#naufrage

At the meeting Lochridge discovered why he had been denied access to the viewport information from the Engineering department—the viewport at the forward of the submersible was only built to a certified pressure of 1,300 meters, although OceanGate intended to take passengers down to depths of 4,000 meters. Lochridge learned that the viewport manufacturer would only certify to a depth of 1,300 meters due to experimental design of the viewport supplied by OceanGate, which was out of the Pressure Vessels for Human Occupancy (“PVHO”) standards. OceanGate refused to pay for the manufacturer to build a viewport that would meet the required depth of 4,000 meters.

Ça fait 2-3 fois que je vois passer cette info de certification du hublot a 1300m seulement. Si c’est ça le problème voilà encore un bel exemple d’ingénierie shadock façon Musk : tant que ça marche pas j’essaie (surtout ne jamais s’arrêter de pomper)

Leur arrogance les tue.
C’est plutôt une bonne nouvelle.

Oui mais elle nous tue aussi. Pas sur ce coup là, où, pour une fois, ils sont victimes de leur arrogance effectivement. Mais c’est juste une goutte d’eau face à leurs méfaits.

#naufrage

voir aussi ce fil de discussion sur ce naufrage :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/1006608

Après le naufrage en Grèce, les autorités grecques et européennes sous le feu des critiques

À la suite de l’annonce de la disparition de plusieurs centaines de personnes dans un naufrage survenu mercredi au large de la Grèce, des dirigeants européens ont fait part de leurs condoléances. Ils ont reçu de nombreuses critiques condamnant les politiques migratoires européennes.

C’est sans doute le naufrage le plus meurtrier depuis 2013. Mercredi 14 juin, vers 2h du matin, un bateau surchargé de migrants a fait naufrage au large de Pylos, dans le sud-ouest de la Grèce. Au moins 78 personnes sont mortes dans le drame et des centaines d’autres sont toujours portées disparues. Selon les témoignages des rescapés, qui ont donné des chiffres différents, entre 400 et 750 exilés se trouvaient sur le bateau parti de Tobrouk, dans l’est de la Libye.

À la suite de ce drame, de nombreuses personnalités politiques grecques et européennes ont exprimé leur émotion sur les réseaux sociaux. La présidente de la Commission européenne Ursula von der Leyen s’est dit « profondément attristée par la nouvelle du naufrage au large des côtes grecques et par les nombreux décès signalés ». « Nous devons continuer à travailler ensemble, avec les États membres et les pays tiers, pour éviter de telles tragédies », a-t-elle ajouté.

Ylva Johansson, commissaire européenne aux Affaires intérieures, s’est quant à elle dit « profondément affectée par cette tragédie meurtrière au large des côtes grecques ». « Nous avons le devoir moral collectif de démanteler les réseaux criminels. La meilleure façon d’assurer la sécurité des migrants est d’empêcher ces voyages catastrophiques... », a également indiqué la responsable.

Les messages de soutien des deux dirigeantes ont entraîné de très nombreuses critiques d’internautes. Des défenseurs des droits des migrants, avocats et journalistes ont notamment dénoncé le « cynisme » des autorités européennes, les accusant de promouvoir une politique migratoire européenne dure.

« Vies innocentes »

La classe politique grecque a également réagi au drame. En campagne électorale en vue des législatives du 25 juin, l’ancien Premier ministre conservateur, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, a décidé d’annuler un rassemblement électoral prévu pour la fin de journée à Patras, le grand port de cette région du Péloponnèse, a annoncé son parti Nouvelle Démocratie (ND).

« Nous sommes tous choqués par le tragique naufrage survenu aujourd’hui dans les eaux internationales de la Méditerranée, au sud-ouest du Péloponnèse. Je suis attristé par la perte de tant de vies innocentes », a-t-il déclaré sur Twitter.

Ce responsable politique s’est par ailleurs entretenu au téléphone avec le Premier ministre par intérim, Ioannis Sarmas. Il a également décrété trois jours de deuil dans le pays.

Sur les réseaux sociaux, l’ancien Premier ministre n’a pas non plus été épargné par des internautes l’accusant d’hypocrisie face au drame de Pylos. Le dirigeant a mené une politique très dure envers les exilés durant ses quatre années à la tête du gouvernement. Athènes a été à de très nombreuses reprises accusée de pratiquer des refoulements illégaux de migrants en mer Égée et dans la région de l’Evros.
Des bateaux escortés hors des SAR zones

De nombreux membres d’organisations internationales ont également réagi au drame de Pylos. Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut-commissariat des nations unies aux réfugiés (HCR), en charge de la Méditerranée de l’ouest et centrale s’est dit « très attristé par cette nouvelle tragédie ». Le responsable a également confié son inquiétude « de voir ces derniers mois certains États côtiers escorter des bateaux en mauvais état en dehors de leur zone SAR pour s’assurer qu’ils atteignent d’autres zones SAR ».

De son côté, Federico Soda, directeur du département des urgences à l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), a plaidé pour la mise en place de « mesures concrètes pour donner la priorité à la recherche et au sauvetage » et de « voies d’accès sûres pour les migrants ».

L’agence européenne de surveillance des frontières (Frontex) s’est, quant à elle, déclarée « profondément touchée » par le drame. Dans le même message posté sur Twitter, l’agence assure que son avion de surveillance a repéré le bateau le mardi 13 juin au matin et affirme avoir « immédiatement informé les autorités compétentes ».

Selon les autorités portuaires grecques, un avion de surveillance de Frontex avait effectivement vu le bateau mardi mais il n’est pas intervenu car les passagers ont « refusé toute aide ».

Les ONG actives dans l’aide aux exilés ont également fait part de leur effroi face au drame de Pylos. Interrogé par Libération, le président de SOS Méditerranée France, François Thomas, a condamné une « nouvelle tragédie insupportable ». « Il n’existe aucune solidarité européenne. Les moyens de sauvetage sont de moins en moins importants, alors que l’Europe a des moyens. Quand est-ce que tout cela va s’arrêter ? », a-t-il dénoncé.

Médecins sans frontières (MSF), qui intervient en Méditerranée centrale avec son navire humanitaire le Geo barents , a déclaré être « attristé et choqué » par le drame survenu mercredi. L’ONG précise que ses équipes en Grèce se tiennent prêtes à intervenir pour aider autant que possible les rescapés.

Enquête ouverte

Enfin, le pape François, très sensible à la thématique migratoire, est « profondément consterné » par le naufrage, a rapporté jeudi le Vatican dans un communiqué.

« Sa sainteté le pape François envoie ses prières sincères pour les nombreux migrants qui sont morts, leurs proches et tous ceux qui ont été traumatisés par cette tragédie », peut-on lire dans un télégramme signé par le N.2 du Saint-Siège, le cardinal Pietro Parolin, et publié par le Vatican.

Les opérations de secours se poursuivaient jeudi matin pour tenter de retrouver des survivants. Des moyens aériens et maritimes sont déployés mais les espoirs s’amenuisent à mesure que le temps passe. Jusqu’à présent, 104 personnes ont pu être secourues mais Athènes redoute que des centaines d’autres ne soient portées disparues, d’après les témoignages des survivants.

Une enquête a été ouverte par la justice grecque sur le sauvetage de l’embarcation. La Cour suprême grecque a également ordonné une enquête pour définir les causes du drame qui a choqué le pays.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49698/apres-le-naufrage-en-grece-les-autorites-grecques-et-europeennes-sous-

“They are urgently asking for help”: the SOS that was ignored

The Hellenic Coast Guard attributed its failure to proceed to a rescue mission of the migrants before their trawler sunk to their refusal to receive assistance. International law experts, as well as active and former Coast Guard officials, refute the argument. And emails sent by the Alarm Phone group to authorities which are in Solomon’s possession, prove that the passengers of the vessel had sent out an SOS – one that was ignored.

https://wearesolomon.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/2-1024x576.png

The first recovered bodies of the people who lost their lives 80 km southwest of Pylos between the 13th and 14th of June are transferred to the cemetery of Schisto. At least 78 dead and hundreds remain missing. 104 people have been rescued so far, while the search for survivors continues.

But critical questions about possible mishandling by the Hellenic Coast Guard of the tragedy that led to the deadliest shipwreck recorded in recent years in the Mediterranean remain.

The same goes for the responsibilities of Greece and Europe, whose policies have diverted asylum seekers to the deadly Calabria route, which bypasses Greece (for obvious reasons), while also failing to establish legal and safe routes.
“Denied assistance“

In the briefings and timeline of the events leading up to the tragedy, the HCG attributes the failure to rescue the migrants before the sinking of the fishing boat to their repeated “refusal to receive assistance” in their communications with the vessel.

The HCG had been aware of the vessel since the early morning hours of Tuesday, 13/6, and was, according to its own log, in contact with the vessel from as early as 14:00 local time. But no rescue action was undertaken, because “the trawler did not request any assistance from the Coast Guard or Greece,” the HCG reported.

The same argument is repeated at 18:00: “Repeatedly the fishing boat was asked by the merchant ship if it required additional assistance, was in danger or wanted anything else from Greece. They replied, “we want nothing more than to continue to Italy”.

But does this absolve the Coast Guard of responsibility?

International law experts as well as former and active members of the Coast Guard question the legal and humanitarian basis of this argument, even if there was indeed a “refusal of assistance”. And they point out to Solomon that the rescue operation should have begun immediately upon detection of the fishing vessel. For the following reasons, among others:

- The vessel was obviously overloaded and unseaworthy, with the lives of the peopled on board, who did not even have life-saving equipment, being in constant danger.

– Accepting a denial of rescue or other intervention by the HCG could make sense only if the vessel carried a state flag, had proper documents, had a proper captain and was safe. None of these applies in the case of the sunk trawler.

- Coast Guard officials had to objectively assess the situation and take the necessary actions regardless of how the passengers of the trawler – or, to be precise, whoever the Coast Guard was in contact with- themselves assessed their own situation.

- The fishing vessel was undoubtedly in a state of distress that mandated its rescue at the latest from the moment the Coast Guard received, through Alarm Phone, an SOS message, which was transmitted to the group by the passengers. This SOS call is not mentioned anywhere in the Coast Guard’s communications.

Proof the Coast Guard knew of the danger

In its own chronology of events, Watch the Med-Alarm Phone says it contacted the authorities at 17:53 local GR time.

The email to the competent authorities, which is available to Solomon, indicates the coordinates where the overloaded vessel was located. It states that there are 750 people on board, including many women and children, and includes a telephone number for contacting the passengers themselves.

“They are urgently asking for help,” the email reads.

From this message, it follows also that FRONTEX, the HQ of the Greek Police and the Ministry of Citizen Protection, as well as the Coast Guard in Kalamata, were also informed.

The message was also communicated to the UNCHR in Greece and Turkey, to NATO, as well as to Greece’s Ombudsman.

Listen to the interview given to Solomon by Maro, an Alarm Phone member:

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bV4SptggF2U&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwearesolomon.com%2F

Solomon contacted the Hellenic Coast Guard, asking detailed questions: why was there no rescue operation after the migrants’ distress signal via Alarm Phone? Does a refusal to rescue exculpate the HCG? Why was the vessel (for security and identification purposes) not even checked, given it was not flying a flag? Why was the operation launched only after the vessel sank?

A spokesman for the HCG did not answer the specific questions but instead referred to the Coast Guard’s press release.

Solomon also contacted UNHCR, which confirmed receipt of the email.

“Our Office was indeed notified yesterday (ed. note: 13/06) afternoon in correspondence received from Watch The Med – Alarm Phone, which referred to a vessel in distress southwest of the Peloponnese with a large number of passengers. We immediately informed the competent Greek authorities requesting urgent information about the coordination of a search and rescue operation to bring the people to safety”.

“Please be informed that Frontex has immediately relayed the message to the Greek authorities,” Frontex responded to Alarm Phone’s message, in an email seen by Solomon.

“Duty of rescue, not stand by and watch”

The Coast Guard had to treat the incident as a vessel in distress from the very first moment and take all measures to rescue the people, explains Nora Markard, Professor of International Public Law and International Human Rights at the University of Münster.

“As soon as the distress call was received via Alarm Phone, there was clearly distress. But when a ship is so evidently overloaded, it is in distress as soon as it leaves port, because it is unseaworthy. Even if the ship is still moving. And when there is distress, there is a duty to rescue, not to stand by and watch.

International law defines distress as a situation where there is a reasonable certainty that a vessel or a person is threatened by grave and imminent danger and requires immediate assistance.

“That requires an objective assessment. If a captain completely misjudges the situation and says the ship is fine, the ship is still in distress if the passengers are in grave danger by the condition of the ship,” Dr. Markard explains.

International law unambiguously states that, on receiving information ‘from any source’ that persons are in distress at sea, the master of a ship that is in a position to render assistance must ‘proceed with all speed to their assistance’.

In this particular case, the fishing vessel was not flying a flag, so the incident does not even fall under the category of respect for the sovereignty of the flag state.

“When a ship doesn’t fly a flag at all, as it appears to be the case here, the law of the sea gives other states a right to visit the ship. This includes the right to board the ship to check it out,” says Markard.

Apart from the distress call itself, the Hellenic Coast Guard, therefore, had the additional authority to examine the situation.

“All ships and authorities alerted of the distress have an obligation to rescue, even if the ship in distress is not in their territorial waters but at high sea. Search and rescue zones often include waters that belong to the high sea,” explains Markard.

“If the distress occurs in a state’s search and rescue zone, that state also has an obligation to coordinate the rescue. For example, it can requisition merchant ships to render assistance.”
Coast Guard officer: “This was the definition of a vessel in distress”

A former senior officer of the Greek Coast Guard with vast relevant experience seconds this and raises additional questions.

Speaking to Solomon on condition of anonymity, he explained that the vessel was manifestly unseaworthy and the people on board in danger. Even a refusal to accept assistance was not a reason to leave it to its fate.

The same official also points out there were delays in the response of the HCG (“valuable time was lost”) and an inadequate force of assets. He confirmed that refusal of assistance would only make sense in the case of a legal, documented, seaworthy and flagged vessel. “This was the definition of a vessel in distress”.

Similar statements regarding the claims of the Greek Coast Guard were made by retired admiral of the Coast Guard and international expert, Nikos Spanos, to Greece’s public broadcaster ERT:

“It’s like saying I can just watch you drown and do nothing. We don’t ask the crew on a boat in distress if they need help. They absolutely need help, from the moment the boat is adrift.”

▻https://wearesolomon.com/mag/focus-area/migration/they-are-urgently-asking-for-help-the-sos-that-was-ignored

Chi c’era a bordo della barca naufragata al largo della Grecia

Moshin Shazad, 32 anni, era un uomo con l’espressione seria, due figli piccoli, la moglie e la madre da mantenere. Per questo aveva deciso di partire da Lalamusa, una città nel Punjab, in Pakistan. Non riusciva a trovare un lavoro stabile e le bocche da sfamare erano diventate troppe, dopo la nascita del secondo figlio. Voleva raggiungere il cugino, Waheed Ali, che dal 2019 vive in Norvegia.

È partito con altri quattro ragazzi, quattro amici, tra cui Abdul Khaliq e Sami Ullah. Ha telefonato al cugino poco dopo essere salito sul peschereccio stracarico che è partito da Tobruk, in Libia, ed è naufragato il 14 giugno, a 47 miglia da Pylos, in Grecia. “Diceva che sarebbe arrivato in Italia”, racconta Waheed Ali, che ora sta cercando il cugino tra i 108 sopravvissuti, di cui molti sono stati sistemati in un magazzino abbandonato di Kalamata, in Grecia, mentre una trentina sono stati trasferiti in ospedale. Molti erano in ipotermia. Ma Shazad potrebbe anche essere tra i dispersi.

Shawq Muhammad al Ghazali, 22 anni, era uno studente originario di Daraa, in Siria, ed era rifugiato in Giordania, dove al momento vivono la sua famiglia e suo zio Ibhraim al Ghazali. Il ragazzo era partito da Amman per la Libia, e da lì, da Tobruk, si era imbarcato per raggiungere l’Europa. “Non ho sue notizie dall’8 giugno, il giorno della partenza dalla Libia”, dice lo zio. Secondo molti familiari, le autorità greche non stanno aiutando le famiglie ad avere notizie dei parenti o a capire se sono tra i vivi o tra i dispersi.

I superstiti sono per lo più siriani (47) ed egiziani (43), poi ci sono dodici pachistani e due palestinesi, secondo le autorità greche. Tutti uomini. “Non riesco a sapere se è sopravvissuto, sono io che sto dando notizie alla famiglia in Pakistan, ma sono disperato, non riesco a capire e a sapere nulla. Del naufragio ho saputo dalla televisione”, afferma Waheed Ali.

L’imbarcazione su cui viaggiavano Moshin Shazad e gli altri era partita da Tobruk l’8 giugno, era diretta in Italia, lungo una rotta da cui sono arrivati nel 2023 la metà dei migranti partiti dalla Libia.

“Secondo le prime testimonianze sarebbe corretta la stima di 700-750 persone a bordo, tra cui almeno quaranta bambini, che probabilmente erano nella stiva. Se questi numeri fossero confermati, si tratterebbe del secondo naufragio più grave avvenuto nel Mediterraneo dopo quello dell’aprile 2015”, racconta Flavio Di Giacomo, dell’Organizzazione internazionale per le migrazioni (Oim). Settantotto corpi sono stati recuperati finora in mare al largo della penisola del Peloponneso. Ma l’Oim ha affermato di “temere che altre centinaia di persone” siano annegate. Il portavoce della guardia costiera greca Nikos Alexiou ha detto che l’imbarcazione è naufragata, dopo che le persone si sono spostate bruscamente su un lato. L’imbarcazione è affondata in quindici minuti.

Frontex li aveva avvistati
Secondo le autorità greche, un aereo di sorveglianza dell’agenzia europea Frontex aveva avvistato la barca il 13 giugno. In un comunicato Frontex ha confermato di avere visto l’imbarcazione in mattinata, alle 9.47 del giorno precedente al naufragio e di averlo comunicato alle autorità preposte al soccorso, cioè alla guardia costiera greca. Anche la guardia costiera italiana e due mercantili avevano segnalato alle autorità greche l’imbarcazione in difficoltà. Ma secondo la guardia costiera greca, i passeggeri dell’imbarcazione “hanno rifiutato qualsiasi aiuto”, perché i migranti si stavano dirigendo verso l’Italia.

“Nel pomeriggio, una nave mercantile si è avvicinata alla barca e le ha fornito cibo e rifornimenti, mentre i (passeggeri) hanno rifiutato ogni ulteriore assistenza”, ha detto la guardia costiera greca in un comunicato. Una seconda nave mercantile in seguito ha offerto più rifornimenti e assistenza. Ma anche questa volta sono stati rifiutati, secondo i greci.

In serata, una motovedetta della guardia costiera ha raggiunto la nave “e ha confermato la presenza di un gran numero di migranti sul ponte”, è scritto nel comunicato delle autorità greche. “Ma hanno rifiutato qualsiasi assistenza e hanno detto che volevano continuare in Italia”. Tuttavia le leggi internazionali sul soccorso in mare avrebbero imposto in ogni caso ai greci di intervenire per le condizioni in cui l’imbarcazione stava navigando. Diverse testimonianze contestano la versione delle autorità greche.

Il motore della barca si è rotto poco prima delle 23 (gmt) del 13 giugno, da quel momento la barca è andata alla deriva. I naufraghi hanno chiesto aiuto, telefonando alla rete di volontari Alarmphone, già dal 13 giugno, dicendo di avere contattato anche “la polizia”. L’attivista Nawal Soufi, che vive in Italia, ha raccontato che i migranti con cui era in contatto telefonico le hanno detto che alcune imbarcazioni si sono avvicinate, distribuendo delle bottigliette di acqua.

“Il 13 giugno 2023, nelle prime ore del mattino, i migranti a bordo di una barca carica di 750 persone mi hanno contattata comunicandomi la loro difficile situazione. Dopo cinque giorni di viaggio, l’acqua era finita, il conducente dell’imbarcazione li aveva abbandonati in mare aperto e c’erano anche sei cadaveri a bordo. Non sapevano esattamente dove si trovassero, ma grazie alla posizione istantanea del telefono Turaya (telefono satellitare, ndr), ho potuto ottenere la loro posizione esatta e ho allertato le autorità competenti”, scrive Soufi, condividendo la sua ricostruzione su Facebook.

“La situazione si è complicata quando una nave si è avvicinata all’imbarcazione, legandola con delle corde su due punti della barca e iniziando a buttare bottiglie d’acqua. I migranti si sono sentiti in forte pericolo, poiché temevano che le corde potessero far capovolgere la barca e che le risse a bordo per ottenere l’acqua potessero causare il naufragio. Per questo motivo, si sono leggermente allontanati dalla nave per evitare un naufragio sicuro”, continua l’attivista nel suo post.

“Durante la notte, la situazione a bordo dell’imbarcazione è diventata ancora più drammatica. Io sono rimasta in contatto con loro fino alle 23 ore greche, cercando di rassicurarli e di aiutarli a trovare una soluzione”. Fino all’ultima chiamata in cui “l’uomo con cui parlavo mi ha espressamente detto: ‘Sento che questa sarà la nostra ultima notte in vita’”, conclude. Il parlamentare greco Kriton Arsenis, che ha parlato con i sopravvissuti a Kalamata, ha confermato la versione dell’attivista Soufi e ha dichiarato che l’imbarcazione si è ribaltata dopo essere stata trainata con delle corde dai greci. Secondo Arsenis, i greci volevano spingere l’imbarcazione di migranti nelle acque di ricerca e soccorso italiane.

▻https://www.internazionale.it/notizie/annalisa-camilli/2023/06/15/naufragio-grecia
#Frontex

Grecia, strage di Pylos. «Nessuna pace per gli assassini»

https://www.meltingpot.org/app/uploads/2023/06/manifestazione-atene-1536x1024.jpg

Mentre il mare inghiotte i corpi e lo Stato rinchiude i sopravvissuti si riempiono le strade delle città greche

Da tempo, definiamo la politica migratoria europea “necropolitica”, ovvero – seguendo Achille Mbembe – una politica che crea le condizioni strutturali per produrre la morte di un gruppo di persone.

Un’architettura di morte, che vediamo ogni giorno nel regime europeo del confine, sempre più legale, sofisticata, diffusa. Ci accorgiamo ora che ci hanno tolto anche la morte, nel senso che personalmente e collettivamente – noi “vivi” – le diamo, facendo esperienza di quella degli altri, vicini e lontani. Ci hanno tolto anche la morte perché hanno tolto il lutto a chi ha perso una persona cara, la possibilità di piangere un corpo morto, la possibilità di conoscerne il nome, di sapere chi, dove, quando, quanti.

Probabilmente non sapremo mai quante persone sono affogate nella strage avvenuta tra martedì 13 e mercoledì 14 giugno ad 80 chilometri al largo del porto di Pylos. Gli stessi migranti, al telefono con l’attivista Nawal Soufi, parlavano di 750 persone a bordo, di cui molti bambini. La Guardia costiera ellenica dice 646. Le foto e le informazioni disponibili fino ad ora confermano quest’ordine di grandezza, ma le cifre sono destinate a rimanere indicative. Il naufragio è avvenuto nella zona con il mare più profondo di tutto il Mediterraneo: circa 60 km a sud-ovest di Pylos si trova la Fossa di Calipso, una depressione che supera i 5.000 metri di profondità. Gli esperti dicono che il recupero dei corpi sarà quindi particolarmente difficoltoso, il mare li inghiottirà per sempre. Ad oggi, sono solo 104 i superstiti, difficilmente questo numero aumenterà.

Oltre la produzione della morte si situa forse l’annullamento, l’annientamento della persona (della vita). Sono parole che, chiaramente, richiamano il nazismo. Non sapere chi, non sapere quanti, non poter riavere i corpi – massivamente e sistematicamente – è qualcosa che, credo, si avvicina all’annientamento.

I dettagli che iniziano a trapelare dipingono un quadro dei fatti che non solo seppellisce ogni retorica della “tragica fatalità”, ma svela le responsabilità dirette della HCG (Hellenic Coast Guard) nel causare il “capovolgimento” della barca. Come ricostruito dall’attivista Iasonas Apostolopoulos, sulla base delle dichiarazioni del parlamentare Kriton Arsenis, che ha potuto parlare con i sopravvissuti a Kalamata, la HCG avrebbe legato il peschereccio con delle corde e provato a trascinarlo. Sarebbe stato proprio questo tentativo di rimorchio a far ribaltare la barca. Queste ricostruzioni si allineano con i primi racconti di Nawal Soufi.

▻https://twitter.com/ABoatReport/status/1669301668259741696/history

Evidentemente, la differenza – se esiste – tra uccidere e lasciar morire sfuma: non è “solo” indifferenza complice, non è “semplicemente” girarsi dall’altra parte. L’omissione di soccorso è la punta dell’iceberg di un sistema complesso – quello dei confini europei – progettato per annientare la vita. Sistema di cui la guardia costiera è solo un tassello. Non è l’Europa che finge di non vedere, è l’Europa che, strutturalmente, con delle politiche precise e radicate nel tempo, produce morte.

La versione ufficiale della HCG descrive invece il capovolgimento come frutto di una maldestra manovra – in mare piatto – del peschereccio stesso. Dall’altra parte, puntano tutto sulla colpevolizzazione delle vittime: “Ripetevano costantemente di voler salpare per l’Italia e di non volere alcun aiuto dalla Grecia”, si ribadisce ossessivamente nel comunicato. Ma è assodato che questo improbabile “non volevano essere aiutati”, secondo il diritto del mare, non giustifica il mancato soccorso, come chiarito dall’ordine degli avvocati di Kalamata – che si è offerto di supportare gratuitamente i sopravvissuti. Così come è assodato che la HCG sapeva tutto dalla mattina di martedì 13 giugno, alla luce dell’avvistamento da parte del velivolo di Frontex e degli SOS diffusi da Alarm Phone – pubblicati da wearesolomon – e inoltrati anche ad UNCHR, NATO, e al difensore civico greco.

Ma non lasciamo non detti: probabilmente l’HCG voleva trascinare il peschereccio in zona SAR maltese o italiana. Questa volontà è stata più forte di quella di salvare 750 vite umane in evidente pericolo. Forse anche per questo, ai giornalisti è stato impedito di parlare con i sopravvissuti. Dopo delle pressioni, è stato permesso solo ai parlamentari.

Come da copione, nove di loro, egiziani, sono stati arrestati accusati di traffico di esseri umani ed omicidio 1, mentre la maggior parte (71 persone) è stata trasferita nel campo di Malakasa 2, nel “centro di accoglienza e identificazione”: una struttura chiusa, controllata, isolata, priva di supporto psicologico e assistenza medica adeguata. Sono siriani, egiziani, pakistani e palestinesi. Non devono poter raccontare, devono capire che non c’è pietà, che nulla gli sarà concesso.

https://www.meltingpot.org/app/uploads/2023/06/malakasa2.jpg https://www.meltingpot.org/app/uploads/2023/06/malakasa3.jpg

Nel porto di Kalamata, sembra di rivivere i giorni di Cutro: arrivano i familiari da tutta Europa e non solo. Alcuni trovano i propri cari, molti non li troveranno. Nessun aiuto da parte dello Stato, nessuna informazione, dicono. Non c’è pace per i vivi, non c’è pace per i morti. Finora sono stati recuperati ed identificati 78 corpi, saranno trasportati con dei camion frigorifero al cimitero di Schisto.

Intanto, si riempiono le strade della Grecia. Dal porto di Pylos ad Atene, Salonicco, Patrasso, Karditsa, Kalamata, migliaia di persone si sono messe in marcia. Ad Atene, giovedì sera, una marea umana si è scontrata con i soliti gangster in divisa.

La risposta dello Stato è sempre la stessa, anche con i solidali. Sono piazze commosse ma piene di rabbia. Una rabbia degna. Puntano chiaramente il dito verso gli assassini: non solo la guardia costiera, ma lo Stato greco, l’Unione Europea, Frontex, questo sistema coloniale e razzista.

Domenica 18 giugno nel pomeriggio un altro corteo, chiamato dalla Open Assembly Against Pushbacks and Border Violence, si muoverà dal Pireo verso gli uffici di Frontex: l’agenzia europea non potrà giocare la parte dei “buoni” che avevano segnalato per tempo la barca in pericolo.

Dalle strade, si leva una promessa: non dimentichiamo, non perdoniamo.

Senza funerali
▻https://i.imgur.com/gwzd0yG.jpg
▻https://twitter.com/maurobiani/status/1669719647107661824

Did migrants reject help before deadly Greek wreck, or beg for it? Coast guard, activists disagree

This undated handout image provided by Greece’s coast guard on Wednesday, June14, 2023, shows scores of people covering practically every free stretch of deck on a battered fishing boat that later capsized and sank off southern Greece. A fishing boat carrying migrants trying to reach Europe capsized and sank off Greece on Wednesday, authorities said, leaving at least 79 dead and many more missing in one of the worst disasters of its kind this year.(Hellenic Coast Guard via AP)
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This undated handout image provided by Greece’s coast guard on Wednesday, June14, 2023, shows scores of people covering practically every free stretch of deck on a battered fishing boat that later capsized and sank off southern Greece. A fishing boat carrying migrants trying to reach Europe capsized and sank off Greece on Wednesday, authorities said, leaving at least 79 dead and many more missing in one of the worst disasters of its kind this year.(Hellenic Coast Guard via AP)

This much is clear: On June 9, an old steel fishing trawler left eastern Libya for Italy, carrying far too many people.

As many as 750 men, women and children from Syria, Egypt, the Palestinian territories and Pakistan were on board, fleeing hopelessness in their home countries and trying to reach relatives in Europe.

Five days later, the trawler sank off the coast of Greece in one of the deepest parts of the Mediterranean Sea. Only 104 people, all men, survived. The remains of 78 people were recovered.

There are still more questions than answers about what led up to one of the worst shipwrecks in recent Mediterranean history.

Activists, migration experts and opposition politicians have criticized Greek authorities for not acting earlier to rescue the migrants, even though a coast guard vessel escorted the trawler for hours and watched helplessly as it sank.

Below is a timeline of events based on reports from Greek authorities, a commercial ship, and activists who said they were in touch with passengers. They describe sequences of events that at times converge, but also differ in key ways.

The Greek Coast Guard said that the overcrowded trawler was moving steadily toward Italy, refusing almost all assistance, until minutes before it sank. This is in part supported by the account of a merchant tanker that was nearby.

But activists said that people on board were in danger and made repeated pleas for help more than 15 hours before the vessel sank.

International maritime law and coast guard experts said that conditions on the trawler clearly showed it was at risk, and should have prompted an immediate rescue operation, regardless of what people on board may have said.

Much of these accounts could not immediately be independently verified.

Missing from this timeline is the testimony of survivors, who have been transferred to a closed camp and kept away from journalists.

All times are given in Greece’s time zone.

FIRST CONTACT

Around 11 a.m. on Tuesday, Italian authorities informed Greece that a fishing trawler packed with migrants was in international waters southwest of the Peloponnese. Greece said the Italian authorities were alerted by an activist.

Around the same time, human rights activist Nawal Soufi wrote on social media that she had been contacted by a woman on a boat that had left Libya four days earlier.

The migrants had run out of water, Soufi wrote, and shared GPS coordinates through a satellite phone showing they were approximately 100 km (62 miles) from Greece.

“Dramatic situation on board. They need immediate rescue,” she wrote Tuesday morning.

Over the course of the day, Soufi described some 20 calls with people on the trawler in a series of social media posts and a later audio recording. The Associated Press could not reach Soufi.

A surveillance aircraft from the European Border and Coast Guard Agency Frontex spotted the overcrowded trawler at 11:47 p.m. and notified Greek authorities, the agency told AP. On Saturday, Frontex told AP its plane had to leave the scene after 10 minutes due to a fuel shortage but that it had also shared with Greece details and photos of the “heavily overcrowded” trawler.

DIFFERING ACCOUNTS OF CONDITIONS ON BOARD

At 2 p.m., Greek authorities established contact with someone on the trawler. The vessel “did not request any assistance from the Coast Guard or from Greece,” according to a statement.

But activists said that people on the boat were already in desperate need by Tuesday afternoon.

At 3:11 p.m., Soufi wrote, passengers told her that seven people were unconscious.

Around the same time, Alarm Phone, a network of activists with no connection to Soufi who run a hotline for migrants in need of rescue, said they received a call from a person on the trawler.

“They say they cannot survive the night, that they are in heavy distress,” Alarm Phone wrote.

At 3:35 p.m., a Greek Coast Guard helicopter located the trawler. An aerial photo released showed it packed, with people covering almost every inch of the deck.

From then until 9 p.m., Greek authorities said, they were in contact with people on the trawler via satellite phone, radio, and shouted conversations conducted by merchant vessels and a Coast Guard boat that arrived at night. They added that people on the trawler repeatedly said they wanted to continue to Italy and refused rescue.

MERCHANT SHIPS BRING SUPPLIES

At 5:10 p.m., Greek authorities asked a Maltese-flagged tanker called the Lucky Sailor to bring the trawler food and water.

According to the company that manages the Lucky Sailor, people on the trawler “were very hesitant to receive any assistance,” and shouted that “they want to go to Italy.” Eventually, Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Limited wrote in a statement, the trawler was persuaded to accept supplies.

Around 6 p.m., a Greek Coast Guard helicopter reported that the trawler was “sailing on a steady course and heading.”

But at 6:20 p.m., Alarm Phone said that people on board reported that they were not moving, and that the “captain” had abandoned the trawler in a small boat.

“Please any solution,” someone on board told Alarm Phone.

The Greek authorities’ account suggested the trawler stopped around that time to receive supplies from the Lucky Sailor.

At 6:55 p.m., Soufi wrote, migrants on board told her that six people had died and another two were very sick. No other account so far has mentioned deaths prior to the shipwreck, and the AP has not been able to verify this.

Around 9 p.m., Greek authorities asked a second, Greek-flagged, merchant vessel to deliver water, and allowed the Lucky Sailor to leave.

Then, at around 10:40 p.m., a Coast Guard boat from Crete reached the trawler, and remained nearby until it sank. According to the Coast Guard, the vessel “discreetly observed” the trawler from a distance. Once again, the Coast Guard said, the trawler did not appear to have any problems and was moving “at a steady course and speed.”

THE FINAL HOURS

According to Soufi’s account, attempts to deliver supplies may have contributed to the trawler’s troubles.

Shortly after 11 p.m., she wrote that the trawler began rocking as its passengers tried to catch water bottles from another vessel. According to people on board, ropes were tied to the ship, destabilizing it and causing a “state of panic,” she said.

The report from the Lucky Sailor said no lines were tied to the trawler, and supplies were delivered in watertight barrels tied to a rope.

“Those on board the boat caught the line and pulled,” the company managing the Lucky Sailor told the AP.

The other merchant vessel did not immediately reply to the AP’s questions.

A spokesman for the Greek Coast Guard said late Friday that its vessel had briefly attached a light rope to the trawler at around 11 p.m. He stressed that none of the vessels had attempted to tow the trawler.

Commander Nikos Alexiou told Greek channel Ant1 TV that the Coast Guard wanted to check on the trawler’s condition, but people on board again refused help and untied the rope before continuing course.

Soufi’s last contact with the trawler was at 11 p.m. She said later in a voice memo that “they never expressed the will to continue sailing to Italy,” or refused assistance from Greece. “They were in danger and needed help.”

THE WRECK

According to authorities, the trawler kept moving until 1:40 a.m. Wednesday, when its engine stopped. The Coast Guard vessel then got closer to “determine the problem.”

A few minutes later, Alarm Phone had a final exchange with people on the trawler. The activists were able to make out only: “Hello my friend … The ship you send is …” before the call cut off.

At 2:04 a.m., more than 15 hours after Greek authorities first heard of the case, the Coast Guard reported that the trawler began rocking violently from side to side, and then capsized.

People on deck were thrown into the sea, while others held onto the boat as it flipped. Many others, including women and children, were trapped below deck.

Fifteen minutes later, the trawler vanished underwater.

In the darkness of night, 104 people were rescued, and brought to shore on the Mayan Queen IV, a luxury yacht that was sailing in the vicinity of the shipwreck. Greek authorities retrieved 78 bodies. No other people have been found since Wednesday.

As many as 500 people are missing.

▻https://apnews.com/article/migrants-shipwreck-rescue-greece-coast-guard-c160027a00d1ad2f859b97e3e8e7643

Après le naufrage, des survivants dénoncent les gardes-côtes grecs et Frontex

La version officielle grecque sur l’un des pires naufrages en Méditerranée est mise à mal par les témoignages de survivants. Le rôle de Frontex, l’agence européenne chargée des frontières extérieures, est également pointé du doigt. Une enquête a été ouverte.

Plus de quatre jours après le naufrage d’un bateau de pêche en provenance de Libye, où s’étaient embarquées jusqu’à 750 personnes – notamment des ressortissantes et ressortissants égyptiens, syriens et pakistanais –, l’espoir est mince de retrouver des survivant·es au large des côtes sud de la Grèce.

Les questions sont nombreuses en particulier sur l’action des gardes-côtes grecs, accusés par certains témoignages d’avoir provoqué l’accident. La Cour suprême grecque a ordonné une enquête sur les circonstances du drame, l’un des pires naufrages en Méditerranée avec des centaines de morts. Pour l’heure, 104 personnes ont été rescapées et 78 corps récupérés.

Jeudi après-midi, Kriton Arsenis, ancien eurodéputé, a rencontré des survivants dans le port de Kalamata, sur la péninsule du Péloponnèse, en tant que membre de la délégation de Mera25, le parti de Yánis Varoufákis. « Les réfugiés nous ont dit que l’embarcation a chaviré pendant qu’elle était tirée par le bateau des gardes-côtes », a-t-il raconté.

« Les survivants nous disent que le bateau a basculé alors qu’il faisait l’objet d’une manœuvre où il était tiré par les gardes-côtes helléniques, a déclaré de son côté Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut Commissariat aux réfugiés pour la Méditerranée occidentale et centrale. Ils nous disent qu’il était tiré non pas vers les côtes grecques, mais en dehors de la zone de secours en mer grecque. »

Ces témoignages vont à l’encontre de la version officielle, qui, jusqu’à vendredi, expliquait que les gardes-côtes n’étaient pas intervenus.

La Grèce est régulièrement accusée de refouler des migrant·es en mer, provoquant la crainte, derrière une aide supposée, d’être en réalité éloigné·es du territoire – une pratique illégale au regard du droit international maritime et de la Convention de Genève, qui doivent permettre à toute personne en situation de détresse d’être secourue et acheminée vers un port dit « sûr » et de pouvoir, si elle le souhaite, déposer une demande d’asile dans le pays qu’elle tentait de rallier.

En mai dernier, des révélations du New York Times ont mis en lumière cette pratique, grâce à une vidéo d’un « push-back » prise sur le fait. Mediapart avait documenté un cas semblable en 2022, qui avait provoqué la mort de deux demandeurs d’asile.
Le patron de Frontex sur place

Le rôle de Frontex, l’agence européenne chargée des frontières extérieures, est également mis en question, car selon les autorités portuaires grecques, un avion de surveillance de Frontex avait repéré le bateau mardi après-midi mais les secours ne sont pas intervenus car les passagers ont « refusé toute aide ». Son patron Hans Leijtens s’est rendu à Kalamata pour établir les faits et « mieux comprendre ce qui s’est passé car Frontex a joué un rôle » dans ce naufrage « horrible ».

« On ne demande pas aux personnes à bord d’un bateau à la dérive s’ils veulent de l’aide […], il aurait fallu une aide immédiate », a affirmé pour sa part à la télévision grecque ERT Nikos Spanos, expert international des incidents maritimes. D’après Alexis Tsipras, le chef de l’opposition grecque de gauche, qui s’est entretenu avec des rescapés, « il y a eu un appel à l’aide ».

Le HCR et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), deux agences des Nations unies, se sont félicités des enquêtes « qui ont été ordonnées en Grèce sur les circonstances qui ont conduit au chavirement du bateau et à la perte de tant de vies », tout en rappelant que « le devoir de secourir sans délai les personnes en détresse en mer est une règle fondamentale du droit maritime international ».

Le HCR et l’OIM ont rappelé vendredi que depuis le début de l’année, au moins 72 778 migrants sont arrivés en Europe (dont 54 205 en Italie), par les routes migratoires en Méditerranée orientale, centrale, et occidentale ou par le nord-ouest de l’Afrique. Dans le même temps, au moins 1 037 migrants sont morts ou portés disparus.

Neuf Égyptiens ont été arrêtés dans le port de Kalamata. Ils sont âgés de 20 à 40 ans et soupçonnés de « trafic illégal » d’êtres humains. Parmi les suspects, qui devraient comparaître lundi devant le juge d’instruction, figure le capitaine de l’embarcation qui a chaviré, d’après une source portuaire à l’AFP.

Areti Glezou, travailleuse sociale au sein de l’ONG grecque Thalpo était en première ligne aux côtés des rescapés. Manifestement choquée, elle se souviendra longtemps de certains détails à glacer le sang. « Un homme me racontait qu’il a nagé pendant deux heures au côté de corps d’enfants avant d’être secouru. » Elle s’arrête, reprend son souffle et, les larmes aux yeux, elle poursuit : « Oui, ça, ils me l’ont tous dit, les cales étaient remplies de femmes et d’enfants. » Aucun n’aura été retrouvé vivant.

Plus de 120 Syriens se trouvaient à bord et un grand nombre d’entre eux sont portés disparus, ont indiqué vendredi à l’AFP des membres de leurs familles et des militants locaux. La plupart sont originaires de la province instable de Deraa dans le sud du pays. Berceau du soulèvement antirégime déclenché en 2011, elle est revenue sous le contrôle des forces gouvernementales en juillet 2018. Plusieurs d’entre eux ont gagné la Libye, d’où était parti le bateau, en transitant par des pays voisins comme le Liban, la Jordanie ou encore l’Arabie saoudite.

Vendredi matin, on a cependant vu des larmes de joie sur le port de Kalamata. Des deux côtés des barrières qui entourent le hangar où logent les rescapés, deux frères se sont aperçus. Fardi a retrouvé Mohamed vivant. Le grand a retrouvé le petit. Autour d’eux les sourires fleurissent sur les visages. Pour quelques brefs instants, journalistes, humanitaires et hommes en uniformes redeviennent d’abord des êtres humains. Comme un rayon de lumière qui illumine soudain un océan de tristesse.

Une demi-heure plus tard, des bus viennent chercher les rescapés pour les emmener au camp de Malakasa dans la région d’Athènes. Le hangar est désormais vide.

►https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/170623/apres-le-naufrage-des-survivants-denoncent-les-gardes-cotes-grecs-et-front

Naufrage de migrants en Méditerranée : ce que l’on sait sur les responsabilités des garde-côtes grecs

Depuis le naufrage dramatique qui a fait 78 morts et possiblement plusieurs centaines d’autres mercredi 14 juin, les critiques ciblent l’absence d’intervention préalable des gardes-côtes grecs. Ces derniers rejettent la faute sur les passagers du navire.

Le naufrage d’un bateau de migrants mercredi 14 juin avec des centaines de personnes à bord, au large de la Grèce, a soulevé de nombreuses questions sur les responsabilités des autorités. Voici ce que l’on sait depuis que ce chalutier vétuste a chaviré et coulé dans les eaux internationales, faisant au moins 78 morts.
L’opération de sauvetage

Les garde-côtes grecs ont affirmé mercredi matin « avoir été prévenus mardi par les autorités italiennes concernant un bateau avec à bord un grand nombre d’étrangers ». Des patrouilleurs grecs ont été mobilisés pour le repérer. « C’est un appareil aérien de Frontex [la décriée agence européenne de gardes-frontières, ndlr] qui a le premier repéré le bateau mardi après-midi, puis deux bateaux qui naviguaient dans la zone », selon les garde-côtes.

Nawal Soufi, une bénévole travaillant pour la ligne téléphonique d’assistance à des migrants en danger Alarm Phone, assure sur son compte Facebook avoir reçu un SOS d’un bateau avec 750 personnes à bord en provenance de Libye.

A 22 h 40 mardi, le chalutier notifie une panne du moteur. Le patrouilleur à proximité « a immédiatement tenté d’approcher le chalutier pour déterminer le problème », ont noté les garde-côtes. Vingt-quatre minutes plus tard, le patron du patrouilleur a annoncé par radio que le bateau avait chaviré. Il a coulé en quinze minutes.
La défausse grecque contre les migrants

Selon les garde-côtes grecs, « il n’y a pas eu de demande d’aide » des personnes à bord du bateau de pêche. « Après de nombreux appels du centre opérationnel des garde-côtes grecs pour les secourir, la réponse du bateau de pêche a été négative », selon le communiqué. « La salle des opérations […] a été en contact répété avec le bateau de pêche. Ils ont constamment répété qu’ils souhaitaient naviguer vers l’Italie », selon la même source.

Le porte-parole du gouvernement a également expliqué vendredi que « les garde-côtes se sont rapprochés du bateau, ils ont jeté une corde pour le stabiliser, mais les migrants ont refusé l’aide ». « Ils disaient ‘‘No help, Go Italy’’ [’’Pas d’aide, on va en Italie’’, ndlr] », a-t-il ajouté.

Pour sa part, le porte-parole de la police portuaire Nikolaos Alexiou a souligné qu’on ne pouvait « pas remorquer un bateau avec un si grand nombre de gens à bord par la force, il faut qu’ils coopèrent ».

Selon un réfugié syrien en Allemagne, Reber Hebun, arrivé en Grèce pour retrouver son frère de 24 ans, survivant du naufrage, « les garde-côtes grecs n’ont rien fait pour les aider au début alors qu’ils étaient près d’eux », a-t-il dit après avoir parlé avec son frère. « Un bateau commercial a donné de l’eau et de la nourriture et tout le monde s’est précipité, le bateau a été déstabilisé à ce moment », selon lui.
Les critiques envers les garde-côtes grecs

Des experts et des ONG ont mis en cause les garde-côtes grecs qui auraient dû intervenir quoi qu’il arrive, selon eux. Pour Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) pour la Méditerranée centrale et occidentale, « l’argument grec selon lequel les personnes ne voulaient pas être secourues pour poursuivre leur route vers l’Italie ne tient pas ». « C’est aux autorités grecques qu’il incombait de procéder ou, au moins, de coordonner une opération de sauvetage, en utilisant soit leurs propres navires de sauvetage soit en faisant appel à tout autre bateau sur zone, y compris à des navires marchands », a-t-il jugé. « Selon le droit maritime international, les autorités grecques auraient dû coordonner plus tôt cette opération de sauvetage, dès lors que Frontex avait repéré ce bateau en détresse », a-t-il poursuivi.

« On ne demande pas aux personnes à bord d’un bateau à la dérive s’ils veulent de l’aide […] il aurait fallu une aide immédiate », a critiqué pour sa part Nikos Spanos, expert international des incidents maritimes.

Hans Leijtens, le patron de Frontex, s’est rendu jeudi à Kalamata pour chercher à « mieux comprendre ce qui s’est passé car Frontex a joué un rôle » dans cet « horrible » naufrage.

Vendredi, l’ONU a demandé des investigations rapides et des mesures « urgentes et décisives » pour éviter de nouveaux drames. « Il doit avoir une enquête approfondie sur les événements qui se sont déroulés au cours de cette tragédie. Et j’espère que nous pourrons trouver des réponses et apprendre de l’expérience », a souligné Jeremy Laurence, porte-parole du Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l’homme.
Des centaines de personnes à bord

78 corps ont jusqu’ici été retrouvés en mer au large des côtes de la péninsule du Péloponnèse, selon les garde-côtes grecs, et 104 personnes ont pu être secourues à temps. Mais le bilan serait en réalité bien plus lourd. Le porte-parole du gouvernement grec, Ilias Siakantaris, avait assuré mercredi que des informations non confirmées faisaient état de 750 personnes à bord du chalutier. L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) « redoute que des centaines de personnes supplémentaires » se soient noyées « dans l’une des tragédies les plus dévastatrices en Méditerranée en une décennie ».

Parmi les personnes qui se trouvaient à bord, figuraient notamment plus 120 Syriens, et un grand nombre d’entre eux sont portés disparus, ont déploré vendredi des membres de leurs familles et des militants locaux. La plupart de ces migrants sont originaires de la province instable de Deraa dans le sud de la Syrie. Plusieurs d’entre eux ont gagné la Libye, d’où était parti le bateau, en transitant par des pays voisins comme le Liban, la Jordanie ou encore l’Arabie Saoudite, selon les mêmes sources.

Les recherches se poursuivent mais les espoirs de retrouver des survivants s’amenuisent, trois jours après le drame. De nombreuses femmes et enfants auraient voyagé dans la cale du navire, qui a sombré dans une zone de la Méditerranée de plusieurs milliers de mètres de profondeur, la fosse Calypso.

Par ailleurs, 9 personnes de nationalité égyptienne soupçonnées d’être des passeurs ont été arrêtées à la suite du drame.

▻https://www.liberation.fr/international/europe/naufrage-de-migrants-en-mediterranee-ce-que-lon-sait-sur-les-responsabili

Message de Vicky Skoumbi envoyé sur la mailing-list de Migreurop, le 18 juin 2023 :

une vidéo glaçante avec un #témoignage de survivants qui fait état de la #responsabilité criminelle des #garde-côtes_grecs, avec la traduction d’un post d’Iasonas Apostolopoulos

▻https://www.facebook.com/519820384/videos/5877893008981441

« Les garde-côtes grecs se sont approchés de nous et nous ont lancé une corde bleue. Ils ont commencé à nous remorquer. La façon dont ils nous tiraient n’était pas correcte. Nous criions. Le navire a alors commencé à prendre de la gîte sur la gauche, les garde-côtes se sont tournés vers le côté opposé et notre navire a commencé à prendre de la gîte sur le côté et à couler.

Nous essayions de grimper sur le bateau, nous voulions survivre.

Les garde-côtes ont détaché la corde. Nous criions à l’aide. Ils ont fait tourner leur navire, créant une grosse vague, et notre bateau a complètement chaviré. Les personnes qui se trouvaient sur le côté du bateau se sont retrouvées en dessous. Nous pouvions entendre les gens dans la cale frapper sur la tôle en fer.

Le bateau a complètement coulé ».

–—

Le journaliste Fallah Elias de la chaîne allemande WDR a partagé sur Twitter le témoignage absolument choquant et horrifiant d’un naufragé secouru.

▻https://twitter.com/falahelias/status/1670127871170322432

Dans la vidéo, d’autres survivants pakistanais confirment que les garde-côtes grecs ont fait couler le bateau en le remorquant.

Ni une, ni deux, ni trois, de nombreux témoignages désignent le gouvernement grec et les garde-côtes comme les seuls responsables du naufrage et de la noyade de centaines de personnes à Pylos. Au lieu de les secourir, ils ont tiré le bateau avec une corde jusqu’à ce qu’il chavire. Probablement pour les faire sortir de la zone de sauvetage grecque.

Selon certaines informations, une centaine d’enfants figureraient parmi les morts.

Si tout cela est vrai, il s’agit du plus grand homicide de l’histoire de l’Europe d’après-guerre.

NE LAISSONS PAS L’AFFAIRE ÊTRE ÉTOUFFÉE !

▻https://twitter.com/falahelias/status/1670127871170322432?s=46&t=0dqDdxigZeccg_TvNxhfAA

Möglicherweise waren Push-Backs der Küstenwache Schuld am Bootsunglück in Griechenland

https://www1.wdr.de/radio/wdr5/sendungen/europamagazin/Fluechtlingsboot-104~_v-gseapremiumxl.jpg

Es gibt Vorwürfe, dass das Boot mit Geflüchteten vor Griechenland wegen Push-Backs der griechischen Küstenwache gesunken ist. WDR-Journalist Bamdad Esmaili berichtet im Interview, was Überlebende des Unglücks erzählen.

Nach dem Bootsunglück vor Griechenland mit hunderten Toten gibt es schwere Vorwürfe gegen die griechische Küstenwache, das Unglück verursacht zu haben. Die Rede ist von so genannten Push-Backs. Darunter versteht man Maßnahmen, mit denen flüchtende Menschen daran gehindert werden, die Grenze zu übertreten und einen Asylantrag zu stellen. In der EU-Grundrechte-Charta wird das Recht auf Asyl gemäß der Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention allerdings garantiert.

Die Küstenwache weist den Vorwurf von Push-Backs zurück - jetzt soll die europäische Polizeibehörde Europol ermitteln. WDR-Journalist Bamdad Esmaili ist in Griechenland und hat mit seinem Team mit Überlebenden sprechen können.

WDR: Es gibt Vorwürfe gegen die griechische Küstenwache. Worum geht es da?

Bamdad Esmaili: Es geht darum, dass es Vorwürfe gibt, dass die griechische Küstenwache dieses Boot in die Richtung von italienischem Gewässer gezogen hat - dass sie es sozusagen gepushbackt hat. Diesen Vorwurf hatten wir bislang nur gehört, gestern Abend gelang es meinem Kollegen, der arabisch spricht, dann mit ungefähr zehn überlebenden Geflüchteten zu sprechen. Sie haben unabhängig voneinander berichtet, dass dieses Boot tatsächlich gezogen wurde - nicht nur einmal, nicht nur zweimal, sondern insgesamt dreimal. Und dabei ist das Schiff dann ins Wanken gekommen und ist gesunken.

WDR: Das heißt, das Ziehen dieses Bootes, der Versuch es nach Italien zu ziehen und damit aus der Zuständigkeit Griechenlands herauszuholen, ist für dieses Unglück - so scheint es zumindest im Moment - verantwortlich?

Esmaili: Das ist der Vorwurf, der im Raum steht. Das muss natürlich erstmal bewiesen werden. Die Griechen lehnen das vehement ab und dementieren das. Sie sagen nach wie vor immer noch, dass sie Hilfe angeboten haben und das Schiff habe diese Hilfe nicht gewollt, weil sie demnach nach Italien wollten.

WDR: Wir können davon ausgehen, dass es jetzt eine größere Untersuchung geben wird. Wie wird in Griechenland darüber diskutiert, was hören Sie da?

Esmaili: Das ist zum Politikum geworden, weil nächste Woche Parlamentswahlen in Griechenland sind. Vor allem die Opposition nutzt dieses Thema jetzt aus und kritisiert die Regierung. Und es ist für drei Tage eine Staatstrauer angeordnet worden. Es gibt auch Proteste, Kundgebungen, es gab einen Trauermarsch in Athen, also das ist ein Riesenthema hier in Griechenland.

WDR: Sie haben erwähnt, dass Sie mit Überlebenden sprechen konnten. Wie haben diese denn die Situation auf dem Schiff beschrieben? Abgesehen von der Frage, ob sie gezogen wurden und damit das Unglück ausgelöst wurde.

Esmaili: Man muss sich das so vorstellen: Ein Schiff, das 30 Meter lang ist, war völlig überfüllt. Die Überlebenden erzählen uns, dass sie von den Schleppern gehört haben, dass 747 Personen auf diesem Schiff waren. Deswegen ist auch immer von knapp 750 Personen die Rede und die waren überall: Unten, oben auf dem Deck, seit Tagen unterwegs, ohne Nahrung, ohne Wasser. Da kann man sich vorstellen, wie die Stimmung auf dem Schiff war.

WDR: Das heißt, man muss davon ausgehen, dass das Unglück zu hunderten Toten geführt hat. Was geschieht jetzt mit den Menschen, die gerettet wurden - auch mit denen, mit denen Sie gesprochen haben?

Esmaili: Wir sind jetzt in Malakasa in der Nähe von Athen und dort sind 71 Personen untergebracht, die kommen ganz normal ins Asylverfahren. Knapp 30 Personen sind noch in Kalamata im Krankenhaus, die werden behandelt und dann kommen sie vermutlich auch ins ganz normale Asylverfahren.

WDR: Ganz normale Asylverfahren nach dem, was sie erlebt haben, das ist sicherlich auch eine schwierige Situation. Wurde die Suche nach Überlebenden denn inzwischen eingestellt?

Esmaili: Das kann ich so nicht bestätigen. Wir haben gestern Abend noch gehört, dass noch weiter gesucht wird, aber natürlich kann man nach so vielen Tagen und bei so vielen Menschen davon ausgehen, dass man kaum noch Überlebende aus dem Meer retten kann. Rund 100 Kinder sollen auch mit an Bord gewesen sein.

▻https://www1.wdr.de/nachrichten/bootsunglueck-mittelmeer-interview-bamdad-esmaili-100.html

Nella stiva.

▻https://i.imgur.com/E8A8fxO.png

#Mauro_Biani #dessin_de_presse #caricature

Frontex statement following tragic shipwreck off Pylos

We are shocked and saddened by the tragic events that unfolded off the coast of Greece. The Frontex Executive Director, who travelled to Greece after learning about the tragedy, has offered any support the authorities may need.

People smugglers have once again trifled with human lives by forcing several hundred migrants on a fishing boat not designed to fit such a number of people. Many were trapped underneath the deck. Our thoughts go out to the families of the victims.

On 13 June before noon, a Frontex plane spotted the fishing vessel inside the Greek search and rescue region in international waters. The ship was heavily overcrowded and was navigating at slow speed (6 knots) direction north-east.

Frontex immediately informed the Greek and Italian authorities about the sighting, providing them with information about the condition of the vessel, speed and photos.

The plane kept monitoring the vessel, constantly providing updates to all relevant national authorities until it ran out of fuel and had to return to base.

As a Frontex drone was to patrol the Aegean on the same day, the agency offered to provide additional assistance ahead of the planned and scheduled flight. The Greek authorities asked the agency to send the drone to another search and rescue incident south off Crete with 80 people in danger.

The drone, after attending to the incident south off Crete, flew to the last known position of the fishing vessel. The drone arrived at the scene four hours later at 04:05 (UTC) in the morning, when a large-scale search and rescue operation by Greek authorities was ongoing and there was no sign of the fishing boat. No Frontex plane or boat was present at the time of the tragedy.

▻https://frontex.europa.eu/media-centre/news/news-release/frontex-statement-following-tragic-shipwreck-off-pylos-dJ5l9p

–-
Commentaire de Lena K. sur twitter :

This might be important. According to Frontex, they offered a drone to fly over the location of the Pylos shipwreck in the evening of 13th, but the Greek authorities decided to send it to another distress incident south of Crete. Convenient (for both).

▻https://twitter.com/lk2015r/status/1670143075040088068

Naufrage en Grèce : le bateau dérivait, contrairement à la version des garde-côtes

Que s’est-il passé dans les heures précédant le terrible naufrage au large du Péloponnèse ? Les garde-côtes grecs affirment que le chalutier bondé faisait route vers l’Italie à une vitesse régulière et n’avait pas besoin d’être secouru. Une enquête de la BBC affirme le contraire : le chalutier était à l’arrêt et nécessitait une aide urgente.

Version contre version. Depuis le terrible naufrage du mercredi 13 juin au large de la Grèce, qui a coûté la vie à au moins 500 personnes (▻https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49759/au-moins-200-pakistanais-parmi-les-victimes-du-naufrage-en-grece), les autorités grecques campent sur leurs positions : le chalutier, qui comptait au moins 700 exilés à bord, n’était pas en danger imminent. Du moins, pas dans les heures précédant le naufrage.

Selon le communiqué officiel du Premier ministre grec (▻https://www.primeminister.gr/2023/06/14/32002), Kyriakos Mitsotakis, le bateau, parti de Tobrouk en Libye, naviguait en direction de l’Italie. « À 15h35, le navire de pêche a été repéré par l’hélicoptère de la Garde côtière [grecque] naviguant à vitesse régulière », peut-on lire sur le communiqué. Il avait été repéré pour la première fois vers 11h du matin, et depuis, les autorités grecques le surveillait à distance. Pourquoi ne pas le secourir immédiatement ? Parce qu’il ne semblait pas en difficulté, se défendent les Grecs. « Le navire navigu[ait] avec un cap et une vitesse constantes », écrivent-ils dans leur rapport.

Cette ligne de défense sera la même tout au long de la journée. À partir de 15h30 jusqu’à 21h, les autorités helléniques affirment avoir été à de nombreuses reprises en communication avec le bateau via téléphone satellite. À chaque fois, les garde-côtes notent que le chalutier navigue à vitesse régulière. Et que les exilés ne réclament aucune aide. « Les migrants criaient : ’Pas d’aide, on va en Italie’ », expliquait déjà vendredi 16 juin le porte-parole des garde-côtes grecs, Nikos Alexiou.

Dans un autre communiqué publié le 19 juin (▻https://www.hcg.gr/el/drasthriothtes/dieykriniseis-anaforika-me-eyreia-epixeirhsh-ereynas-kai-diaswshs-allodapwn-se-d), Athènes maintient sa position et affirme que le bateau a parcouru une distance de 24 nautiques marins - soit 44 km - depuis le moment où il a été repéré jusqu’à son naufrage.

« Le navire ne bouge pas »

Seulement, l’enquête menée par la BBC (►https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-65942426) contredit la version grecque. Grâce aux coordonnées GPS des autres navires présents dans la zone méditerranéenne, la BBC est arrivée à la conclusion que le bateau n’a pas bougé entre 18h et 21h, mardi 13 juin. Un premier chalutier – le Lucky sailor – s’en est approché, sur ordre des garde-côtes grecs, à 18h pour lui fournir des vivres et de l’eau. Trois heures plus tard, c’est au même point de coordonnées maritimes qu’un second navire – le Faithfull Warrior - s’est rendu pour un autre ravitaillement.

Et la BBC de continuer. « Une vidéo – qui aurait été tournée depuis le Faithful Warrior – prétend montrer des vivres livrés au navire via une corde dans l’eau. La BBC a vérifié ces images et a découvert que le navire - qui ne bouge pas – correspond à la forme du navire de migrants en détresse. Les conditions météorologiques correspondent à celles signalées à l’époque. »

Pourtant, dans le dernier communiqué du 19 juin, les Grecs ne parlent pas d’immobilisation du navire. « Dans la soirée, le navire de patrouille côtière [...] est arrivé dans la région et a repéré [le chalutier] se déplaçant par ses propres moyens, à faible vitesse », maintiennent-ils.

Et d’insister. Lors des deux ravitaillements, le navire a dans un premier temps poursuivi sa route avant de finalement s’arrêter. « Une fois le processus [de ravitaillement] terminé, les occupants du bateau ont commencé à jeter les fournitures à la mer », notent-ils encore dans leur document.

« Navire secoué par le vent et les vagues »

Enfin, à 22h40, les garde-côtes affirment s’être approché du chalutier tout en restant « à distance ». Là encore, ils ne détectent aucun problème de navigation. Et proposent de l’aide au navire en difficulté. « [Le chalutier] s’est de nouveau arrêté quelques minutes à l’approche [de la garde-côtière] puis a continué son chemin ».

Entre le dernier ravitaillement et l’immobilisation du chalutier - à cause d’une panne mécanique -, une distance d’environ 6 mille nautiques (11 km) a été parcouru. À aucun moment, selon Athènes, le navire n’a donc été immobile.

À l’échelle de la Méditerranée, ces dizaines de mille nautiques parcourus par le chalutier ne signifie pas qu’il naviguait de plein gré, insiste la BBC. Mais plutôt qu’il se déplaçait à peine « ce que l’on peut attendre d’un navire en détresse secoué par le vent et les vagues dans la partie la plus profonde de la mer Méditerranée », explique la BBC. Selon le média, les garde-côtes auraient donc dû procéder au sauvetage.

Vers 2h du matin, dans la nuit du mardi à mercredi, le bateau fera naufrage. Le bilan provisoire fait toujours état de 78 morts, et des centaines de disparus.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49764/naufrage-en-grece--le-bateau-derivait-contrairement-a-la-version-des-g

Il video di Frontex e quel barcone stracarico in balia del mare

Nel video di Frontex il barcone stracarico di migranti in navigazione tra la Libia, da dove era partito quattro giorni prima, e l’Europa. Le immagini sono state registrate il 13 giugno alle ore 9.48 Utc. Il naufragio è avvenuto la notte tra il 13 e il 14 giugno.

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=Drz5OVIkWi0&embeds_referring_origin=https%3A%2F%2Fw

Salgono a 80 le vittime accertate del tragico naufragio avvenuto a sud del Peloponneso, in Grecia, la settimana scorsa. I soccorsi hanno recuperato i corpi di altri due uomini a largo di Pylos. Le persone tratte in salvo sono ancora 104, mentre mancano all’appello almeno 600 persone, tra cui 100 bambini che al momento del naufragio si trovavano nella stiva. I corpi sono stati trasportati nel porto di Kalamata. Proseguono intanto le ricerche della Guardia costiera.

Il racconto di un sopravvissuto

«La Guardia costiera greca ci ha detto che ci avrebbe portato in acque italiane, che ci stavano spingendo. Era una nave da guerra. Poi la nostra barca si è ribaltata. Sono finito in mare, urlavo, non hanno fatto nulla per salvarci. Ho cercato di rimanere a galla per mezz’ora poi quando sono arrivate le barche della Guardia costiera mi sono allontanato perchè avevo paura. Ho visto la luce di una nave commerciale in lontananza e l’ho raggiunta». E’ la testimonianza-choc che sta circolando in queste ore su twitter. Si Tratta di un sopravvissuto siriano che racconta cosa è successo quella notte, fra martedì e mercoledì di una settimana fa, quando il barcone, partito dalla Libia, si è inabissando portandosi dietro almeno 600 persone (fra cui 100 bambini).

La ricostruzione della Guardia costiera greca
«In totale, il peschereccio ha percorso una distanza di circa 30 miglia nautiche dal momento del rilevamento al momento dell’affondamento» ha dichiarato la Guardia costiera greca in un comunicato. «Il chiarimento», precisa la nota, arriva a seguito delle «pubblicazioni della stampa internazionale e nazionale» secondo cui il peschereccio sovraffollato non si è mosso per almeno 7 ore prima di capovolgersi. «Nelle ore pomeridiane» di martedì 13 giugno, l’imbarcazione dei migranti «è stata avvicinata da una nave cisterna per fornire assistenza», continua il comunicato della Guardia costiera costiera sul naufragio del peschereccio a largo di Pylos. Nel testo si specifica nuovamente che i migranti a bordo avevano fatto resistenza e che poi il peschereccio si è fermato ed «è iniziato il rifornimento di viveri». Dalle ricostruzioni delle autorità elleniche si legge anche che una seconda nave cisterna si è impegnata ad avvicinarsi all’imbarcazione dei migranti per fornire provviste, ma il peschereccio avrebbe fatto resistenza e si sarebbe spostato verso ovest. Alla fine, la nave cisterna ha iniziato la procedura di rifornimento ma al termine di questa i migranti «hanno iniziato a gettare le provviste in mare». «L’intero processo di rifornimento di provviste agli occupanti del peschereccio da parte delle due navi commerciali è durato in totale più di quattro ore e trenta minuti», aggiunge la Guardia costiera, specificando che «nelle ore serali» è arrivata nella zona una loro motovedetta e «ha avvistato il peschereccio che si muoveva autonomamente, a bassa velocità». Secondo la ricostruzione delle autorità elleniche, la motovedetta «ha avviato una procedura di avvicinamento all’imbarcazione per accertarsi delle condizioni attuali del natante e dei suoi occupanti», mentre «la nave si è fermata di nuovo per alcuni minuti durante l’avvicinamento da parte della motovedetta e poi ha continuato la sua rotta».
«Dal momento in cui è stato completato il processo di rifornimento fino all’immobilizzazione del peschereccio a causa di un guasto meccanico, il peschereccio ha percorso una distanza di circa 6 miglia nautiche» conclude la Guardia costiera greca.

Islamabad: 300 cittadini pachistani annegati a Pylos
Più di 300 pachistani sono annegati nel naufragio del peschereccio al largo delle coste greche del Peloponneso: il numero delle vittime è stato reso noto dal presidente del Senato di Islamabad Muhammad Sadiq Sanjrani inviando le condoglianze alle famiglie. Lo scrive la Cnn. «I nostri pensieri e le nostre preghiere sono con voi e preghiamo che le anime defunte trovino la pace eterna», ha detto Sanjrani. «Questo devastante incidente sottolinea l’urgenza di affrontare e condannare l’esecrabile traffico illegale di esseri umani». Le autorità greche non hanno ancora confermato il bilancio delle vittime pakistane.

▻https://www.avvenire.it/attualita/pagine/naufragio-in-grecia-la-versione-dei-greci

A survivor of #Pylos shipwreck shared harrowing details:

➡️Two people died from thirst and hunger on the 4th and 5th days of the journey
➡️On the 4th day, people started drinking from the boat engine’s water. On the 5th day, a state of “slow death” was announced

https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Fy-oJJ1WcAEuCvZ?format=png&name=small#.jpg

➡️On 16 June, they started calling for any coastguard as they didn’t know they were in the Greek waters.
➡️A luxury yacht provided 4 boxes of water for almost 750 people & this created tension between people due to thirst.

➡️A giant Greek ship threw ropes to people & towed the boat. Then, they started throwing water bottles at them leading to an imbalance in the boat
➡️The boat started sinking. We started to beg to be rescued and showed them the dead bodies but the ship wasn’t qualified for rescue

➡️Around sunset, a Greek military ship with masked people wearing black approached, towed them with only one blue robe & increased their ship’s speed
➡️That was when the ship capsized. People started shouting as they sink. People on the Greek military ship were just watching
Full testimony here:
►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IOzLIXa1cQ8

▻https://twitter.com/ecre/status/1670739249417560064

I superstiti del naufragio di Pylos accusano la Guardia costiera greca

Nella notte tra il 13 e il 14 giugno le autorità greche avrebbero tentato di trainare il peschereccio partito dalla Libia con a bordo oltre 700 persone, provocandone l’inabissamento. Le testimonianze dei sopravvissuti, confinati subito dopo aver toccato terra, smontano la versione di Atene. Le vittime sarebbero almeno 643

https://i0.wp.com/altreconomia.it/app/uploads/2023/06/Frontex-Pylos.png?resize=770%2C500&ssl=1#.jpg

Secondo diverse testimonianze dei sopravvissuti il peschereccio con oltre 700 persone a bordo è affondato al largo delle coste greche, nelle prime ore di mercoledì 21 giugno, durante un tentativo fallito di rimorchio da parte della Guardia costiera greca. L’accusa è contenuta nelle dichiarazioni rilasciate da alcuni naufraghi all’autorità giudiziaria di Kalamata, città meridionale greca –visionate dall’Ap news (▻https://apnews.com/article/greece-migrant-shipwreck-smugglers-9daf86915e8bd89a1697dd1ee75504ac) e dal quotidiano ellenico Kathimerini- che smentiscono la versione delle autorità greche secondo cui la barca non sarebbe stata scortata nelle sue ultime ore di navigazione e non ci sarebbe stato alcun tentativo di abbordarla.

“La nave greca ha gettato una corda ed è stata legata alla nostra prua -ha spiegato Abdul Rahman Alhaz, 24 anni, palestinese che è riuscito a salvarsi-. Dopo hanno iniziato a muoversi e a tirare, per poco più di due minuti. Noi gridavamo ‘Stop, stop’ perché la barca era sovraccarica. Poi ha cominciato a inclinarsi”.

L’inabissamento del peschereccio partito dalla Libia avrebbe provocato almeno 643 vittime, secondo quanto è stato possibile ricostruire dalle testimonianze dei 104 sopravvissuti. Sarebbero 100 i bambini, sempre secondo i racconti di chi si è salvato dal naufragio, che con le donne erano stipati nella stiva della nave. Sulle dinamiche dell’incidente, però, fin da subito erano emersi versioni contrastanti.

Un’inchiesta realizzata dalla BBC (►https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-65942426) mostra che il peschereccio sovraffollato non si è mosso per almeno sette ore prima di capovolgersi mentre la guardia costiera, invece, nel comunicato stampa rilasciato successivamente al naufragio sottolinea che dalle 15.30 all’1.40 la navigazione è proseguita a “velocità e rotta costante”. La versione della BBC si basa sui dati di Marin traffic, che traccia i movimenti delle imbarcazioni nel Mediterraneo, e che confermerebbe che le navi inviate dalle autorità greche per fornire supporto all’imbarcazione carica di naufraghi siano intervenute tutte nella stessa zona e che quindi la nave avrebbe percorso “meno di poche miglia nautiche, come ci si può aspettare da una nave colpita dal vento o dalle onde nella parte più profonda del Mar Mediterraneo”. Inoltre, sempre secondo la testata inglese, la foto dell’imbarcazione pubblicata dai guardacoste ellenici giovedì 15 giugno, riferita a poche ore prima del capovolgimento, dimostra che la nave era ferma e soprattutto smentisce la versione secondo cui le stesse autorità “avevano osservato da una distanza discreta il susseguirsi dei fatti”.

“Abbiamo lanciato una richiesta di soccorso il giorno prima del naufragio verso le 8 del mattino -ha raccontato un sopravvissuto alla Ong Consolidated rescue group- (►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IOzLIXa1cQ8

). Non sapevamo neanche che fossimo in Grecia”. Alle 9.47 del mattino Frontex, l’Agenzia che sorveglia le frontiere europee, ha comunicato alle autorità italiane e greche la presenza di un peschereccio sovraffollato e la Centrale operativa di Roma intorno alle 11 ha comunicato la posizione della nave, nel Sud del Peloponneso, al centro operativo di Atene. Alle 13.50 da Mitilini si è alzato un elicottero della Guardia costiera greca diretto verso il peschereccio, raggiunto verso le 15.35. Le stesse autorità greche, intanto, stavano chiedendo alle imbarcazioni che navigavano nell’area di cambiare rotta. “Una barca ci ha rifornito di quattro boxes d’acqua da sei bottiglie l’una: le persone si colpivano per prenderla -continua il sopravvissuto-. Questa nave ci ha lanciato una corda per avvicinarci ma ci ha detto che non era loro compito salvarci e che presto sarebbe arrivata la Guardia costiera”. La situazione a bordo era tesa, racconta sempre l’uomo intervistato dal Consolidated rescue group, al quarto giorno di navigazione non c’era né acqua né cibo, due persone erano morte e giacevano sul vascello: al quinto giorno, quello precedente al naufragio, qualcuno beveva dal motore perché l’acqua era finita. Ma anche nel racconto dell’uomo quello che succede al calar del sole di martedì scorso, dopo l’intervento delle navi civili, ripercorre le testimonianze di decine di altri naufraghi. “La Guardia costiera, una volta arrivata, ci ha detto di seguirli così l’Italia ci avrebbe salvato. Lo abbiamo fatto per mezz’ora, poi il motore si è rotto. Erano vestiti di nero e mascherati, senza segni militari. Ci hanno tirati con una corta e poi sono ripartiti, la nave ha perso stabilità e poco dopo è affondata”.

Da Atene le autorità hanno dichiarato che i naufraghi hanno più volte rifiutato il loro intervento perché volevano proseguire verso l’Italia. Diverse testimonianze dei naufraghi smentiscono questa versione. Nawal Soufi, attivista rifugiata indipendente che quel giorno ha lanciato per prima l’Sos per la barca in avaria, ha dichiarato di essere stata in contatto con le persone sulla barca fino alle 23 di martedì. “L’uomo con cui stavo parlando mi ha detto espressamente: ‘Sento che questa sarà la nostra ultima notte viva’”, ha scritto. Poco prima di mezzanotte il motore si è spento.

El Pais (▻https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-06-20/greece-imposes-silence-around-shipwreck-of-overcrowded-migrant-boat.) ha accusato le autorità greche di “imporre il silenzio” ai sopravvissuti al naufragio. Durante la loro permanenza nel porto di Kalamata, i 104 naufraghi avevano infatti mobilità limitata e scarso accesso alle comunicazioni: la Guardia costiera, secondo quanto ricostruito dal quotidiano spagnolo, li avrebbe confinati all’interno di un complesso recintato da cui non è stato permesso loro di uscire. Successivamente, venerdì 16 giugno, sono stati trasferiti a Malakasa, un campo per richiedenti asilo vicino ad Atene. Ma anche in questa nuova sistemazione la possibilità di uscire e avere contatti con l’esterno è risultata limitata

Intanto martedì 20 giugno il tribunale di Kalamata ha convalidato l’arresto di nove uomini di origine egiziana accusati di essere i membri dell’equipaggio: omicidio colposo, naufragio e partecipazione a un’organizzazione criminale sono i capi d’accusa. L’avvocato Athanassios Iliopoulos, che rappresenta un presunto trafficante di 22 anni, ha dichiarato all’Associated Press che tutti e nove i sospettati hanno negato le accuse in tribunale affermando di essere essi stessi naufraghi. Iliopoulos ha detto che il suo cliente ha riferito di aver venduto il suo camion preso in prestito dai suoi genitori per raccogliere 4.500 euro per il viaggio. Anche in Pakistan, dove è stato proclamato il lutto nazionale per le vittime del naufragio, l’ufficio del primo ministro Shehbaz Sharif ha annunciato che sono state arrestate dieci persone accusate di far parte dell’organizzazione. “Intensificheremo gli sforzi nella lotta contro le persone coinvolte nell’atroce crimine della tratta di esseri umani”, ha dichiarato il capo del governo. Per la presidente della Commissione europea Ursula von der Leyen “è urgente agire”, sottolineando che l’Ue dovrebbe aiutare i Paesi africani come la Tunisia, da cui molte persone partono, a stabilizzare le loro economie. Non ha in questo caso menzionato la Libia, luogo da cui il peschereccio del naufragio è partito.

La Grecia è stata più volte accusata di violare sui propri confini le norme sul salvataggio in mare e i diritti delle persone in transito. A maggio 2023 un’inchiesta del New York Times ha mostrato, con tanto di video ad alta definizione, le autorità greche riportare indietro verso le coste turche decine di profughi già arrivati sul territorio, tra cui anche bambini, lasciando alla deriva l’imbarcazione. Altro che attività di search and rescue. Il portale di inchiesta Solomon (▻https://wearesolomon.com/mag/focus-area/migration/just-007-of-819m-border-budget-to-greece-earmarked-for-search-and-resc) ha ricostruito come degli 819 milioni di euro forniti ad Atene all’interno del “Fondo di gestione delle frontiere europee” appena lo 0,07% (neanche 600mila euro) sarà destinato allo sviluppo delle attività di ricerca e soccorso in mare. La maggior parte del denaro riguarda invece l’approvvigionamento di attrezzature di deterrenza come droni, veicoli di ogni tipo, termocamere, elicotteri e sistemi di sorveglianza automatizzati. Tutto ciò che non è servito per salvare 640 persone.

▻https://altreconomia.it/i-superstiti-del-naufragio-di-pylos-accusano-la-guardia-costiera-greca

Greece shipwreck survivors were ’abandoned for 10 minutes’

Survivors of the June 14 shipwreck off Greece have made serious accusations against the country’s Coast Guard in witness statements.

Statements gathered from some of the 104 survivors of a recent shipwreck off Greece contain serious accusations against the Greek Coast Guard.

Search operations for more corpses continue after the fishing vessel, which is believed to have been carrying up to 800 migrants, capsized last week south of Greece’s Peloponnese.
Survivors blame Greek Coast Guard

“When the ship capsized, the Coast Guard cut the rope and continued on its way. It went farther away as we were all screaming. After 10 minutes, they came back with small boats to pick up people but they did not go as far as the ship itself. They only picked up those who managed to swim away,” one survivor told the Greek newspaper Kathimerini, recounting the last minutes of shipwreck that left at least 82 dead and hundreds missing.

Surviving witnesses have been questioned by the Kalamata port authority.

Every person interviewed confirmed — with slight variations in their reconstructions — that the shipwreck had been caused by a Greek Coast Guard patrol boat.

One of the survivors said the Coast Guard’s attempt to tow the overcrowded fishing vessel created turbulence in the water that eventually caused the ship to capsize.

“They tried to pull it using force for two or three minutes and everyone whistled to try to make them stop, since they were pulling it strongly and creating waves,” one said.

Another added that, “for the first few minutes we went forward, but then the Coast Guard turned to the right and the ship overturned.”
Polemics inflame political conflict prior to vote

These witness statements run counter to the Coast Guard’s official version. Captains aboard the patrol boat say they only hooked up to the vessel for a few minutes to check the situation onboard before the ship wrecked.

The situation has inflamed political conflict ahead of Greece’s government elections, which will be held Sunday.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/49846/greece-shipwreck-survivors-were-abandoned-for-10-minutes

They knew the boat could sink. Boarding it didn’t feel like a choice.

The story of how as many as 750 migrants came to board a rickety blue fishing trawler and end up in one of the Mediterranean’s deadliest shipwrecks is bigger than any one of the victims. But for everyone, it started somewhere, and for #Thaer_Khalid_al-Rahal it started with cancer.

The leukemia diagnosis for his youngest son, 4-year-old Khalid, came early last year. The family had been living in a Jordanian refugee camp for a decade, waiting for official resettlement after fleeing Syria’s bitter war, and doctors said the United Nations’ refugee agency could help cover treatment costs. But agency funds dwindled and the child’s case worsened. When doctors said Khalid needed a bone-marrow transplant, the father confided in relatives that waiting to relocate through official channels was no longer an option. He needed to get to Europe to earn money and save his son.

“Thaer thought he didn’t have a choice,” said his cousin, Abdulrahman Yousif al-Rahal, reached by phone in the Jordanian refugee camp of Zaatari.

In Egypt, the journey for #Mohamed_Abdelnasser, 27, started with a creeping realization that his carpentry work could not earn enough to support his wife and two sons.

For #Matloob_Hussain, 42, it began the day his Greek residency renewal was rejected, sending him back to Pakistan, where his salary helped put food on the table for 20 extended family members amid a crippling economic crisis.

“Europe doesn’t understand,” said his brother Adiil Hussain, interviewed in Greece where they had lived together. “We don’t leave because we want to. There is simply nothing for us in Pakistan.”

On Matloob’s earlier journey to Europe, he had been so scared of the water that he kept his eyes closed the whole time. This time, the smugglers promised him they would take him to Italy. They said they would use “a good boat.”

The trawler left from the Libyan port city of #Tobruk on June 8. Just 104 survivors have reached the Greek mainland. Eighty-two bodies have been recovered, and hundreds more have been swallowed by the sea.

As the Mediterranean became a stage for tragedy on June 14, a billionaire and several businessmen were preparing for their own voyage in the North Atlantic. The disappearance of their submersible as it dove toward the wreckage of the Titanic sparked a no-expenses-spared search-and-rescue mission and rolling headlines. The ship packed with refugees and migrants did not.

About half the passengers are believed to have been from Pakistan. The country’s interior minister said Friday that an estimated 350 Pakistanis were on board, and that many may have died. Of the survivors from the boat, 47 are Syrian, 43 Egyptian, 12 Pakistani and two Palestinian.

Some of the people on the trawler were escaping war. Many were family breadwinners, putting their own lives on the line to help others back home. Some were children. A list of the missing from two towns in the Nile Delta carries 43 names. Almost half of them are under 18 years old.

This account of what pushed them to risk a notoriously dangerous crossing is based on interviews with survivors in Greece and relatives of the dead in Pakistan, Jordan and Egypt, as the news sent ripples of distress throughout communities from North Africa to South Asia. Some people spoke on the condition of anonymity, because they feared being drawn into government crackdowns on human smuggling networks.

Rahal’s family said they do not know how he contacted the smugglers in Libya, but remember watching as he creased under the fatigue and shame of having to ask anyone he could for the thousands of dollars they were requesting for safe passage to Italy.

Thirteen men left from El Na’amna village, south of the Egyptian capital, Cairo, in the hope of achieving the same. Ten miles away in Ibrash, another village, Abdelnasser left the house as he usually did for his 2 a.m. factory shift but joined a packed car to Libya instead, along with 29 other young men and boys. “He told us nothing,” said his father, Amr. “We would have stopped him.”

Many of the families said the departures caught them by surprise and that local intermediaries working for the smugglers later communicated with relatives in Egypt to gather the requested funds.

In El Na’amna, several people said the figure was $4,500 per person — a sum impossibly high for most rural Egyptians. In Ibrash, Abdelnasser’s uncle said, two of the delegates who arrived to collect the money were disguised in women’s dress. Another woman did the talking. She collected the money, photographed receipts, and then told the family that the deal was done.

‘He said the boat was very bad’

The time spent waiting in Libya was harder than the migrants expected, said family members who spoke with them throughout that period. The port city of Tobruk had become a transit hub for people, and the migrants reported that the smugglers treated them like goods to be traded. The lucky ones rented cramped apartments where they could wait near the bright blue sea.

Travelers who had arranged to meet their intermediaries in the city of Benghazi were transported in large refrigerator trucks to the desert. One survivor described a house there “with a big yard and big walls and people at the door with guns.” It was so busy that people slept in the yard outside. Inside, a 24-year-old Pakistani migrant, Bilal Hassan, tried to lighten the mood by reciting Punjabi poetry. He is smiling in the video he sent his family, but other men in the room look tense.

Some migrants told their families they were getting anxious and didn’t trust their smugglers. Others sent brief messages to reassure and say that they were fine.

Rahal spoke to his wife, Nermin, every day. A month passed with no news of onward passage and his mood darkened. He worried about Khalid. In Jordan, the boy kept asking when he would see his father again. “I don’t know,” Rahal texted in reply. When one smuggler’s offer fell through, he found another who promised to get the job done faster. In voice messages to his cousin, he sounded tired.

“I’ll manage to get the money,” he said.

His last call to his wife was June 8. Men from the smuggling network were yelling at the migrants to pack together as closely as possible in rubber dinghies that would take them to the trawler. Up ahead, the blue fishing boat looked like it was already full.

Matloob Hussein, the Pakistani who had lived in Greece, called his brother from the trawler. “He said the boat was very bad,” Adiil recounted. “He said they had loaded people on the boat like cattle. He said he was below deck and that he preferred it so he didn’t have to see that he was surrounded by water.”

When Adiil asked why his brother hadn’t refused to board, Matloob said the smugglers had guns and knives. As the boat pulled out of Tobruk’s concrete port, he told Adiil he was turning his phone off — he did not expect to have a signal again until they arrived.

After the calls to loved ones stopped, from the foothills of Kashmir to the villages of the Nile Delta, families held their breath.

It felt, said one relative, like a film that had just stopped halfway through.

In hometowns and villages, waiting for news

News of the blue trawler’s capsize trickled out on the morning of June 14. The coast guard’s initial report said that at least 17 people had drowned while noting that more than 100 had been saved. On the Greek mainland, relatives waited for updates in the baking sun outside a migrant reception center. Back in hometowns and villages, some people kept their cellphones plugged into the power sockets so they did not risk missing a call.

The residents of El Na’amna and Ibrash didn’t know what to do. Police arrested a local smuggler but provided no updates on the whereabouts of the missing. Rumors swirled that most were dead. The mother of 23-year-old Amr Elsayed described a grief so full that she felt as if she were burning.

A Pakistani community leader in Greece, Javed Aslam, said he was in direct contact with more than 200 families asking for news. Accounts from survivors suggested that almost all the Pakistani passengers, along with many women and children, had been stuck on the lower levels of the boat as it went down.

Adiil came looking for his brother. He was turned away from the hospital where survivors had been treated, but left his details anyway. Outside the Malakasa reception center, where the survivors were staying, 15 miles north of Athens, several Pakistanis seemed to know Matloob as “the man in the yellow T-shirt.” No one had seen him since the wreck.

Perhaps it was crazy, Adiil said Thursday, but somehow he still had hope. He had registered his DNA with the local authorities and he had spoken to other families there every day. Now he didn’t know what to do with himself. His eyes were red from crying. He carried creased photographs of his brother in his pocket.

In one image, Matloob is standing with his dark-eyed daughter, 10-year-old Arfa. Adiil had told the girl that her father was in the hospital, but that fiction was weighing more on him by the day as she kept asking why they couldn’t speak.

Khalid had been asking for his father, too, but no one knew how to make a 4-year-old understand something they barely understood themselves.

Nermin, relatives said, was “in bad shape.” She had a funeral to organize without a body. But first she had to take Khalid to the hospital for his biopsy, to learn how far the cancer had spread.

▻https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/06/24/greek-migrant-boat-victims

‘If they had left us be, we wouldn’t have drowned:’ CNN investigation raises questions about Greek coast guard’s account of shipwreck tragedy

The hull of the fishing trawler lifted out of the water as it sank, catapulting people from the top deck into the black sea below. In the darkness, they grabbed onto whatever they could to stay afloat, pushing each other underwater in a frantic fight for survival. Some were screaming, many began to recite their final prayers.

“I can still hear the voice of a woman calling out for help,” one survivor of the migrant boat disaster off the coast of Greece told CNN. “You’d swim and move floating bodies out of your way.”

With hundreds of people still missing after the overloaded vessel capsized in the Mediterranean on June 14, the testimonies of those who were onboard paint a picture of chaos and desperation. They also call into question the Greek coast guard’s version of events, suggesting more lives could have been saved, and may even point to fault on the part of Greek authorities.

Rights groups allege the tragedy is both further evidence and a result of a new pattern in illegal pushbacks of migrant boats to other nations’ waters, with deadly consequences.

This boat was carrying up to 750 Pakistani, Syrian, Egyptian and Palestinian refugees and migrants. Only 104 people have been rescued alive.

CNN has interviewed multiple survivors of the shipwreck and their relatives, all of whom have wished to remain anonymous for security reasons and the fear of retribution from authorities in both Greece and at home.

One survivor from Syria, whom CNN is identifying as Rami, described how a Greek coast guard vessel approached the trawler multiple times to try to attach a rope to tow the ship, with disastrous results.

“The third time they towed us, the boat swayed to the right and everyone was screaming, people began falling into the sea, and the boat capsized and no one saw anyone anymore,” he said. “Brothers were separated, cousins were separated.”

Another Syrian man, identified as Mostafa, also believes it was the maneuver by the coast guard that caused the disaster. “The Greek captain pulled us too fast, it was extremely fast, this caused our boat to sink,” he said.

The Hellenic Coast Guard has repeatedly denied attempting to tow the vessel. An official investigation into the cause of the tragedy is still ongoing.

Coast guard spokesman Nikos Alexiou told CNN over the phone last week: “When the boat capsized, we were not even next to (the) boat. How could we be towing it?” Instead, he insisted they had only been “observing at a close distance” and that “a shift in weight probably caused by panic” had caused the boat to tip.

The Hellenic Coast Guard has declined to answer CNN’s specific requests for response to the survivor testimonies.

Direct accounts from those who survived the wreck have been limited, due to their concerns about speaking out and the media having little access to the survivors. CNN interviewed Rami and Mostafa outside the Malakasa migrant camp near Athens, where journalists are not permitted entry.

The Syrian men said the conditions on board the migrant boat deteriorated fast in the more than five days after it set off from Tobruk, Libya, in route to Italy. They had run out of water and had resorted to drinking from storage bottles that people had urinated in.

“People were dying. People were fainting. We used a rope to dip clothes into the sea and use that to squeeze water on people who had lost consciousness,” Rami said.

CNN’s analysis of marine traffic data, combined with information from NGOs, merchant vessels and the European Union border patrol agency, Frontex, suggests that Greek authorities were aware of the distressed vessel for at least 13 hours before it eventually sank early on June 14.

The Greek coast guard has maintained that people onboard the trawler had refused rescue and insisted they wanted to continue their journey to Italy. But survivors, relatives and activists say they had asked for help multiple times.

Earlier in the day, other ships tried to help the trawler. Directed by the Greek coast guard, two merchant vessels – Lucky Sailor and Faithful Warrior – approached the boat between 6 and 9 p.m. on June 13 to offer supplies, according to marine traffic data and the logs of those ships. But according to survivors this only caused more havoc onboard.

“Fights broke out over food and water, people were screaming and shouting,” Mostafa said. “If it wasn’t for people trying to calm the situation down, the boat was on the verge of sinking several times.”

By early evening, six people had already died onboard, according to an audio recording reviewed by CNN from Italian activist Nawal Soufi, who took a distress call from the migrant boat at around 7 p.m. Soufi’s communication with the vessel also corroborated Mostafa’s account that people moved from one side of the boat to the other after water bottles were passed from the cargo ships, causing it to sway dangerously.

The haunting final words sent from the migrant boat came just minutes before it capsized. According to a timeline published by NGO Alarm Phone they received a call, at around 1:45 a.m., with the words “Hello my friend… The ship you send is…” Then the call cuts out.

The coast guard says the vessel began to sink at around 2 a.m.

The next known activity in the area, according to marine traffic data, was the arrival of a cluster of vessels starting around 3 a.m. The Mayan Queen superyacht was the first on the scene for what soon became a mass rescue operation.

A responsibility to rescue

Human rights groups say the authorities had a duty to act to save lives, regardless of what people on board were saying to the coast guard before the migrant boat capsized.

“The boat was overcrowded, was unseaworthy and should have been rescued and people taken to safety, that’s quite clear,” UNHCR Special Envoy for the Central Mediterranean Vincent Cochetel told CNN in an interview. “There was a responsibility for the Greek authorities to coordinate a rescue to bring those people safely to land.”

Cochetel also pointed to a growing trend by countries, including Greece, to assist migrant boats in leaving their waters. “That’s a practice we’ve seen in recent months. Some coastal states provide food, provide water, sometimes life jackets, sometimes even fuel to allow such boats to continue to only one destination: Italy. And that’s not fair, Italy cannot cope with that responsibility alone.”

Survivors who say the coast guard tried to tow their boat say they don’t know what the aim was.

There have been multiple documented examples in recent years of Greek patrol boats engaging in so-called “pushbacks” of migrant vessels from Greek waters in recent years, including in a CNN investigation in 2020.

“It looks like what the Greeks have been doing since March 2020 as a matter of policy, which is pushbacks and trying to tow a boat to another country’s water in order to avoid the legal responsibility to rescue,” Omer Shatz, legal director of NGO Front-LEX, told CNN. “Because rescue means disembarkation and disembarkation means processing of asylum requests.”

Pushbacks are state measures aimed at forcing refugees and migrants out of their territory, while impeding access to legal and procedural frameworks, according to the Berlin-based European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR). They are a violation of international law, as well as European regulations.

And such measures do not appear to have deterred human traffickers whose businesses prey on vulnerable and desperate migrants.

In an interview with CNN last month, then Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis denied that his country engaged in intentional pushbacks and described them as a “completely unacceptable practice.” Mitsotakis is widely expected to win a second term in office in Sunday’s election, after failing to get an outright majority in a vote last month.

A series of Greek governments have been criticized for their handling of migration policy, including conditions in migrant camps, particularly following the 2015-16 refugee crisis, when more than 1 million people entered Europe through the country.

For those who lived through last week’s sinking, the harrowing experience will never be forgotten.

Mostafa and Rami both say they wish they had never made the journey, despite the fact they are now in Europe and are able to claim asylum.

Most of all, Mostafa says, he wishes the Greek coast guard had never approached their boat: “If they had left us be, we wouldn’t have drowned.”

▻https://edition.cnn.com/2023/06/23/europe/greece-migrant-boat-disaster-investigation-intl-cmd/index.html
#témoignage

Greece shipwreck survivors faced ’unacceptable’ conditions on arrival in country

NGOs say survivors of sinking are being held in a closed centre with limited access to psychological support

https://www.middleeasteye.net/sites/default/files/styles/article_page/public/images-story/Untitled-6_0.jpg?itok=LJ3cjBr0#.jpg

Survivors of the Pylos shipwreck, which has left an estimated 500 people missing, faced an “unacceptable” reception in Greece and continue to be held in conditions unsuitable for vulnerable people, NGO workers say.

The overloaded fishing trawler carrying an estimated 750 people capsized and sank in front of the Greek coastguard last week, following an allegedly botched attempt by the coastguard to tow the vessel.

The survivors, put at 104 and all men - as no women or children are said to have survived the wreck - were taken to Kalamata, a city on the Peloponnese peninsula, where they were kept in a storage warehouse for two to three days before being transferred to an asylum registration facility at Malakasa, north of Athens.

“We witnessed an unacceptable reception of extremely vulnerable people in Kalamata,” Eleni Spathanaa, a volunteer lawyer for Refugee Support Aegean, an organisation providing legal advice for the survivors of the wreck, told Middle East Eye.

Survivors slept on mattresses on the warehouse floor, and the area around it was ringed with fencing. A video posted on Twitter showed a Syrian teenager attempting to embrace his brother through the bars.

According to Spathanaa, in the first few days no concerted effort was made by authorities to facilitate contact with the survivors’ families, although the Greek Red Cross was providing some access to mobile phones.

A suffocating experience

The survivors were transported to a registration facility in Malakasa on 16 and 17 June.

According to Spathanaa, conditions at #Malakasa are not much of an improvement on those at Kalamata. Survivors are housed in shared shipping containers, and, as at #Kalamata, the facility is ring-fenced, with access severely restricted.

The prison-like conditions came as a shock.

“We witnessed... people devastated [and in] shock. They could not even understand where they were,” said Spathanaa. "I could not understand why they were put in a closed centre. Of course, these conditions are not suitable for people who have just survived a shipwreck.

“These people were [contained], after such a suffocating experience - all of them have lost friends, some of them close relatives... they cannot even conceive what has happened.”

According to Spathanaa, some of the survivors’ basic needs are not being met at the facility, with some reporting that requests for extra clothing to keep warm at night have been refused. Requests for tea, coffee and cigarettes were also reportedly denied.

Spathanaa and her colleagues also found that, despite suffering from acute distress, the survivors were being “fast-tracked” through the process of registration for asylum applications.

“This was quite problematic because most of the people [we met] had not even seen a lawyer before passing through this process,” she said.

Emergency psychological and medical aid at the facility is being provided by the NGO Doctors Without Borders (MSF). “We saw a lot of distress,” MSF head of mission Sonia Balleron told MEE. “The medical team is clear that [the survivors] are all potentially at risk of PTSD [post-traumatic stress disorder].”

The team have reported treating chemical burns, injuries from exposure to the sun and sea water, as well as hypo-glycaemic shock (the effect of low blood sugar), due to the people aboard the boat being deprived of food for up to six days.

According to Balleron, many of the survivors are suffering from sleep disorders and night terrors in the wake of the disaster.

“What we hear mostly... is people [recalling] seeing their friends dying in front of their eyes,” said Balleron. “They also talk about not knowing who survived and who died, which is causing a lot of stress. Families are calling a lot to try to understand if their relatives are among the survivors or not.”
A political choice

For Spathanaa, the conditions experienced by the survivors of the wreck on arrival in Kalamata and Malakasa are no accident, but a “political choice”.

At the end of 2022, the ESTIA accommodation scheme, an EU funded housing programme for vulnerable asylum seekers, was terminated. The programme, which was started in 2015, was intended to assist families with children, people with disabilities and survivors of torture with suitable housing and medical care.

When it closed on 16 December, vulnerable asylum seekers were transferred from ESTIA accommodation to remote camps with as little as 24 hours’ notice. Human rights groups warned that the curtailment of the scheme could exacerbate isolation of asylum seekers and “re-traumatise” survivors of violence and torture.

“We have these vulnerable survivors, and we don’t have the option of sheltering them in dignified and suitable conditions,” said Spathanaa. “I don’t think if the shipwreck’s passengers were tourists, that they would treat them like that. They wouldn’t put them in a warehouse.”

This is not lost on the international community. Social media posts in the wake of the disaster have highlighted the discrepancy in the efforts by the Greek coastguard to prevent last week’s wreck with the resources expended on recovering the missing Titan submarine in the Atlantic Ocean.

Widespread protests in Greece over the authorities’ inaction to the disaster have also highlighted the inequities that play out in the waters of the Mediterranean: on 18 June, two cruise ships were greeted at Thessaloniki port with a banner reading: “Tourists enjoy your cruise in Europe’s biggest migrants cemetery.”

▻https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/greece-shipwreck-survivors-unacceptable-conditions-upon-arrival
#emprisonnement #survivants

Enquête par #Lighthouse_Reports:
Drowning in Lies. Greece tries to cover up its own role in the #Pylos shipwreck by tampering with evidence
►https://seenthis.net/messages/1008145

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On the night of June 14, Captain Richard Kirkby is piloting the Mayan Queen IV, a luxury yacht belonging to a Mexican multibillionaire, through the calm, black waters of the Mediterranean when he receives an emergency call. “Ship sinking. Large number of people. Vessels in the vicinity are requested to initiate search and rescue operations.” The crew hears the screams from people drowning before they can see them.

The shipwreck that takes place that night would turn out to be the deadliest in the Mediterranean in many years. Around 750 people are thought to have been on board the fishing boat that went down off the coast of the Peloponnese. When the Mayan Queen IV reaches the site at 2:55 a.m., only the lights of another ship can be seen. They belong to the Greek Coast Guard, vessel LS 920 – according to investigation files that DER SPIEGEL and its partners have acquired.

But the Greeks cannot be reached via radio. So three crew members from the Mayan Queen IV climb into a life boat and start searching for survivors, constantly heading toward the cries for help. They stay as quiet as they can so as not to miss a single voice. Ultimately, they will pull 15 people out of the water.

Early in the morning, the Greek Coast Guard requests permission to bring additional survivors on board. The Greek vessel is too small to safely bring all the survivors to shore. But the Mayan Queen IV – a ship with four decks, tinted windows and a helicopter landing pad – is large enough. At 7:20 a.m., the yacht sets course for Kalamata. On board are 100 of a total of 104 survivors – migrants wrapped in silver emergency blankets cowering where the super-rich are normally sunning themselves.
Survivors if the shipwreck in the port of Kalamata: “Ship sinking. Large number of people.”

Hundreds of refugees don’t survive this night – despite the fact that the Greek Coast Guard arrived at the site several hours before the accident. As early as the morning of the previous day, an Italian agency had sent them a warning and a non-governmental organization had forwarded an SOS from the fishing boat. Even the European Union border control agency Frontex had identified the ship’s plight and offered additional assistance. How can it be that hundreds of migrants died anyway? It is a question that has plagued the Greek Coast Guard for the last two weeks.

The accusations that survivors have leveled at the Greeks are serious: Did the Coast Guard leave the people to their fate for too long? Were they trying to pull the ship into Italian waters – as some testimony seems to indicate? Perhaps to keep hundreds of migrants from landing in Greece?

A team of reporters from DER SPIEGEL joined forces with the nonprofit newsroom Lighthouse Reports, investigative journalism consortium Reporters United, the Spanish newspaper El País, the Syrian investigative reporting outlet Siraj and the German public broadcaster ARD to explore these questions. The reporters interviewed survivors, many of whom had already turned to the aid organization Consolidated Rescue Group. They examined leaked investigative reports, videos and geodata and spoke with sources inside Frontex.

The reporting indicates that, at the very least, the Greek Coast Guard may have made grave errors. Sixteen refugees have accused the Greeks, for example, of causing the fishing boat to capsize, while seven are convinced that Greek rescue attempts were hesitant at best – which would mean they were willing to accept the deaths of hundreds of people. There are also serious doubts about the willingness of Greek authorities to thoroughly investigate the disaster. The leaked investigation reports raise questions as to whether Greek officials may have altered testimony in their favor.

One of those who survived, we’ll call him Manhal Abdulkareem, tells his story in mid-June from the Greek camp Malakasa. He requests that we not use his real name or even describe him out of fear of how the Greek authorities might react. What he has to say does not paint them in a positive light.

The Syrian once worked as a stonemason in Jordan. Last spring, he decided to risk the crossing to Italy. He traveled to Libya and boarded the vessel in the port city of Tobruk on June 9. Abdulkareem is one of hundreds of people who crowded onto the vessel, and he was one of the lucky ones: He was able to buy himself a place on deck. Later, it would save his life.

Other refugees crowded into the boat’s cold storage room. According to survivors, women and children were below decks, many of them from Pakistan. For them, the belly of the ship would turn into a coffin.

Abdulkareem’s account of the initial days onboard the ship is consistent with the stories told by other survivors. He says that they began running out of water on the third of five days onboard, that the motor cut out on several occasions and that the captain seemed to have lost his orientation. The goal of reaching Italy was more distant than ever.

The Greek Coast Guard was also aware of the dire situation onboard the fishing boat. On the morning of June 13, they received the first warning from the Italian Coast Guard. Frontex agents filmed the ship from the air at midday. At 5:13 p.m. local time, the non-governmental organization Alarmphone wrote an email to the Greek authorities. The email noted that there were 750 people on the ship. “They are requesting urgent assistance.”

At the time of the call for help, the fishing vessel was around 80 kilometers (50 miles) off the coast of the Peloponnese. Nevertheless, the Greek Coast Guard sent a ship that was anchored in far-away Crete.

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At least two freighters supplied the fishing vessel with water, but they didn’t take anyone onboard. Abdulkareem and other survivors say that by this point, two passengers on the boat had already died. The Greek Coast Guard ship only arrived at 10:40 p.m.

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There are two versions for what then took place.

Manhal Abdulkareem reports that the Greek Coast Guard escorted their ship for a time, until the fishing boat’s engine again cut out. Then, he says, the Coast Guard attached a rope to the vessel. “We thought they knew what they were doing,” says Abdulkareem.

The Coast Guard, he says, towed the vessel at a rapid speed, first to the right, then the left, and then back to the right – and then it capsized. Fifteen additional survivors tell a similar story. Some believe the behavior of the Coast Guard was accidental. Others think it was intentional.

When the vessel capsized, there were people trapped inside its hull. One survivor says he heard them knocking. Those who were on deck jumped into the water. “People were falling on us,” says one man from Egypt. Some clung to the sinking vessel, while others grabbed in a panic for anything that was floating, including other people.

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“I know how to swim, but that wasn’t enough,” Abdulkareem would later say. He says he had to avoid others so that he wouldn’t be pulled down into the depths. Four survivors say that the Coast Guard put those in the water in even greater danger by maneuvering in such a way that created large waves.

While still in the water, Abdulkareem began searching for his brother, but was unable to find him. As the vessel was sinking, say survivors, the Greek Coast Guard ship pulled back to a distance of hundreds of meters.

Abdulkareem and six others accuse the Greeks of delayed rescue efforts and only launching inflatable dinghies after significant time had passed. Some estimate that several minutes passed before they took any action at all. Others say the delay was fully half an hour. “They could have saved many people,” says a survivor from Syria. Abdulkareem’s brother still hasn’t been found.

The Greek Coast Guard has a competing account for what took place. According to an official log from June 14, their ship reported on the evening prior to the disaster that the refugees were “on a stable course” – a claim that video evidence and tracking data refute. The people on board, according to the official account, rejected assistance because they “wanted nothing more than to continue onward to Italy.” If the Greek Coast Guard is to be believed, the fishing boat capsized shortly after 2 a.m. The first official log provides no cause for the accident.

Later, the Greek government spokesman said that the Coast Guard had attached a rope to the boat. But only to “stabilize” the vessel. By the time of the accident, the rope had already been cast off, the spokesman said, and the fishing vessel had never been towed. The rope, he insists, was not the cause of the shipwreck. In an interview with CNN, a Coast Guard spokesman speculated that panic may have broken out onboard, leading to the boat listing to one side.

There is no proof for either version. But doubts about the Greek account are significant, even within Frontex. At the agency’s headquarters in Warsaw, EU border guards can follow in real time what is taking place on the EU’s external borders. In this case, the agents must have realized early on the danger that the migrants were in.

On two occasions – at 6:35 p.m. and at 9:34 p.m. – they offered to send the airplane back to the ship that the migrants had already seen at midday. It was refueled and ready to take off, according to an internal memo that DER SPIEGEL has obtained. But the Greek Rescue Coordination Center in Piraeus, Frontex says, ignored the offer. The plane remained on the ground.

The only other available aircraft, a Frontex drone, was initially sent to another distress call, according to Frontex. It only arrived at the scene after the fishing vessel had sunk. In Brussels, hardly anyone believes that the rebuff of Frontex was an accident. Many see a pattern: Greek authorities systematically send away Frontex units, says one Brussels official. That happens particularly often, the official says, in situations that later turn out to be controversial.

The mistrust with which Athens now finds itself confronted – even from EU institutions – has a lot to do with previous violations of international law on the Aegean. The Greek Coast Guard has repeatedly towed groups of refugees back into Turkish waters – before then abandoning them on life rafts with no means of propulsion.

Proof for such pushbacks has become so overwhelming that the Frontex fundamental rights officer recently recommended that the organization suspend cooperation with the Greek Coast Guard. The “strongest possible measures” are necessary to ensure that the Greeks once again begin complying with applicable law, reads an internal memo that DER SPIEGEL has obtained. Joint missions can only be resumed once a new basis for trust has been established, the memo continues.

The skepticism has become so great that Frontex has even sent a team to Greece to question survivors itself. Two Frontex officials say that the results of investigations conducted thus far seem to contradict the Greek version of events. One Greek lawyer is even demanding an official state investigation of the Coast Guard for manslaughter through failure to render aid.

Most survivors, though, don’t believe that the Greek state will investigate the role played by its own Coast Guard. The treatment they received in the days following the catastrophe was too poor for such optimism.

Sami Al Yafi, a young Syrian, is one of them. He, too, has asked that his real name not be printed out of fear of the Greek authorities. He accuses the Coast Guard of manipulating his statement. He claims to have clearly testified that the Coast Guard had caused the ship to capsize, but he was unable to find that statement in the transcript of his interview. An additional survivor says that he had a similar experience.

There are also corresponding inconsistencies in the investigation file. In six instances, according to the file, survivors said nothing about a tow rope in their first interview with the Coast Guard – or at least there is no mention of such in the minutes taken by the Coast Guard. Later, in interviews with public prosecutors, they then accused the Coast Guard of causing the capsizing by towing the vessel.

Moreover, the minutes taken by the Greek Coast Guard frequently include the exact same formulations. According to those minutes, four survivors used exactly the same words in describing the events – despite the fact that the interviews were led by different interpreters. In one case, a member of the Coast Guard apparently acted as an interpreter.

When approached for comment, Greek officials said they were unable to comment on the accusations. The accounts, they said, are part of a confidential investigation. They said they were also unable to comment on the actions of the Coast Guard.

Manhal Abdulkareem, the man who lost his brother, isn’t satisfied. “We are a group of 104 survivors,” he says. All of them know, he says, who caused the boat to capsize.

On at least one occasion, Greek officials have been found guilty of accusations similar to those that have now been lodged by Abdulkareem and other survivors. It was left up to the European Court of Human Rights to pass that verdict. Last year, the court found that the Greek Coast Guard in 2014 towed a refugee boat until it capsized. Three women and eight children died in that incident. Then, too, the Coast Guard claimed that panic had broken out onboard the vessel and that the refugees themselves had caused the boat to capsize. It is the exact same story they are currently telling.

▻https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/new-accusations-against-the-greek-coast-guard-we-thought-they-knew-what-they

Everyone Knew the Migrant Ship Was Doomed. No One Helped.

Satellite imagery, sealed court documents and interviews with survivors suggest that hundreds of deaths were preventable.

From air and by sea, using radar, telephone and radio, officials watched and listened for 13 hours as the migrant ship Adriana lost power, then drifted aimlessly off the coast of Greece in a slowly unfolding humanitarian disaster.

As terrified passengers telephoned for help, humanitarian workers assured them that a rescue team was coming. European border officials, watching aerial footage, prepared to witness what was certain to be a heroic operation.

Yet the Adriana capsized and sank in the presence of a single Greek Coast Guard ship last month, killing more than 600 migrants in a maritime tragedy that was shocking even for the world’s deadliest migrant route.

Satellite imagery, sealed court documents, more than 20 interviews with survivors and officials, and a flurry of radio signals transmitted in the final hours suggest that the scale of death was preventable.

Dozens of officials and coast guard crews monitored the ship, yet the Greek government treated the situation like a law enforcement operation, not a rescue. Rather than send a navy hospital ship or rescue specialists, the authorities sent a team that included four masked, armed men from a coast guard special operations unit.

The Greek authorities have repeatedly said that the Adriana was sailing to Italy, and that the migrants did not want to be rescued. But satellite imagery and tracking data obtained by The New York Times show definitively that the Adriana was drifting in a loop for its last six and a half hours. And in sworn testimony, survivors described passengers on the ship’s upper decks calling for help and even trying to jump aboard a commercial tanker that had stopped to provide drinking water.

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On board the Adriana, the roughly 750 passengers descended into violence and desperation. Every movement threatened to capsize the ship. Survivors described beatings and panic as they waited for a rescue that would never come.

The sinking of the Adriana is an extreme example of a longtime standoff in the Mediterranean. Ruthless smugglers in North Africa cram people onto shoddy vessels, and passengers hope that, if things go wrong, they will be taken to safety. But European coast guards often postpone rescues out of fear that helping will embolden smugglers to send more people on ever-flimsier ships. And as European politics have swung to the right, each new arriving ship is a potential political flashpoint.

So even as passengers on the Adriana called for help, the authorities chose to listen to the boat’s captain, a 22-year-old Egyptian man who said he wanted to continue to Italy. Smuggling captains are typically paid only when they reach their destinations.

The Greek Ministry of Maritime Affairs said it would not respond to detailed questions because the shipwreck was under criminal investigation.

Despite many hours of on-and-off surveillance, the only eyewitnesses to the Adriana’s final moments were the survivors and 13 crew members aboard the coast guard ship, known as the 920. A Maritime Ministry spokesman has said that the ship’s night-vision camera was switched off at the time. Court documents show that the coast guard captain gave the authorities a CD-ROM containing video recordings, but the source of the recordings is unclear, and they have not been made public.

Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis of Greece defended the coast guard during comments in Brussels this past week, calling its critics “profoundly unfair.” The sinking has brought rare public criticism from officials in the European Union, which has remained silent as the Greek government has hardened its stance toward migrants.

In Greece, nine Egyptian survivors from the Adriana were arrested and charged with smuggling and causing the shipwreck. In sworn testimonies and interviews, survivors said that many of the nine brutalized and extorted passengers. But interviews with relatives of those accused paint a more complicated picture. At least one of the men charged with being a smuggler had himself paid a full fee of more than $4,000 to be on the ship.

Collectively paying as much as $3.5 million to be smuggled to Italy, migrants crammed into the Adriana in what survivors recalled was a hellish class system: Pakistanis at the bottom; women and children in the middle; and Syrians, Palestinians and Egyptians at the top.

An extra $50 or so could earn someone a spot on the deck. For some, that turned out to be the difference between life and death.

Many of the passengers, at least 350, came from Pakistan, the Pakistani government said. Most were in the lower decks and the ship’s hold. Of them, 12 survived.

The women and young children went down with the ship.
Setting Sail

Kamiran Ahmad, a Syrian teenager, a month shy of his 18th birthday, had arrived in Tobruk, Libya, with hopes for a new life. He had worked with his father, a tailor, after school. His parents sold land to pay smugglers to take him to Italy, praying that he would make it to Germany to study, work and maybe send some money home.
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“We had no choice but to send him by sea,” his father said in an interview.

But as the Adriana set sail at dawn on June 9, Kamiran was worried. His cousin, Roghaayan Adil Ehmed, 24, who went with him, could not swim. And the boat was overcrowded, with nearly twice as many passengers as he had been told.

No life vests were available, so Roghaayan paid $600 to get himself, Kamiran and a friend to an upper deck.

They were part of a group of 11 young men and boys from Kobani, a mainly Kurdish city in Syria devastated by more than decade of war. The group stayed in dingy, rented rooms in Beirut, Lebanon, then flew to Egypt and on to Libya.

The youngest, Waleed Mohammad Qasem, 14, wanted to be a doctor. When he heard that his uncle Mohammad Fawzi Sheikhi was going to Europe, he begged to go. On the flight to Egypt, the two smiled for a selfie.

Haseeb ur-Rehman, 20, a motorcycle mechanic from the Pakistan-administrated Kashmir, felt he had to leave home to help his family survive. Together with three friends, he paid $8,000 and left for Libya.

He was one of the few Pakistanis who managed to snatch a spot on deck.

The journey, if all went well, would take three days.

As early as the second day, survivors recalled, the engine started breaking down.
Lost

By Day 3, food and clean drinking water had run out. Some migrants put dried prunes in seawater, hoping the sweetness would mellow the saltiness. Others paid young men $20 for dirty water.

Unrest spread as it became clear that the captain, who was spending most of his time on a satellite phone, had lost his way.

When Pakistanis pushed toward the upper deck, Egyptian men working with the captain beat them, often with a belt, according to testimony. Those men, some of whom are among the nine arrested in Greece, emerged as enforcers of discipline.

Ahmed Ezzat, 26, from the Nile Delta, was among them. He is accused of smuggling people and causing the shipwreck. In an interview, his brother, Islam Ezzat, said that Ahmed disappeared from their village in mid-May and re-emerged in Libya weeks later. He said a smuggler had sent someone to the family home to collect 140,000 Egyptian pounds, or $4,500, the standard fee for a spot on the Adriana.

Islam said he did not believe Ahmed had been involved in the smuggling because he had paid the fee. He said the family was cooperating with the Egyptian authorities. Ahmed, like the others who have been charged, has pleaded not guilty.
‘They Will Rescue You’

By Day 4, according to testimonies and interviews, six people in the hold of the ship, including at least one child, had died.

The next day, June 13, as the Adriana lurched toward Italy between engine breakdowns, migrants on deck persuaded the captain to send a distress call to the Italian authorities.

The Adriana was in international waters then, and the captain was focused on getting to Italy. Experts who study this migratory route say that captains are typically paid on arrival. That is supported by some survivors who said their fees were held by middlemen, to be paid once they had arrived safely in Italy.

The captain, some survivors recalled, said the Italian authorities would rescue the ship and take people to shore.

Just before 1 p.m., a glimmer of hope appeared in the sky. A plane.

Frontex, the European Union border agency, had been alerted by the Italian authorities that the Adriana was in trouble and rushed to its coordinates. There was no doubt the ship was perilously overloaded, E.U. officials said, and unlikely to make it to any port without help.

Images of the rusty blue fishing boat appeared in the Frontex command center in Warsaw, where two German journalists happened to be touring, a Frontex spokesman said. The Adriana was a chance to showcase the agency’s ability to detect ships in distress and save lives.

Now that Frontex had seen the ship, which was in Greece’s search-and-rescue area of international waters, the Greek authorities would surely rush to help.

Two hours later, a Greek Coast Guard helicopter flew past. Its aerial photographs show the ship’s upper decks crammed with people waving their hands.

Nawal Soufi, an Italian activist, fielded calls from frantic migrants.

“I’m sure that they will rescue you,” she told them. “But be patient. It won’t be immediate.”
Mayday

Around 7 p.m. on June 13, almost seven hours after Frontex spotted the Adriana, the Greek authorities asked two nearby commercial tankers to bring the migrants water, food and diesel to continue their journey, according to video recordings and court documents.

A crucial part of the Greek authorities’ explanation for not rescuing the Adriana is their claim that it was actively sailing toward Italy. When the BBC, using data from neighboring vessels, reported that the Adriana had been practically idle for several hours before it sank, the Greek government noted that the ship had covered 30 nautical miles toward Italy since its detection by Frontex.

But satellite imagery and data from the ship-tracking platform MarineTraffic show that the Adriana was adrift for its final seven hours or so. Radar satellite imagery from the European Space Agency shows that by the time the Greeks summoned the commercial ships, the Adriana had already reached its closest point to Italy.

From then on, it was drifting backward.

The first tanker, the Lucky Sailor, arrived within minutes. The second, the Faithful Warrior, arrived in about two and a half hours. The captain of the Faithful Warrior reported that some passengers had thrown back supplies and screamed that they wanted to continue to Italy. How many people actually rejected help is unclear, but they included the Adriana’s captain and the handful of men who terrorized the passengers, according to survivors’ testimonies and interviews.

Others were placing distress calls. Alarm Phone, a nonprofit group that fields migrant mayday calls, immediately and repeatedly told the Greek authorities, Frontex and the United Nations refugee agency that people on the Adriana were desperate to be rescued. Several passengers testified that they had tried to jump aboard the Faithful Warrior. But the migrants said that the frenzy only destabilized the Adriana, so the Faithful Warrior withdrew.

As night fell, the Faithful Warrior’s captain told the Greek control center that the Adriana was “rocking dangerously.”

Radio transmission records show that, over five hours, the Greek control center transmitted five messages across the Mediterranean using a channel reserved for safety and distress calls.

Henrik Flornaes, a Danish father of two on a yacht far from the area, said he heard two mayday relay signals that night. They provided coordinates near the location of the Adriana, he said.

A mayday relay directs nearby ships to begin a search and rescue.

But the Greek Coast Guard itself mounted no such mission at this point.
An End Foretold

As midnight of June 14 approached, the Greek Coast Guard vessel 920, the only government ship dispatched to the scene, arrived alongside the Adriana.

The presence of the 920 did not reassure the migrants. Several said in interviews that they were unsettled by the masked men. In the past, the Greek government has used the coast guard to deter migration. In May, The Times published video footage showing officers rounding up migrants and ditching them on a raft in the Aegean Sea.

The mission of the 920 is unclear, as is what happened after it arrived and floated nearby for three hours. Some survivors say it tried to tow the Adriana, capsizing it. The coast guard denied that at first, then acknowledged throwing a rope to the trawler, but said that was hours before it sank.

To be sure, attempts to remove passengers might have backfired. Sudden changes in weight distribution on an overcrowded, swaying ship could have capsized it. And while the 920 was larger was than the Adriana, it was not clear if had space to accommodate the migrant passengers.

But Greece, one of the world’s foremost maritime nations, was equipped to carry out a rescue. Navy ships, including those with medical resources, could have arrived in the 13 hours after the Frontex alert.

Exactly what capsized the ship is unclear. The coast guard blames a commotion on the ship. But everyone agrees that it swayed once to the left, then to the right, and then flipped.

Those on deck were tossed into the sea. Panicking people stepped on each other in the dark, desperately using each other to come up for air, to stay alive.

At the water’s surface, some clung to pieces of wood, surrounded by drowned friends, relatives and strangers. Others climbed onto the ship’s sinking hull. Coast guard crew members pulled dozens of people from the sea. One person testified that he had initially swum away from the 920, fearing that the crew would drown him.

Waleed Mohammad Qasem, the 14-year-old who wanted to be a doctor, drowned. So did his uncle, who had posed with him for a selfie. The ship’s captain also died.

Hundreds of people, including the women and young children, inside the Adriana stood no chance. They would have been flipped upside down, hurled together against the ship as the sea poured in. The ship took them down within a minute.

Haseeb ur-Rehman, the Pakistani motorcycle mechanic on the top deck, survived. “It was in my destiny,” he said from a migrant camp near Athens. “Otherwise, my body would have been lost, like the other people in the boat.”

Near the end, Kamiran Ahmad, the teenager who had hoped to study in Germany, turned to his cousin Roghaayan. From the migrant center in Greece, the older cousin remembered his words: “Didn’t I tell you we were going to die? Didn’t I tell you we were already dead?”

Both went into the water. Kamiran’s body has not been recovered.

▻https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/01/world/europe/greece-migrant-ship.html

Italy: New law curtails migrants’ rights

For migrants in Italy getting special protection status can be life-changing. But lawmakers have now approved a law severely restricting access.

Italy’s parliament recently greenlighted a controversial decree to crack down on irregular migration. Known as the Cutro decree — in reference to the southern town in Calabria where more than 90 people died in a shipwreck last February — the legislation severely limits a special protection status Italian authorities can grant to migrants who do not qualify for asylum.

Italy has recorded more than 42,000 irregular arrivals since the beginning of 2023, almost four times as many as in the same period last year and the Italian government claims special protection incentivizes migrants to start dangerous trips to the country.

“Special protection creates attractive conditions for immigration and we will eliminate it,” said Nicola Molteni of the right-wing League party, whose currently serving as the undersecretary at the Interior Ministry.

Agriculture Minister Francesco Lollobrigida, from Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s far-right Brothers of Italy party, recently sparked controversy, warning against the “ethnic replacement” of Italians by migrants, a notion widely regarded as racist.

Before the decree, people offered special protection status could live in Italy for two years, renew their residence permit and convert it into a working permit. It was granted to asylum seekers who risked being persecuted in their country of origin, those fleeing war and natural disasters, as well as those with family ties or high levels of economic integration in Italy.
What changes with the new migration rules

Now, all that has changed. While special protection remains available for those at risk of torture, inhumane treatment or systematic rights violations in their home nation, the new law narrows access by scrapping criteria based on family links or economic integration.

“If a person is not at terrible risk in their home country, but in the meantime has started a family or had children in Italy, the commission [assessing residence status] will not take this into account,” explains Paolo De Stefani, a professor in international law at the University of Padova.

People fleeing natural disasters or seeking treatment for severe medical conditions will also see their access to special protection restricted. Most importantly, however, it will not be possible for them to convert it into a work permit.

Language courses and legal advice will also be scrapped in reception centers.

Things will change, too, for unaccompanied minors. They are still entitled to special protection permits until they turn 18; they can extend it for one more year, but cannot convert it into a work permit.

“This means killing the prospects of integration for people arriving in Italy at a very young age,” said De Stefani. “What type of educational path will be imagined for those with such prospects?”

In contrast with the otherwise restrictive nature of the law, the law offers a new possibility for victims of forced marriage to apply for special protection.

Migrants fear for their future

While those who already benefit or who have already requested special protection will not be affected by the new legislation, many agree the climate towards migrants has become more harsh.

Sarja Kubally, a Gambian national currently under special protection, says Italy has not been the same since a new government headed by the far right came to power.

“I am thinking of leaving, I am happy here, but now I am afraid of staying with this situation,” he told DW.

Although Kubally is confident he himself will get a work permit, he fears others will miss out on opportunities he benefited from.

“Special protection really changes your life. It allows you to work, to study. You can do many things and give back,” Kubally said. “If someone needs help, you need to help them, not make it even harder for them. We should put humanity first.”

The uncertainty for Ali, who asked not to use his real name for security reasons, is far greater. The Pakistani national, who spent four years in Greece where he maintains local authorities did not accept his asylum claim, has been living in Italy since 2021. He now has a three-year work contract and is learning Italian, but his asylum request was recently rejected. He is now appealing the decision. Should his bid be turned down again, Ali will not be able to apply for special protection under the new rules.

“I lost four years of my life in Greece, but here in Italy I am well integrated, I have a job, I want to stay here,” Ali told DW. “Well-integrated people should be allowed to stay. I haven’t thought about [what I would do if I couldn’t access special protection]. Going back to Pakistan is unthinkable.”

Less special protection, more precariousness

Italy has always provided special protection, except from 2018-2020 when former Interior Minister Matteo Salvini scrapped it temporarily . Though Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni claims otherwise, Italy is not the only country which offers this type of protection. Though different terminology is used, 18 other states in Europe provide similar special protections.

Critics warn restricting access to special protection will push more migrants into an undocumented life outside the law and rob vulnerable people of fundamental rights — especially as the move follows another decree which limits the work of nonprofit rescue ships operating in the Mediterranean, and Italy last month declaring a six-month state of emergency to curb migration flows.

Valeria Carlini, a spokesperson for the Italian Council for Refugees, says the law will not only harm people seeking protection but also local societies, where migrants have begun building a life and contributing to the socioeconomic fabric.

Law professor De Stefani believes the legislation ultimately undermines integration — especially for irregular migrants — and aims to put an emergency band-aid on migration flows. “People will have poorer conditions in Italy and eventually seek better protection and living standards in other European countries,” he said.

Like many of her predecessor governments, Meloni has been demanding more solidarity and better coordination among EU countries to tackle migration flows.

“This law might be seen as the latest maneuver to pressure Europe into seriously tackling migration issues, but it is betting with someone else’s life,” said De Stefani.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/48834/italy-new-law-curtails-migrants-rights

La doppia morte dei naufraghi di #Cutro

1.

In un documento redatto dall’associazione di magistrati Area sul “#decreto_Cutro” appena prima dell’esame della Camera dei Deputati, si legge questo interrogativo: «cosa spinge il legislatore a credere che blocchi navali o i finanziamenti di regimi autoritari possano fermare persone che hanno attraversato il deserto per fuggire a guerre, violenza insopportabile, distruzione, persecuzione, ripetute discriminazioni e che cercano protezione in quei Paesi che hanno fatto della protezione internazionale e del rispetto della dignità una regola fondamentale e immutabile della loro civiltà?» (▻https://www.areadg.it/comunicato/non-chiamiamolo-decreto-cutro). Nel frattempo il decreto legge è stato convertito, senza alcuna modifica da parte della Camera ove il Governo ha posto la fiducia, nella legge 5 maggio 2023 n. 50.

Dopo la tragedia di Cutro (94 morti di cui 36 bambini, ma vi sono altri dispersi) chiunque si sarebbe aspettato che il Governo, seppure dalla sua posizione di chiusura, mettesse mano alla legislazione vigente focalizzandosi su due questioni generali irrisolte: la prima questione riguarda come riformare la normativa in materia di ingressi per lavoro in modo da aprire canali di ingresso regolare, come lo stesso Governo ha più volte annunciato di voler fare; la seconda riguarda la possibilità di introdurre procedure di ingresso protette/sicure, finora non esistenti, per consentire a una parte dei rifugiati che intendono arrivare in Italia di poterlo fare attraverso canali appunto protetti. In entrambi i casi le due diverse auspicate normative, oltre a salvare vite umane, avrebbero avuto il non secondario effetto di sottrarre alla criminalità organizzata delle quote di merce umana. Eppure la legge n. 50/2023 non è intervenuta su nessuna di queste due questioni fondamentali: né sugli ingressi per lavoro, né sugli ingressi per asilo.

Sulla materia degli ingressi per lavoro il decreto legge n. 20/2023, poi convertito in legge, è intervenuto su due aspetti: la programmazione generale degli ingressi e la formazione all’estero. Sul primo punto la nuova disciplina prevede «la predisposizione ogni tre anni – salva la necessità di un termine più breve – del documento programmatico relativo alla politica dell’immigrazione» e «la definizione con dPCM annuale delle quote di ingresso, con possibilità di adottare ulteriori decreti in corso d’anno, sulla base dei criteri generali adottati nel documento programmatico». Ciò, peraltro, era già contemplato, con minime differenze, dalla normativa e l’unica modesta innovazione riguarda la modifica all’art. 21 del TU Immigrazione secondo cui «può essere autorizzato l’ingresso e il soggiorno per lavoro subordinato, anche a carattere stagionale, di stranieri cittadini di Paesi con i quali l’Italia ha sottoscritto intese o accordi in materia di rimpatrio». Nulla viene modificato in relazione al problema di fondo che produce da oltre vent’anni l’irregolarità in Italia, ovvero l’impossibile incontro a distanza tra offerta e domanda di lavoro che costringe i lavoratori stranieri a entrare in Italia irregolarmente, o a entrarvi regolarmente – se provenienti da paesi per i quali non è richiesto il possesso di un visto – e poi rimanere a soggiornare irregolarmente e lavorare in nero in attesa che un provvedimento di emersione o un decreto flussi, come quello emanato dal Governo il 26 gennaio 2023 per 82.705 posti di lavoro (a fronte di 240.000 domande presentate) permetta loro di regolarizzare ex post la loro posizione di soggiorno. Paradossalmente la nuova norma non prevede neppure l’abrogazione della preventiva verifica dell’indisponibilità di lavoratori italiani o stranieri già presenti in Italia prevista quale condizione per il rilascio dei nulla-osta al lavoro richiesti da datori di lavoro per l’assunzione dei persone chiamate a svolgere le prestazioni indicate nel decreto sulle quote: si genera così ancora una volta una palese contraddizione in quanto la programmazione è (o meglio dovrebbe essere) fondata sull’analisi del fabbisogno del mercato del lavoro effettuata dal Ministero del Lavoro e delle politiche sociali previo confronto con le organizzazioni dei datori di lavoro e dei lavoratori. È quindi irragionevole che l’assunzione dall’estero per la medesima mansione sia condizionata da un’ulteriore verifica da parte del centro per l’impiego della indisponibilità di altri lavoratori che siano già in Italia. La mancanza di modifiche sostanziali, coperta da modificazioni solo linguistiche, è visibile in modo evidente nell’art. 23 TU immigrazione che prevede la possibilità di realizzare attività di istruzione e di formazione professionale e civico-linguistica nei Paesi di origine finalizzata all’inserimento lavorativo mirato nei settori produttivi italiani. Si tratta anche in questo caso, di una previsione che esisteva già, solo con diversa epigrafe. L’unica modifica significativa riguarda la possibilità che il Ministero del lavoro promuova «la stipula di accordi di collaborazione e intese tecniche con soggetti pubblici e privati operanti nel campo della formazione e dei servizi per il lavoro nei Paesi terzi di interesse per la promozione di percorsi di qualificazione professionale e la selezione dei lavoratori direttamente nei Paesi di origine» (art. 23 comma 4 bis); l’ingresso dei lavoratori che hanno effettuato i corsi avverrebbe in tal caso in deroga ai limiti quantitativi previsti dalla programmazione delle quote di ingresso. Si apre così la possibilità di una selezione delle braccia da parte di grandi agenzie che decideranno di organizzare corsi di formazione per reperire la propria mano d’opera all’estero, ma non la possibilità per i lavoratori stranieri che hanno effettuato con successo dei corsi di formazione all’estero (magari nell’ambito di programmi di cooperazione allo sviluppo, del tutto esclusi) di ottenere un visto di ingresso per ricerca di lavoro in presenza dei requisiti economici, posseduti dagli stessi lavoratori o forniti da terzi, necessari a mantenersi in Italia per un primo periodo. Se così fosse stato la legge avrebbe dato avvio a una pagina nuova che non si è voluto in alcun modo aprire. Il messaggio è chiaro: nessuna riforma del sistema degli ingressi doveva essere effettuata.

Se sul versante degli ingressi per lavoro il Governo ha finto di aumentare i canali di ingresso regolari, per ciò che riguarda gli ingressi per asilo non ha neppure finto: nulla infatti è stato proposto se non dichiarazioni di elogio all’esperienza dei corridoi umanitari, realizzati però non dal Governo ma da enti umanitari. Le persone morte nella strage di Cutro, come in molte altre tragedie, erano in larga parte stranieri che fuggivano da situazioni di persecuzione e violenze in Afghanistan, Siria, Iraq e altri paesi e che cercavano asilo in Europa. La loro partenza dalla Turchia e la scelta della rotta marittima erano legate alla necessità di evitare, almeno per i soggetti più deboli (quali donne e minori), la via terrestre, ovvero la famigerata rotta balcanica segnata da continue violenze e respingimenti, dalla Grecia fino alla Slovenia. Sotto questo profilo la strage di Cutro rappresenta una tragica sintesi dell’ecatombe in atto lungo le rotte migratorie, sia via mare che via terra. Un decreto legge che nasce quale risposta a quella strage, come detto in premessa, avrebbe dovuto affrontare il nodo di come introdurre procedure e criteri in base ai quali i cittadini stranieri con bisogno di protezione internazionale possano entrare in Italia in modo regolare e protetto, autonomamente o usufruendo di programmi pubblici. Anche su questo versante erano state avanzate diverse interessanti proposte, ma sono state tutte rigettate.

C’è una terza questione che la legge n. 50/2023 non affronta: la materia dei soccorsi in mare considerata la tardività e inefficacia dimostrata nel caso specifico e, in particolare, la non chiarita ragione per cui, pur informate dei fatti, le autorità competenti sono intervenute agendo attraverso modalità riconducibili a un’operazione di polizia e non a quelle di un operazione di ricerca e soccorso, come richiesto dalla normativa internazionale (▻https://www.asgi.it/notizie/naufragio-cutro-associazioni-depositano-esposto-collettivo-in-procura). A ben guardare però la materia del soccorso in mare è già regolata da precise norme di diritto internazionale recepite dall’Italia e non c’è bisogno di alcuna nuova disciplina per evitare le tragedie come quella di Cutro, che, semmai, avvengono a causa di prassi e forzature finalizzate e eludere o indebolire gli obblighi di soccorso. Di fronte a una tragedia avvenuta in un’area geografica non presidiata dall’intervento di ONG il Governo italiano non ha potuto coprire le proprie carenze gettando la colpa sulle odiate organizzazioni umanitarie. Alla caccia di qualcosa di roboante da dare in pasto all’opinione pubblica ha scelto, dunque, di introdurre nuove disposizioni penali eccezionalmente severe nel caso di morte o lesioni come conseguenza dei delitti di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione irregolare. La premier Meloni ha scenograficamente annunciato ai media «la volontà di colpire gli scafisti non solo quando li troviamo sulle barche, ma andandoli a cercare lungo tutto il globo terracqueo» (la Repubblica 10 marzo 2023) dimenticando che coloro che guidano le imbarcazioni spesso hanno poco a che fare con le organizzazioni criminali e che in ogni caso, anche quando vi sono connessi, sono gli ultimi anelli della catena (Dal mare al carcere: la criminalizzazione dei cosiddetti scafisti).

2.

Se non interviene né sui nodi scoperti degli ingressi regolari per lavoro, né sugli ingressi protetti, quali sono dunque le materie affrontate dal decreto legge n. 20/2023 e, poi, dalla legge di conversione n. 50/2023?

Gli aspetti essenziali, la nuova norma interviene sono tre: a) il ridimensionamento della protezione speciale; b) la destrutturazione del sistema di accoglienza dei richiedenti asilo con smembramento del SAI (sistema di accoglienza ed integrazione), a cui – analogamente a quanto era avvenuto per lo SPRAR con la legge n. 173/2020 – viene sottratta la possibilità di accogliere i richiedenti asilo; c) l’ampliamento delle ipotesi di trattenimento dei richiedenti asilo nei CPR e soprattutto negli hotspot e una parallela estensione delle procedure di frontiera o procedure accelerate, con una generale contrazione delle garanzie procedurali in sede di esame delle domande di asilo.

Mi limito, per ragioni di spazio, a un breve approfondimento della problematica della protezione speciale. Il ridimensionamento della terza forma di protezione prevista dall’ordinamento, la cosiddetta protezione speciale, introdotta con la legge n. 132/2018 ma novellata in senso estensivo con la legge n. 173/2020, è stato il tema che maggiormente è emerso nel dibattito pubblico. Il testo del decreto legge n. 20/2023 sembrava mirare solo a restringere l’ambito di applicazione della previgente normativa cassando il paragrafo dell’art. 19 comma 1.1 secondo cui «non sono altresì ammessi il respingimento o l’espulsione di una persona verso uno Stato qualora esistano fondati motivi di ritenere che l’allontanamento dal territorio nazionale comporti una violazione del diritto al rispetto della sua vita privata e familiare, a meno che esso sia necessario per ragioni di sicurezza nazionale, di ordine e sicurezza pubblica nonché di protezione della salute nel rispetto della Convenzione relativa allo statuto dei rifugiati. Ai fini della valutazione del rischio di violazione di cui al periodo precedente, si tiene conto della natura e della effettività dei vincoli familiari dell’interessato, del suo effettivo inserimento sociale in Italia, della durata del suo soggiorno nel territorio nazionale nonché dell’esistenza di legami familiari, culturali o sociali con il suo Paese d’origine». In sede di conversione in legge al Senato è emersa una volontà della maggioranza ancor più aggressiva finalizzata a cancellare pressoché in toto questo istituto e ad eliminare la possibilità di esaminare la domanda di riconoscimento della protezione speciale attraverso il canale costituito dall’istanza alla questura e dal parere vincolante della commissione senza audizione, ovvero fuori dalla procedura di esame di una domanda di asilo. Alla fine dell’iter parlamentare alcune delle proposte più estreme sono state ritirate (pur se tutto è stato incanalato nella sola procedura di asilo) ed è rimasto l’obbligo per le Commissioni territoriali che esaminano le domande di asilo di riconoscere una protezione speciale qualora «esistano fondati motivi di ritenere che [la persona interessata] rischi di essere sottoposta a tortura o a trattamenti inumani o degradanti o qualora ricorrano gli obblighi di cui all’articolo 5, comma 6 [del TU Immigrazione]». Il nuovo articolo prevede che «il rifiuto o la revoca del permesso di soggiorno possono essere altresì adottati sulla base di convenzioni o accordi internazionali, resi esecutivi in Italia, quando lo straniero non soddisfi le condizioni di soggiorno applicabili in uno degli Stati contraenti, fatto salvo il rispetto degli obblighi costituzionali o internazionali dello Stato italiano».

In questa situazione pochi dubbi possano esserci in relazione all’obbligo per le Commissioni territoriali di valutare la sussistenza dei requisiti per il riconoscimento della protezione speciale per rispetto di uno degli obblighi costituzionali o connessi all’ordinamento internazionale cui l’Italia è vincolata. Tra tali obblighi v’è il rispetto della vita privata e familiare sancito dall’art. 8 CEDU (Convenzione Europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo) come interpretato dalla giurisprudenza della Corte EDU e da una rilevante giurisprudenza interna. Si è invece diffusa una fallace informazione secondo cui la protezione speciale è stata cancellata. In particolare si è sostenuto che è stato cancellato il riconoscimento di tale protezione per riconoscimento del diritto alla vita privata e famigliare. Persino nella relazione illustrativa del decreto legge alla Camera dei Deputati si possono leggere affermazioni quali la seguente: «l’articolo 7, modificato al Senato, elimina il divieto di respingimento ed espulsione di una persona previsto nel caso vi sia fondato motivo di ritenere che l’allontanamento dal territorio nazionale comporti una violazione del diritto al rispetto della vita privata e familiare». In tale frase si sostiene che è legittimo espellere colui che… ha il diritto a non essere espulso. Ha dell’incredibile leggere tali corbellerie in un atto parlamentare e ciò illumina il livello di tensione politica che ha avvolto l’intera vicenda e soprattutto svela l’intenzione dell’Esecutivo: il diritto in questione non può essere cancellato, ma non deve potere essere esercitato.

È agevole prevedere, sulla base di chiare evidenze, che il Governo farà enormi pressioni affinché le Commissioni territoriali per il riconoscimento del diritto d’asilo (che non sono per nulla indipendenti e soggette solamente alla legge e su cui si esercita una pervasiva influenza politica) restringano al massimo l’ambito di applicazione della protezione speciale rigettando il maggior numero possibile di domande anche in presenza dei presupposti per il riconoscimento. Che lo straniero denegato faccia pure ricorso alla magistratura sapendo che essa deciderà sui ricorsi dopo anni a causa della lentezza dei procedimenti, che diverranno ancor più lenti a causa dell’aumento dei contenziosi. Intanto ciò che conta è portare subito a casa il risultato di una diminuzione del numero dei riconoscimenti di protezione, anche se ciò aumenterà l’irregolarità e la precarietà di vita di migliaia di persone la cui vita è ritenuta irrilevante.

Con il decreto legge n. 20/2023 e la conseguente legge di conversione i morti del naufragio di Cutro sono morti una seconda volta.

▻https://volerelaluna.it/in-primo-piano/2023/05/16/la-doppia-morte-dei-naufraghi-di-cutro
#naufrage #mourir_en_mer #décès #Gianfranco_Schiavone #migrations #asile #réfugiés #Méditerranée #Italie

Naufragio di Cutro, ritardi e omissioni della Guardia di finanza. Avvisi di garanzia per tre ufficiali

Il giallo degli audio spariti e le bugie sulla vedetta di salvataggio. Perquisizioni e sequestri di tablet e cellulari. L’ipotesi di reato: omicidio colposo. Alti tre indagati coperti da omissis. Il legale delle vittime
“Lo Stato ha responsabilità chiare”

Alle 23.49 del 25 febbraio il capoturno della sala operativa della Guardia costiera di Reggio Calabria era relativamente tranquillo. Da Vibo Valentia, la Guardia di finanza assicurava che una loro motovedetta, la potente “5006” era già uscita alla ricerca di quel caicco, verosimilmente carico di migranti, segnalato un paio d’ore prima da un aereo di Frontex a tutti i comandi operativi europei ed italiani a cominciare da quello della Finanza a Pratica di mare.

(#paywall)
▻https://www.repubblica.it/cronaca/2023/06/01/news/naufragio_cutro_indagati_sequestro-402763465

#justice

The Crotone Cover Up

https://pixelfed.zoo-logique.org/storage/m/_v2/578583396227231930/186f813ba-297a89/fxzbpbLyZqmW/7EyqZ3hlLsQQqBZSoJYXNKCNe0WfMQRwVH60HPfa.png

Italy lied about their role in a shipwreck that killed 94 people – including 35 children – and the EU border agency Frontex helped cover it up

During the early hours of February 26, 2023 a wooden pleasure boat crashed close to the shore in Cutro, Italy. On board were nearly 200 people, mostly refugees from Afghanistan. At least 94 of them died, including 35 children. Yet the overloaded boat had been spotted by Europe’s border agency Frontex six hours before the wreck, struggling in bad weather. The deaths, which took place so close to the shore, shocked Italy and Europe. But Frontex and the Italian authorities deflected blame onto each other.

Frontex said that the boat showed “no signs of distress” and that it was up to Italy to decide whether to launch a rescue operation. Italy’s prime minister claimed that they didn’t know the boat “risked sinking” and didn’t intervene because Frontex didn’t send them an ‘emergency communication’. “Do any of you think that the Italian government could have saved the lives of 60 people, including a child of about three years whose body was just found today, and it didn’t?” Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni said shortly after the tragedy.

A joint investigation by Lighthouse Reports and its partners reveals that both the Italian authorities and the Frontex leadership were aware that the boat was showing signs of distress when the ship was first spotted six hours before the wreck, but nevertheless decided not to intervene – and later tried to conceal how much they knew.
METHODS

When images of boat debris on an Italian beach were broadcast around the world, it was hard to imagine that they came from a vessel carrying 200 people. The Summer Love, a wooden boat approximately 25 metres long, was crammed with women, children and men fleeing wars, hoping for a better life. With little video footage available, we decided to make a 3D model of the vessel to better understand and explain the risks people were prepared to take. Crowded below decks, they had little chance of survival when the boat sank as their only exit was one narrow staircase.

Over time, our reporters won the trust of some of the survivors by spending time with them in the centres they’re now living in. They shared their stories from departing Turkey to the harrowing losses they suffered in the sea. Some shared videos which revealed additional details about the shipwreck, including a tablet with navigation software which confirmed the vessel’s location and direction of travel.

Crucially, we obtained leaked confidential Frontex mission reports which revealed that a plane operated by the border agency had reported signs of distress to both the agency and Italian authorities. Hours before the flight, operators warned about “strong winds” in the Ionian Sea. Frontex then detected the vessel by tracking multiple satellite phone calls made throughout the day by people on board. A detailed account of the pilot’s calls show that Frontex knew it was a “possible migrant vessel,” with no visible safety jackets and a “significant thermal response” from below deck. According to Frontex’s press office, this is an indication of the presence of an “unusual” number of people on board.

Bad weather, a lack of life vests and overcrowding constitute signs of distress under Frontex’s and Italy’s own maritime rules; still the maritime authorities did not launch a search and rescue operation. After the wreck, the European border agency concealed the fact that their pilot had signalled strong winds to their control room during the surveillance flight.
STORIES

Assad Almulqi was a child when war broke out in Syria. His family fled their city after it was attacked with poisonous gas in 2013. This year, the 22 year-old paid 8,000 euros for a place on the boat from Turkey. His six-year-old brother Sultan was allowed to travel for free.

He recalls the moment everything went wrong. “It was dark. The ship leaned to one side and half of it went underwater. It sank in seconds.”

“I got scared, held my brother in my arms and told my uncle that we needed to go upstairs because something not normal was happening. The waves started hitting the windows and water entered the ship.”

He jumped out when the water reached his knees, holding his brother tightly.

Assad tried desperately to keep Sultan above the waves as he attempted to signal to rescuers. “We were drowning ourselves to keep his head above the water, but it wasn’t enough to save him.”

They clung to pieces of the ship, fighting to stay afloat as people around them drowned.

Also onboard was 23-year old Nigeena who was travelling with her husband Seyar, following their wedding just four months earlier. She clutched his hand as they fought to stay above water. They were almost ashore when a huge wave swept Seyar away. Their boat broke apart 200 metres off the coast of Italy.

“The wreck is Italy’s fault because they knew from the start that a boat had arrived,” said Nigeena. “Usually when they see an unfamiliar ship it’s their job to check it out. But they didn’t.”

Lawyers for some of the families of the victims are planning to take a case to the European Court of Human Rights, arguing Italy should be held responsible for the “irremediable violation of migrants’ right to life.”

▻https://www.lighthousereports.com/investigation/the-crotone-cover-up

–---

En italien (résumé):
L’insabbiamento sulla strage di Steccato di Cutro

https://www.meltingpot.org/app/uploads/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-113043-1-1536x814.png

Un’inchiesta internazionale di #Lighthouse_Reports dimostra il rimpallo delle responsabilità tra Frontex, guardia di finanza e guardia costiera italiana

▻https://www.meltingpot.org/2023/06/linsabbiamento-sulla-strage-di-steccato-di-cutro

Omissione di soccorso: la vera storia del naufragio di Cutro

Un’inchiesta internazionale – a cui Domani ha collaborato insieme a Lighthouse Reports, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Le Monde, El Pais e Sky News – mostra attraverso documenti inediti, fonti confidenziali, immagini satellitari, modelli 3d e decine di testimonianze cosa è accaduto quella sera e il rimpallo delle responsabilità tra le tre autorità coinvolte: Frontex, guardia di finanza e guardia costiera. Intanto l’indagine giudiziaria della procura di Crotone va avanti: il primo giugno le prime perquisizioni hanno riguardato tre ufficiali della guardia di finanza. L’obiettivo è individuare le falle nella catena di comando

(#paywall)
▻https://www.editorialedomani.it/fatti/naufragio-cutro-inchiesta-internazionale-wqa2rkss

Italie : après le naufrage de migrants, les autorités italiennes se défendent de toute responsabilité

https://scd.infomigrants.net/media/resize/my_image_big/f16ffa4d97ff1fdaee746f68260a76c978b6075f.jpg

Alors que le bilan du naufrage de dimanche est désormais d’au moins 67 morts, le gouvernement italien continue de se défendre de toute responsabilité dans le drame. Le ministre italien de l’Intérieur, #Matteo_Piantedosi, a suscité un tollé en pointant la responsabilité des migrants embarquant leurs familles dans de périlleux voyages en mer.

Trois jours après le naufrage qui a coûté la vie à plusieurs dizaines de migrants dimanche, au large de la Calabre dans le sud de l’Italie, le bilan continue de s’alourdir. Les autorités italiennes ont annoncé, mercredi 1er mars, qu’il grimpait désormais à 67 morts, après la découverte des cadavres de deux enfants.

La plupart des personnes décédées dans le naufrage venaient d’Afghanistan. D’autres étaient originaires du Pakistan, d’Iran, de Somalie et de Syrie, selon les services de secours.

Le drame se double désormais d’une controverse sur le terrain politique : les garde-côtes et la police sont accusés de n’avoir pas fait tout le nécessaire pour prévenir le naufrage, alors que la présence du navire au large de la Calabre avait bien été signalée.

En réponse à ces critiques, les autorités ont déclaré que le mauvais temps en mer avait contraint les patrouilleurs de la garde-côtes à rebrousser chemin.

Toutes les procédures ont été correctement appliquées, a déclaré le commandant de l’autorité portuaire de Crotone, Vittorio Aloi. « Je suis humainement éprouvé par cette tragédie mais sur un plan professionnel, je peux vous assurer que je suis serein », a-t-il déclaré à la presse avant de pénétrer dans le gymnase de Crotone dans lequel sont entreposés les corps des victimes.

Ligne dure du gouvernement

Le gouvernement italien, dirigé par l’extrême droite, affiche une ligne dure sur l’immigration et a adopté des décrets restreignant l’action des organisations caritatives pour secourir les migrants en Méditerranée.

Le ministre de l’Intérieur, Matteo Piantedosi, a suscité un tollé après le naufrage, en pointant la responsabilité des migrants embarquant leurs familles dans de périlleux voyages en mer. De son côté, la cheffe du gouvernement, Giorgia Meloni, a fait part de sa « profonde douleur » mais a également jugé, dimanche, qu’il était « criminel de mettre en mer une embarcation de 20 mètres à peine avec 200 personnes à bord et une mauvaise prévision météo ».

Plusieurs centaines de milliers de demandeurs d’asile fuyant la guerre ou la pauvreté sont arrivés en Italie par bateau au cours de la dernière décennie.

D’après le projet « Migrants Disparus » de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations, 20 333 personnes ont été retrouvées mortes ou ont été portées disparues depuis 2014 en Méditerranée centrale, réputée comme l’une des routes maritimes les plus dangereuses au monde, dont 1 417 en 2022.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/47178/italie--apres-le-naufrage-de-migrants-les-autorites-italiennes-se-defe
#Piantedosi

Drame de #Crotone : la réponse tardive et inadaptée des secours mise en cause

Trois jours après le drame, le bilan du naufrage au sud de l’Italie continue de s’alourdir, alors que la question du retard des secours fait de plus en plus polémique.

Les cercueils sont alignés dans un vieux gymnase de Crotone. Mercredi matin, on en dénombrait déjà soixante-six dont quelques-uns, plus petits, de couleur blanche, pour les corps d’enfants. Sur l’un d’eux est posé un carton indiquant KR46M0. Comprendre « Crotone, 46e cadavre, sexe : masculin, âge : zéro ». Non loin de là, sur la plage de Steccato di Cutro, les secouristes tentent encore de retrouver des corps après le naufrage qui, dimanche à l’aube, a englouti des dizaines de vies (sans doute plus de cent) à une centaine de mètres seulement de la rive. Mercredi après-midi, un soixante-septième corps, celui d’une enfant, a été rejeté par la mer sur le sable. On ne dénombre que 79 survivants.

Entre la morgue et l’hôpital, des parents déjà installés en Europe des migrants disparus circulent en quête de nouvelles de leurs proches. L’un d’eux, Misan, un trentenaire afghan accouru depuis Amsterdam, a reconnu mardi le cadavre de son neveu Hadi, douze ans, qui selon le Corriere della Sera, avait entrepris seul le voyage : « Hadi n’avait plus personne. Ses parents sont morts depuis longtemps. C’est pour cela que j’avais décidé qu’il vienne me rejoindre ». Comme Hadi, la plupart des passagers du navire surchargé venaient d’Afghanistan mais aussi d’Irak, d’Iran, du Pakistan, des Territoires palestiniens et de Syrie. Ils étaient partis le 23 février d’Izmir, en Turquie, sur cette embarcation de bois.

Trop tard

Trois passeurs présumés, deux Pakistanais et un Turc, soupçonnés d’avoir fait payer leur passage entre 5 000 et 8 000 euros par personne, ont été interpellés par les forces de l’ordre italiennes. Mais la polémique enfle à propos de la responsabilité du naufrage. Les autorités transalpines sont en effet soupçonnées de ne pas avoir tout mis en œuvre pour empêcher la tragédie. « Les hommes, les femmes, les enfants de Cutro pouvaient-ils être sauvés ? La réponse est sur le bout des lèvres, imprononçable. Nous sommes pour le moins tout proche de la non-assistance à personne en danger », a attaqué mercredi matin le quotidien La Stampa. Le journal progressiste La Repubblica titrait lui « Personne n’a voulu les sauver. » La séquence du naufrage est en effet accablante.

Dès le samedi matin à l’aube, soit vingt-quatre heures avant la tragédie, le centre de coordination des secours maritimes lance une alerte générique à propos d’une embarcation se dirigeant vers les côtes italiennes. Le soir à 22h30, un avion de patrouille de Frontex, l’agence européenne de surveillance des frontières, repère un bateau « en forte surcharge de passagers » et alerte les autorités. « Il n’y avait pas de signe de détresse », a précisé l’agence dans un communiqué, ajoutant que l’avion, à court de carburant, avait dû quitter la zone. Deux heures plus tard, soit dimanche à minuit trente, deux vedettes de la brigade financière – généralement employée pour lutter contre les trafics plus que pour le secours en mer – appareillent à la recherche de l’embarcation sur laquelle se trouvent les migrants.

Mais la mer est agitée, le vent proche de force 4. Face à la houle, les deux navires préfèrent rentrer au bout de trente minutes dans leurs ports respectifs de Crotone et Tarente. A 4 heures du matin, le centre de brigade financière reçoit par téléphone un appel au secours, dans un anglais approximatif, sans doute d’un passager. Les carabiniers sont alors mobilisés. Mais apparemment trop tard. A 5h30, un pêcheur, Antonio Conbariati, reçoit un appel d’un de ses amis garde-côtes : « Va voir sur la plage s’il s’est passé quelque chose. Nous savons qu’un navire a subi une avarie », lui dit-il. « J’ai couru vers la plage et vu des cadavres entre les vagues. Pas le temps de les prendre que le ressac les ramenait au large », a raconté le marin aux médias italiens. « J’ai pris une enfant de six ou sept ans qui respirait encore, mais elle est morte quelques minutes plus tard sur la plage. » Rejoint par un ami pêcheur, les deux hommes tentent de sauver quelques vies. « La barque ne s’était pas encore cassée en deux, mais il y avait des corps partout, des enfants, des jeunes, des femmes et nous qui, dans la pénombre, essayions de les attraper. […] Une quinzaine de minutes plus tard, les secours sont arrivés mais le pire était déjà advenu. »

« Pourquoi ne pas être intervenu ? »

Frontex n’a-t-elle pas correctement lancé l’alarme ? Les autorités italiennes ont-elles sous-estimé la gravité de la situation ? Et surtout pourquoi la brigade financière est-elle intervenue, avec des embarcations ne pouvant affronter une mer houleuse, plutôt que les gardes-côtes qui disposent de navires supportant des vents de force 8 ? « Personne ne nous a alertés », a indiqué le commandant de la capitainerie du port de Crotone. La polémique rappelle celle qui avait suivi le naufrage dans la Manche d’une embarcation de migrants. A proximité de la frontière maritime entre la France et l’Angleterre, 27 personnes avaient trouvé la mort sans recevoir les secours qu’elles appelaient.

L’opposition au gouvernement d’extrême droite de Giorgia Meloni exige désormais des réponses, alors que depuis son entrée en fonction, l’exécutif mène la guerre contre les ONG qui sauvent en mer les migrants. La cheffe du gouvernement a exprimé « sa douleur profonde », invitant à ne pas « instrumentaliser les morts » et a rejeté toute la responsabilité sur les passeurs. Quant à son ministre de l’Intérieur Matteo Piantedosi, il s’est retranché derrière les informations de Frontex qui, selon lui, « n’avait pas signalé une situation de danger ou de stress à bord, en indiquant la présence d’une seule personne visible et d’autres dans la cale et une bonne flottabilité de l’embarcation. Puis, il y a eu une détérioration de la météo ».

Quoi qu’il en soit, pour le gouvernement Meloni, la solution reste de « bloquer les départs ». Mais la nouvelle secrétaire du Parti démocrate, Elly Schlein, demande des explications, en particulier au ministre des Transports, ayant la tutelle des gardes-côtes : le leader de la Ligue d’extrême droite Matteo Salvini. Elle demande en outre la démission du ministre de l’intérieur Piantedosi pour ses propos au lendemain du drame. Celui-ci avait en partie rejeté la faute sur les migrants eux-mêmes, déclarant : « Le désespoir ne peut jamais justifier des conditions de voyage qui mettent en danger la vie des enfants. »

▻https://www.liberation.fr/international/europe/drame-de-crotone-la-reponse-tardive-et-inadaptee-des-secours-mise-en-cause-20230301_DF4N73HLKBECJJF2MYG3424CWI/?redirected=1

Children among 59 people killed in boat wreck off Italy’s coast

Boat believed to be bringing refugees from Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan struck rocks off coast of Calabria

Fifty-nine people, including a newborn baby and other children, have died after a wooden boat believed to be carrying refugees wrecked against rocks off the coast of Italy’s Calabria region.

Many of the bodies were reported to have washed up on a tourist beach near Steccato di Cutro, while others were found at sea.

According to survivors, there were about 140 to 150 people onboard the boat before it crashed into the rocks. Eighty-one people survived, with 20 of them taken to hospital, Manuela Curra, a provincial government official, told Reuters.

A Turkish national has been detained on suspicion of human trafficking, according to the Ansa news agency. The vessel is believed to have left Turkey four days ago with people from Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan onboard.

The bodies of the victims were being transported to a sports hall in nearby Crotone on Sunday afternoon. Ansa reported that 20 children, including twins and a newborn baby, were among those who died.

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Antonio Ceraso, the mayor of Cutro, told reporters: “It is something one would never want to see. The sea continues to return bodies. Among the victims are women and children.”

The wreck of the boat was reportedly seen by fishers early on Sunday. “You can see the remains of the boat along 200-300 metres of coast,” Ceraso added. “In the past there have been landings but never such a tragedy.”

Rai News reported that the boat “snapped in two”, citing sources as saying that those onboard “didn’t have time to ask for help”.

The Italian coastguard, firefighters, police and Red Cross rescue workers attended the scene.

As rescuers continued their search, Filippo Grandi, the UN high commissioner for refugees, called for European governments to “stop arguing” and “agree on just, effective, shared measures to avoid more tragedies”.

“Another terrible shipwreck in the Mediterranean off the Italian coast,” he tweeted. “Dozens of people have died, many children. We mourn them and stand in solidarity with the survivors.”

The Italian president, Sergio Mattarella, said the “umpteenth tragedy in the Mediterranean shouldn’t leave anyone indifferent”, while urging the EU to “finally take concrete responsibility for governing the phenomenon of migration in order to rescue it from human traffickers”.

The European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, said that “we must redouble our efforts” on the migration pact and “plan of action” on the central Mediterranean.

“Member states must step forward and find a solution. Now,” she wrote on Twitter. “The EU needs common and up-to-date rules that will allow us to face the challenges of migration.”

Italy is one of the main landing points for people trying to enter Europe by sea. The so-called central Mediterranean route is known as one of the world’s most dangerous.

More than 100,000 refugees arrived in Italy by boat in 2022. The rightwing government of the prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, which came to power in October, imposed tough measures against sea rescue charities, including fining them up to €50,000 (£44,000) if they flout a requirement to request a port and sail to it immediately after undertaking one rescue instead of remaining at sea to rescue people from other boats in difficulty.

Rescues in recent months have resulted in ships being granted ports in central and northern Italy, forcing them to make longer journeys and therefore reducing their time at sea saving lives. Charities had warned that the measure would lead to thousands of deaths.

In a statement, Meloni expressed her “deep sorrow” for the lives cut short by “human traffickers” while repeating her government’s commitment to “preventing departures and along with them the tragedies that unfold”.

“It is criminal to launch a boat of just 20 metres long with as many as 200 people onboard in adverse weather forecasts,” she added.

“It is inhumane to exchange the lives of men, women and children for the price of a ‘ticket’ paid by them on the false perspective of a safe journey.”

Meloni said her government would demand “maximum collaboration” with the countries of departure and origin.

Matteo Piantedosi, Italy’s interior minister, said the shipwreck in Calabria was a “huge tragedy” that “grieves me deeply”, while adding that it was “essential to continue with every possible initiative to prevent departures [of migrants]”.

Piantedosi told Il Giornale on Thursday that the government measures, including agreements with Libya and Tunisia, had “averted the arrival” of almost 21,000 people.

According to the International Organization for Migration’s Missing Migrants project, 20,333 people have died or gone missing in the central Mediterranean since 2014.

▻https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/feb/26/dozens-of-bodies-believed-to-be-refugees-found-on-beach-in-southern-ita

Naufrage de Crotone : l’Italie n’a pas jugé « urgents » les messages d’alerte de Frontex

L’Italie n’a pas considéré comme « urgents » les messages d’alerte lancés par Frontex au sujet d’un bateau avec à son bord une centaine de migrants, selon la Première ministre italienne Giorgia Meloni.

L’agence européenne de garde-frontières et de garde-côtes aurait signalé aux autorités italiennes qu’un bateau menaçait de couler, incapable de faire face à un vent de force 4, a confié une source de Frontex à EURACTIV.

« Aucune communication d’urgence de Frontex n’est parvenue à nos autorités. Nous n’avons pas été avertis que ce bateau risquait de couler », a déclaré Mme Meloni, qui faisait sa première déclaration depuis la tragédie.

Parmi les passagers du bateau, qui n’a jamais atteint les côtes, figuraient principalement des familles originaires d’Afghanistan et de Syrie. Le nombre exact de personnes à bord n’est pas encore connu. Le bateau de 20 mètres de long, qui avait à son bord 200 personnes environ, arrivait de Turquie. Environ 80 personnes ont survécu et au moins 68 sont décédées.
Intempéries

Selon les informations fournies par Frontex à EURACTIV, l’agence européenne a communiqué certains éléments concernant l’interception du bateau qui révèlent une possible détresse en mer.

Certains éléments ont par exemple montré que le bateau transportait potentiellement un nombre élevé de personnes avec une mer agitée de vagues pouvant atteindre 2,50 mètres — soit un niveau d’état de la mer de 4 sur 7.

« Nos experts ont repéré certains signes indiquant que le bateau était susceptible de transporter un grand nombre de personnes. Par exemple, la caméra thermique à bord de l’avion a détecté une réponse significative », a expliqué Frontex. L’agence a également confirmé à EURACTIV que les autorités italiennes avaient accès à ces données thermiques.

EURACTIV a demandé à Frontex si elle avait communiqué un signal de détresse du navire, mais l’agence de l’UE a répondu que « en ce qui concerne la classification de l’événement en tant qu’opération de recherche et sauvetage (SAR), conformément au droit international, cela relève de la responsabilité des autorités nationales ».

L’Italie a mobilisé deux patrouilleurs de la Garde des finances (Guardia di Finanza, GDF), engageant une opération de police, dite de « maintien de l’ordre ». Toutefois, en raison des conditions météorologiques et de l’état de la mer, les bateaux ont dû rentrer au port, comme indiqué par la GDF dans un communiqué de presse lundi (27 février).

La GDF n’est pas habilitée et équipée pour procéder à des opérations SAR (recherche et sauvetage), cette compétence relevant des garde-côtes italiens.

Aucune opération de SAR n’a été lancée au moment de la communication de Frontex.
Le silence de l’Italie sur les images thermiques

La GDF et les garde-côtes italiens n’ont pas mentionné les indices thermiques dans leurs communiqués de presse suivant la tragédie.

La GDF a évoqué l’observation d’un bateau par Frontex « prétendument impliqué dans un trafic de migrants, à environ 40 miles de la côte de Crotone ».

Les garde-côtes italiens ont déclaré mardi (28 février) que le bateau « semblait naviguer de manière régulière, à 6 nœuds et dans de bonnes conditions de flottabilité, avec une seule personne visible sur le pont du navire ».

EURACTIV a pris contact avec les garde-côtes italiens à plusieurs reprises depuis mardi dernier (28 février) — leur demandant s’ils avaient eu accès aux images des caméras thermiques — mais n’a pas reçu de réponse.

Aux mêmes questions, la Garde des Finances italienne a déclaré à EURACTIV qu’« à ce stade, [elle] ne ferait aucune déclaration concernant les événements qui se sont produits à Crotone ».

▻https://www.euractiv.fr/section/migrations/news/naufrage-de-crotone-litalie-na-pas-juge-urgents-les-messages-dalerte-de-fro

EU responds to Italy drownings with more support for Libya
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/993804
#externalisation #Libye

Voir aussi : ▻https://seenthis.net/messages/993640

Cutro. I fiori del mare contro lo Stato di decomposizione

Da loro apprenderemo a sopravvivere e a lottare

Le circa tre settimane che seguono il naufragio di Steccato di Cutro sono state e continuano ad essere costellate da diversi falsi allarmi e notizie fittizie e frammentarie.

La guardia costiera italiana ha messo in moto una macchina – per quanto estremamente operativa – non sufficiente al recupero dei corpi che con molta probabilità ancora giacciono sul fondo di quei 150 metri d’acqua che separano la spiaggia dal relitto dell’imbarcazione inabissata.

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Si cerca senza sosta dal cielo e da terra ma in profondità, ancora nessun sommozzatore ha ottenuto il consenso per attivare le complesse operazioni di rimozione del barcone e degli almeno 30 corpi che potrebbe trattenere.

Il mare li sta restituendo autonomamente, poco per volta, con estrema difficoltà, in avanzatissimo stato di decomposizione.

L’ultimo, quello di un uomo recuperato grazie ad un’operazione estremamente complessa, le cui probabilità di riuscita si riducono drasticamente ogni giorno che passa.

Ci aggiorna sulle operazioni la stessa equipe operativa – tra polizia scientifica, organizzazioni del terzo settore, giornalisti – che senza sosta incrocia i pochi dati in possesso per poter risalire all’identità delle salme recuperate.

E’ soprattutto per questo motivo che come Mem.Med abbiamo enfatizzato sin da subito sull’urgenza e la necessità immediata di ottenere da parte della procura di Crotone l’autorizzazione per prelevare il campione di DNA dei familiari ancora in loco, fondamentale a restituire un nome e un volto alle persone non più identificabili.

Non si tratta ormai solo di ricostruire generalità biografiche e dettagli fisici: segni particolari sul corpo potrebbero non bastare all’esame autoptico per cui solo il sesso, l’abbigliamento e il confronto del materiale genetico dei familiari può garantirlo.

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In queste infinite settimane, in cui il tempo si è fermato per morti e vivi, abbiamo monitorato con attenzione ogni fase di ricerca, recupero e identificazione delle vittime restituite dal mare. I familiari e gli amici accorsi a Crotone hanno sospeso la propria vita non solo per quanto accaduto ai cari, ma anche perché provati e provocati da attese indefinite sulla loro sorte, privati di risposte a domande lecite circa rimpatrio delle salme, dalle ricerche in mare e il ricongiungimento con le persone sopravvissute, tuttora reiterate tra oblio e dimenticanze.

Le famiglie e gli amici giunti in Italia per ritrovare le persone che attendevano da questo lato del mare, stanno lasciando la Calabria ancora col dubbio che quei corpi possano essere abbandonati in mare. Qualcuna non ha avuto la possibilità di partire. Ci scrivono ininterrottamente dal Pakistan, dall’Iran, dalla Palestina, dalla Germania per avere aggiornamenti costanti, per avere risposta sui loro figli e figlie, fratelli e sorelle che lo Stato trattiene da settimane.

Shahid ha riconosciuto suo fratello attraverso una video chiamata, proprio come la famiglia tunisina di Siwar che, partita per raggiungere l’amore, ha trovato la morte.

Shahid non ha ancora comunicato a nessuno della famiglia che il fratello non è in vita, ma rinchiuso in un campo tra i sopravvissuti, come aveva voluto credere dai primi giorni dal naufragio.

È suo il primo messaggio che leggo al risveglio, perché fiducioso del fatto che potremmo velocizzare le procedure ed alleggerire quel peso che porta dentro di sé per non gettarlo sulla madre.

I giorni precedenti al rinvenimento, era stato aggirato da chi lo ricattava per soldi, minacciato di non rivedere più suo fratello “sequestrato“, se non avesse pagato la somma richiesta.

Senza un corpo che affermi la verità sulle sorti dei propri familiari, le persone che non possono raggiungere l’Italia cercano di darsi una speranza, anche credendo alla peggiore delle ipotesi, fuorché alla sparizione.

Ed ora che lo ha ritrovato, l’ennesima violenza lo separa dalla salma del fratello, nell’attesa senza tempo che rientri in Pakistan.

L’ultima segnalazione è quella di un ragazzino di 17 anni. Voi ve li ricordate i vostri 17 anni, fremere di entusiasmo man mano che si avvicinavano ai 18?

Atiqullah non potrà mai raggiungerli. Aveva modificato il suo passaporto affinché potesse partire da maggiorenne per Dubai dove la sua famiglia avrebbe voluto che lavorasse.

Ma Atiqullah fuggiva anche da questo, da una vita sacrificata per viverla in maniera più dignitosa.

La sorella ci ha fornito ogni particolare utile all’eventuale riconoscimento, ne descrive ogni centimetro del corpo affinché, una volta recuperato, possa essere riconosciuto dalle cicatrici sui piedi.

Quei piedi instancabili che solo le persone migranti sanno valorizzare, perché indispensabili a proseguire il cammino, la rotta verso la libertà. Ma il mare tradisce, ed è probabilmente già tardi perchè possa essere riconosciuto dai suoi piedi.

Nell’ininterrotta impresa per la verità e la giustizia che perseguiamo, un modello efficace è impegnato per sopperire alla gravissima negligenza di uno Stato di decomposizione politica che ancora oggi oltraggia il rispetto e la dignità delle persone disperse.

Dall’incontro con i familiari a palazzo Chigi in cui il Presidente Meloni si è concessa il privilegio di domandare – a chi quel mare lo attraversa perchè altrove rischierebbe la sua vita – se conoscessero le avversità a cui andavano incontro, fino alle risposte belle e fatte nel question time che i ministri si sono limitati a offrire ai parlamentari sull’ennesimo, non ultimo, naufragio nel Mar mediterraneo che conta la vita di ulteriori 30 persone.

Mentre alla Camera i ministri impegnano con imbarazzo il tempo ad eludere le responsabilità nonché la capacità di soccorrere in mare – e lo abbiamo visto a Crotone con il salvataggio delle oltre 1.000 persone scortate dalla Guardia costiera – si ribadisce l’attacco inconcludente e infondato alla “mafia degli scafisti”.

Ma è troppo facile puntare il dito a dei giovani ribelli, a quel compagno di viaggio che nelle aule di tribunale è testimone come gli altri sopravvissuti di questo delitto.

Forse i ministri italiani dimenticano che le zone SAR non corrispondono a una competenza sovrana ma a un’indicazione operativa. Laddove le autorità libiche, maltesi o più prossime ad un’imbarcazione non sopraggiungano per il soccorso in mare, la responsabilità è, e deve essere, delle autorità italiane e di tutte coloro che possono intervenire. La domanda, dunque, non è se pensiamo che lo stato non abbia intenzionalmente salvato le vite, come ha ribaltato ai giornalisti durante il CDM tenuto a Cutro, perché lo abbiamo già affermato. La vera questione da porre, è se davvero è stato fatto e si continua a fare tutto il possibile per salvare le vite in quel mare e in qualsiasi punto del Mediterraneo.

E’ difficile credere alla parole di chi non molto tempo fa, affermava di voler affondare le navi delle ONG e installare blocchi navali contro le persone migranti.

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La più assidua accusa rivolta alle antropologhe fa spesso enfasi sul simbolismo utilizzato nell’interpretazione della realtà. Ebbene, malgrado gli elementi simbolici non sempre siano il grado massimo di espressione utile a restituire la lettura più vicina al contenuto semantico e concreto dell’agire umano, si predispone ancora una volta come uno degli strumenti più immediati e verosimili per la descrizione di uno stato dell’arte che anche questa volta vede nascere fiori da uno Stato in putrefazione.

Linguaggio, immagini e suoni ribaltati di un significante insignificante, che non ha ancora capito qual’è la sua più antica etimologia: la vita.

Abbiamo teso le braccia alla morte e ne abbiamo tirato fuori memoria. Ci siamo immerse con corpo e spirito nel fondo del dolore di chi resta e racconta chi è andatə via. Ci siamo ritrovate a raccogliere frammenti di vita – biologica e non – dalle mani dei familiari e dei sopravvissuti nelle auspicabili ipotesi che si potesse restituire l’identità alle persone ancora in mare. Perché sappiamo, come scrive Erri De Luca, che quelle acque hanno volti, i volti di Iona e della ribellione.

Ho letto da qualche parte che non bisogna mai fidarsi dei libri, e forse è un consiglio che terrò presente più spesso quando, anziché leggere di cosa gli altri hanno da dire di terzi, sentirò questi ultimi parlare per sé, di sé, del mondo che abitiamo.

Potrebbero chiedermi, quindi, chi parlerà per le morti: Saranno loro a parlare di sé, di noi, di tutto. “I morti sono più eloquenti dei vivi”, scrive Cristina Cattaneo in un suo libro ormai divenuto una guida sul tema dell’identificazione dei naufraghi.

Queste morti non tacciono, parlano del proprio coraggio, della sfida, del movimento. Queste morti sono e restano persone, ci parlano in prima persona, di come sono partite, tendendo la mano ai sacrifici, alla dignità e alla dissidenza, per ribellarsi, per opporsi a ciò che non andava bene, a ciò che opprime e spinge via la vita che resiste.

Queste morti parlano di quanto non vogliamo che parlino, di come non le si voglia vedere, sentire, pregare, piangere, riconoscere, ricordare.

Ma la morte è potente quanto la vita, così potente da risuscitare anche i vivi che muoiono ciechi di indifferenza.

Allande scriveva a sua figlia Paula che la separazione non è mai definitiva finché esiste il ricordo, la memoria viva che tessiamo nel cammino per la verità e la giustizia.

Queste morti non saranno testimoni ma sono epistemi e da loro apprenderemo a sopravvivere e a lottare. La resistenza dei vivi è la giustizia per i morti e noi non dimentichiamo la rabbia!

Chi lotta non muore. Chi lotta è fiore.

▻https://www.meltingpot.org/2023/03/cutro-i-fiori-del-mare-contro-lo-stato-di-decomposizione

En Tunisie, « il faut dépasser la question des #traversées pour penser l’immigration africaine »

Dans un contexte où le Parti nationaliste tunisien s’en prend violemment à la communauté subsaharienne et où les naufrages ne cessent de s’intensifier en mer, le géographe #Camille_Cassarini revient sur les évolutions de la présence africaine dans ce pays du Maghreb, dont les politiques migratoires n’échappent pas aux mécanismes que l’on peut observer en Europe.

DixDix-huit mille personnes ont réussi à rejoindre l’Italie depuis les côtes tunisiennes en 2022. Un chiffre en constante augmentation ces dernières années, démontrant que la crise socio-économique, mais aussi démocratique, dans laquelle s’enfonce la Tunisie ne cesse de pousser des personnes sur les chemins de l’exil.

À l’heure où les naufrages s’amplifient et où la découverte du corps d’une fillette, échoué sur une plage des îles Kerkennah le 24 décembre dernier, vient brutalement nous rappeler la violence des politiques de fermeture des frontières, Camille Cassarini, chercheur à l’Université de Gênes et chercheur associé au LPED/IRD, alerte sur la nécessité de reconnaître l’immigration africaine en Tunisie.

Après avoir passé plusieurs années à Sfax pour réaliser sa thèse, ville où la communauté subsaharienne est particulièrement importante, le géographe constate qu’un certain nombre de personnes viennent d’abord pour étudier et travailler.

« Les personnes subsahariennes sont structurellement irrégularisées par l’État tunisien et leur départ prend avant tout naissance dans ce contexte de vulnérabilité juridique », souligne ce spécialiste des mobilités africaines en Tunisie, estimant que la délivrance d’un titre de séjour et l’ouverture de leurs droits pourraient permettre à certains de se projeter en Tunisie. Il faut, dit-il, cesser de penser ces mobilités sous l’angle du transit vers l’Europe.

Mediapart : Depuis quand observe-t-on la présence d’exilés subsahariens en Tunisie ?

Camille Cassarini : Depuis les années 1980, avec principalement des étudiants au départ, issus de classes moyennes supérieures, venus se former dans des instituts publics tunisiens. Il y a un premier changement dans les années 1990, qui correspond au grand pari de Ben Ali sur l’enseignement privé, visant à attirer lesdites « classes moyennes émergentes » d’Afrique.

C’est ainsi qu’on a vu arriver des Camerounais, Congolais, Sénégalais ou Ivoiriens. Au même moment, il y avait déjà des mobilités de travailleurs qui arrivaient en Tunisie puis tombaient en situation irrégulière, mais on n’en parlait pas du tout.

Un second changement a eu lieu en 2003, avec l’arrivée de la Banque africaine de développement et de son personnel, qui, à la suite des événements en Côte d’Ivoire, a été déplacée à Tunis. En 2011 enfin, l’arrivée au pouvoir d’Alassane Ouattara en Côte d’Ivoire a mis beaucoup d’Ivoiriens sur la route. On estime qu’il y avait alors quelques milliers d’Ivoiriens à Tunis, quelques centaines à Sfax. Ces chiffres ont connu une croissance très forte dans les années qui ont suivi. Je dirais qu’aujourd’hui, entre 30 000 et 50 000 personnes originaires d’Afrique subsaharienne vivent en Tunisie.

Quel est leur profil ?

On retrouve toujours une très large majorité de personnes ivoiriennes, ce qui est en soi une particularité, voire un paradoxe, car la Côte d’Ivoire n’était pas un pays d’émigration, contrairement à d’autres pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest. On observe surtout la présence de travailleurs, issus de deux principaux groupes socio-ethniques en Côte d’Ivoire (les Akan et Baoulé, ainsi que les Bété, proches de Laurent Gbagbo), qui, avant, ne migraient absolument pas hors de la Côte d’Ivoire et sont issus de couches sociales assez favorisées.

Dans quelles conditions de vie évoluent-ils ?

Jusqu’au Covid-19, tous ces groupes vivaient d’emplois relativement précaires ; pas seulement d’emplois journaliers, payés 25 dinars par jour, mais aussi de petites activités commerciales à la valise (le fait de ramener des produits du pays d’origine pour les revendre en Tunisie).

Cette population arrivait par avion sans visa et vivait en situation irrégulière (puisque une fois passés les trois mois de séjour autorisés, ils n’ont plus de droit au séjour), dans des logements collectifs, parfois individuels et dans des conditions relativement précaires ; mais des conditions qui, au regard de leur précédente situation en Côte d’Ivoire, n’étaient pas forcément si mauvaises.

Leur salaire leur permettait d’opérer des renvois de fonds et de soutenir leur famille. Notamment au regard du taux de change qui existait entre le dinar tunisien et l’euro, et donc le franc CFA. À partir de 2018, l’État tunisien a développé une autre politique monétaire, faisant doper les exportations et baisser la valeur du dinar. Les cordons de la bourse ont alors été de plus en plus serrés.

Quel impact le Covid-19 a-t-il pu avoir sur les migrations de Subsahariens vers et via la Tunisie ?

Étant donné que ces personnes vivaient majoritairement d’emplois journaliers, sur un marché du travail informel, elles ont été les premières à perdre leur emploi. Elles ont vécu une très forte précarité, notamment parce qu’elles n’avaient ni sécurité sociale, ni parachute, ni aucune structure familiale pouvant leur venir en aide. Et on a vu des choses apparaître pour la toute première fois durant cette période, comme la mendicité et le sans-abrisme. Sur le plan des arrivées, il y a eu une forte baisse des arrivées, mais cela a repris dès que le trafic aérien s’est rouvert.

Selon les ONG, la présence des Subsahariens a fortement augmenté en 2022. Comment l’expliquez-vous ?

Les arrivées ont augmenté, oui, mais difficile de dire dans quelle mesure. Ce qui est sûr, c’est qu’il n’y a plus seulement que des Ivoiriens. Il y a d’autres nationalités qui ont investi cette route migratoire comme les lieux d’installation ouverts par ces mobilités. Des personnes originaires du Cameroun et de Guinée-Conakry, qui pratiquent les routes migratoires entre Afrique de l’Ouest et Afrique du Nord depuis longtemps.

Alors qu’on les trouvait beaucoup en Libye, en Algérie ou au Maroc, les mobilités ivoiriennes ont ouvert cette route à travers la Tunisie, notamment jusqu’à Sfax. Aussi, sans doute, parce que des routes s’ouvrent et se ferment en permanence, et que les populations cherchent de nouveaux itinéraires. Chaque groupe en migration a sa propre histoire migratoire.

Ces populations, différentes les unes des autres, cherchent-elles toutes à tenter la traversée pour l’Europe ?

Mes travaux montrent que les Ivoiriens sont venus en Tunisie pour travailler et s’installer. Ces mobilités s’apparentent donc de plus en plus à une immigration, avec des gens qui restent plusieurs années, fondent une famille et occupent des emplois et une position sociale en Tunisie. On est face à un début d’immigration qui est appelée à rester.

Concernant les Guinéens et Camerounais (et je le dis avec beaucoup de prudence car je n’ai pas mené d’enquête sur le sujet), on sait que ce sont des groupes connus pour rechercher une traversée vers l’Europe. On sait aussi que ce sont des groupes surreprésentés dans les demandes d’asile en Europe. C’est une donnée sur laquelle on peut s’appuyer pour faire l’hypothèse qu’ils ne sont pas forcément en Tunisie pour y rester, contrairement aux Ivoiriens. Mais il faudrait y consacrer des travaux.

L’arrivée de nouvelles nationalités a-t-elle changé la donne pour les réseaux de passage ?

Oui. Ces nouvelles nationalités ramènent avec elles leur expérience de la route et de la traversée. Certaines personnes sont restées très longtemps en Libye et ont acquis de bonnes connaissances dans la fabrication de bateaux. En arrivant à Sfax, qui est une ville littorale avec toute une économie de la mer, elles se sont mises à fabriquer des bateaux ou à acheter des moteurs. C’est le cas des Guinéens et des Gambiens. Aujourd’hui, on voit de nouveaux types d’embarcation en métal.

Cela étant dit, aucune économie du passage ne se fait sans l’aval, le soutien et la protection de réseaux de passage tunisiens vers l’Europe. Les personnes en situation de domination quotidienne, sans capital social ni économique, n’ont pas les moyens de mettre en place de tels réseaux. Les Tunisiens cherchent un public, certains Subsahariens leur donnent accès à ce public-là, et ensuite, c’est de la négociation et du business. S’il y a une économie du passage des Subsahariens vers l’Europe, c’est avant tout parce qu’il y a une économie du passage des Tunisiens vers l’Europe.

Avec l’arrivée de ces nouvelles nationalités, l’économie du passage s’est diversifiée. On a une plus grande offre du passage, pour une demande qui n’est pas nécessairement plus importante qu’avant. La conséquence de cela, c’est que les prix ont baissé. Lorsqu’il fallait payer auparavant 5 000 dinars, 1 000 ou 1 500 dinars suffisent désormais pour partir.

Avez-vous le sentiment que le nombre de naufrages a augmenté ?

Les organisations de la société civile disent que cela augmente. Mais depuis le début de mon travail en Tunisie, donc en 2017, j’ai toujours entendu parler des naufrages et des morts qui en découlent. L’ennui, c’est qu’on a beaucoup de mal à décompter ces naufrages, on ne sait pas exactement qui meurt, puisqu’on compte beaucoup de disparus en mer.

En Tunisie, on sent que cette question des disparitions prend de plus en plus d’importance, d’abord chez les familles de Tunisiens disparus qui se mobilisent, mais aussi chez les familles et proches de Subsahariens, parce qu’elles sont installées en Tunisie. C’est plus compliqué en revanche pour les autres, lorsqu’ils sont en transit et n’ont pas forcément de proches en Tunisie. C’est le travail des organisations telles que la Croix-Rouge internationale que de les aider à retrouver un proche disparu.

Ceux qui survivent à ces naufrages restent confrontés à de forts traumas et ne sont pas du tout pris en charge ensuite. Cela fait partie de toute cette architecture frontalière, qui consiste à marquer les gens dans leur mémoire, leur corps, leur histoire.

Qu’est-ce qui pousse les gens à tenter la traversée au risque de perdre la vie en mer ?

Je crois qu’il faut déconstruire les logiques qui amènent les gens à partir, notamment parce que j’ai connu des personnes qui avaient construit une vie en Tunisie (comme les Camerounais) et qui sont parties malgré tout pour l’Europe. Les traversées sont aussi le produit de la fermeture des frontières qui s’opère en Afrique et, sans nier l’influence des États européens dans ce domaine, il ne faut pas non plus sous-estimer la capacité des États maghrébins et africains à développer leurs propres agendas stratégiques vis-à-vis de la migration.

En Tunisie, les personnes subsahariennes sont structurellement irrégularisées par l’État tunisien et leur départ prend avant tout naissance dans ce contexte de vulnérabilité juridique : c’est parce qu’on empêche les circulations entre pays africains que ces personnes sont amenées à partir. Soit elles dépensent l’argent économisé dans le paiement de pénalités pour rentrer dans leur pays, soit elles paient une traversée vers l’Europe, le tout sous l’effet conjugué de la baisse du dinar, du renforcement de l’appareil policier tunisien et d’un climat de peur.

Il faut donc poser la question fondamentale du droit au séjour pour les personnes subsahariennes en Tunisie. On ne parle pas de la nationalité, mais de l’obtention d’un titre de séjour qui leur ouvre des droits. Il faut dépasser la question des traversées pour penser l’immigration africaine en Tunisie.

La Tunisie nie-t-elle l’existence de cette immigration ?

Jusqu’ici, il n’y avait jamais eu de débat politique ou de véritable positionnement des acteurs politiques vis-à-vis de l’immigration africaine en Tunisie. Depuis quelque temps, le Parti politique nationaliste tunisien a lancé des campagnes xénophobes et racistes de lutte contre la présence africaine en Tunisie, reprenant les mêmes discours que les partis xénophobes en Europe, autour de la théorie du « grand remplacement ». Pour la première fois, un parti fonde sa rhétorique sur la présence africaine en Tunisie. Ce n’est pas anodin, parce que le pays avait toujours nié cette présence.

Paradoxalement, cela montre que l’immigration africaine devient un sujet politique. On ne la regarde plus seulement comme une sorte d’extériorité, on la pense au regard de la société tunisienne, de manière très violente certes, mais cela fait naître de nouveaux débats. On voit d’ailleurs des acteurs de la société civile qui, en réaction à cette campagne, appellent à la régularisation. Finalement, on a une politisation latente et progressive de la question des mobilités africaines. On est bien face à une immigration.

▻https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/190223/en-tunisie-il-faut-depasser-la-question-des-traversees-pour-penser-l-immig

Le site zoom a l’air down.
Émission aussi écoutable là :
►https://paris-luttes.info/podcast-bilan-critique-du-courant-16402

Radio : Mathieu Amiech, La gestion sanitaire de la covid-19, 2023

▻https://sniadecki.wordpress.com/2023/03/29/rmu-amiech-covid

Pour resituer le contexte dans lequel #Matthieu_Amiech fait cette émission, il me faut ajouter que cette émission « L’Actualité des luttes » diffuée sur Radio FPP est en quelque sorte une mise au point a une autre émission qui a également été diffusée sur les ondes de Radio FPP. Il s’agit de l’émission « Zoom Ecologie » intitulée « Bilan critique du courant anti-industriel » du 18 octobre 2022. Là aussi, les références et liens sont dans le descriptif de l’émission.
Ce « bilan critique » qui dure une heure est divisé en 3 parties de 20 mn chacune.
1er partie : les « aspects positifs de la critique anti-indutrielle ».
2nd partie : dénonce la prétendue « transphobie » du groupe grenoblois PMO et le prétendu « covido-négationnisme » des éditions La Lenteur en la personne de Matthieu Amiech, qui est nommément cité.
Et enfin la 3e et dernière partie : prétend dénoncer les « impasses théoriques et politiques du courant anti-industriel ». Rien que ça !
Et là, c’est juste du délire complet !
C’est du délire parce que dans cette émission, on nous parle de « les anti-industriels » comme si c’était un parti politique officiel avec des membres enregistrés et avec une doctrine bien définie. La réalité c’est qu’il y a beaucoup de groupes très différents qui se réclament de la « critique anti-industrielle », ou « #technocritique » comme dirait François Jarrige dans son ouvrage du même nom.
Et donc ces militants, qui pourchassent avec raison les clichés essentialistes qui circulent encore trop dans la société – du genre, « les petites filles s’habillent en rose » –, dès qu’il s’agit de gens qu’ils n’apprécient guère, eh bien, ils essentialisent leurs adversaire à bloc. De même que les noirs sont des feignants, les arabes des voleurs, les « zanti-industriels » sont tous de fieffés réactionnaires, c’est bien connu !
A partir de là, ils nous attribuent toutes les tares qu’il leur plait, et il y en a un sacré paquet ! Mais puisque jamais ils ne précisent de qui ils parlent ni a quels textes ou prises de position ils se réfèrent, leurs critiques ne font que refléter leur ressentiment à l’égard de personnes dont ils ne comprennent pas les idées, mais dont ils sentent bien que ces idées remettent radicalement en question certains aspects de la société industrielle auxquels ils se sont habitués et auxquels ils ne voudraient pas renoncer.
En bref, on constate que nos donneurs de leçons sont eux-mêmes bien incapables de formuler une critique argumentée et référencée, et donc d’appliquer à eux-mêmes ce qu’ils exigent des autres. D’ailleurs, la grande majorité de leurs critiques ont été réfutées par avance par des ouvrages publiés aux éditions La Lenteur ces dernières années. Celui d’Aurélien Berlan, Terre et liberté et celui de Bertrand Louart, Réappropriation, jalons pour sortir de l’impasse industrielle . Le premier est sorti il y a un an et le second six mois avant leur émission.

#essentialisme #bêtise_politique #Naufrage_réactionnaire

#naufrage

Fabrice Riceputi @campvolant
▻https://twitter.com/campvolant/status/1581370564178243584

Les Klarsfeld ont choisi de servir de caution à un parti néo-fasciste, raciste, antisémite et islamophobe. Ce « naufrage » n’est malheureusement pas seulement le leur, ni celui d’une partie des juifs de France. C’est toute la Veme République à l’agonie qui tend les bras au fascisme

#juifs #France #postfascime #néofascismse

La suite de : ▻https://seenthis.net/messages/949844

#Ocean_Liberty sur Wiki-Brest :
▻http://www.wiki-brest.net/index.php/Ocean_Liberty

Océan Liberty 1/6 : Les tragédies d’Oppau et de Texas-City, signaux précurseurs du 28 Juillet 1947 ?
▻https://link.infini.fr/oceanliberty1

Océan Liberty 2/6 : De la tempête à l’explosion du 28 juillet 1947
▻https://link.infini.fr/oceanliberty2

Océan Liberty 3/6 : 17h25, Apocalyptique vision de mort... L’Océan Liberty vient de tuer !
▻http://www.portde.info/index.php?post/2010/06/27/17h25

Océan Liberty 4/6 : Ces témoins nous rappellent leur vécu du 28 juillet 1947
▻https://link.infini.fr/oceanliberty4

Océan Liberty 5/6 : les réalités d’aujourd’hui
▻https://link.infini.fr/oceanliberty5

Océan Liberty 6/6 : les réalités d’aujourd’hui... suite
▻https://link.infini.fr/oceanliberty6

Tous les articles sont accessibles par là : ▻http://www.portde.info/index.php?q=ocean+liberty

Les adresses raccourcies se terminent par un point (mais quelle idée !), donc ne sont pas reconnues par @seenthis

Le pétrolier bloqué dans un parc éolien à cause de la tempête Eunice
▻https://www.rtbf.be/article/le-petrolier-bloque-dans-un-parc-eolien-a-cause-de-la-tempete-eunice-a-ete-remo

Le pétrolier Maersk nimbus était toujours coincé dans le parc offshore C-Power, au large des côtes belges. « Nous tentons actuellement de remorquer le navire », a indiqué samedi matin la gouverneure faisant fonction de Flandre occidentale, Ann Martens.

Deux bateaux, le pétrolier et un bateau cargo, se sont laissé dériver vendredi jusque dans des parcs éoliens, au large de la Côte belge et des Pays-Bas, dans l’attente de la fin de la tempête Eunice

https://ds.static.rtbf.be/article/image/770x433/0/e/b/7afed679cde2d1507fc3e7a8df385366-1645268790.jpg

Le cargo a finalement pu rentrer dans un port néerlandais mais le Maersk nimbus est, lui, bloqué dans le parc offshore belge. Plusieurs remorqueurs ont déjà tenté d’atteindre le pétrolier vendredi soir mais ont dû faire demi-tour en raison de la force des éléments. Le vent soufflait en effet à plus de 90 km/h (force de 10 Beaufort), tandis que les vagues atteignaient jusqu’à 10 mètres de hauteur.

« Un remorqueur néerlandais essaie à présent de dégager le Maersk nimbus, mais ce n’est pas évident d’entrer en contact avec le navire. L’opération devrait donc prendre encore un moment », a précisé Mme Martens. L’équipage du bateau se porte bien et aucune fuite potentiellement nuisible à l’environnement n’est survenue jusqu’à présent.

#parcs_éoliens #transport_maritime #Océan #Mer #pollution #naufrage ? ? ? #éolienne_offshore #éoliennes #électricité #éoliennes_industrielles #énergie_éolienne #éolien #environnement #écologie #éolienne #Belgique

Mode d’emploi pour éteindre un incendie de batteries lithium-ion d’un véhicule électrique : Vous plongez la voiture dans l’eau entre 3 jours et une semaine !

▻https://seenthis.net/messages/784908

#concurrence #rentabilité #lanceurs_d'alertes #délires_techno

#naufrage !

Tiens, découvert ce tag sur l’oiseau bleu #AscenseurPourLesFachos -> bien trouvé !

Arnaud Montebourg assure s’être « mal exprimé » après sa proposition de bloquer des transferts d’argent vers les pays qui ne rapatrient pas leurs ressortissants
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/election-presidentielle-2022/article/2021/11/08/arnaud-montebourg-assure-s-etre-mal-exprime-apres-sa-proposition-de-bloquer-

https://img.lemde.fr/2021/09/25/1001/0/6000/2995/1440/720/60/0/51d9c41_5706870-01-06.jpg

Le candidat à l’élection présidentielle est très critiqué à gauche depuis qu’il a fait cette proposition. Il est revenu sur cette mesure dans une forme de mea culpa, lundi.
[…]
« J’ai voulu rappeler un débat qui revient à toutes les présidentielles », s’est justifié lundi M. Montebourg, affirmant qu’il souhaitait, par sa proposition, « taper aux portefeuilles des Etats et non toucher à ces familles qui travaillent dur, qui envoient de l’argent vers leurs familles de l’autre côté de la Mediterannée, ou même plus loin ».

#pitoyable
bloquer les transferts privés pour frapper les États au portefeuille ? c’est qui le mal comprenant dans l’affaire ?

Clément Viktorovitch : Montebourg et l’immigration, la grande confusion - YouTube
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GRYCpdjB90I

mais c’est pas tout, mais c’est pas tout…

Ouch. Exitada ! ou La désintégrationada de l’imbecilada.

https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FDs7VAKWYAM5wI9?format=jpg&name=large#.jpg

#Arnaud_Montebourg #migrations #Montebourg #renvois #expulsions #OQTF #remittances #transferts_d'argent

ping @karine4

https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FDyIOOmWEAUKuoM?format=jpg&name=900x900#.jpeg

#souverainisme #racisme

Montebourg, incapable de juger par lui même de la pestilence d’une idée... Les limites de la délégation ?

Je lis que le type d’appelle « Barfety », et dans ma tête ça fait « I would prefer not to ».

Grâce à l’internet, j’ai désormais des références culturelles extrêmement partielles et totalement approximatives.

https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FD12gSeWYAsYMVj?format=jpg&name=large#.jpeg

#Montebourg #chauvinisme #xénophobie #gauche

La démontada d’Arnaud Zemmour et Éric Montebourg - Le Billet de Sophia Aram
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3FIhv0UokkI

Personne chez eux ou dans la PMS n’a encore dit que le tweet cité juste au dessus, en date du 10 novembre (2 jours après celui du blocage des transferts d’argent), était une bêtise, un truc d’un mauvais conseiller ou je sais pas quoi, mais il est juste au bord de dire que l’acquisition de la nationalité française impliquerait d’occuper un emploi, voire de laisser entendre que si cette condition était pas remplie, un « suivi du contrat » y pourvoirait. En contraignant à l’emploi ou par déchéance de la nationalité ?.

L’explication par les mauvais conseillers me rappelle ce que disaient les Russes des Tsars. Montebourg pèse bien moins que la servitude des journalistes.

Hydroxychloroquine, vitamine D : Arnaud Montebourg demande à « ouvrir le débat » sur les traitements ambulatoires précoces
▻https://www.publicsenat.fr/article/politique/hydroxychloroquine-vitamine-d-arnaud-montebourg-demande-a-ouvrir-le-deba

#dégringolada

Un superyacht, c’est une embarcation dépassant 24, voire désormais 30 mètres, sous l’effet d’une course à l’allongement. Au début du siècle, on comptait environ 2 000 vaisseaux de ce type dans le monde ; deux décennies et une crise financière plus tard, ils sont trois fois plus nombreux.
▻http://www.editionsamsterdam.fr/superyachts

▻https://seenthis.net/messages/913684

Lucas Chancel : « Il faut un impôt sur la fortune avec un malus sur le carbone »
▻https://reporterre.net/Lucas-Chancel-Il-faut-un-impot-sur-la-fortune-avec-un-malus-sur-le-carbo

https://reporterre.net/local/cache-gd2/3a/31ad0b489113780e98c92ef44461ce.jpg?1618912763

Dans son livre Superyachts - Luxe, calme et écocide , publié aux éditions Amsterdam, le chercheur Grégory Salle étudie cet objet apprécié des milliardaires et miroir grossissant des inégalités du capitalisme contemporain. @bastamag en publie ci-dessous un extrait.
▻https://www.bastamag.net/Superyachts-bateaux-favoris-supers-riches-paradis-fiscaux-milliardaires-IS
#évasion_fiscale #naufrage_fiscal