuit at the International Court of Justice asking the UN’s highest court to hold Myanmar accountable for “state-sponsored genocide”. In an emergency injunction granted in January 2020, the court ordered Myanmar to “take all measures within its power” to protect the Rohingya.
And in a third legal challenge, a Rohingya rights group launched a case calling on courts in Argentina to prosecute military and civilian officials – including Aung San Suu Kyi – under the concept of universal jurisdiction, which pushes for domestic courts to investigate international crimes.
Bangladesh and Myanmar have pledged to begin the repatriation of Rohingya refugees, but three separate deadlines have come and gone with no movement. In June 2018, two UN agencies signed a controversial agreement with Myanmar – billed as a first step to participating in any eventual returns plan. The UN, rights groups, and refugees themselves say Rakhine State is not yet safe for Rohingya to return.
With no resolution in sight in Myanmar and bleak prospects in Bangladesh, a growing number of Rohingya women and children are using once-dormant smuggling routes to travel to countries like Malaysia.
A regional crisis erupted in 2020 as multiple countries shut their borders to Rohingya boats, citing the coronavirus, leaving hundreds of people stranded at sea for weeks. Dozens are believed to have died.
Bangladesh has raised the possibility of transferring 100,000 Rohingya refugees to an uninhabited, flood-prone island – a plan that rights groups say would effectively create an “island detention centre”. Most Rohingya refuse to go, but Bangladeshi authorities detained more than 300 people on the island in 2020 after they were rescued at sea.
The government has imposed growing restrictions on the Rohingya as the crisis continues. In recent months, authorities have enforced orders barring most Rohingya from leaving the camp areas, banned the sale of SIM cards and cut mobile internet, and tightened restrictions on NGOs. Local community tensions have also risen. Aid groups report a rise in anti-Rohingya hate speech and racism, as well as “rapidly deteriorating security dynamics”.
Local NGOs and civil society groups are pushing for a greater role in leading the response, warning that international donor funding will dwindle over the long term.
And rights groups say Rohingya refugees themselves have had little opportunity to participate in decisions that affect their futures – both in Bangladesh’s camps and when it comes to the possibility of returning to Myanmar.
#asile #migrations #réfugiés #Birmanie #Myanmar #chronologie #histoire #génocide #Bangladesh #réfugiés_rohingya #Rakhine #camps_de_réfugiés #timeline #time-line #Arakan_Rohingya_Salvation_Army (#ARSA) #nettoyage_ethnique #justice #Cour_internationale_de_Justice (#CIJ)
Virus refugees fleeing Myanmar for Thailand - Asia Times
CHIANG MAI – Thailand’s security forces on the Myanmar border are on high alert to prevent an influx of a new breed of migrants which if some reports are accurate may turn into a flood: health refugees fleeing a surge of Covid-19 infections.Thai authorities are reportedly on the lookout for a large but unspecified number of Myanmar people trying to cross the border. Rather than looking for work, as in the recent past, the new wave of Myanmar migrants are seeking to escape a seemingly uncontrolled outbreak of Covid-19 infections in their country.“They know Thailand has medical facilities where they could get help if they are infected or, if they are not, just seek shelter from what appears to be a wave of infections in Myanmar, a country with grossly inadequate health services for the general public,” said a source who has just returned from the border.
Malgré une décennie de lutte, l’#ONU constate que les violences sexuelles restent une #arme_de_guerre dans de nombreux conflits et qu’elles continuent d’augmenter sur toute la planète. L’ONU analyse dans son dernier rapport (https://news.un.org/fr/story/2020/07/1073341) les violations constatées dans 19 pays, principalement contre des jeunes #filles et des #femmes.
Les violences sexuelles augmentent dans la plupart des #conflits_armés. C’est ce qui ressort du dernier rapport de l’ONU sur les violences sexuelles liées aux conflits publié en juillet dernier.
Le rapport insiste sur le fait que ce type de violence a un impact direct sur les déplacements en masse de populations, la montée de l’extrémisme, des inégalités et des discriminations entre les hommes et les femmes. Par ailleurs, selon l’ONU, les violences sexuelles sont particulièrement répandues dans des contextes de détention, de captivité et de migration.
Fin 2019, plus de 79 millions de personnes se trouvaient déplacées dans le monde. Cela signifie que près d’un pourcent de la population mondiale a dû abandonner son domicile à cause d’un conflit ou de persécutiosn. L’an denier, le nombre de déplacés a augmenté, tout comme le niveau de violences sexuelles se produisant sur des sites accueillant des déplacés.
Ces violences ont notamment lieu quand des femmes et des filles mineures fuient des attaques. Ce 11ème rapport du Secrétaire général de l’ONU (en anglais) sur ce sujet se penche particulièrement sur les violences sexuelles utilisées comme tactiques de guerre ou comme une arme utilisée par les réseaux terroristes.
Il dresse la situation dans 19 pays, entre janvier et décembre 2019, et se base sur des cas documentés par les Nations unies.
En tout, 2 838 cas de violences sexuelles ont été rapportés dans ces 19 pays. Dans 110 cas, soit environ 4 % des cas, les victimes sont des hommes ou des garçons.
En 2019, la Mission d’assistance des Nations unies en Afghanistan (MANUA) a documenté 102 cas de violences sexuelles : 27 étaient liées au conflit qui oppose le pouvoir aux rebelles Talibans, touchant 7 femmes, 7 filles et 13 garçons.
Alors que la plupart des agressions sont attribuées aux Talibans, les forces de sécurité et des milices pro-gouvernementales ont également été impliquées.https://scd.infomigrants.net/media/resize/my_image_big/3ec20cd10e67fc0b925f342320d40dc7e6914c20.jpeg
La Mission des Nations unies en Centrafrique (MINUSCA) a confirmé 322 incidents de violences sexuelles liées aux conflits, affectant 187 femmes, 124 filles, 3 hommes, 2 garçons, et 6 femmes d’âge inconnu. Parmi ces cas, 174 sont des viols ou tentatives de viol et 15 cas sont des mariages forcés.
Le gouvernement de Bangui a signé avec les groupes armés, en février 2019, un accord de paix qui appelle à la fin de toutes formes de violences liées au sexe. Mais les signataires continuent d’utiliser la violence sexuelle comme moyen de terroriser les civils, conclut le rapport de l’ONU.
En 2019, un organisme de l’État venant en aide aux victimes a recensé 356 victimes de violences sexuelles liées aux conflits dans un pays où sévissent de nombreux groupes criminels et armés. Dans quasiment 90 % des cas, il s’agissait de femmes et de filles. Près de la moitié des victimes avaient des origines africaines.
51 cas d’abus ont été commis sur des enfants (31 filles et 20 garçons). Dans au moins une dizaine de cas, les agresseurs présumés appartenaient au groupe rebelle de l’Armée de libération nationale ou à d’autres groupes armés et organisations criminelles.
En 2019, la mission de l’ONU en #République_démocratique_du_Congo (MONUSCO), a documenté 1 409 cas de violences sexuelles liées aux conflits, ce qui représente une hausse de 34 % depuis 2018.
Parmi ces cas, 955 sont attribués à des groupes armés. Mais des membres de l’armée congolaise sont eux aussi impliqués dans 383 agressions. Enfin, la police nationale est responsable dans 62 cas.
Au cours de l’année 2019, des civils qui étaient détenus par l’organisation de l’État islamique (OEI) en Syrie ont continué à retourner en Irak. Certains sont des survivants de violences sexuelles.
En novembre dernier, le gouvernement régional du Kurdistan irakien a publié des statistiques sur les cas de disparition dans la communauté des Yazidis depuis 2014. Plus de 6 400 Yazidis ont ainsi été enlevés. Parmi eux près de 3 500 ont été libérés, en grande partie des femmes et des filles.
Une commission crée en 2014 par les autorités régionales kurdes pour faire la lumière sur les crimes commis par l’OEI a enregistré plus de 1 000 cas de violences sexuelles liées aux conflits. Ces abus ont en grande partie touché les femmes et filles yazidies.https://scd.infomigrants.net/media/resize/my_image_big/3c947abccf19d7b80961448024d4a5dbc34ec51e.jpeg
La mission de l’ONU en Libye (MANUL) n’a pu vérifier que 7 cas de violences sexuelles qui ont touché 4 femmes, deux filles et un homme activiste pour les droits des LGBTQ.
D’après le rapport, les femmes retenues dans le centre de détention très controversé de #Mitiga n’ont aucune possibilité de contester la légalité de leur détention. Ce centre est contrôlé par la « Force de dissuasion » qui est placée sous la responsabilité du ministère libyen de l’Intérieur.
Quatre prisonnières ont été violées et forcées de se montrer nues. L’activiste pour les droits des LGBTQ a été victime d’un viol en groupe perpétré par des gardiens de la Force de dissuasion.
La MANUL a aussi rapporté des schémas de violences et d’exploitation sexuelles, d’extorsion et de trafic de migrants dans des centres de détention de #Zaouïa, #Tadjourah, #Garian, #Tariq_al_Sikka à #Tripoli et #Khoms qui sont liés aux autorités chargées de la lutte contre la migration illégale.
Certaines femmes et filles migrants sont exposées au risque d’être vendues pour des travaux forcés ou être exploitées sexuellement dans des réseaux criminels internationaux, dont certains sont liés aux groupes armées présents en Libye. A Tariq al-Sikka, deux filles, frappées en public, ont été victimes d’abus sexuels.
En 2019, la force onusienne au Mali (MINUSMA) a enquêté sur 27 cas de violences sexuelles liées aux conflits, commis contre 15 femmes, 11 filles et un homme. Des accusations d’esclavage sexuel, de mariages forcés, de castration et de grossesses forcées ont également été rapportées.
L’absence de responsabilité pour des violences sexuelles perpétrées contre la minorité musulmane #Rohingyas reste de mise.
Une mission d’enquête sur les violences sexuelles en Birmanie a montré que ce genre d’agressions étaient une marque de fabrique de l’armée birmane lors des opérations qu’elle a menées en 2016 et 2017.
De plus, comme le rappelle le rapport de l’ONU, les abus sexuels commis contre les femmes et filles Rohingyas étaient une #tactique_de_guerre qui avait pour objectif d’intimider, de terroriser et de punir les populations civiles.https://scd.infomigrants.net/media/resize/my_image_big/b595de5ed66359f02b09bbf203bbfcd6324a361a.jpeg
La mission de l’ONU en Somalie (ONUSOM) a confirmé près de 240 cas de violences sexuelles liées aux conflits, dont l’immense majorité contre des mineures. Elles sont en majorité attribuées à des hommes armés non identifiés, au groupe des #Shebabs somaliens, mais aussi à des forces de #police locales et à l’armée somalienne. Près de la moitié de ces abus ont été commis dans l’État de #Jubaland, dans le sud-ouest du pays.
La mission onusienne de maintien de la paix au Soudan du Sud (MINUSS) a documenté 224 cas de violences sexuelles liées aux conflits, touchant 133 femmes, 66 filles, 19 hommes et 6 garçons.
En 2019, l’opération de l’ONU au #Darfour (MINUAD) a constaté 191 cas de violences sexuelles contre des femmes et des filles. Les viols et tentatives de viol ont constitué près de 80 % des cas.
Les agressions ont été attribuées à des nomades armés, des membres de l’#Armée_de_libération_du_Soudan et à des miliciens. Les forces de sécurité du gouvernement, dont les forces armés soudanaises et la police ont également été impliquées.
En 2019, l’ONU a recensé 826 allégations de violences sexuelles liées aux conflits, dont des viols et des #mariages_forcés.
La quasi-totalité de ces cas sont attribués à des #groupes_armés, dont #Boko_Haram et la #Civilian_Joint_Task_Force, une #milice d’autodéfense. Les forces de sécurité de l’État sont impliquées dans 12% des cas.https://scd.infomigrants.net/media/resize/my_image_big/dcf178ef0b0d1afabfb932131d5425d1814ceae6.jpeg
Les efforts de l’ONU restent vains
En avril 2019, une résolution (https://www.un.org/press/fr/2019/cs13790.doc.htm) adoptée par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies reconnait le besoin d’une approche centrée sur les survivants pour informer et mettre en place des mesures pour lutter contre les violences sexuelles liées aux conflits.
La #résolution ne peut que constater que « malgré le condamnation répétées des violences, dont les violences sexuelles contre des femmes et des enfants dans des situations de conflit, et malgré l’appel à toutes les parties prenantes dans les conflits armés pour qu’elles cessent ce genre d’actes, ces derniers continuent de se produire. »
Violence sexuelle liée aux conflits : l’ONU plaide pour une nouvelle décennie d’action
Il faut continuer à garder les crimes de violence sexuelle dans les conflits et leurs auteurs sous les projecteurs de la communauté internationale, a plaidé vendredi Pramilla Patten, la Représentante spéciale du Secrétaire général de l’ONU sur la violence sexuelle dans les conflits.
« Comme le dit la célèbre maxime juridique : justice doit être rendue et être vue comme étant rendue. Les survivantes doivent être considérées par leur société comme les détentrices de droits qui seront, en fin de compte, respectés et appliqués », a déclaré Mme Patten lors d’un débat du Conseil de sécurité sur ce thème.
Outre Mme Patten, l’Envoyée spéciale du Haut-Commissaire des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés, Angelina Jolie et deux responsables d’ONG, Khin Omar, fondatrice et présidente de Progressive Voice s’exprimant au nom du groupe de travail des ONG sur les femmes, la paix et la sécurité, et Nadia Carine Thérèse Fornel-Poutou, présidente de l’Association des femmes juristes de la République centrafricaine, ont pris la parole devant le Conseil.
Selon la Représentante spéciale, le débat au Conseil de sécurité ouvre la voie à une nouvelle décennie d’action décisive, selon trois axes :
Premièrement, l’autonomisation des survivantes et des personnes à risque grâce à des ressources accrues et à une prestation de services de qualité, afin de favoriser et de créer un environnement propice dans lequel elles peuvent signaler les violations en toute sécurité et demander réparation.
Deuxièmement, agir sur la base des rapports et des informations reçus pour faire en sorte que les parties prenantes respectent les normes internationales.
Troisièmement, le renforcement de la responsabilité en tant que pilier essentiel de la prévention et de la dissuasion, garantissant que lorsque les parties prenantes ne respectent pas leurs engagements, elles sont dûment tenues de rendre des comptes.
« La prévention est la meilleure réponse. Pourtant, nous avons du mal à mesurer - ou même à définir - les progrès du pilier prévention de ce programme. Le respect est un exemple concret : la violence sexuelle persiste non pas parce que les cadres et obligations existants sont inadéquats, mais parce qu’ils sont mal appliqués », a souligné Mme Patten.
« La résolution 1820 de 2008 ne demandait rien de moins que ‘la cessation immédiate et complète par toutes les parties aux conflits armés de tous les actes de violence sexuelle contre les civils’. Cette résolution a écrit une nouvelle norme et a tracé une ligne rouge. Maintenant, nous devons démontrer clairement quelles sont les conséquences quand elle est franchie », a-t-elle ajouté.
Aller au-delà de la rhétorique
De son côté, Angelina Jolie a rappelé la résolution 2467 adoptée par le Conseil de sécurité l’an dernier.
« C’était la première à placer les survivantes, leurs besoins et leurs droits au centre de toutes les mesures. Mais les résolutions, les mots sur papier, ne sont que des promesses. Ce qui compte, c’est de savoir si les promesses sont tenues », a dit l’actrice américaine devant les membres du Conseil de sécurité.
Celle qui est également réalisatrice de films a noté que la résolution 2467 a promis des sanctions, la justice et des réparations pour les victimes et la reconnaissance des enfants nés de viol.
« Ce sont toutes des promesses qui doivent être tenues. Je vous exhorte donc tous à vous réengager aujourd’hui à tenir ces promesses : aller au-delà de la rhétorique et mettre en œuvre vos décisions », a dit Angelina Jolie.
« Je vous prie de demander des comptes aux auteurs, d’aborder les causes profondes et structurelles de la violence et de la discrimination sexistes dans vos pays. Et s’il vous plaît, augmentez d’urgence le financement des programmes qui répondent aux besoins de tous les survivants, et en particulier des victimes invisibles - les enfants », a ajouté la star du cinéma qui a fait preuve ces 20 dernière années d’un engagement pour les causes humanitaires, notamment en faveur des réfugiés et des droits des femmes et enfants.
Covid-19’s hidden threat in Myanmar - Asia Times
Myanmar’s current virus-caused economic devastation, caused by the closures of factories and other businesses across the country, has been accentuated by waves of returning migrant workers from neighboring Thailand and China.Most of them are now unemployed, meaning they are no longer providing remittances to keep their families and households afloat.
Thailand’s unsung Covid-19 success story - Asia Times
Avoiding a COVID-19 Migration Crisis by Md. Shahidul Haque - Project Syndicate
Israel’s dirty arms deals with Myanmar - Haaretz Editorial - Israel News | Haaretz.com
Official Israel does not allow the publication of reports on the arming of Myanmar. In a hearing on petitions to the High Court of Justice filed in the last year and a half by human rights activists and attorney Eitay Mack against Israel’s weapons sales to Myanmar, the Defense Ministry argued that the court had no authority to rule on defense exports. Israeli spokesmen justified the supplying of weapons with the claim that “both sides committed war crimes,” claims that were rejected in the UN report. The court’s ruling on the petition is classified, but according to testimony from Myanmar the weapons sales are continuing, even in the midst of the crimes.
Israel has a long history of arming dark regimes, from Latin America through the Balkans and Africa, to Asia. The findings of the UN panel’s report require an examination of this method, whose economic benefits cannot serve as a counterweight to the atrocities. Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit must order an investigation to determine whether the individuals who approved the arms sales to Myanmar were complicit in genocide in accordance with Israel’s 1950 Law for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In addition, he must see to it that the findings are made public.
The Gambia v #Myanmar at the International Court of Justice: Points of Interest in the Application
On 11 November 2019, The Gambia filed an application at the International Court of Justice against Myanmar, alleging violation of obligations under the Genocide Convention.
This legal step has been in the works for some time now, with the announcement by the Gambian Minister of Justice that instructions had been given to counsel in October to file the application. As a result, the application has been much anticipated. I will briefly go over some legally significant aspects of the application.
On methodology, the application relies heavily on the 2018 and 2019 reports of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (FFM) for much of the factual basis of the assertions – placing emphasis on the conclusions of the FFM in regard to the question of genocide. What struck me particularly is the timeline of events as the underlying factual basis of the application, commencing with the ‘clearance operations’ in October 2016 and continuing to date. This is the same timeframe under scrutiny at the International Criminal Court, but different from the FFM (which has now completed its mandate), and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was explicitly mandated to inquire into events from 2011 onwards, while the FFM interpreted its mandate to commence from 2011. While these are clearly distinct institutions with vastly different mandates, there may well be points of overlap and a reliance on some of the institutions in the course of the ICJ case. (See my previous Opinio Juris post on potential interlinkages).
For the legal basis of the application, The Gambia asserts that both states are parties to the Genocide Convention, neither have reservations to Article IX, and that there exists a dispute between it and Myanmar – listing a number of instances in which The Gambia has issued statements about and to Myanmar regarding the treatment of the Rohingya, including a note verbal in October 2019. (paras. 20 – 23) The Gambia asserts that the prohibition of genocide is a jus cogens norm, and results in obligations erga omnes and erga omnes partes, leading to the filing of the application. (para. 15) This is significant as it seeks to cover both bases – that the obligations arise towards the international community as a whole, as well as to parties to the convention.
On the substance of the allegations of genocide, the application lays the groundwork – the persecution of the Rohingya, including denial of rights, as well as hate propaganda, and then goes on to address the commission of genocidal acts. The application emphasizes the mass scale destruction of villages, the targeting of children, the widespread use of rape and sexual assault, situated in the context of the clearance operations of October 2016, and then from August 2017 onwards. It also details the denial of food and a policy of forced starvation, through displacement, confiscation of crops, as well as inability to access humanitarian aid.
Violations of the following provisions of the Genocide Convention are alleged: Articles I, III, IV, V and VI. To paraphrase, these include committing genocide, conspiracy to commit, direct and public incitement, attempt to commit, complicity, failing to prevent, failure to punish, and failure to enact legislation). (para. 111)
As part of the relief asked for, The Gambia has asked that the continuing breach of the Genocide Convention obligations are remedied, that wrongful acts are ceased and that perpetrators are punished by a competent tribunal, which could include an international penal tribunal – clearly leaving the door open to the ICC or an ad hoc tribunal. In addition, as part of the obligation of reparation, The Gambia asks for safe and dignified return of the Rohingya with full citizenship rights, and a guarantee of non-repetition. (para. 112) This is significant in linking this to a form of reparations, and reflects the demands of many survivors.
The Gambia makes detailed submissions in its request for provisional measures, in keeping with the evolving jurisprudence of the court. It addresses the compelling circumstances that necessitate provisional measures and cites the 2019 FFM report in assessing a grave and ongoing risk to the approximately 600,000 Rohingya that are in Myanmar. Importantly, it also cites the destruction of evidence as part of the argument (para. 118), indicating the necessity of the work of the IIMM in this regard.
In addressing ‘plausible rights’ for the purpose of provisional measures, the application draws upon the case ofBelgium v Senegal, applying mutatis mutandis the comparison to the Convention against Torture. In that case, the court held that obligations in relation to the convention for the prohibition of torture would apply erga omnes partes – thereby leading to the necessary argument that in fact the rights of The Gambia also need to be protected by the provisional measures order. (para. 127) (For more on this distinction between erga omnesand erga omnes partes, see this post) The Gambia requests the courts protection in light of the urgency of the matter.
As a last point, The Gambia has appointed Navanethem Pillay as an ad hoc judge. (para. 135) With her formidable prior experience as President of the ICTR, a judge at the ICC, and head of the OHCHR, this experience will be a welcome addition to the bench. (And no, as I’ve been asked many times, unfortunately we are not related!)
The filing of the application by The Gambia is a significant step in the quest for accountability – this is the route of state accountability, while for individual responsibility, proceedings continue at the ICC, as well as with emerging universal jurisdiction cases. Success at the ICJ is far from guaranteed, but this is an important first step in the process.
Rohingyas : feu vert de la #CPI à une enquête sur des crimes présumés
La #Cour_pénale_internationale (CPI) a donné jeudi son feu vert à une enquête sur les crimes présumés commis contre la minorité musulmane rohingya en Birmanie, pays confronté à une pression juridique croissante à travers le monde.
Les juges de la Cour, chargée de juger les pires atrocités commises dans le monde, ont donné leur aval à la procureure de la CPI, #Fatou_Bensouda, pour mener une enquête approfondie sur les actes de #violence et la #déportation alléguée de cette minorité musulmane, qui pourrait constituer un #crime_contre_l'humanité.https://www.courrierinternational.com/sites/ci_master/files/styles/image_original_765/public/afp/2f3b4858085c1d3f26c6f99103b1d0bef2c0754f.jpg?itok=bdffNQlu#.jpg
En août 2017, plus de 740.000 musulmans rohingyas ont fui la Birmanie, majoritairement bouddhiste, après une offensive de l’armée en représailles d’attaques de postes-frontières par des rebelles rohingyas. Persécutés par les forces armées birmanes et des milices bouddhistes, ils se sont réfugiés dans d’immenses campements de fortune au Bangladesh.
Mme Bensouda a salué la décision de la Cour, estimant qu’elle « envoie un signal positif aux victimes des atrocités en Birmanie et ailleurs ».
« Mon enquête visera à découvrir la vérité », a-telle ajouté dans un communiqué, en promettant une « enquête indépendante et impartiale ».
La Cour pénale internationale (CPI) a donné jeudi son feu vert à une enquête sur les crimes présumés commis contre la minorité musulmane rohingya en Birmanie, pays confronté à une pression juridique croissante à travers le monde.
De leur côté, les juges de la CPI, également basée à La Haye, ont évoqué des allégations « d’actes de violence systématiques », d’expulsion en tant que crime contre l’humanité et de persécution fondée sur l’appartenance ethnique ou la religion contre les Rohingya.
Bien que la Birmanie ne soit pas un État membre du Statut de Rome, traité fondateur de la Cour, celle-ci s’était déclarée compétente pour enquêter sur la déportation présumée de cette minorité vers le Bangladesh, qui est lui un État partie.
La Birmanie, qui a toujours réfuté les accusations de nettoyage ethnique ou de génocide, avait « résolument » rejeté la décision de la CPI, dénonçant un « fondement juridique douteux ».
En septembre 2018, un examen préliminaire avait déjà été ouvert par la procureure, qui avait ensuite demandé l’ouverture d’une véritable enquête, pour laquelle les juges ont donné jeudi leur feu vert.
Les investigations pourraient à terme donner lieu à des mandats d ?arrêt contre des généraux de l’armée birmane.
Des enquêteurs de l’ONU avaient demandé en août 2018 que la justice internationale poursuive le chef de l’armée birmane et cinq autres hauts gradés pour « génocide », « crimes contre l’humanité » et « crimes de guerre ». Des accusations rejetées par les autorités birmanes.
Joint statement of Canada and the Kingdom of the Netherlands
Canada and the Kingdom of the Netherlands welcome The Gambia’s application against Myanmar before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the alleged violation of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention). In order to uphold international accountability and prevent impunity, Canada and the Netherlands hereby express their intention to jointly explore all options to support and assist The Gambia in these efforts.
The Genocide Convention embodies a solemn pledge by its signatories to prevent the crime of genocide and hold those responsible to account. As such, Canada and the Netherlands consider it their obligation to support The Gambia before the ICJ, as it concerns all of humanity.
In 2017, the world witnessed an exodus of over 700,000 Rohingya from Rakhine State. They sought refuge from targeted violence, mass murder and sexual and gender based violence carried out by the Myanmar security forces, the very people who should have protected them.
For decades, the Rohingya have suffered systemic discrimination and exclusion, marred by waves of abhorrent violence. These facts have been corroborated by several investigations, including those conducted by the UN Independent Fact Finding Mission for Myanmar and human rights organizations. They include crimes that constitute acts described in Article II of the Genocide Convention.
In light of this evidence Canada and the Kingdom of the Netherlands therefore strongly believe this is a matter that is rightfully brought to the ICJ to provide international legal judgment on whether acts of genocide have been committed. We call upon all States Parties to the Genocide Convention to support The Gambia in its efforts to address these violations.
Rohingya refugees chanting “Gambia, Gambia” today in the camps of Cox’s Bazar in anticipation of the first day of the ICJ hearing on Provisional Measures.
Return : voluntary, safe, dignified and durable ?
Voluntary return in safety and with dignity has long been a core tenet of the international refugee regime. In the 23 articles on ‘Return’ in this issue of FMR, authors explore various obstacles to achieving sustainable return, discuss the need to guard against premature or forced return, and debate the assumptions and perceptions that influence policy and practice. This issue also includes a mini-feature on ‘Towards understanding and addressing the root causes of displacement’.
#revue #retours_volontaires #dignité #retour #retour_au_pays
#Soudan_du_Sud #réfugiés_sud-soudanais #réfugiés_Rohingya #Rohingya #Inde #Sri_Lanka #réfugiés_sri-lankais #réfugiés_syriens #Syrie #Allemagne #Erythrée #Liban #Turquie #Jordanie #Kenya #réfugiés_Somaliens #Somalie #Dadaab #Myanmar #Birmanie #Darfour #réintégration_économique #réintégration
Male rape survivors go uncounted in #Rohingya camps
‘I don’t hear people talk about sexual violence against men. But this is also not specific to this response.’
Nurul Islam feels the pain every time he sits: it’s a reminder of the sexual violence the Rohingya man endured when he fled Myanmar two years ago.
Nurul, a refugee, says he was raped and tortured by Myanmar soldiers during the military purge that ousted more than 700,000 Rohingya from Rakhine State starting in August 2017.
“They put me like a dog,” Nurul said, acting out the attack by bowing toward the ground, black tarp sheets lining the bamboo tent around him.
Nurul, 40, is one of the uncounted male survivors of sexual violence now living in Bangladesh’s cramped refugee camps.
Rights groups and aid agencies have documented widespread sexual violence against women and girls as part of the Rohingya purge. UN investigators say the scale of Myanmar military sexual violence was so severe that it amounts to evidence of “genocidal intent to destroy the Rohingya population” in and of itself.
But boys and men like Nurul were also victims. Researchers who study sexual violence in crises say the needs of male survivors have largely been overlooked and neglected by humanitarian programmes in Bangladesh’s refugee camps.
“There’s a striking division between aid workers and the refugees,” said Sarah Chynoweth, a researcher who has studied male survivors of sexual violence in emergencies around the world, including the Rohingya camps. “Many aid workers say we haven’t heard about it, but the refugees are well aware of it.”
A report she authored for the Women’s Refugee Commission, a research organisation that advocates for improvements on gender issues in humanitarian responses, calls for aid groups in Bangladesh to boost services for all survivors of sexual violence – recognising that men and boys need help, in addition to women and girls.
Rights groups say services for all survivors of gender-based violence are “grossly inadequate” and underfunded across the camps – including care for people attacked in the exodus from Myanmar, as well as abuse that happens in Bangladesh’s city-sized refugee camps.
Stigma often prevents Rohingya men and boys from speaking up, while many aid groups aren’t asking the right questions to find out.
But there are even fewer services offering male victims like Nurul specialised counselling and healthcare.
Chynoweth and others who work on the issue say stigma often prevents Rohingya men and boys from speaking up, while many aid groups aren’t asking the right questions to find out – leaving humanitarian groups with scarce data to plan a better response, and male survivors of sexual violence with little help.
In interviews with organisations working on gender-based violence, health, and mental health in the camps, aid staff told The New Humanitarian that the needs of male rape survivors have rarely been discussed, or that specialised services were unnecessary.
Mercy Lwambi, women protection and empowerment coordinator at the International Rescue Committee, said focusing on female survivors of gender-based violence is not intended to exclude men.
“What we do is just evidence-informed,” she said. “We have evidence to show it’s for the most part women and girls who are affected by sexual violence. The numbers of male survivors are usually low.”
But according to gender-based violence case management guidelines compiled by organisations including the IRC, services should be in place for all survivors of sexual violence, with or without incident data.
And in the camps, Rohingya refugees know that male survivors exist.http://assets.irinnews.org/s3fs-public/styles/responsive_medium/public/photo-bangladesh-rohingya-refugee-gbv-man.jpg?6XyNG_e8BL62TSmsdMBXGe.49A98hT1F&itok=kY9Pey_h#.jpg
TNH spoke with dozens of Rohingya refugees, asking about the issue of ”torture against private parts of men”. Over the course of a week, TNH met 21 Rohingya who said they were affected, knew other people who were, or said they witnessed it themselves.
When fellow refugees reached out to Nurul on behalf of TNH, he decided to share his experiences as a survivor of sexual violence: “Because it happened to men too,” he said.
Asking the right questions
After his attack in Myanmar, Nurul said other Rohingya men dragged him across the border to Bangladesh’s camps. When he went to a health clinic, the doctors handed him painkillers. There were no questions about his injury, and he didn’t offer an explanation.
“I was too ashamed to tell them what had happened,” he said.
When TNH met him in June, Nurul said he hadn’t received any counselling or care for his abuse.
But Chynoweth says the problem is more complicated than men being reluctant to out themselves as rape victims, or aid workers simply not acknowledging the severity of sexual violence against men and boys.
She believes it’s also a question of language.
When Chynoweth last year started asking refugees if they knew of men who had been raped or sexually abused, most at first said no. When she left out the words “sexual” and “rape” and instead asked if “torture” was done against their “private parts”, people opened up.
“Many men have no idea that what happened to them is sexual violence,” she said.
Similarly, when she asked NGO workers in Bangladesh if they had encountered sexual violence against Rohingya men, many would shake their heads. “As soon as I asked if they had treated men with genital trauma, the answer was: ‘Yes, of course,’” she said.
This suggests that health workers must be better trained to ask the right questions and to spot signs of abuse, Chynoweth said.
The undercounting of sexual violence against men has long been a problem in humanitarian responses.
A December 2013 report by the Office of the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict notes that sexual and gender-based violence is often seen as a women’s issue, yet “the disparity between levels of conflict-related sexual violence against women and levels against men is rarely as dramatic as one might expect”.
A Security Council resolution this year formally recognised that sexual violence in conflict also targets men and boys; Human Rights Watch called it “an important step in challenging the taboos that keep men from reporting their experiences and deny the survivors the assistance they need”.
But in the Rohingya refugee camps, the issue still flies under the radar.
Mwajuma Msangi from the UN Population Fund, which chairs the gender-based violence subsector for aid groups in the camps, said sexual violence against men and boys is usually only raised, if at all, during the “any other business” section that ends bimonthly coordination meetings.
“It hasn’t really come up,” Msangi said in an interview. “It’s good you are bringing this up, we should definitely look into it.”
TNH asked staff from other major aid groups about the issue, including the UN’s refugee agency UNHCR, which co-manages UN and NGO efforts in the camps, and the World Health Organisation, which leads the health sector. There were few programmes training staff on how to work with male survivors of sexual violence, or offering specialised healthcare or counselling.
“The [gender-based violence] sector has not been very proactive in training health workers to be honest,” said Donald Sonne Kazungu, Médecins Sans Frontières’ medical coordinator in Cox’s Bazar. “I don’t hear people talk about sexual violence against men. But this is also not specific to this response.”
"The NGO world doesn’t acknowledge that it happened because there is no data, and there is no data because nobody is asking for it.”
No data, no response
For the few organisations that work with male survivors of sexual violence in the camps, the failure to assess the extent of the problem is part of a cycle that prevents solutions.
"The NGO world doesn’t acknowledge that it happened because there is no data, and there is no data because nobody is asking for it,” said Eva Buzo, country director for Legal Action Worldwide, a European NGO that offers legal support to people in crises, including a women’s organisation in the camps, Shanti Mohila.
LAW trains NGO medical staff and outreach workers, teaching them to be aware of signs of abuse among male survivors. It’s also trying to solidify a system through which men and boys can be referred for help. Through the first half of the year, the organisation has interacted with 25 men.
"It’s really hardly a groundbreaking project, but unfortunately it is,” Buzo said, shrugging her shoulders. “Nobody else is paying attention.”
But she’s reluctant to advertise her programme in the camps: there aren’t enough services where male victims of sexual violence can access specialised health and psychological care. Buzo said she trusts two doctors that work specifically with male survivors; both were trained by her organisation.
“It’s shocking how ill-equipped the sector is,” she said, frustrated about her dilemma. “If we identify new survivors, I don’t even know where to refer them to.”
The issue also underscores a larger debate in the humanitarian sector about whether gender-based violence programmes should focus primarily on women and girls, who face added risks in crises, or also better include men, boys, and the LGBTI community.
“If we identify new survivors, I don’t even know where to refer them to.”
Buzo says the lack of services for male survivors in the Rohingya camps points to a reluctance to recognise the need for action out of fear it might come at the expense of services for women – which already suffer from funding shortfalls.
The Rohingya response could have been a precedent for the humanitarian sector as a whole to better respond to male survivors of sexual violence, according to an aid worker who worked on protection issues in the camps in 2017 as the massive refugee outflow was unfolding.
When she questioned incoming refugees about sexual violence against women, numerous Rohingya asked what could be done for men who had also been raped, said the aid worker, who asked not to be named as she didn’t have permission to speak on behalf of her organisation.
“We missed yet another chance to open this issue up,” she said.
Chynoweth believes health, protection, and counselling programmes for all survivors – female and male – must improve.
“There aren’t many services for women and girls. The response to all survivors is really poor,” she said. “But we should, and we can do both.”
#viol #viols #violences_sexuelles #conflits #abus_sexuels #hommes_violés #réfugiés #asile #migrations #camps_de_réfugiés #Myanmar #Birmanie
UK firm sold tech to Myanmar military, UN report says
Nowhere to go: #Myanmar farmers under siege from land law
The Myanmar government has tightened a law on so-called ’vacant, fallow and virgin’ land, and farmers are at risk.https://www.aljazeera.com/mritems/imagecache/mbdxxlarge/mritems/Images/2019/3/28/13bb329c1d364d899bedc6298f022369_18.jpg
Han Win Naung is besieged on his own land.
Last September, local administrators in Myanmar’s southern Tanintharyi region put up a sign at the edge of his 5.7-hectare farm that read “Under Management Ownership - Do Not Trespass”.
They felled the trees and started building a drug rehabilitation facility and an agriculture training school on opposite ends of his plot.
He was eventually informed that the administrators were challenging his claim to the land and had filed charges against him under a controversial law that could see him jailed for three years.
“I didn’t know what this law was,” the 37-year-old farmer told Al Jazeera. “I didn’t understand what was happening to us. They also asked us to move. We don’t have anywhere else to go.”
Han Win Naung is accused of violating the Vacant, Fellow and Virgin (#VFV) Lands Management Law which requires anyone living on land categorised as “vacant, fallow, and virgin” to apply for a permit to continue using it for the next 30 years.
According to estimates based on government data, this category totals more than 20 million hectares or 30 percent of Myanmar’s land area. Three-quarters of it is home to the country’s ethnic minorities.
The law has sparked outrage among land-rights activists, who say it criminalises millions of farmers who do not have permits and lays the ground for unchecked land seizures by the government, the military and private companies.
Struggle to survive
“The more people learn about this law, the more they will use it against farmers who cannot afford lawyers,” said a lawyer who is representing Han Win Naung. She asked to be identified only as a member of Tanintharyi Friends, a group that represents several farmers who have been sued under this law.
Now Han Win Naung’s farm is in disrepair. Because of the lawsuit, he has been unable to tend to the mango, banana and cashew trees that have sustained his family since his father set up the farm 28 years ago.
“We haven’t been able to do anything on the farm since September … We are facing a lot of trouble getting food on the table,” he said.
The VFV law is modelled on a British colonial policy in which land occupied by indigenous people was labelled “wasteland” in order to justify seizing it and extracting its revenue. After independence, Myanmar’s military rulers adopted the strategy as a way to ensure they could feed their ranks.
In 2012, the nominally civilian government under former general Thein Sein enshrined the strategy into law, referring to the targeted land as “vacant, fallow, and virgin” instead of “wasteland”.
Last year, despite coming to power on a platform of protecting the land rights of smallholder farmers and promising to reverse all military land grabs within a single year, the government of Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) made the VFV law stricter.
With the NLD’s endorsement, arrests and evictions of farmers like Han Win Naung are accelerating.
In September 2018, Myanmar’s parliament, which is controlled by the NLD, passed an amendment that imposed a two-year prison sentence on anyone found living on “vacant, fallow, and virgin land” without a permit after March 11.
This gave millions of farmers, many of them illiterate or unable to speak Burmese, just six months to complete a Kafkaesque process of claiming land they already consider their own.
According to a survey conducted by the Mekong Region Land Governance Project, in the month before the deadline, 95 percent of people living on so-called VFV land had no knowledge of the law.
As the deadline approached, local land-rights activists jumped into action, sending petitions to the government demanding that the law be repealed.
In November, 300 civil society organisations signed an open letter denouncing the law as “an effort to grab the land of ethnic peoples across the country”, especially land belonging to hundreds of thousands of refugees and internally displaced people who have no ability to apply for permits.
In December, the Karen National Union (KNU), a powerful ethnic armed organisation that had recently withdrawn from the national peace process, called for the VFV law to be “torn up”, raising the spectre of future conflict.
But these petitions fell on deaf ears, and as the deadline expired, millions of people, many of whose families had been on the same land for generations, became trespassers.
Saw Alex Htoo, deputy director of the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN), blames the NLD’s pursuit of foreign investment for the policy.
“The NLD is pushing for investment to come into the country without really looking at what’s happening on the ground,” he said. “That’s the only way they could support this VFV law, which is inviting conflict and will displace millions of farmers across the country.”
When asked why the party would pass an amendment that could harm so many people, NLD spokesperson Myo Nyunt said that while land disputes might arise, the purpose of the law was not mass dispossession.
“The purpose of the law is to promote the rule of law,” he said.
"When we implement the new law, those affected have the responsibility to understand and follow it. If they have grievances, they can report them to the relevant committee addressing land grabs. There will be some people who are affected negatively by this law, but that is not the intention of this law.
“The government is working to improve the livelihood and quality of life in Myanmar and the rule of law.”
Ye Lin Myint, national coordinator for the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (MATA), said enforcement of the VFV law actually calls the rule of law into question because it contradicts several earlier government commitments, including the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) between the government and eight ethnic armed organizations.
“The NCA clearly states that during the peace process, there should be no land seizures,” he said. “This law will start a domino effect of ethnic conflict.”
Conflict over the VFV law has already begun. At least one activist has been arrested for protesting against it and observers say the NLD’s role in generating conflict risks a backlash in next year’s election.
“The ruling National League for Democracy party are really shooting themselves in the foot with the VFV law,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch. “This will be a human rights disaster that goes to the doorstep of millions of farmers across the nation, and it’s a fair bet they will punish those they consider responsible in the next election.”
Han Win Naung attests to this. Since he was sued, his 80-year-old father has stopped eating and cannot sleep. His children, nieces, and nephews are embarrassed to go to school.
“People like us have been suffering since this government came to power,” he said. “We don’t think we will be voting for the NLD in 2020.”
#Birmanie #terres #agriculture #géographie_du_vide #loi #expulsion #minorités #accaparemment_des_terres
Filmart: Bangladeshi Filmmaker Documents the Plight of the #Rohingya People: “A Tragedy With a Very Human Face”
Documentary director #Abid_Hossain_Khan ’s debut feature ’#Belonging' is told from the perspective of a six-year-old girl as she searches for her missing family in the sprawling Rohingya refugee camps across the border from Myanmar in #Bangladesh.
Education : needs, rights and access in displacement
Education is one of the most important aspects of our lives – vital to our development, our understanding and our personal and professional fulfilment throughout life. In times of crisis, however, millions of displaced young people miss out on months or years of education, and this is damaging to them and their families, as well as to their societies, both in the short and long term. This issue of FMR includes 29 articles on Education, and two ‘general’ articles.
Land Confiscation Is Latest Barrier to Return for Myanmar’s Displaced
An amendment to Myanmar’s land-ownership laws will make it nearly impossible for #Rohingya refugees and Myanmar’s internally displaced to return to land they’ve tilled for generations.
UN envoy fears ’new crisis’ for Rohingya Muslims if moved to remote Bangladesh island
A United Nations human rights investigator on #Myanmar has voiced deep concern at Bangladesh’s plan to relocate 23,000 Rohingya refugees to a remote island, saying it may not be habitable and could create a “new crisis”.
Polly Pallister-Wilkins signale sur twitter (▻https://twitter.com/PollyWilkins/status/1105366496291753984) le lien à faire avec le concept de #penal_humanitarianism (#humanitarisme_pénal)
Introducing the New Themed Series on Penal Humanitarianism
Humanitarianism is many things to many people. It is an ethos, an array of sentiments and moral principles, an imperative to intervene, and a way of ‘doing good’ by bettering the human condition through targeting suffering. It is also a form of governance. In Border Criminologies’ new themed series, we look closer at the intersections of humanitarian reason with penal governance, and particularly the transfer of penal power beyond the nation state.
The study of humanitarian sentiments in criminology has mainly focused on how these sensibilities have ‘humanized’ or ‘civilized’ punishment. As such, the notion of humanism in the study of crime, punishment, and justice is associated with human rights implementation in penal practices and with normative bulwark against penal populism; indeed, with a ‘softening’ of penal power.
This themed series takes a slightly different approach. While non-punitive forces have a major place in the humanitarian sensibility, we explore how humanitarianism is put to work on and for penal power. In doing so, we look at how muscular forms of power – expulsion, punishment, war – are justified and extended through the invocation of humanitarian reason.
In the following post, Mary Bosworth revisits themes from her 2017 article and addresses current developments on UK programmes delivered overseas to ‘manage migration’. She shows that through an expansion of these programmes, migration management and crime governance has not only elided, but ‘criminal justice investment appears to have become a humanitarian goal in its own right’. Similarly concerned with what happens at the border, Katja Franko and Helene O.I. Gundhus observed the paradox and contradictions between humanitarian ideals in the performative work of governmental discourses, and the lack of concern for migrants’ vulnerability in their article on Frontex operations.
However, in their blog post they caution against a one-dimensional understanding of humanitarianism as legitimizing policy and the status quo. It may cloud from view agency and resistance in practice, and, they argue, ‘the dialectics of change arising from the moral discomfort of doing border work’. The critical, difficult question lurking beneath their post asks what language is left if not that of the sanctity of the human, and of humanity.
Moving outside the European territorial border, Eva Magdalena Stambøl however corroborates the observation that penal power takes on a humanitarian rationale when it travels. Sharing with us some fascinating findings from her current PhD work on EU’s crime control in West Africa, and, more specifically, observations from her fieldwork in Niger, she addresses how the rationale behind the EU’s fight against ‘migrant smugglers’ in Niger is framed as a humanitarian obligation. In the process, however, the EU projects penal power beyond Europe and consolidates power in the ‘host’ state, in this case, Niger.
Moving beyond nation-state borders and into the ‘international’, ‘global’, and ‘cosmopolitan’, my own research demonstrates how the power to punish is particularly driven by humanitarian reason when punishment is delinked from its association with the national altogether. I delve into the field of international criminal justice and show how it is animated by a humanitarian impetus to ‘do something’ about the suffering of distant others, and how, in particular, the human rights movement have been central to the fight against impunity for international crimes. Through the articulation of moral outrage, humanitarian sensibilities have found their expression in a call for criminal punishment to end impunity for violence against distant others. However, building on an ethnographic study of international criminal justice, which is forthcoming in the Clarendon Studies in Criminology published by Oxford University Press, I demonstrate how penal power remains deeply embedded in structural relations of (global) power, and that it functions to expand and consolidate these global inequalities further. Removed from the checks and balances of democratic institutions, I suggest that penal policies may be more reliant on categorical representations of good and evil, civilization and barbarity, humanity and inhumanity, as such representational dichotomies seem particularly apt to delineate the boundaries of cosmopolitan society.
In the next post I co-wrote with Anette Bringedal Houge, we address the fight against sexual violence in conflict as penal humanitarianism par excellence, building on our study published in Law & Society Review. While attention towards conflict-related sexual violence is critically important, we take issue with the overwhelming dominance of criminal law solutions on academic, policy, and activist agendas, as the fight against conflict-related sexual violence has become the fight against impunity. We observe that the combination of a victim-oriented justification for international justice and graphic reproductions of the violence victims suffer, are central in the advocacy and policy fields responding to this particular type of violence. Indeed, we hold that it epitomizes how humanitarianism facilitates the expansion of penal power but take issue with what it means for how we address this type of violence.
In the final post of this series, Teresa Degenhardt offers a discomforting view on the dark side of virtue as she reflects on how penal power is reassembled outside the state and within the international, under the aegis of human rights, humanitarianism, and the Responsibility to Protect-doctrine. Through the case of Libya, she claims that the global north, through various international interventions, ‘established its jurisdiction over local events’. Through what she calls a ‘pedagogy of liberal institutions’, Degenhardt argues that ‘the global north shaped governance through sovereign structures at the local level while re-articulating sovereign power at the global level’, in an argument that, albeit on a different scale, parallels that of Stambøl.
The posts in this themed series raise difficult questions about the nature of penal power, humanitarianism, and the state. Through these diverse examples, each post demonstrates that while the nation state continues to operate as an essential territorial site of punishment, the power to punish has become increasingly complex. This challenges the epistemological privilege of the nation state framework in the study of punishment.
However, while this thematic series focuses on how penal power travels through humanitarianism, we should, as Franko and Gundhus indicate, be careful of dismissing humanitarian sensibilities and logics as fraudulent rhetoric for a will to power. Indeed, we might – or perhaps should – proceed differently, given that in these times of pushback against international liberalism and human rights, and resurgent religion and nationalism, humanitarian reason is losing traction. Following an unmasking of humanitarianism as a logic of governance by both critical (leftist) scholars and rightwing populism alike, perhaps there is a need to revisit the potency of humanitarianism as normative bulwark against muscular power, and to carve out the boundaries of a humanitarian space of resistance, solidarity and dignity within a criminology of humanitarianism. Such a task can only be done through empirical and meticulous analysis of the uses and abuses of humanitarianism as an ethics of care.
Most Rohingya refugees refuse to go to #Bhasan_Char island – Xchange survey
Nearly all Rohingya refugees asked about relocating to a silt island in the Bay of Bengal refused to go, a new survey reveals.
According to a new report published by the migration research and data analysis outfit Xchange Foundation, the vast majority of their respondents (98.4%) ‘categorically refused’ to go to Bhasan Char, while 98.7% of respondents were aware of the plan.
From the over 1,000 respondents who expressed their opinion, concerns were raised about their safety, security and placement in a location further from Myanmar.
Decades long limbo
The findings obtained by the recent Xchange Foundation Report entitled ‘WE DO NOT BELIEVE MYANMAR!,’ chart the protracted living conditions and uncertain future of almost three quarters of a million recent Rohingya refugees living in Cox’s Bazar region of Bangladesh. Accumulated together with previous generations of Rohingya, there are approximately 1.2m living across over a dozen camps in the region.
This is the sixth survey carried out by the Xchange Foundation on the experiences and conditions facing Rohingya refugees.
The region has been host to Rohingya refugees for just over the last three decades with the recent crackdown and massacre by the Myanmar military in August 2017 forcing whole families and communities to flee westward to Bangladesh.
While discussions between the Bangladeshi and Myanmar government over the repatriation of recent Rohingya refugees have been plagued by inertia and lukewarm commitment, the Bangladeshi government has been planning on relocating over 100,000 Rohingya refugees to the silt island of Bhasan Char in the Bay of Bengal. This process was expected to take place in the middle of April, according to a Bangladeshi government minister.
State Minister for Disaster and Relief Management Md Enamur Rahman, told the Dhaka Tribune ‘Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has instructed last week to complete the relocation 23,000 Rohingya families to Bhashan Char by Apr 15.’
Is it safe?
Numerous humanitarian organisations including Human Rights Watch, have expressed their concerns over the government’s proposals, saying there are few assurances that Rohingya refugees will be safe or their access to free movement, health, education and employment will be secured.
HRW reported in March that the Bangladeshi authorities had issued assurances that there wouldn’t be forcible relocation but that the move was designed to relieve pressure on the refugee camps and settlements across Cox’s Bazar.
The move would see the relocation of 23,000 Rohingya families to a specially constructed complex of 1,440 housing blocks, equipped with flood and cyclone shelter and flood walls. The project is estimated to have cost the Bangladeshi government over €250 million.
To prepare the island, joint efforts of British engineering and environmental hydraulics company HR Wallingford and the Chinese construction company Sinohydro, have been responsible for the construction of a 13km flood embankment which encircles the island.
When asked by the Xchange survey team one Male Rohingya of 28 years old said, ‘We saw videos of Bhasan Char; it’s not a safe place and also during the raining season it floods.’ An older female of 42 said, ‘I’m afraid to go to Bhasan Char, because I think there is a risk to my life and my children.’
Threat of flooding
Bhasan Char or ‘Thengar Char,’ didn’t exist 20 years ago.
The island is understood to have formed through gradual silt deposits forming a island around 30km from the Bangladeshi mainland. Until now, human activity on the island has been very minimal with it being largely used for cattle and only reachable by a 3.5 hour boat trip.
But, the island is subject to the tides. It is reported that the island loses around 5,000 square acres of its territory from low to high tide (15,000 – 10,000 acres (54 square kilometres) respectively).
This is worsened by the threat of the monsoon and cyclone season which according to HRW’s testimony can result in parts of the island eroding. This is recorded as being around one kilometre a year, ABC News reports.
Golam Mahabub Sarwar of the Bangladeshi Ministry of Land, says that a high tide during a strong cyclone could completely flood the island. This is exemplifed by the 6 metre tidal range which is seen on fellow islands.
The UN Envoy Yanghee Lee has warned that the Bangladesh government goes through with the relocation, it could risk creating a ‘new crisis’.
Lee warned that she was uncertain of the island was ‘truly habitable’ for the over 23,000 families expected to live there.
The Special Rapporteur to Myanmar made the comments to the Human Rights Council in March, saying that if the relocations were made without consent from the people it would affect, it had, ‘potential to create a new crisis.’
She stressed that before refugees are relocated, the United Nations, ‘must be allowed to conduct a full technical and humanitarian assessment’ as well as allowing the beneficiary communities to visit and decide if it is right for them.
Rohingya Refugees to Move to Flood-Prone Bangladesh Island
Thousands of Rohingya living in Bangladesh refugee camps have agreed to move to an island in the #Bay_of_Bengal, officials said Sunday, despite fears the site is prone to flooding.
Dhaka has long wanted to move 100,000 refugees to the muddy silt islet, saying it would take pressure off the overcrowded border camps where almost a million Rohingya live.
Some 740,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar in August 2017 in the face of a military crackdown, joining 200,000 refugees already in makeshift tent settlements at Cox’s Bazar.
Relocations begin soon
Bangladesh’s refugee commissioner, Mahbub Alam, said officials overseeing the relocation would be posted to #Bhashan_Char_island in the next few days.
Approximately 6,000-7,000 refugees have expressed their willingness to be relocated to Bhashan Char, Alam told AFP from Cox’s Bazar, adding that “the number is rising.”
He did not say when the refugees would be moved, but a senior Navy officer involved in building facilities on the island said it could start by December, with some 500 refugees sent daily.
Bangladesh had been planning since last year to relocate Rohingya to the desolate flood-prone site, which is an hour by boat from the mainland.
Rights groups have warned the island, which emerged from the sea only about two decades ago, might not be able to withstand violent storms during the annual monsoon season.
In the past half-century, powerful cyclones have killed hundreds of thousands of people in the Meghna river estuary where the island is located.
Rohingya leaders would be taken to Bhashan Char to view the facilities and living conditions, Alam said.
Safety facilities built on the island include a 9-feet (3 meter) high embankment along its perimeter to keep out tidal surges during cyclones, and a warehouse to store months’ worth of rations, he added.
Overcrowding in camp
Rohingya father-of-four Nur Hossain, 50, said he and his family agreed to relocate to #Bhashan_Char after they were shown video footage of the shelters.
“I have agreed to go. The camp here (at Leda) is very overcrowded. There are food and housing problems,” the 50-year-old told AFP.
There was no immediate comment from the U.N., although Bangladeshi officials said they expect a delegation would visit the island in the next few weeks.
Bangladesh : des réfugiés rohingyas acceptent de partir sur une île
Des milliers de Rohingyas vivant dans des camps de réfugiés au Bangladesh ont accepté de partir pour une île isolée du golfe du Bengale, ont annoncé dimanche les autorités, en dépit des risques d’inondations.
Dacca a depuis longtemps fait part de son intention de transférer 100.000 réfugiés musulmans rohingyas des camps de réfugiés surpeuplés, près de la frontière birmane, vers un îlot de vase boueux et isolé du golfe du Bengale.
Le gouvernement du Bangladesh y voit une solution pour résoudre le problème des camps de réfugiés surpeuplés où vivent près d’un million de Rohingyas.
Environ 740.000 Rohingyas ont fui la Birmanie pour le Bangladesh en 2017 pour échapper à une répression militaire massive. Ils ont rejoint les quelque 200.000 réfugiés vivant déjà dans le district bangladais frontalier de Cox’s Bazar (sud-est).
Le commissaire bangladais aux réfugiés, Mahbub Alam, a indiqué que des fonctionnaires seront détachés, dans les prochains jours, afin de superviser cette installation.
« Environ 6.000 à 7.000 réfugiés ont déjà exprimé leur volonté d’être réinstallés à Bhashan Char », a déclaré Alam à l’AFP depuis Cox’s Bazar, affirmant que « leur nombre est en augmentation ».
Il n’a cependant pas donné de chiffres sur le nombre de réfugiés qui seront ainsi déplacés.
Selon un officier supérieur de la marine qui participe à la construction d’installations sur l’île, cette opération pourrait débuter en décembre et environ 500 réfugiés seraient envoyés quotidiennement sur cette île située à une heure de bateau de la terre ferme la plus proche.
Des groupes de défense des droits affirment que Bhashan Char est susceptible d’être submergée lors des moussons.
Au cours des cinquante dernières années, de puissants cyclones ont fait des centaines de milliers de morts dans l’estuaire de la rivière Meghna, où l’île se situe.
Des responsables rohingyas seront conduits à Bhashan Char afin d’y découvrir les installations et leurs conditions de vie, a affirmé M. Alam.
Des responsables locaux ont assuré qu’une digue de trois mètres a été construite autour de l’île pour la protéger de la montée des eaux en cas de cyclone.
Nur Hossain, un réfugié rohingya, père de quatre enfants, a déclaré que sa famille et lui ont accepté de partir pour Bhashan Char après avoir vu des images vidéo des abris.
« Le camp ici (à Leda) est très surpeuplé. Il y a des problèmes de nourriture et de logement », a déclaré à l’AFP cet homme de 50 ans.
L’ONU n’a jusqu’à présent pas fait de déclaration à ce sujet. Des responsables bangladais ont cependant déclaré qu’une délégation des Nations unies se rendra sur l’île au cours des prochaines semaines.
Rohingya: il Bangladesh vuole trasferirli su un’isola sperduta e pericolosa
Le violenze dell’esercito del Myanmar avevano costretto centinaia di migliaia di Rohingya a rifugiarsi in Bangladesh nel 2017. E quando ancora un rientro nelle loro terre d’origine sembra lontano, Dacca cerca di mandarne 100 mila su un’isola remota e pericolosa nel Golfo del Bengala
Non sono bastate le violenze dell’esercito del Myanmar e degli estremisti buddisti, che nell’agosto 2017 hanno costretto centinaia di migliaia di Rohingya a rifugiarsi in Bangladesh. E non bastano neanche le condizioni precarie in cui vivono nei fatiscenti campi profughi gestiti da Dacca. Il dramma di questa popolazione, che secondo le Nazioni Unite è una delle minoranze più perseguitate al mondo, non sembra avere fine.
La scorsa settimana il governo del Bangladesh ha annunciato che alla fine di novembre inizierà il trasferimento di 100 mila rifugiati Rohingya a Bhasan Char, una remota isola nel Golfo del Bengala. Per le autorità questa mossa sarebbe necessaria a causa del «disperato sovraffollamento» nei campi di Cox’s Bazar, una città al confine con la ex-Birmania, che ora ospita oltre 700 mila sfollati. Ma la scelta della nuova collocazione ha sollevato una serie di preoccupazioni per la salute e la sicurezza dei Rohingya che verranno trasferiti.
Rohinghya in Bangladesh: l’isola in mezzo al nulla
Yanghee Lee, relatore speciale delle Nazioni Unite sulla situazione dei diritti umani in Myanmar, che ha visitato l’isola nel gennaio 2019, ha espresso seri dubbi e preoccupazioni sul fatto che «l’isola sia davvero abitabile». Bhasan Char, infatti, è soggetta frequentemente ad inondazioni e cicloni. Lee ha anche avvertito che «un trasferimento mal pianificato e senza il consenso degli stessi rifugiati, creerebbe una nuova crisi per i Rohingya».
Il governo di Dacca ha spiegato che tutte le ricollocazioni a Bhasan Char saranno rigorosamente volontarie e che oltre 7 mila rifugiati hanno già accettato di trasferirsi. Non sappiamo, però, se questi Rohingya siano effettivamente consapevoli dell’isolamento e della pericolosità del contesto in cui andranno a vivere. L’isola, infatti, è a ore di navigazione dalla terraferma e le condizioni del mare non sono delle migliori. Durante il periodo dei monsoni i pochi residenti sono bloccati in mezzo alle acque per lunghi periodi.
Rohingya a rischio sussistenza
Sebbene le autorità abbiano migliorato le infrastrutture a Bhasan Char, per cercare di contrastare i rischi di inondazioni e costruito più di 1.400 edifici per ospitare gli sfollati, l’isola non ha un adeguato sistema di agricoltura e le attività commerciali sono quasi inesistenti. Inoltre vanno aggiunte le difficoltà per quanto riguarda l’istruzione e la sanità. Problematiche già presenti nei campi di Cox’s Bazar, che nei mesi scorsi avevano anche lanciato l’allarme del radicalismo islamico.
Nell’ultimo periodo, infatti, nelle strutture dove hanno trovato rifugio i Rohingya scappati dal Myanmar sono proliferate centinaia di scuole coraniche gestite da Hefazat-e-Islam, un gruppo estremista locale fondato nel 2010, che in passato ha organizzato numerose proteste di piazza. Questa organizzazione, finanziata da alcuni Paesi del Golfo, ha di fatto riempito il vuoto educativo imposto da Dacca, che ha vietato alla minoranza musulmana di frequentare gli istituti locali.
Chi sono i Rohingya e perché sono perseguitati
I Rohingya sono un popolo invisibile. Di fede musulmana, dall’ottavo secolo vivono nel Nord-Ovest del Myanmar, ma non vengono considerati ufficialmente un’etnia dal governo. Proprio per questo non hanno alcun diritto e la maggior parte di loro non ha cittadinanza nel paese guidato dal premio Nobel per la pace Aung San Suu Kyi. Senza il diritto di avere cure mediche e istruzione, non possono possedere nulla e non possono avere più di due figli.
Si è tornato a parlare della loro drammatica situazione nell’agosto di due anni fa, a causa delle persecuzioni dei militari birmani, che li hanno costretti ad un esodo nel vicino Bangladesh. Le poche testimonianze di prima mano arrivate in quei giorni del 2017 parlavano di brutalità inaudite e quotidiane: centinaia di morti, stupri, mine, sparizioni, villaggi dati alle fiamme e torture.
Rohingya: il difficile ritorno in Myanmar
Negli ultimi due anni, il governo del Myanmar ha negato la sua colpevolezza per le atrocità commesse e ha vietato alle organizzazioni e agli osservatori internazionali, incluso il relatore speciale delle Nazioni Unite Lee, di accedere nello stato Rakhine, dove la maggior parte dei Rohingya viveva prima dello spargimento di sangue del 2017.
Proprio per queste ragioni, un ritorno in sicurezza in patria per la popolazione musulmana sembra, per ora, molto difficile. Lo stesso Lee, a settembre, ha dichiarato che il Paese della Suu Kyi «non ha fatto nulla per smantellare il sistema di violenza e persecuzione contro i Rohingya».
Photographer Patrick Brown won the FotoEvidence Book Award with World Press Photo for his project “No Place on Earth,” documenting the world’s fastest growing refugee crisis and one of the most rapid human exodus in recent history. Risking death at sea or on foot, more than 700,000 #Rohingya fled the destruction of their homes and persecution in the northern Rakhine State of #Myanmar. Arriving in Bangladesh at the makeshift camps, most refugees reported harrowingly consistent stories of murder and rape, all of which testify to a deliberate campaign of eradication. “No Place on Earth” provides an intimate portrait of the Rohingya survivors and their bleak conditions in overcrowded refugee camps.
No Place on Earth by Patrick BrownFotoEvidence | Documenting Social Injustice
Winner of the 2019 FotoEvidence Book Award with World Press Photo
The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim minority group in Rakhine State, western Myanmar. They number around one million people, laws passed in the 1980s effectively deprived them of Myanmar citizenship. Violence erupted in Myanmar on 25 August after a faction of Rohingya militants attacked police posts, killing 12 members of the Myanmar security forces. Myanmar authorities, in places supported by groups of Buddhists, launched a crackdown, attacking Rohingya villages and burning houses. In late August 2017, I starting hearing reports from friends and colleagues in Bangladesh that Rohingya Muslims were flooding across the border with horrific stories perpetrated by the Myanmar military and vigilantes.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has called the crackdown in Rakhine State, Burma, “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing”. There is nothing clean about Ethnic cleansing – up close and on the ground, it’s murder, it’s rape, it’s people being slaughtered in the most systematic and barbaric way. It’s people. While euphemisms and diplomatic language can obscure the true horror inflicted by oppressive regimes, photography cuts through all the cold clinical terminology. Through photographs we’re forced to confront the cruel reality of what ethnic cleansing really looks like.
Although I’ve worked in tough environments before, nothing could have prepared me for the raw misery I saw and heard over the following months: orphan children carrying their younger siblings through flooded paddy fields; wounded men and women who had walked for 10 days with nothing more than their shirts on their backs. Soon the hundreds of desperate people became thousands, and then tens of thousands, then hundreds of thousands. Amid the crush of humanity and gathering monsoon rains, they tried to make shelters with anything that could give them some cover.
Today, the refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar is the world’s largest - a city of nearly a million people, more densely populated than Manhattan and the size of Copenhagen. Trapped on the edge of a foreign country and rejected by their ancestral homeland, the Rohingya have nothing there but their will to survive and whatever support we provide for them. Their needs are total: for clean drinking water, schools, health care, jobs. But most of all, a safe and dignified place to call home.
La semaine dernière, le Danemark et l’Autriche ont présenté conjointement à Vienne un projet pour réformer le système de l’asile au sein de l’Union européenne. Ce projet prévoit d’établir un centre de déportation basé hors de l’UE pour les demandeurs d’asile refoulés.
La ministre danoise de la migration, #Inge_Støjberg, s’était rendue à Vienne jeudi, où elle a rencontré le ministre de l’Intérieur autrichien, #Herbert_Kickl, membre du parti d’extrême droite autrichien, le FPÖ.
Støjberg est membre du parti libéral du Danemark (Venstre), et depuis juin 2015, elle occupe le poste de ministre de l’Immigration et de l’Intégration dans le gouvernement du Premier ministre Lars Løkke Rasmussen.
Un projet qui n’est pas nouveau
Leur projet vise à fournir un hébergement aux réfugiés déboutés du droit d’asile plus proche de leur pays d’origine, tout en perturbant les activités des activités de trafiquants.
La création de centres d’accueil hors de l’Europe, des “#plate-formes_de_retour”, pour accueillir les migrants déboutés du droit d’asile en Europe, en attendant leur retour dans leur pays d’origine, est une idée chère à M. Kickl. Elle avait déjà été proposée cet été, mais jusqu’à présent, aucun pays situé hors de l’UE n’a accepté de se porter candidat pour ouvrir de tels centres sur son territoire. L’#Egypte, le #Maroc, la #Tunisie, l’#Algérie, l’#Albanie, et la #Macédoine ont tous décliné l’invitation jusqu’ici.
Quant à Mme Støjberg, l’année dernière, elle envisageait d’adopter un projet de l’extrême-droite danoise consistant à exiler les demandeurs d’asile déboutés par son pays sur une ou plusieurs des 300 îles inhabitées au large de la côte danoise.
Un centre d’accueil hors de l’UE pour décourager les migrants d’entreprendre le voyage
« Nous maintenons que [les réfugiés] devraient réclamer le droit d’asile dans le premier pays où ils arrivent, plutôt qu’on leur permette de voyager dans toute l’Europe », a affirmé Mme Støjberg. « De notre côté, nous nous engageons à augmenter les capacités d’accueil [des pays voisins des zones de conflit pour gérer les arrivées de demandeurs d’asile]. Cela peut signifier des choses telles que les soins de santé, l’éducation, les gardes-frontières, et un système pour gérer les demandeurs d’asile », a-t-elle ajouté.
Selon la ministre danoise, un centre d’accueil situé hors de l’UE réduirait la tentation des migrants de se rendre en Europe pour y trouver l’asile. « Si vous pouvez voir à quelle vitesse vous pouvez être renvoyé, il n’y a plus de raison de dépenser votre argent et de risquer votre vie pour vous rendre là-bas », a-t-elle dit.
Selon elle, le projet respecte les conventions de l’Union européenne en matière de droit des réfugiés, et elle a exhorté les autres pays membres à soutenir le projet.
Des contours encore très flous
Néanmoins, le site choisi et le calendrier pour l’ouverture de ce centre n’ont pas été révélés. M. Kickl s’est montré optimiste quant aux perspectives d’aboutissement ce projet, mais n’a pas voulu donner plus de détails.
Reste à savoir si ce projet sera accepté par les collègues européens de Mme Støjberg et M. Kickl. L’idée de la création de centres de déportation hors de l’UE avait déjà été évoquée cet été, notamment lors d’une réunion des ministres de l’Intérieur des pays membres de l’UE à Innsbruck en Autriche au mois de juillet, et n’avait pas été bien accueillie par un certain nombre d’officiels européens.
Les Danois veulent loger les demandeurs d’asile déboutés sur une #île_déserte
La ministre danoise de l’Immigration Inger Støjberg (photo) songe à adopter un projet de l’extrême-droite, qui consisterait à exiler les demandeurs d’asile déboutés sur une ou plusieurs des 300 îles inhabitées au large de la côte danoise. À l’heure actuelle, près d’un millier de demandeurs d’asile déboutés au Danemark attendent leur expulsion.
Støjberg est membre du parti libéral du Danemark (Venstre), et depuis juin 2015, elle occupe le poste de ministre de l’Immigration et de l’Intégration dans le gouvernement du Premier ministre Lars Løkke Rasmussen.
« Je suis toujours prête à écouter les bonnes idées pour le suivi des demandeurs d’asile », dit-elle dans le journal Berlingske.
La proposition d’exil des demandeurs d’asile déboutés vient du parti populiste d’extrême droite danois « parti du peuple danois » (Dansk Folkeparti, ou DF). Ce parti soutient la coalition au gouvernement, mais n’en fait pas partie.
Pourtant, selon Støjberg, le projet est intéressant mais pas immédiatement réalisable. « Il pourrait y avoir des obstacles pratiques et juridiques pour établir un centre de déportation dans un endroit très isolé, et ce sont des choses qu’il faut prendre en compte », a-t-elle déclaré.
Dansk Folkeparti : loger les demandeurs d’asile déboutés « dans des containers, ou des tentes »
La plupart des demandeurs d’asile déboutés résident actuellement dans une ancienne #prison d’état dans le centre du pays. Mais les résidents locaux se sont plaints de vols à l’étalage et affirment qu’ils ne se sentent pas en #sécurité en raison de la présence de ces migrants à proximité.
Selon le DF, le coût ne devrait pas être un obstacle. « Peut-être que nous pouvons trouver une île sur laquelle il y a déjà des constructions, mais sinon, le centre pourrait être établi à partir de n’importe quoi : de #containers dans lesquels les gens pourraient vivre, ou de #tentes ». C’est ce qu’a déclaré le porte-parole du parti, Martin Henriksen.
Le DF est très attaché à la politique d’asile du gouvernement. L’année dernière, il a suggéré la possibilité que la police impose une #assignation_à_résidence aux demandeurs d’asile mineurs qui se seraient mal comportés.
Cette proposition faisait suite à la mise en cause que 5 garçons âgés d’entre 14 et 17 ans du centre d’asile de #Tullebølle. Ils avaient été accusés d’#agressions_sexuelles et de #viol commis sur des visiteuses du festival Langeland, sur l’île de Funen.
Denmark Plans to Isolate Unwanted Migrants on a Small Island
Denmark plans to house the country’s most unwelcome foreigners in a most unwelcoming place: a tiny, hard-to-reach island that now holds the laboratories, stables and crematory of a center for researching contagious animal diseases.
As if to make the message clearer, one of the two ferries that serve the island is called the Virus.
“They are unwanted in Denmark, and they will feel that,” the immigration minister, Inger Stojberg, wrote on Facebook.
On Friday, the center-right government and the right-wing Danish People’s Party announced an agreement to house as many as 100 people on #Lindholm_Island — foreigners who have been convicted of crimes and rejected asylum seekers who cannot be returned to their home countries.
The 17-acre island, in an inlet of the Baltic Sea, lies about two miles from the nearest shore, and ferry service is infrequent. Foreigners will be required to report at the island center daily, and face imprisonment if they do not.
“We’re going to minimize the number of ferry departures as much as at all possible,” Martin Henriksen, a spokesman for the Danish People’s Party on immigration, told TV 2. “We’re going to make it as cumbersome and expensive as possible.”
The deal allocates about $115 million over four years for immigrant facilities on the island, which are scheduled to open in 2021.
The finance minister, Kristian Jensen, who led the negotiations, said the island was not a prison, but added that anyone placed there would have to sleep there.
Louise Holck, deputy executive director of The Danish Institute for Human Rights, said her organization would watch the situation “very closely” for possible violations of Denmark’s international obligations.
The agreement was reached as part of the annual budget negotiations. Each year, the Danish People’s Party demands restrictions on immigrants or refugees in return for its votes on a budget.
In Denmark, as in much of Europe, the surge in migration from the Middle East and Africa in 2015 and 2016 prompted a populist, nativist backlash.
The government has vowed to push immigration law to the limits of international conventions on human rights.
Legal experts said it was too early to tell whether the Lindholm Island project would cross those boundaries, constituting illegal confinement. They said it resembled an Italian government project that was struck down in 1980 by the European Court of Human Rights.
The Lindholm Island plan furthers the government’s policy of motivating failed asylum seekers to leave the country by making their lives intolerable.
Asylum seekers with criminal records are not allowed to work in Denmark. Rejected asylum seekers who cannot be deported are given accommodations, where they cannot prepare their own meals, food and an allowance of about $1.20 per day, which is withheld if they fail to cooperate with the authorities.
A former immigration minister, Birthe Ronn Hornbech, called the island project “a joke” and a blunder comparable to a soccer player scoring a goal for the opposing team.
“Nothing will become of this proposal,” she wrote in her newspaper column.
Many foreigners who have been denied asylum cannot be deported to their home countries for fear of abuse or persecution, or simply because those countries refuse to take them back.
Hundreds lingering in two deportation centers refuse to leave — a challenge for a government that has promised to get rid of those who have no legal right to remain in Denmark.
Some have held out for more than a decade despite a steady deterioration in living conditions. An independent study by a former prison director now working for the rights group Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly found conditions in one of the deportation centers to be comparable to those in some prisons, or worse.
Prime Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen said last month that the government’s aim in receiving refugees would no longer be to integrate them, but to host them until they can return to their countries of origin.
“It’s not easy to ask families to go home, if they’ve actually settled,” he told a meeting of his party. “But it is the morally right thing. We should not make refugees immigrants.”
This summer, a ban on face coverings was introduced and quickly nicknamed “the burqa ban” as it followed a debate on the Islamic garment seen by some as “un-Danish.” This month, Parliament is expected to pass legislation requiring immigrants who want to obtain citizenship to shake hands with officials as part of the naturalization ceremony — though some Muslims insist that they cannot shake hands with someone of the opposite sex.
The government contends that hand shakes are “a basic Danish value.”
La Danimarca confinerà i migranti su un’isola con gli animali infetti. Così l’Europa muore.
C’è del marcio in Danimarca. Senza scomodare Amleto e i rimandi shakespeariani, bisogna constatare l’ennesima trovata discriminatoria quanto disumana di un Paese del “civile e ordinato” Nord Europa. Le normative internazionali non consentono l’espulsione di alcuni richiedenti asilo: secondo l’articolo 33 della Convenzione di Ginevra: “Nessuno Stato Contraente espellerà o respingerà, in qualsiasi modo, un rifugiato verso i confini di territori in cui la sua vita o la sua libertà sarebbero minacciate a motivo della sua razza, della sua religione, della sua cittadinanza, della sua appartenenza a un gruppo sociale o delle sue opinioni politiche”. Tali leggi non si possono ignorare, ma evidentemente si possono aggirare. Dunque il governo danese ha pensato bene non di espellere questi immigrati, ma di relegarli su un’isola-prigione.
Per la precisione si tratta dell’isola di Lindholm, con una superficie di sette ettari. Pressoché deserta, viene usata esclusivamente come luogo per ricerche veterinarie, e vi soggiornano diversi medici che studiano la peste suina e la rabbia canina. Adesso cani e maiali dovranno cedere il posto agli immigrati, che qualcuno, vista la deriva che sta prendendo il pianeta sotto il profilo dei diritti umani, sembra non considerare tanto dissimili.
L’idea scellerata è della coalizione di governo che comprende i Conservatori e il Dansk Folkeparti. Quest’ultimo, il Partito popolare danese, è noto per la perenne caccia all’immigrato, tanto veemente da far sembrare Matteo Salvini un misto tra Nicola Fratoianni e il Papa. Sull’isola verrà costruito, entro il 2021, un centro di espulsione dove i migranti – un massimo di 125 persone, che hanno compiuto un reato e ai quali è stata rifiutata la richiesta d’asilo – saranno costantemente sorvegliati dalla polizia. Potranno lasciare l’isola solo dopo aver ottenuto permessi speciali, per qualche ora durante la giornata, ma con l’obbligo di tornarvi la sera. E il biglietto del traghetto dovranno pagarselo da soli, a un prezzo inaccessibile per la loro condizione economica. D’altronde, il governo non ha alcuna intenzione di ammorbidire il loro soggiorno, e lo scopo è proprio quello di non permettere loro di lasciare l’isola-prigione. Di tutti i modi escogitati per camuffare una detenzione, questo pare di certo il meno credibile.https://thevision.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/a1cef3c29800942deeab3996d7145878-151315-e1544703634675.jpg
Suonano paradossali anche le precisazioni della sezione danese di Amnesty International, che spiega come la misura riguarderà i soli richiedenti asilo con precedenti penali. Quindi quelli che hanno già scontato una pena in una prigione reale, e che si ritroveranno nuovamente in stato di detenzione, stavolta senza colpe e senza processi, è giusto, secondo un’organizzazione che dovrebbe tutelare i diritti umani, che ne scontino una nuova. Il clima di ostilità nei confronti dei migranti è così accentuato che la misura, palesemente in conflitto con i più basilari principi di tutela delle libertà, ha generato addirittura festeggiamenti sui social. In particolare, è un video a rendere chiaro il sentimento di molti, diffuso in rete dal Dansk Folkeparti: si tratta di un cartone animato dove un uomo di colore, con abiti da musulmano, viene scaricato su un’isola deserta. Il testo di accompagnamento alle immagini recita: “Gli stranieri criminali non hanno motivo di stare in Danimarca. Finché non riusciremo a liberarcene, li trasferiremo sull’isola di Lindholm”. Come cani e maiali, appunto.
L’isola sarà trasformata in una prigione grazie a un investimento di 100 milioni di dollari che servirà a smantellare i laboratori e le stalle dell’istituto di veterinaria e a costruire la struttura con i dormitori per gli immigrati. Sarà pronta entro il 2021, salvo improbabili ripensamenti o interventi da parte della comunità europea. Inger Støjberg, ministra dell’immigrazione in quota Venstre, partito di destra della coalizione, ha usato Facebook per lanciare un messaggio che suona come un lapidario avvertimento: “Alcuni migranti si accorgeranno di non essere i benvenuti”. In pratica la versione danese di “È finita la pacchia”.https://thevision.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/15439589305c06f19212671_1543958930_3x2_rt-e1544701395116-1200x809.jpg
Già in passato la Danimarca si era distinta per il pugno duro contro i migranti, sino al punto di minare la loro libertà e addirittura privarli dei loro effetti personali. Il Parlamento danese ha infatti approvato nel 2016 una legge tesa a scoraggiare le richieste d’asilo, che conferisce alle autorità il potere di perquisire vestiti e bagagli dei migranti per confiscare beni superiori a 10mila corone (circa 1.350 euro) e usarli per contribuire al loro mantenimento. Eppure la Danimarca, così come gran parte dei paesi del Nord Europa e tutta l’area scandinava, viene dipinta come l’espressione massima del “Paese civile”. Questa definizione a quanto pare si riferisce all’ordine e alla pulizia di una nazione, mentre si chiudono entrambi gli occhi sulle politiche disumane e dal sapore fascista – dove “ordine e pulizia” assumono un altro significato.
Il governo, intanto, continua a ripetere che quella che verrà realizzata non sarà una prigione, perché non ci saranno vere e proprie celle. Si potrebbe comunque fare un paragone con il regime carcerario, considerando le condizioni nelle quali verseranno gli “ospiti” dell’isola. I danesi hanno probabilmente preso spunto dalla politica sull’immigrazione australiana. L’isola di Nauru, nell’Oceano Pacifico, è il luogo dove il governo “scarica” i richiedenti asilo: per dirla alla Toninelli, i migranti restano a Nauru “per mesi, al massimo anni”. Ci sono intere famiglie, bambini che vengono seguiti dalla polizia anche quando vanno a scuola, mentre gli adulti vengono vessati quotidianamente dalle guardie e vivono in condizioni precarie. Il Guardian Australia ha denunciato abusi su minori e violenze sessuali sulle donne. Ovviamente, in Italia, c’è chi ha lodato il No Way australiano e la detenzione dei migranti a Nauru. È un politico di spicco. Sì, proprio lui.https://thevision.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/57aa65f6c46188c0758b458f-e1544700339894.jpg https://thevision.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/Nauru_regional_processing_facility_7983320399.jpg https://thevision.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/E99D7FC7-7B67-4BE7-A6BF-BA2958FC03FF_cx0_cy9_cw0_w1023_r1_s-e1544700317847.jpg
Matteo Salvini, durante lo stallo della nave Diciotti, ha dichiarato: “Il mio obiettivo è il No Way australiano. Nessun migrante soccorso in mare mette piede in Australia”. Nel 2015, sulla sua pagina Facebook, si era spinto oltre, parlando proprio di Nauru: “In Australia per me fanno bene! Che dite, affittiamo un’isola anche noi?”. Salvini, invece di gongolare di fronte alle sirene australiane e danesi, dovrebbe semplicemente ripassare la nostra storia. Mandare al confino gli “indesiderati”, cacciandoli su un’isola per allontanarli dalla civiltà, era una prerogativa di Mussolini. Forse il ministro dell’Interno non ha mai sentito parlare di Ventotene o delle isole Tremiti.
Dopo le leggi speciali del 1926, gli individui ritenuti pericolosi per lo Stato e per l’ordine pubblico venivano spediti in queste isole. È bene sottolineare che, quasi cento anni fa, venivano considerati pericolosi anche gli omosessuali, gli avversari politici, i credenti di fede diversa, come i testimoni di Geova, o i lettori di libri considerati sovversivi. Durante il fascismo vennero emesse 12mila ordinanze dalle commissioni Provinciali, e le isole si riempirono. Una volta giunti in quei luoghi, ai confinati venivano sottratti i documenti personali, non potevano interagire con gli isolani o superare zone di confine sorvegliate da guardie armate. Sulla carta era vietato anche ascoltare la radio o parlare di politica, mentre era permesso l’invio di una sola lettera alla settimana, non più lunga di 24 righe. Da Ventotene passò anche Sandro Pertini, che poi divenne uno dei più amati presidenti della Repubblica. Quando Salvini si lancia in azzardati inviti ad affittare isole, ricordiamoci quanto ci hanno trasmesso i libri di storia.
È proprio per la memoria storica ancora pulsante, da preservare il più a lungo possibile, che proposte come quella del governo danese dovrebbero mettere in allarme le democrazie europee, che sono sotto attacco anche per questo e non solo per gli attacchi terroristici di individui radicalizzati e riempiti di odio esattamente come i sostenitori di simili politiche.
Nessun uomo è un’isola, scriveva il poeta John Donne. Rivisitando i suoi versi, auspichiamo “nessun uomo su un’isola”, se viene intesa come prigionia e azzeramento dei diritti fondamentali dell’uomo. Che sia in Danimarca, nel profondo Sud dell’Oceania o in qualche nostalgia malsana di un politico nostrano che strizza troppo spesso l’occhio a un passato nero che non dovrebbe ripetersi.
Un rapport des Nations unies accuse les généraux birmans de commettre un génocide contre la minorité musulmane du pays. 700 000 Rohingyas ont fui vers le Bangladesh depuis l’an dernier.
v. le #rapport :
Report of the Independent International Fact - Finding Mission on Myanmar
The Mission concluded, given these considerations on the inference of genocidal intent, that there is sufficient information to warrant the investigation and prosecution of s enior officials in the Tatmadaw chain of command, so that a competent court can determine their liability for genocide in relation to the situation in Rakhine State.
Nuove rotte per i minerali insanguinati
Verisk Maplecroft: combattenti trafficano stagno, oro e tungsteno in Colombia e #Myanmar.
La mappa dei paesi a rischio violazione di diritti umani legati ai cosiddetti “minerali insanguinati”, o “minerali di conflitto”, si allarga a Colombia e Myanmar. Secondo l’ultimo rapporto dalla società di consulenza Verisk Maplecroft attiva nella gestione del rischio globale, infatti, le zone interessate da questi fenomeni non sono più solo la Repubblica democratica del Congo o la regione africana dei Grandi Laghi, dove da tempo i signori della guerra finanziano i conflitti locali proprio trafficando questi materiali.
La ricerca ha esaminato venti fattori di rischio di natura politica, sociale e ambientale relativi all’estrazione e al commercio di tantalio, stagno, tungsteno e oro (noti anche con l’acronimo 3TG derivato dalle tre T dei primi tre – stagno è tin in inglese – più la G di gold, oro) nei principali paesi produttori a livello globale di questi minerali.
L’analisi condotta dalla multinazionale britannica mostra che i paesi africani della regione dei Grandi Laghi, in particolare la Repubblica democratica del Congo, non sono più né gli unici né i più importanti fornitori di 3TG, fondamentali per la produzione di dispositivi ad alta tecnologia e batterie per auto elettriche, per citare solo un paio di esempi. Secondo le conclusioni degli analisti di Verisk Maplecroft, infatti, i quattro minerali sono prodotti anche sotto il controllo di gruppi armati attivi in Myanmar (ex Birmania) e Colombia, al fine di finanziare la guerriglia nei due paesi.
Uno tra i più importanti di questi gruppi è lo United Wa State Army (Uswa), un esercito formato da oltre 30 mila uomini, che grazie al sostegno di Pechino dal 1989 controlla di fatto lo Stato di Wa, nel nord-est del Myanmar. Lo stagno prodotto nelle miniere di Man Maw sotto il controllo dei ribelli birmani viene esportato nella vicina Cina e immesso nelle catene di fornitura di oltre 500 aziende locali, che producono materiale elettronico. Nel 2003, l’Uwsa è stata sanzionata dal governo degli Stati Uniti per il suo coinvolgimento nel traffico internazionale di stupefacenti.
In Colombia, invece, alcune formazioni armate come l’Esercito di liberazione nazionale (Eln) che, dopo le Farc, rappresenta il secondo principale gruppo ribelle di ispirazione marxista attivo nella nazione latino-americana, attualmente detengono il controllo dell’attività estrattiva di ingenti giacimenti di oro e tungsteno.
Le disposizioni in vigore in Europa e negli Stati Uniti per risalire all’esatta catena di fornitura di un dato minerale e renderlo tracciabile, si sono finora concentrate sulle nazioni della regione dei Grandi Laghi, nonostante la miriade di rischi che possono sorgere nelle catene di approvvigionamento di atri paesi.
#matières_premières #extractivisme #Colombie #or #Birmanie #Tungstène #Étain #rapport #mines #risques #rapport #Congo #RDC
Lien vers le rapport :
Conflict Minerals Risk Analysis
Verisk Maplecroft’s conflict minerals analysis quantifies 20 political, social and environmental risk related to the production of tantalum, tin, tungsten and gold (#3TG) in the largest global producers of the minerals. The focus of the risk assessment is at the mine level of the value chain, though risk issues present across the wider value chains of the assessed commodities are also incorporated.
I PADRONI DELLA TERRA
88 milioni di ettari di terra fertile nel mondo in 18 anni sono stati accaparrati
da Stati, gruppi e aziende multinazionali, società finanziarie e immobiliari internazionali.
Questo fenomeno si chiama: Land Grabbing.
Mais j’arrive pas à comprendre où et comment télécharger le rapport...
"I padroni della Terra", 88 milioni di ettari sono stati accaparrati in 18 anni nel mondo
Responsabili alcuni Stati, gruppi finanziari e aziende multinazionali o società immobiliari. E’ il «land grabbing». Il dossier della FOCSIV sulle espropriazioni nelle comunità rurali di mezzo mondo realizzaco con la Coldiretti. Un fenomeno che genera nuove povertà, iniquità e che calpesta diritti. I casi dell’Ecuador e del Myanmar