• Germany opens new military camp in Niger

    The German defense minister has called Niger a strategic partner “in the fight against terrorism, organized crime and illegal migration.” Nearly 900 German troops are deployed in the Sahel region, including 40 in Niger.

    German Defense Minister Ursula von der Leyen on Sunday opened a new Bundeswehr camp in the Niger capital of Niamey.


    https://m.dw.com/en/germany-opens-new-military-camp-in-niger/a-46253187

    #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Niger #Allemagne #camps_militaires


  • L’assistenza in denaro offre ai rifugiati la possibilità di scegliere

    L’UNHCR sta ampliando il programma di assistenza in denaro in modo che milioni di persone assistite dall’organizzazione possano ricevere protezione, soddisfare i propri bisogni con dignità e diventare più resilienti.


    https://www.unhcr.it/news/storie/lassistenza-denaro-offre-ai-rifugiati-la-possibilita-scegliere.html
    #aid_in_cash #aide_en_cash #asile #migrations #réfugiés #choix #cartes_prépayées #cartes_de_débit #Liban #HCR #Mobile_Money #camps #camps_de_réfugiés #Niger #Amal_Bank #micro-finance #Somalie

    Je me rappelle d’une scène dans l’excellent film #Bienvenue_au_Réfugistan (https://info.arte.tv/fr/bienvenue-au-refugistan) où des réfugiés dans un camp, probablement en Jordanie ou Liban, je ne me rappelle plus, avaient reçu de l’argent pour s’acheter ce qu’ils/elles voulaient, sauf que... c’était possible de le faire dans un seul supermarché où tout était tellement cher que le choix se limitaient à une gamme très très petite de produits qui étaient présents dans les étalages du supermarché...


  • La #Mission_Eucap octroie à la police nationale du #Niger 6,5 Milliards FCFA pour le contrôle des frontières

    La #police nigérienne va bénéficier d’une enveloppe de 10 millions d’euros, soit 6,5 milliards FCFA, de la mission #Eucap_Sahel au Niger pour financer le projet de création de #Compagnies_mobiles_de_contrôle_des_frontières (#CMCF) dans toutes les régions du Niger. Ce, dans le but de lutter contre le crime organisé et la migration clandestine.

    Cette enveloppe est offerte précisément par les Pays-Bas à hauteur de 4 millions d’euros (2,6 milliards FCFA), et l’Allemagne 6 millions d’euros (3,9 milliards FCFA).

    « L’#Allemagne contribuera pour 6 millions et les #Pays-Bas pour 4 millions pour aider le gouvernement nigérien dans la lutte contre l’immigration irrégulière, le trafic de drogue et des armes. », a précisé le ministre des Affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas Stef Blok.

    La convention matérialisant cet appui a été signée le 31 octobre, en présence du Chef de la délégation de l’Union européenne Denisa-Elena Ionete, du Chef de la mission Eucap Sahel au Niger Frank Van Der Mueren, et du ministre des Affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas.

    Pour mémoire, la mission Eucap Sahel avait déjà offert du #matériel d’une valeur de 15 millions FCFA à l’Agence nationale de lutte contre la traite des personnes et le trafic illicite de migrants (#ANLTP / #TIM), toujours dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme, le crime organisé, la traite des personnes et la migration clandestine.

    Eucap Sahel Niger est un instrument de développement et de stabilité de l’Union européenne, mise sur pied dans le cadre de la politique de sécurité et de défense commune. Lancée en 2012 au Niger, elle contribue au renforcement des capacités des forces de défense et de sécurité nigériennes dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme et la criminalité organisée.

    En 2018, sa mission a été prolongée au Niger pour une période de deux ans.

    https://www.niameyetles2jours.com/la-gestion-publique/securite/0111-3043-la-mission-eucap-octroie-a-la-police-nationale-du-niger

    • L’Allemagne et les Pays-Bas vont financer une police de contrôle au Niger

      L’Allemagne et les Pays-Bas vont débloquer 10 millions d’euros au Niger pour mettre sur pied des forces spéciales chargées de contrôler les frontières du pays africain notamment contre l’immigration illégale, a annoncé jeudi la mission civile européenne Eucap Sahel.

      Le Niger, les Pays-Bas et Eucap Sahel - qui aide depuis 2012 le Niger à lutter contre le terrorisme et la criminalité organisée - ont signé mercredi à Niamey la convention pour le financement de cette force dénommée Compagnies mobiles de contrôle des frontières (CMCF), selon Eucap Sahel.

      « Les Pays-Bas contribueront pour 4 millions d’euros et l’Allemagne pour 6 millions d’euros. Nous travaillerons avec le gouvernement nigérien dans la lutte contre la migration irrégulière, le trafic de drogue et des armes », a précisé à la télévision Stef Blok, le ministre des Affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas en visite au Niger.

      Les fonds seront confiés à Eucap Sahel et serviront à la formation, l’entrainement et l’équipement de centaines de policiers nigériens qui composeront les compagnie, a-t-il dit.

      Dans une première phase, deux compagnies fortes de 250 policiers nigériens seront positionnés à Maradi et Birn’in Konni, deux régions proches de la frontière avec le Nigeria, un des gros pourvoyeurs de clandestins transitant par le Niger pour l’Europe, a expliqué une source sécuritaire à l’AFP.

      « Grosso modo c’est pour combattre tout ce que nous avons comme défis : la migration illégale, le trafic des être humains, la drogue, le terrorisme », a expliqué Souley Boubacar, le patron de la police nigérienne.

      Selon les statistiques européennes, environ 90% des migrants d’Afrique de l’Ouest traversent le Niger pour gagner la Libye et l’Europe.

      Mi-juillet, lors d’une visite au Niger, le président du Parlement européen Antonio Tajani s’était réjoui de la chute « de plus de 95% » du flux de migrants transitant par le Niger vers la Libye et l’Europe, entre 2016 et 2017.

      https://www.voaafrique.com/a/l-allemagne-et-les-pays-bas-vont-financer-une-police-de-contr%C3%B4le-au-niger/4638602.html

    • Germany, Netherlands back Niger border force to counter migration

      Germany and the Netherlands have pledged to fund special forces in Niger to control its border and prevent illegal migration, the EU’s security mission in the country said Thursday.

      Niger is a transit country for thousands of migrants heading to Libya and Algeria, key hubs for migrants trying to reach Europe.

      Under the new plan, the two European nations will disburse €10 million to finance the new force, according to EUCAP Sahel, which provides support for Niger security forces.

      The funds would be used for training and equipping hundreds of Niger police officers.

      “Roughly speaking, it is to combat all our challenges: illegal migration, human trafficking, drugs, terrorism,” said Souley Boubacar, head of the Niger police.

      In the first phase, two companies of 250 Niger police will be positioned at Maradi and Birnin Konni — two regions on the troubled frontier with Nigeria that have become a key crossing point for migrants heading for Europe — a security source told AFP.

      It came after Germany held talks with Niger earlier this year, which took in discussions on migration issues. Angela Merkel welcomed the President of Niger, Mahamadou Issoufou, to Meseberg Castle in Brandenburg during the talks.

      The EU has been grappling with massive migration from Africa and the Middle East since 2015.

      Niger has become one of the main crossing routes for poor migrants, with 90 percent of West African migrants passing through the country, according to the EU.

      The Saharan route is notorious for its dangers, which include breakdowns, lack of water and callous traffickers who abandon migrants in the desert.

      Niger introduced a law making people-smuggling punishable by a jail term of up to 30 years in 2015.

      In July, European Parliament President Antonio Tajani said the flow of migrants through Niger fell by 95 percent between 2016 and 2017.


      https://www.thelocal.de/20181101/germany-netherlands-back-niger-border-force-to-counter-migration
      #Allemagne #Pays-Bas

    • Appui de plus de 6,5 Milliards de FCFA de La Mission Eucap à la police nationale pour le contrôle des frontières

      Le Ministre des Affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas Monsieur STEF BLOK a procédé ce mercredi 31 octobre 2018 à la signature d’une convention avec le Chef de la mission Eucap Sahel au Niger Monsieur FRANK Van Der Mueren pour le compte de la police nationale du Niger représentée par son directeur général le Commissaire général de police Souley Boubacar et en présence du Chef de la délégation de l’Union Européenne Mme Denisa-Elena IONETE.
      D’un coût global de 10 millions d’euros dont 4 millions des Pays-Bas et 6 millions de l’Allemagne, ce mémorandum d’entente permettra de financer le projet de création de Compagnies Mobiles de Contrôle des Frontières (CMCF) dans toutes les régions du Niger.
      La création de ces nouvelles compagnies s’inscrit dans le cadre de la lutte contre la criminalité organisée et la migration irrégulière.
      Le Chef de la mission EUCAP SAHEL au Niger, Monsieur FRANK VAN DER MUEREN a tenu à souhaiter la bienvenue au Ministre STEF BLOK, à la délégation de la police nationale et aux participants à cette cérémonie.
      Il a, à cette occasion, souligné que ce projet s’inscrit dans le cadre ‘’des actions de l’Union Européenne au Niger’’ et ‘’c’est un geste politique très fort envers le Niger’’.
      Rappelons qu’EUCAP SAHEL est à son quatrième mandat au Niger dont le dernier court de 2018 à 2020. Sa mission principale est la lutte contre l’insécurité et la migration clandestine. EUCAP SAHEL au Niger emploie 115 agents internationaux et 15 nationaux.
      ‘’L’Allemagne contribuera pour 6 millions et les Pays-Bas pour 4 millions pour aider le gouvernement nigérien dans la lutte contre l’immigration irrégulière, le trafic de drogue et des armes’’ a indiqué le ministre STEF BLOK au cours d’un point presse animée juste après la signature de cette convention.
      Le Commissaire général de police Directeur général de la police du Niger Souley Boubacar a exprimé toute sa satisfaction après cette signature avant d’ajouter que ‘’c’est pour combattre tout ce qu’il y a aujourd’hui comme défis de l’heure tels le trafic de drogue, d’armes, l’immigration irrégulière, le banditisme transfrontalier’’.
      Lancée en 2012, EUCAP Sahel Niger est une mission civile de l’Union européenne promouvant une politique de sécurité et de défense commune, rappelons-t-on. Elle apporte ses appuis dans le cadre de renforcement des forces de sécurité nigériennes.

      http://www.anp.ne/?q=article/appui-de-plus-de-6-5-milliards-de-fcfa-de-la-mission-eucap-la-police-nationale-p
      #externalisation #contrôles_frontaliers


  • #métaliste (qui va être un grand chantier, car il y a plein d’information sur seenthis, qu’il faudrait réorganiser) sur :
    #externalisation #contrôles_frontaliers #frontières #migrations #réfugiés

    Le rapport « Expanding the fortress » et des liens associés à la sortie de ce rapport :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/694887

    Et des liens vers des articles généraux sur l’externalisation des frontières de la part de l’#UE (#EU) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/569305
    https://seenthis.net/messages/390549
    https://seenthis.net/messages/320101

    Le #post-Cotonou :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/681114
    #accord_de_Cotonou

    Externalisation des contrôles frontaliers en #Libye :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/705401
    https://seenthis.net/messages/623809

    Sur les #centres_de_détention en Libye, voulus, soutenus et financés par l’UE ou des pays de l’UE :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/615857
    https://seenthis.net/messages/612089
    D’autres liens où l’on parle aussi des centres de détention en Libye, mais pas exclusivement :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/730613
    https://seenthis.net/messages/689187
    https://seenthis.net/messages/612089
    Et l’excellent film de #Andrea_Segre « L’ordine delle cose », qui montre les manoeuvres de l’Italie pour créer ces centres en Libye :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/677462

    Et quelques lignes sur le #traité_de_Benghazi, le fameux #pacte_d'amitié entre l’#Italie et la #Libye (2009)
    https://seenthis.net/messages/717799
    J’en parle aussi dans ce billet que j’ai écrit pour @visionscarto sur les films #Mare_chiuso et #Mare_deserto :
    Vaincre une mer déserte et fermée
    https://visionscarto.net/vaincre-une-mer-deserte-et-fermee
    –-> il y a certainement plus sur seenthis, mais je ne trouve pas pour l’instant... j’ajouterai au fur et à mesure

    Externalisation des contrôles frontaliers au #Niger (+ implication de l’#OIM (#IOM) et #Agadez) :
    Mission #Eucap_Sahel et financement et création de #Compagnies_mobiles_de_contrôle_des_frontières (#CMCF), financé par #Pays-Bas et Allemagne financés par l’Allemagne :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/733601
    Et des #camps_militaires :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/736433
    Autres liens sur le Niger :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/696283
    https://seenthis.net/messages/626183
    https://seenthis.net/messages/586729
    https://seenthis.net/messages/370536

    Les efforts de l’#Italie d’externaliser les contrôles frontaliers :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/600874
    https://seenthis.net/messages/595057

    L’Italie avec l’#Allemagne :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/566194

    #France et ses tentatives d’externalisation les frontières (proposition de Macron notamment de créer des #hub, de faire du #tri et de la #catégorisation de migrants) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/704970
    https://seenthis.net/messages/618133
    https://seenthis.net/messages/677172

    L’#Espagne :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/696044

    L’#accord_UE-Turquie :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/accord_ue-turquie
    Et plus en général sur l’externalisation vers la #Tuquie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/427270
    https://seenthis.net/messages/419432
    https://seenthis.net/messages/679603

    Autour des #gardes-côtes_libyens et les #refoulements (#push-back, #pull-back) en Libye :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/719759
    Les pull-back vers la Libye :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/651505
    Résistance de migrants sauvetés en Méditerranée, qui refusent d’être ramenés en Libye en refusant de descendre du navire qui les a secourus :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/735627

    L’aide de la #Suisse aux gardes-côtes libyens :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/623935

    Tag #réintégration dans les pays d’origine après #renvois (#expulsions) :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/r%C3%A9int%C3%A9gration

    La question des #regional_disembarkation_platforms :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/703288
    #plateformes_de_désembarquement #disembarkation_paltforms #plateformes_de_débarquement

    En 2004, on parlait plutôt de #centres_off-shore en #Afrique_du_Nord...
    https://seenthis.net/messages/607615

    Tentatives d’externalisation des contrôles migratoires, mais aussi des #procédures_d'asile en #Afrique_du_Nord, mais aussi dans l’#Europe_de_l'Est :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/701836

    Et en #Bulgarie (ça date de 2016) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/529415

    #Serbie, toujours en 2016 :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/462817

    Les efforts d’externalisation au #Maroc :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/696321
    https://seenthis.net/messages/643905
    https://seenthis.net/messages/458929
    https://seenthis.net/messages/162299
    #Frontex

    Lien #coopération_au_développement, #aide_au_développement et #contrôles_migratoires :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/660235
    Pour la Suisse :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/564720
    https://seenthis.net/messages/719752
    https://seenthis.net/messages/721921
    –-> il y a certainement plus de liens sur seenthis, mais il faudrait faire une recherche plus approfondie...
    #développement #conditionnalité
    Sur cette question, il y a aussi des rapports, dont notamment celui-ci :
    Aid and Migration : externalisation of Europe’s responsibilities
    https://concordeurope.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/CONCORD_AidWatchPaper_Aid_Migration_2018_online.pdf?1dcbb3&1dcbb3

    La rhétorique sur la #nouvelle_frontière_européenne, qui serait le #désert du #Sahara (et petit amusement cartographique de ma part) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/604039
    #cartographie #visualisation
    https://seenthis.net/messages/548137
    –-> dans ce lien il y a aussi des articles qui parlent de l’externalisation des frontières au #Soudan

    Plus spécifiquement Soudan :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/519269

    Et du coup, les liens avec le tag #processus_de_Khartoum :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/processus_de_khartoum

    Les efforts d’externalisation des contrôles frontaliers en #Erythrée et #Ethiopie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/729629
    https://seenthis.net/messages/493279
    https://seenthis.net/messages/387744
    Et le financement de l’Erythrée via des fonds d’aide au développement :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/405308
    https://seenthis.net/messages/366439
    L’Erythrée, après la levée des sanctions de l’ONU, devient un Etat avec lequel il est désormais possible de traiter (sic) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/721926
    ... Et autres #dictateurs
    https://seenthis.net/messages/318425
    #dictature

    La question des #carrier_sanctions infligées aux #compagnies_aériennes :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/carrier_sanctions

    Des choses sur la #pacific_solution de l’#Australie :
    https://seenthis.net/recherche?recherche=%23pacific_solution

    L’atlas de Migreurop :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/690134

    ping @isskein @reka


  • Nigeria : mystère autour du parcours du leader indépendantiste Nnamdi Kanu
    RFI - Publié le 24-10-2018
    http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20181024-nigeria-nnamdi-kanu-biafra-ipob-biafra-polemique

    Au Nigeria, la réapparition du leader du mouvement indépendantiste biafrais soulève quelques interrogations. En fin de semaine dernière, une vidéo devenue virale montrait un homme lui ressemblant fortement, priant au pied du mur des Lamentations. Beaucoup se demandent comment Nnamdi Kanu a pu échapper aux autorités nigérianes.

    La dernière fois que Nnamdi Kanu a été vu en public au Nigeria, c’était le 14 septembre 2017. Jour où les forces de l’ordre ont mené un raid contre sa maison dans le sud-est. Depuis, plus de trace du leader indépendantiste biafrais. Etait-il mort où bien en vie ? En mars dernier, la presse nigériane annonçait l’avoir vu en compagnie de sa femme à Accra, la capitale ghanéenne. Démenti des militants qui affirmaient alors que Nnamdi Kanu était détenu au secret voire qu’il avait été tué par les forces de sécurité, ce qu’elles ont toujours réfuté.

    Nnamdi Kanu a finalement levé le doute ce dimanche. Dans une intervention radiophonique, il a déclaré être en Israël, en chair et en os. Il a également appelé à boycotter des prochaines élections sans référendum d’autodétermination sur la région. Mais au-delà du message politique, il n’a pas précisé comment il avait pu se rendre à Jérusalem. De plus, il était sous le coup d’un procès et donc interdit de sortie du territoire. A-t-il bénéficié de complicités ? Certains sites d’information pointent du doigt les services secrets nigérians. Des sources anonymes internes affirment que cinq agents ont aidé le chef de file du mouvement à fuir vers le Ghana - via la Guinée équatoriale - et qu’il aurait ensuite disparu de la circulation. « Intox » ont aussitôt répondu les services nigérians. (...)

    #IsraelNigéria



  • Urbanités africaines

    Articles

    Le projet de reconversion du #port de #Tanger : entre #urbanisme standardisé et jeux d’alliances locales ? par Brendan Blayac
    #Maroc

    Le programme d’appui à la reconstruction de la #Fédération_Sénégalaise_des_Habitants – vers un #urbanisme_participatif et solidaire, par Lionel Chabot, Pape Ameth Keita et Bea Varnai
    #Sénégal

    #Lagos, immensité et urbanité d’une ville d’Afrique subsaharienne fantasme dans les #séries_télévisées, par Pierre Denmat
    #Nigeria

    Les #programmes_de_logement public à #Yaoundé : entre laboratoire libéral et manifestations urbaines du clientélisme dans un #Cameroun post-austérité, par Mathilde Jourdam-Boutin

    Déplacer et relocaliser les citadins à #Lomé (#Togo) : l’urbanité négociée, par Amandine Spire et Natacha Gourland

    Vivre avec l’#insécurité_hydrique dans une ville sahélienne : les stratégies d’adaptation à #Niamey (#Niger), par Sandrine Vaucelle et Hassane Younsa Harouna
    #eau


    Portfolios

    Les #chantiers à Yaoundé et Douala, poétique des villes camerounaises en construction, par Mathilde Jourdam-Boutin

    Rien ne se perd, tout se récupère ! Pour une reconnaissance des #récupérateurs_informels de #Casablanca, par Pascal Garret et Bénédicte Florin
    #recyclage

    Les #toits du Caire, des espaces ressource ? par Marie Piessat
    #Le_Caire #Egypte

    http://www.revue-urbanites.fr/urbanites-africaines

    #villes #villes_africaines #revue #urban_matter #géographie_urbaine
    ping @reka



  • Child trafficking: who are the victims and the criminal networks trafficking them in and into the EU

    One of the most serious aspects of this phenomenon is the role of the family, with #Europol receiving regular notifications of children being sold to criminal networks by their families. In some cases they engage directly in the trafficking and #exploitation of their own children.
    Female suspects play a key role in the trafficking and exploitation of minors, much more than in criminal networks which are trafficking adult victims.
    Most of the cases reported to Europol involve networks escorting non-EU minor victims across the entire route from their country of origin to the place of exploitation, frequently with the involvement of #smuggling networks. Smuggling of minor victims through the external borders and across member states usually entails the use of forged travel documents.
    Criminal profits are mainly redirected to the country of origin of the key suspect, in small amounts via money transfer services and in larger sums using criminal money couriers and mules.
    Children are trafficked from around the world into the EU. The majority of non-EU networks reported to Europol involved Nigerian organised crime groups which are trafficking young girls to be sexually exploited.
    Children in migration and unaccompanied minors are at higher risk of trafficking and exploitation. Although the scale of trafficking of unaccompanied minors remains unknown, a future increase is expected.

    https://www.europol.europa.eu/newsroom/news/child-trafficking-who-are-victims-and-criminal-networks-trafficking-t
    #trafic_d'êtres_humains #enfants #enfance #UE #EU #Europe #smugglers #Nigeria #prostitution #exploitation_sexuelle #MNA #mineurs_non_accompagnés

    Lien pour télécharger le #rapport:
    https://www.europol.europa.eu/publications-documents/criminal-networks-involved-in-trafficking-and-exploitation-of-underag


    • Dans les cahiers, n°2, on peut lire :

      “Si le fait d’être renvoyé vers ses #racines est une forme d’#assignation_à_la_différence, le déni de sa #particularité est tout autant une forme de #négation de la #personne”.

      in Cahiers de l’Université Populaire de la Villeneuve, 2016-2017, n°2, p.2.

      “La #colonisation a alors beaucoup contribué à ce que certains ont appelé une ‘#dictature_de_la_pensée’ qui a eu comme effet un manque d’écoute des peuples colonisés ainsi qu’une absence de reconnaissance de leurs savoirs. L’exemple de la découverte au #Nigeria en 1910 de sculptures africaines comparables dans leur précision aux #sculptures italiennes de la Renaissance est probant. Ces dernières étaient considérées comme tellement ‘non-africaines’ que les premiers archéologues cherchaient l’origine des sculptures en dehors de l’Afrique. Cette #négation des #cultures_africaines a encore son impact aujourd’hui”.

      in Cahiers de l’Université Populaire de la Villeneuve, 2016-2017, n°2, p.3.
      #art #archéologie

      “Entre ces positions tranchées, il y a une différence fondamentale dans la façon de penser l’autre et en l’occurrence un habitant de quartier : en termes de #manques (de capital social, économique etc.) ou en termes de #potentiel mais dont l’expression est bloquée par des dynamiques de #pouvoir

      in Cahiers de l’Université Populaire de la Villeneuve, 2016-2017, n°2, p.4.
      #quartiers_populaires #villes #urban_matter

      Dans le numéro on cite aussi #Anibal_Quijano et le concept de #colonialité_du_pouvoir
      #colonialité

      « Tout comme les sculptures trouvées à Ife, au Nigeria, ne pouvaient pas être africaines en 1910 car elles ne correspondaient à l’idée européenne d’un art africain primitif, #Bienvenu_Bazié, un choréographe burkinabé de danse contemporaine racontait récemment dans un entretien qu’en France on s’attend à ce qu’il fasse de la #danse_africaine burkinabée. Son choix pour la #danse_contemporaine semble déranger et il se pose donc la question ’Pourquoi, parce que je suis burkinabé, je ne pourrais pas moi aussi être influencé par toute la culture mondiale ? La France, l’Europe est influencée par cette culture mondiale, et pourquoi, moi, parce que je suis Burkinabé, il faudrait que j’aie une pureté burkinabé, africaine, je ne sais pas, quelque chose de complètement fantasmé ici en France ?’ Cette expérience fait écho au vécu de M., artiste et éducateur d’origine algérienne qui observe une réaction fréquente à son égard : ’Vous faites des #contes_orientaux ?’ Cela donne l’impression qu’on ne peut faire autre chose que ce qui est associé à son pays d’origine, comme si tous les artistes algériens faisaient des contes orientaux. Ce processus consistant à renvoyer la personne habitant en France à sa présumée culture d’origine s’appelle l’#assignation_culturelle »

      in Cahiers de l’Université Populaire de la Villeneuve, 2016-2017, n°2, p.8.

      ping @reka


  • C.I.A. Drone Mission, Curtailed by Obama, Is Expanded in Africa Under Trump

    The C.I.A. is poised to conduct secret drone strikes against Qaeda and Islamic State insurgents from a newly expanded air base deep in the Sahara, making aggressive use of powers that were scaled back during the Obama administration and restored by President Trump.

    Late in his presidency, Barack Obama sought to put the military in charge of drone attacks after a backlash arose over a series of highly visible strikes, some of which killed civilians. The move was intended, in part, to bring greater transparency to attacks that the United States often refused to acknowledge its role in.

    But now the C.I.A. is broadening its drone operations, moving aircraft to northeastern Niger to hunt Islamist militants in southern Libya. The expansion adds to the agency’s limited covert missions in eastern Afghanistan for strikes in Pakistan, and in southern Saudi Arabia for attacks in Yemen.

    Nigerien and American officials said the C.I.A. had been flying drones on surveillance missions for several months from a corner of a small commercial airport in Dirkou. Satellite imagery shows that the airport has grown significantly since February to include a new taxiway, walls and security posts.

    One American official said the drones had not yet been used in lethal missions, but would almost certainly be in the near future, given the growing threat in southern Libya. The official spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the secretive operations.

    A C.I.A. spokesman, Timothy Barrett, declined to comment. A Defense Department spokeswoman, Maj. Sheryll Klinkel, said the military had maintained a base at the Dirkou airfield for several months but did not fly drone missions from there.

    The drones take off from Dirkou at night — typically between 10 p.m. and 4 a.m. — buzzing in the clear, starlit desert sky. A New York Times reporter saw the gray aircraft — about the size of Predator drones, which are 27 feet long — flying at least three times over six days in early August. Unlike small passenger planes that land occasionally at the airport, the drones have no blinking lights signaling their presence.

    “All I know is they’re American,” Niger’s interior minister, Mohamed Bazoum, said in an interview. He offered few other details about the drones.

    Dirkou’s mayor, Boubakar Jerome, said the drones had helped improve the town’s security. “It’s always good. If people see things like that, they’ll be scared,” Mr. Jerome said.

    Mr. Obama had curtailed the C.I.A.’s lethal role by limiting its drone flights, notably in Yemen. Some strikes in Pakistan and elsewhere that accidentally killed civilians, stirring outrage among foreign diplomats and military officials, were shielded because of the C.I.A.’s secrecy.

    As part of the shift, the Pentagon was given the unambiguous lead for such operations. The move sought, in part, to end an often awkward charade in which the United States would not concede its responsibility for strikes that were abundantly covered by news organizations and tallied by watchdog groups. However, the C.I.A. program was not fully shut down worldwide, as the agency and its supporters in Congress balked.

    The drone policy was changed last year, after Mike Pompeo, the C.I.A. director at the time, made a forceful case to President Trump that the agency’s broader counterterrorism efforts were being needlessly constrained. The Dirkou base was already up and running by the time Mr. Pompeo stepped down as head of the C.I.A. in April to become Mr. Trump’s secretary of state.

    The Pentagon’s Africa Command has carried out five drone strikes against Qaeda and Islamic State militants in Libya this year, including one two weeks ago. The military launches its MQ-9 Reaper drones from bases in Sicily and in Niamey, Niger’s capital, 800 miles southwest of Dirkou.

    But the C.I.A. base is hundreds of miles closer to southwestern Libya, a notorious haven for Al Qaeda and other extremist groups that also operate in the Sahel region of Niger, Chad, Mali and Algeria. It is also closer to southern Libya than a new $110 million drone base in Agadez, Niger, 350 miles west of Dirkou, where the Pentagon plans to operate armed Reaper drone missions by early next year.

    Another American official said the C.I.A. began setting up the base in January to improve surveillance of the region, partly in response to an ambush last fall in another part of Niger that killed four American troops. The Dirkou airfield was labeled a United States Air Force base as a cover, said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss confidential operational matters.

    The C.I.A. operation in Dirkou is burdened by few, if any, of the political sensitivities that the United States military confronts at its locations, said one former American official involved with the project.

    Even so, security analysts said, it is not clear why the United States needs both military and C.I.A. drone operations in the same general vicinity to combat insurgents in Libya. France also flies Reaper drones from Niamey, but only on unarmed reconnaissance missions.

    “I would be surprised that the C.I.A. would open its own base,” said Bill Roggio, editor of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Long War Journal, which tracks military strikes against militant groups.

    Despite American denials, a Nigerien security official said he had concluded that the C.I.A. launched an armed drone from the Dirkou base to strike a target in Ubari, in southern Libya, on July 25. The Nigerien security official spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the classified program.

    A spokesman for the Africa Command, Maj. Karl Wiest, said the military did not carry out the Ubari strike.

    #Ubari is in the same region where the American military in March launched its first-ever drone attack against Qaeda militants in southern Libya. It is at the intersection of the powerful criminal and jihadist currents that have washed across Libya in recent years. Roughly equidistant from Libya’s borders with Niger, Chad and Algeria, the area’s seminomadic residents are heavily involved in the smuggling of weapons, drugs and migrants through the lawless deserts of southern Libya.

    Some of the residents have allied with Islamist militias, including Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, which operates across Algeria, Mali, Niger and Libya.

    Dirkou, in northeast Niger, is an oasis town of a few thousand people in the open desert, bordered by a small mountain range. For centuries, it has been a key transit point for travelers crossing the Sahara. It helped facilitate the rise of Islam in West Africa in the 9th century, and welcomed salt caravans from the neighboring town of Bilma.

    The town has a handful of narrow, sandy roads. Small trees dot the horizon. Date and neem trees line the streets, providing shelter for people escaping the oppressive midday heat. There is a small market, where goods for sale include spaghetti imported from Libya. Gasoline is also imported from Libya and is cheaper than elsewhere in the country.

    The drones based in Dirkou are loud, and their humming and buzzing drowns out the bleats of goats and crows of roosters.

    “It stops me from sleeping,” said Ajimi Koddo, 45, a former migrant smuggler. “They need to go. They go in our village, and it annoys us too much.”

    Satellite imagery shows that construction started in February on a new compound at the Dirkou airstrip. Since then, the facility has been extended to include a larger paved taxiway and a clamshell tent connected to the airstrip — all features that are consistent with the deployment of small aircraft, possibly drones.

    Five defensive positions were set up around the airport, and there appear to be new security gates and checkpoints both to the compound and the broader airport.

    It’s not the first time that Washington has eyed with interest Dirkou’s tiny base. In the late 1980s, the United States spent $3.2 million renovating the airstrip in an effort to bolster Niger’s government against Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi, then the leader of Libya.

    Compared with other parts of Africa, the C.I.A.’s presence in the continent’s northwest is relatively light, according to a former State Department official who served in the region. In this part of Niger, the C.I.A. is also providing training and sharing intelligence, according to a Nigerien military intelligence document reviewed by The Times.

    The Nigerien security official said about a dozen American Green Berets were stationed earlier this year in #Dirkou — in a base separate from the C.I.A.’s — to train a special counterterrorism battalion of local forces. Those trainers left about three months ago, the official said.

    It is unlikely that they will return anytime soon. The Pentagon is considering withdrawing nearly all American commandos from Niger in the wake of the deadly October ambush that killed four United States soldiers.

    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/09/world/africa/cia-drones-africa-military.html
    #CIA #drones #Niger #Sahel #USA #Etats-Unis #EI #ISIS #Etat_islamique #sécurité #terrorisme #base_militaire

    • Le Sahel est-il une zone de #non-droit ?

      La CIA a posé ses valises dans la bande sahélo-saharienne. Le New-York Times l’a annoncé, le 9 septembre dernier. Le quotidien US, a révélé l’existence d’une #base_de_drones secrète non loin de la commune de Dirkou, dans le nord-est du Niger. Cette localité, enclavée, la première grande ville la plus proche est Agadez située à 570 km, est le terrain de tir parfait. Elle est éloignée de tous les regards, y compris des autres forces armées étrangères : France, Allemagne, Italie, présentes sur le sol nigérien. Selon un responsable américain anonyme interrogé par ce journal, les drones déployés à Dirkou n’avaient « pas encore été utilisés dans des missions meurtrières, mais qu’ils le seraient certainement dans un proche avenir, compte tenu de la menace croissante qui pèse sur le sud de la Libye. » Or, d’après les renseignements recueillis par l’IVERIS, ces assertions sont fausses, la CIA a déjà mené des opérations à partir de cette base. Ces informations apportent un nouvel éclairage et expliquent le refus catégorique et systématique de l’administration américaine de placer la force conjointe du G5 Sahel (Tchad, Mauritanie, Burkina-Faso, Niger, Mali) sous le chapitre VII de la charte des Nations Unies.
      L’installation d’une base de drones n’est pas une bonne nouvelle pour les peuples du Sahel, et plus largement de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, qui pourraient connaître les mêmes malheurs que les Afghans et les Pakistanais confrontés à la guerre des drones avec sa cohorte de victimes civiles, appelées pudiquement « dégâts collatéraux ».

      D’après le journaliste du NYT, qui s’est rendu sur place, les drones présents à Dirkou ressembleraient à des Predator, des aéronefs d’ancienne génération qui ont un rayon d’action de 1250 km. Il serait assez étonnant que l’agence de Langley soit équipée de vieux modèles alors que l’US Air Force dispose à Niamey et bientôt à Agadez des derniers modèles MQ-9 Reaper, qui, eux, volent sur une distance de 1850 km. A partir de cette base, la CIA dispose donc d’un terrain de tir étendu qui va de la Libye, au sud de l’Algérie, en passant par le Tchad, jusqu’au centre du Mali, au Nord du Burkina et du Nigéria…

      Selon deux sources militaires de pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest, ces drones ont déjà réalisé des frappes à partir de la base de Dirkou. Ces bombardements ont eu lieu en Libye. Il paraît important de préciser que le chaos existant dans ce pays depuis la guerre de 2011, ne rend pas ces frappes plus légales. Par ailleurs, ces mêmes sources suspectent la CIA d’utiliser Dirkou comme une prison secrète « si des drones peuvent se poser des avions aussi. Rien ne les empêche de transporter des terroristes de Libye exfiltrés. Dirkou un Guantanamo bis ? »

      En outre, il n’est pas impossible que ces drones tueurs aient été en action dans d’autres Etats limitrophes. Qui peut le savoir ? « Cette base est irrégulière, illégale, la CIA peut faire absolument tout ce qu’elle veut là-bas » rapporte un officier. De plus, comment faire la différence entre un MQ-9 Reaper de la CIA ou encore un de l’US Air Force, qui, elle, a obtenu l’autorisation d’armer ses drones (1). Encore que…

      En novembre 2017, le président Mahamadou Issoufou a autorisé les drones de l’US Air Force basés à Niamey, à frapper leurs cibles sur le territoire nigérien (2). Mais pour que cet agrément soit légal, il aurait fallu qu’il soit présenté devant le parlement, ce qui n’a pas été le cas. Même s’il l’avait été, d’une part, il le serait seulement pour l’armée US et pas pour la CIA, d’autre part, il ne serait valable que sur le sol nigérien et pas sur les territoires des pays voisins…

      Pour rappel, cette autorisation a été accordée à peine un mois après les événements de Tongo Tongo, où neuf militaires avaient été tués, cinq soldats nigériens et quatre américains. Cette autorisation est souvent présentée comme la conséquence de cette attaque. Or, les pourparlers ont eu lieu bien avant. En effet, l’AFRICOM a planifié la construction de la base de drone d’Agadez, la seconde la plus importante de l’US Air Force en Afrique après Djibouti, dès 2016, sous le mandat de Barack Obama. Une nouvelle preuve que la politique africaine du Pentagone n’a pas changée avec l’arrivée de Donald Trump (3-4-5).

      Les USA seuls maîtres à bord dans le Sahel

      Dès lors, le véto catégorique des Etats-Unis de placer la force G5 Sahel sous chapitre VII se comprend mieux. Il s’agit de mener une guerre non-officielle sans mandat international des Nations-Unies et sans se soucier du droit international. Ce n’était donc pas utile qu’Emmanuel Macron, fer de lance du G5, force qui aurait permis à l’opération Barkhane de sortir du bourbier dans lequel elle se trouve, plaide à de nombreuses reprises cette cause auprès de Donald Trump. Tous les présidents du G5 Sahel s’y sont essayés également, en vain. Ils ont fini par comprendre, quatre chefs d’Etats ont boudé la dernière Assemblée générale des Nations Unies. Seul, le Président malien, Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, est monté à la tribune pour réitérer la demande de mise sous chapitre VII, unique solution pour que cette force obtienne un financement pérenne. Alors qu’en décembre 2017, Emmanuel Macron y croyait encore dur comme fer et exigeait des victoires au premier semestre 2018, faute de budget, le G5 Sahel n’est toujours pas opérationnel ! (6-7) Néanmoins, la Chine a promis de le soutenir financièrement. Magnanime, le secrétaire d’Etat à la défense, Jim Mattis a lui assuré à son homologue, Florence Parly, que les Etats-Unis apporteraient à la force conjointe une aide très significativement augmentée. Mais toujours pas de chapitre VII en vue... Ainsi, l’administration Trump joue coup double. Non seulement elle ne s’embarrasse pas avec le Conseil de Sécurité et le droit international mais sous couvert de lutte antiterroriste, elle incruste ses bottes dans ce qui est, (ce qui fut ?), la zone d’influence française.

      Far West

      Cerise sur le gâteau, en août dernier le patron de l’AFRICOM, le général Thomas D. Waldhauser, a annoncé une réduction drastique de ses troupes en Afrique (9). Les sociétés militaires privées, dont celle d’Erik Prince, anciennement Blackwater, ont bien compris le message et sont dans les starting-blocks prêtes à s’installer au Sahel (10).


      https://www.iveris.eu/list/notes_danalyse/371-le_sahel_estil_une_zone_de_nondroit__


  • Three million euro for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

    The Farnesina has allocated a contribution of three million euro to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees from the Africa Fund of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. It is to strengthen the reception and protection system for refugees in Niger.
    The project, called “Strengthening reception conditions for persons in need of international protection in Agadez and in Niamey”, provides support for temporary reception and protection of refugees hosted in Niger, also in the context of the evacuation of vulnerable persons from Libya operated by the UNHCR. About 2,750 refugees and asylum seekers in Niger will benefit from the intervention.
    The High Commissioner is committed to supporting refugees in many African countries along the main migratory routes headed for Europe, and particularly in Niger. There are over 344,000 refugees and displaced persons in Niger, plus about 1,500 particularly vulnerable individuals evacuated from Libya.
    The recent Italian contribution is part of a broader Italian strategy to support the international organisations responsible for migrants and refugees. In 2017 Italy provided over 51 million dollars to the UNHCR for its activities, thus taking twelfth place among the largest donors of the Agency.

    https://www.esteri.it/mae/en/sala_stampa/archivionotizie/comunicati/2018/09/finanziamento-di-tre-milioni-di-euro-a-favore-dell-alto-commissariato-delle-n
    #Italie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Niger #HCR #UNHCR

    –-> Cette fragile ligne entre aide aux réfugiés et #externalisation des #contrôles_frontaliers... Aidons-les au Niger pour qu’ils ne viennent pas chez nous !

    cc @isskein


  • Anatomy of a Killing - BBC News

    Voici une recherche (Forensic research) très impressionnante sur cette histoire horrible : La démarche devrait beaucoup intéresser @simplicissimus et peut-être pourrions nous reparler et débattre de ce que le BBC a réussi à faire ici. Je reste sans voix.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4G9S-eoLgX4

    In July 2018 a horrifying video began to circulate on social media. It shows two women and two young children being led away at gunpoint by a group of Cameroonian soldiers. The captives are blindfolded, forced to the ground, and shot 22 times.

    #cameroun #nigéria #meurtres #boko_haram

    • These women and children while being led to their deaths the soldiers accused them of belonging to the jihadist group Boko Haram graphic tissue here they’re blindfolded posted the ground and shot a close-range 22 * one of the women still has the baby strapped to her back the video began to circulate on my 10th 2018 some claimed that this atrocity took place in Molly where government soldiers have been fighting Boko Haram since 2014 the government of Cameroon initially dismissed the video as fake news a month later they announce the seven members of the military wear under investigation but there has still been no official admission that these killings were carried out in cameroonian song by government soldiers and there is still no guarantee that anyone will be held to account so how can we tell what really happened here over the next few minutes we’re going to follow these women and children on the short walk to the end of their lives and to glean from this video the clues that tell us where this happened when it happened and who was responsible for this atrocity this looks like the kind of Dusty anonymously track that could be anywhere in the Sahel what the first 40 seconds of the film capture a mountain range with the distinctive profile we spent hours trying to match this rage to the Topography of Northern Cameroon and then in Late July we received a tip-off from a cameroonian sourced have you looked at the area near Santa Fe close to the town of side of it we found a match for the Ridgeline it this is the scene on a dirt road just outside of Village called crime Alpha a few hundred meters away is the border with Nigeria the video also reveals other details that can be matched precisely to what we see on the satellite imagery this track these buildings and these trees putting all this evidence together we can say with certainty but the killings took place here less than a kilometer away instead of it we found this compound and identify this the combat Outpost used by the cameroonian military and their fight against Boko Haram will come back to this base later exactly when the killings took place at First Sight harder to say but again the video contains Clues this building is visible and satellite imagery but only until February 2016 the murders must have happened before that date satellite images also captured this structure the Wolves surrounding it I’ll present an imagery dated March 2015 but it not yet been built in November 2014 giving earliest possible date for the atrocity the video also reveals this footpath a part that only appears in the hot dry season between January and April less obvious clues in the video as they leave these women away the soldiers like moving sundials cost Shadows on the track a simple mathematical formula tells us the end the sun in comparison to the Horizon we can also see what direction the light is coming from when we add this data to our location we can get a precise time frame for this event The Killing between March 20th and April 5th 2015 we now know where this happened and we know when it happened but who are the men who murdered these women and children in July is Serta Roma Bakery cameroon’s minister of communication insisted that the killers are not cameroonian soldiers and presented what he claimed was irrefutable evidence from the video itself the weapons he said I’m not those used by the cameroonian Army in this area of operation but your analysis shows that one of these is a Serbian made the stopper M21 it’s rare in sub-Saharan Africa but it is used by some divisions of the cameroonian military also claimed that a close examination of the shoes the soldiers wearing colorful Forrestal camouflage in the phone knows he said cameroonian soldiers wear pale desert style fatigues a closer look at the evidence reveals this cancel just seen here in a 2015 report by Channel 4 News filmed inside of it wearing darker forestal fatigues similar to those seen in the video on Facebook we also found these pictures cameroonian soldiers wearing the same type of camouflage the images attack to CertiFit but carry also question why the soldiers are not wearing the standard combat gear of troops stationed in that area be helmets bulletproof vest and ranges boots Beyonce is that the soldiers when those house on patrol they would just a few hundred metres away from the combat Outpost we saw earlier we know that this is a military base because we match the features visible in satellite imagery to the details in the channel 4 news report that was short hair in 2015 new movies this year and I Misty International investigators spoke with residents who have been displaced by the fighting to a nearby Town among them was the man who said that sold these women and children being brought into the base by cameroonian soldiers a short while after they will either way he said he heard gunfire in August there was a sudden change in the government Fishing Off 2 weeks of denying that these killings took place in Cameroon vicari announced that seven members of the cameroonian military had been arrested and we’re under investigation or analysis has and avoid three men who actually pulled the trigger one of them is this man introduced at the start of the film as chocho that links the nickname chocho to a soldier called Syriac patiala is among the detainees named by the government the BBC has also spoken with a former cameroonian Soldier to confirm but this is chocho cyriak patiala at the end of the film we see him again blindfolding the little girl he’s about to kill a few seconds later he draw his weapon and opens fire analysis Identify two other guns that were used in The Killing one of them was in the hands of this man we see him here blindfolding the woman with the baby seconds before the shooting starts resource identified him as Barnabas go no so we would not able to confirm this identification a very similar name Barnabas Donna Sue appeared 11 days later on the government’s List of soldiers under investigation the 3rd weapon used in The Killing is the Zastava M21 we saw earlier it is in the hands of a man introduced in the video as second-class cobra so who is Cobra of the women and children are killed Cobra is the lost man still firing into the body’s one of his colleagues calls out tangle leave it there dead when he still does not stop shooting the cold out again that’s enough tanker that’s enough the name Sanger also appears list of men under investigation suggesting but Cobra is a nickname for Lance corporal Tanga another man named among those arrested is Etienne Sebastian he’s the platoon commander who was interviewed by channel 4 news in 2015 as far as week until he does not appear in the video we put these findings to the government of Cameroon who responded Honda investigation right now until the investigation has been concluded and that hold of them will be given a fair trial new due process was extended to the two women killed outside set of it and no presumption of innocence was a foot to the children who died with them
      In July 2018 a horrifying video began to circulate on social media. It shows two women and two young children being led away at gunpoint by a group of Cameroonian soldiers. The captives are blindfolded, forced to the ground, and shot 22 times.

      The government of Cameroon initially dismissed the video as “fake news.” But BBC Africa Eye, through forensic analysis of the footage, can prove exactly where this happened, when it happened, and who is responsible for the killings.

      Warning: this video contains disturbing content

      Investigation by Aliaume Leroy and Ben Strick.
      Produced by Daniel Adamson and Aliaume Leroy.
      Motion Graphics: Tom Flannery

      Please subscribe HERE http://bit.ly/1rbfUog

    • (je commente ici…)

      Intéressant (et horrible !) La localisation par la ligne de crête me laisse très dubitatif. Elle me semble habiller une localisation obtenue par des moyens plus … classiques ; peut-être pour protéger une source.

      En particulier, la suite de la vidéo montre que les enquêteurs ont eu accès directement sur place, par exemple lors du reportage sur le poste militaire, à diverses informations, notamment l’identité des participants.

      Le recoupement entre images et vues par satellite interviennent plus comme confirmation ou pour préciser la localisation des séquences : les constructions sont vraiment sommaires et elles manquent totalement d’éléments remarquables. Sans localisation globale, rien de tout cela n’est utilisable.


  • #Niger suppresses dissent as US leads influx of foreign armies

    The western presence in one of the most militarised countries in Africa has sparked frustration and fear in locals.

    The demonstration was planned for 4pm on 15 April, a warm Sunday afternoon in the somnolent Nigerien capital. The protesters had two main complaints: rising taxes and the fact that, in recent years, some of the world’s most powerful armies had descended on their country.

    But before the civil society leaders could even get to the march, they were arrested.

    When a group of heavily armed men on motorbikes killed four American special ops soldiers in remote Niger last October, it was the first many had heard of the war the US was helping fight against a local branch of Isis.

    But their involvement in that fight represents only a fraction of the US presence in the west African country, poor but strategically located in the middle of the Sahel, its borders crisscrossed by extremists and traffickers.

    And the 800 US defence personnel in Niger are not alone. They are one of four western armies that have installed themselves in the vast desert landscape, variously flying armed drones, hunting militants, building vast bases, controlling migration and collecting intelligence from the region.

    This is what the April protest was about.

    Ibrahim Diori was arrested at home, and Maïkou Zodi in his car, both charged with participation in a banned demonstration and destruction of public property, even though they were not present. Today, they are in jail awaiting trial, along with colleagues arrested over previous marches.

    The Nigerien government allows foreign powers free rein to build military bases and send soldiers to defend their interests in the region, while suppressing any dissent, according to those civil society leaders not in jail, and key opposition figures.

    “Today there’s terrible repression of those who are against the government line. They put seven of my colleagues in prison because we said no to foreign bases,” said Mariama Bayard, leader of the opposition. She said that the government was “illegitimate” because the main challenger, Hama Amadou, was in jail at the time of the last election, and that it was being propped up by foreigners in the absence of domestic support.

    “Dictatorship is taking hold of this country. The people don’t want the bases. But the Sahel has become an important geo-strategic space for the great powers,” she said.

    According to Bayard, foreign powers do not have permission to build bases in their country.

    “Our constitution says that before a base can be installed, parliament has to accept it. It’s a deal between the government and these foreign powers. It’s illegal, the bases are illegal.”

    With Boko Haram in the south-east, Isis-linked ISGS on the Malian border, and a chaotic Libya to the north, Niger is surrounded by violent extremists.

    As part of its counter-terrorism mission Operation Barkhane, France has 500 soldiers on its base in Niamey, and more on its bases in Madama and Aguelal. Germany has 50 soldiers in Niamey to support the UN peacekeeping force in Mali, and is expanding accommodation to cater for more on the airbase it shares with France. Canadian soldiers come and go.

    Italy has an advance team of 40 soldiers in the country, preparing for the arrival of up to 430 more troops who will “train, advise and assist” local forces to fight illicit trafficking, mostly of migrants. Many of the 640,000 refugees who have arrived in Italy since 2014 came through Niger.

    But it is the US, with its armed drones targeting militants including al-Qaeda leaders in Libya, that has attracted the most attention.
    Niger is the perfect example of the US state of perma-war
    Trevor Timm
    Trevor Timm
    Read more

    The three giant white hangars of Airbase 201, the new US base near the centuries-old city of Agadez, which is costing $100m (£78m) to build, stand on a long stretch of sand that is prone to puddles ; local herders used to take their goats to drink there in rainy season.

    Some of these herders, living a few hundred metres away from the base’s new fences, said they had never met their new neighbours, though they often saw them whizzing past in air-conditioned SUVs, or by night, the shadow of their aircraft crossing the moon.

    “They don’t help us. I’ve always been poor, and I’m still poor,” said Sedefiou Abdou, who had never heard of America until the base came to his neighbourhood. References to Obama, Trump and Coca Cola drew a blank. Then he was played a snippet of a French cover of the wildly popular Latin hit Despacito, and his face finally lit up in recognition. Apart from the airbase, this was the closest America came to penetrating into his corner of the Sahel.

    Abdou had no more need of this knowledge than most Americans do for Niger’s rich and complex culture; the two countries are thousands of miles apart. But his government and theirs were firm friends, as the Nigerien president said in an interview at his palace in Niamey, where former presidents deposed in Niger’s many coups gaze down from their portraits on the building’s high white arches.

    “I don’t like the term ‘foreign forces’ – they’re friendly forces, who will leave as soon as we want them to,” said Mahamadou Issoufou. “They’re here at our request, and once the need for them disappears, they’ll leave.”

    Issoufou recognised that they were also looking after their own interests, however.

    “They’re not just here for us. They do it for themselves. The countries who have sent their armies know that once the Sahel is conquered, the threat will concern them, will concern Europe. It’s a way of preventing that threat from spreading into their territory.”

    Niger is one of the most militarised countries in Africa. The government spends 21% of its small budget on defence, which means there is much less to spend on things like health and education. Hence the need for higher taxes, which the government says do not affect the poor but which have nevertheless sparked fierce opposition.

    Civil society leaders and rights groups say protests against this and any controversial government policies have been “almost systematically denied”, while pro-government marches are allowed. Detained civil society leaders have been spread out in jails across the country, meaning their families struggle to visit and feed them; several were convicted of instigating an unarmed, banned gathering last month, and released having already served their time.

    According to Boulama Hamadou Tcherno, one of the few civil society leaders who was not arrested in the March and April crackdowns, there has been silence from the nations in a position to put pressure on the government.

    “We’re very worried about what will happen in the next few years. Freedom to demonstrate, freedom of religion – even praying to God is forbidden. And all the big democratic powers turn their gaze away.”

    The Guardian put the allegations that America is in effect propping up an illegitimate and repressive government to Thomas Waldhauser, the head of US Africa Command, in an interview at a small American base in Senegal last week.
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    “They [Niger] have been a good partner of ours now for many years,” he said.

    He emphasised that there had been “a lot of aid and security force assistance” in recent years and said that was why the US was there, as well as to help the country maintain its borders.

    Speaking more generally about the US presence in Africa, he said US troops were trying to “prevent something from spreading and happening before it actually does”.

    According to opponents of the foreign bases, however, they do not stop terrorists but attract them.

    “We see no results from their presence on the ground; in fact we have the impression that terrorism has increased since they arrived. Are they really here to help our soldiers?” Tcherno asked.

    Bayard agreed. “They are creating the conditions for the Sahel to blow up,” she said. “They say that the bases are here for our security, but the opposite is true.”


    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/aug/14/niger-suppresses-dissent-as-us-leads-influx-of-foreign-armies
    #militarisation #Italie #USA #Etats-Unis #terrorisme #sécurité #Airbase_201

    • Perché in Niger ci sono militari da tutto il mondo

      Il Niger è uno dei paesi più militarizzati dell’Africa. Nell’ottobre del 2017 questo dato è salito all’attenzione di tutti quando quattro soldati delle forze speciali statunitensi e almeno quattro militari nigerini sono rimasti uccisi in un’imboscata. Da allora la presenza militare straniera non ha fatto che intensificarsi. Cosa fanno in Niger tutte queste forze armate? Che interessi hanno? Stanno raggiungendo i loro obiettivi?

      Gli Stati Uniti non sono l’unico paese presente ad avere truppe in Niger: ci sono anche i soldati di Francia, Germania, Canada e Italia.

      Nell’aprile di quest’anno il Niger ha ospitato le esercitazioni militari congiunte Flintlock, che hanno coinvolto 1.900 soldati di una ventina di paesi. L’obiettivo delle esercitazioni, patrocinate dagli Stati Uniti, era rafforzare la collaborazione tra le forze di sicurezza africane per proteggere i civili dalle violenze legate all’estremismo religioso.

      La presenza militare straniera in Niger viene generalmente motivata in tre modi: lottare contro il terrorismo, prevenire le migrazioni degli africani in Europa e proteggere gli investimenti stranieri.

      Il terrorismo nel Sahel
      Nella regione del Sahel, che comprende anche il Niger, sono attivi alcuni gruppi estremisti islamici e per questo l’area è considerata la “nuova frontiera” delle operazioni della lotta globale al terrorismo. Oltre al Niger, gli Stati Uniti hanno una presenza militare in Mauritania, in Senegal, in Mali, in Burkina Faso, in Nigeria e in Ciad. Per quanto ne sappiamo, solo il Sudan e l’Eritrea non ospitano truppe statunitensi. Nel Sahel operano inoltre “attori esterni di secondo piano”, tra cui le forze armate dell’Unione europea, di Israele, della Colombia e del Giappone.

      Il coinvolgimento statunitense nel Sahel risale ai tempi della guerra al terrorismo lanciata da Washington dopo gli attentati dell’11 settembre 2001. Nel 2003 gli Stati Uniti crearono la Pan Sahel initiative, coinvolgendo il Ciad, il Mali, la Mauritania e il Niger nell’addestramento di unità dell’esercito specializzate nel contrastare le minacce terroristiche e la diffusione del radicalismo. Nel 2004 l’iniziativa è stata sostituita dalla Trans-Sahara counterterrorism partnership, un’alleanza più ampia che comprende anche l’Algeria, il Burkina Faso, il Camerun, il Marocco, la Nigeria, il Senegal e la Tunisia.

      Nel 2014 i capi di stato di Burkina Faso, Mali, Mauritania, Niger e Ciad hanno firmato una convenzione per istituire il G5 Sahel, con l’obiettivo di garantire “sviluppo e sicurezza per migliorare la qualità della vita della gente”. Nel 2017 gli stessi capi di stato hanno dato vita alla forza congiunta del G5 Sahel, con il benestare dell’Unione africana e delle Nazioni Unite. Lo scopo di questa forza armata, il cui presidente di turno è il nigerino Mahamadou Issoufou, è più ampio rispetto a quello di altre operazioni in corso nella regione: oltre a migliorare la sicurezza lungo i confini condivisi, i suoi uomini devono anche promuovere la cosiddetta soft security (”sicurezza morbida”, cioè quelle misure – anche di natura preventiva – che servono a riportare la stabilità e un senso di normalità nelle aree colpite da conflitti).

      Gli Stati Uniti hanno fornito supporto militare a ognuno degli stati del G5 Sahel e hanno promesso 60 milioni di dollari di aiuti bilaterali all’iniziativa.

      Il Niger è circondato da paesi che sono focolai di instabilità

      Il Niger si trova nel centro del Sahel. Purtroppo per i suoi abitanti, è circondato da paesi che sono focolai di instabilità. Storicamente il Niger è sempre stato la porta d’accesso al Nordafrica per i migranti originari dell’Africa subsahariana e negli ultimi anni è diventato uno dei più importanti paesi di transito per chi va in cerca di opportunità in Europa. È per questo che paesi come l’Italia hanno inviato le loro truppe in Niger, con l’obiettivo di fermare i migranti.

      Le forze armate straniere in Niger addestrano soldati africani, fanno volare droni, costruiscono basi, compiono incursioni oltre frontiera e raccolgono informazioni. Queste attività sono finalizzate alla lotta al terrorismo e al controllo dei flussi migratori. Tuttavia l’Africa è considerata anche uno dei mercati dalle potenzialità maggiori, cosa che spiega l’espansione dei rapporti economici e commerciali, e questa può essere un’ulteriore motivazione per la presenza militare straniera sempre più diversificata in Niger e, più in generale, nella regione.

      Dal canto suo, il governo di Niamey ha accolto a braccia aperte le truppe straniere. Il presidente Issoufou è felice di sostenere gli interessi di Washington nella regione finché gli Stati Uniti saranno disposti a sostenere il suo governo e ad addestrare le sue forze armate. Con l’aiuto statunitense Issoufou pensa di poter mantenere la promessa fatta in campagna elettorale di “sconfiggere i militanti estremisti islamici”.

      I rapporti amichevoli tra Niger e Stati Uniti assumono un significato particolare anche alla luce delle tensioni tra Washington e il Ciad, vicino del Niger. Alla fine del 2017 il presidente statunitense Donald Trump aveva inserito il Ciad nella
      lista di paesi colpiti dal divieto di viaggiare negli Stati Uniti, una mossa che ha stupito molti esperti di politica estera e ha evidentemente suscitato le ire del governo ciadiano. In seguito il divieto è stato abolito.

      Conseguenze indesiderate
      La presenza di forze militari straniere in Niger ha davvero permesso di contrastare il terrorismo e i flussi migratori? A che prezzo? Ci sono state ricadute impreviste e potenzialmente dannose? Alcuni sostengono che la presenza delle truppe straniere abbia avuto conseguenze negative sulla politica interna del Niger e che abbia favorito l’affermazione di un clima politico sempre più oppressivo.

      Alcuni rappresentanti della società civile e i leader dell’opposizione politica denunciano la costruzione di nuove basi militari straniere, denunciando delle violazioni della costituzione. Secondo loro, la presenza militare straniera e la centralità attribuita al tema della sicurezza sono strumenti che servono a rafforzare un governo che non ha più sostegno interno. Le elezioni nigerine del 2016, in cui Issoufou ha conquistato un secondo mandato, pare siano state “caratterizzate da gravi irregolarità”.

      La corsa alla militarizzazione del Niger desta ancora più preoccupazione in un paese dove le forze armate sono considerate “un’organizzazione profondamente politicizzata” e ostile al controllo delle autorità civili. Un esercito del genere potrebbe rivelarsi utile a un presidente che desideri consolidare il suo potere al di là di quanto concesso dagli strumenti democratici.

      Nel febbraio di quest’anno i nigerini sono scesi in piazza scandendo slogan come: “Eserciti francesi, americani e tedeschi, andate via!”. Issoufou ha risposto bloccando altre manifestazioni simili nel mese di marzo. Ha difeso la misura affermando l’importanza di uno stato “democratico, ma forte”.

      Non è ancora chiaro cosa succederà in futuro, soprattutto se – come rivela un articolo del New York Times – Washington starebbe valutando se ritirare la maggior parte delle truppe. Per chi si oppone alla presenza militare straniera in Niger non sarà mai troppo presto.

      (Traduzione di Giusy Muzzopappa)

      Da sapere

      Nel gennaio del 2018 è stata approvata dal parlamento italiano una missione militare in Niger (Misin), che dovrebbe occuparsi di addestramento e supporto dell’esercito nigerino nel contrasto di traffici illegali. I primi quaranta soldati italiani arrivati a marzo sono però rimasti accampati in una base statunitense a poche centinaia di metri dall’aeroporto di Niamey, senza avere ancora ricevuto il via libera dalle autorità del paese per operare. Il 20 settembre è stato reso noto da alcune agenzie di stampa, non smentite dal ministero, che il contingente è stato sbloccato e che entro novembre partiranno altri trenta militari italiani.
      Nella notte tra il 17 e il 18 settembre in Niger un gruppo armato ha rapito il religioso italiano Pierluigi Maccalli, della Società delle missioni africane (Sma). Il sequestro è stato inizialmente attribuito a miliziani jihadisti provenienti da oltre frontiera, ma potrebbe anche essere opera di gruppi peul radicalizzati, precisa un missionario della Sma.

      https://www.internazionale.it/notizie/craig-bailie/2018/09/20/niger-militari-mondo

    • La mission militaire italienne au Niger débute finalement

      La mission militaire italienne au Niger, visant à aider les autorités locales à contrôler les flux migratoires, va finalement débuter, huit mois après avoir été votée par le Parlement italien, a annoncé jeudi la ministre de la Défense Elisabetta Trenta.

      « Après huit mois d’impasse, nous avons débloqué la mission au Niger pour le contrôle des flux migratoires », a écrit Mme Trenta sur Facebook, sans préciser ce qui avait bloqué, puis débloqué, la situation.

      « L’Italie interviendra en soutien du gouvernement nigérien et assistera les autorités locales à travers des unités chargées de la formation (...) des forces nigériennes pour renforcer le contrôle du territoire », a poursuivi Mme Trenta sans préciser la date du début de cette mission.

      « Concrètement, l’objectif est de lutter, ensemble, contre la traite d’êtres humains et le trafic des migrants qui traversent le pays et se dirigent vers la Libye pour finalement s’embarquer en direction de nos côtes », a-t-elle ajouté.

      L’ancien chef du gouvernement italien, Paolo Gentiloni (centre gauche), avait annoncé l’envoi de cette mission lors du G5 Sahel (Mali, Tchad, Burkina Faso, Niger, Mauritanie) qui s’était tenu mi-décembre 2017 à la Celle-Saint-Cloud, près de Paris.

      Selon M. Gentiloni, il s’agissait de répondre à une demande des autorités locales, même si ces dernières avaient alors démenti avoir formulé une requête de ce type.

      En janvier, les députés italiens avaient entériné l’envoi de cette mission militaire au Niger, un pays d’origine mais surtout de transit pour les migrants souhaitant se rendre en Europe.

      La ministre de la Défense de l’époque, Roberta Pinotti, avait expliqué que cette mission devait compter dans un premier temps 120 militaires, avant de monter progressivement à 470.


      https://www.voaafrique.com/a/la-mission-militaire-italienne-au-niger-d%C3%A9bute-finalement/4580034.html


  • Le donne del #Niger contro il deserto

    Gli uomini partono in cerca di lavoro. A coltivare le arachidi, in assenza di pioggia, restano loro: le madri, le figlie, le spose.

    Tutti, negli 80 villaggi del dipartimento di #Dogondoutchi, nel centro-sud del Niger, conoscono la storia di Sarraounia Mangou, la regina hausa che, a fine ’800, si oppose con coraggio all’avanzata delle truppe coloniali francesi. Secondo le ricostruzioni, tramandate di generazione in generazione, Mangou organizzò la resistenza armata nascondendosi nelle foreste, che coprivano gran parte del territorio.

    Oggi, le donne di Dogondoutchi, che in hausa significa «montagne alte», dalle numerose rocce che puntellano questa pianura semi-arida, devono combattere un nemico diverso: la desertificazione. A differenza della regina, che usò tiratori d’arco scelti fra i migliori guerrieri del villaggio di Lougou, sono però rimaste da sole a battersi: una volta terminate le scorte alimentari, molti uomini partono infatti per lunghi mesi, in cerca di salari e cibo per le famiglie. Un’emigrazione silenziosa e inesorabile, verso paesi costieri più ricchi, dalla Nigeria alla Costa d’Avorio, o verso la Libia.

    Cambiamenti climatici devastanti

    Halidou Hamado Abdoulzakou, agronomo e supervisore locale per l’ONG italiana Coopi, spiega che «il fenomeno è recente. Solo cinque anni fa questo esodo dalle campagne alle città, anche verso paesi della regione come Nigeria, Ghana o Togo, non aveva queste dimensioni». Il cambiamento climatico, associato a una diminuzione della piovosità e quindi ad una riduzione della rendita di agricoltura e pastorizia, «le uniche risorse economiche del nostro dipartimento», prosegue Abdoulzakou, «ha portato ad un circolo vizioso: l’aridità riduce i raccolti e le scorte, così gli uomini partono e, nella stagione successiva, l’estensione dei terreni lavorati cala».

    Coopi lavora con i comuni del dipartimento di Dogondoutchi, per sostenere le famiglie più vulnerabili e le comunità locali, all’interno di PARC-Sad, progetto triennale contro l’insicurezza alimentare, finanziato dall’Unione Europea, di cui è partner anche Coopi Suisse."Fra le varie attività, distribuiamo sementi più resistenti, di culture locali come okra e moringa, tradizionalmente condotte dalle donne, recuperiamo terre degradate, costruiamo magazzini per conservare sementi e derrate alimentari, distribuiamo attrezzi meccanici e formiamo gruppi di donne", spiega Giacomo Fassi, capo progetto di Coopi in Niger.

    Un intervento mirato, in una regione di confine, in cui l’ONG è attiva da anni. In tutto il Niger, però, le persone in situazione di insicurezza alimentare sono tra 1,4 e 1,7 milioni, secondo le Nazioni Unite. Un trend costante negli ultimi anni, a causa anche del cambiamento climatico.

    Le donne di #Socoucoutane, uno dei comuni del dipartimento, confinante con la Nigeria, arano quindi i campi a mano, raccolgono e lavorano le arachidi, mantenendo in vita colture di sussistenza fondamentali. Altre che richiedono più manodopera, come miglio e sorgo, sono inevitabilmente calate. «almeno il 65 per cento delle donne del comune», dice l’agronomo di Coopi, «lavora nei campi, in assenza dei mariti: è a loro che offriamo sostegno e formazione, per rendere sostenibile la vita delle famiglie, elaborando piccole strategie di adattamento».


    https://www.rsi.ch/news/oltre-la-news/Le-donne-del-Niger-contro-il-deserto-10818683.html
    #arachides #agriculture #femmes #hommes #celles_qui_restent #Niger #genre #migrations #émigration

    A noter, la petite contradiction... un reportage qui parle d’un « règne de femmes », et sur l’image de couverture on ne voit que des #hommes !
    #photojournalisme #image #invisibilisation


  • L’EPFZ accusée de mener des recherches risquées au Nigeria Jean-Marc Heuberger/jgal - 31 Aout 2018 - RTS
    http://www.rts.ch/info/suisse/9812239-l-epfz-accusee-de-mener-des-recherches-risquees-au-nigeria.html

    L’Ecole polytechnique fédérale de Zurich (EPFZ) profiterait d’une législation plus laxiste en Afrique pour mener une expérience de dissémination d’OGM jugée dangereuse par plusieurs ONG suisses et nigérianes, révèle vendredi SRF.
    Cible des critiques, le projet de la biologiste Livia Stavolone qui étudie en conditions réelles du manioc génétiquement modifié à Ibadan, au Nigeria.


    « Cet essai est purement scientifique. Nous voulons savoir si les résultats obtenus en laboratoire à Zurich se confirment dans les conditions réelles », explique-t-elle à l’émission alémanique 10 vor 10. L’objectif est de rallonger la durée de conservation du manioc, l’un des aliments de base en Afrique, via génie génétique.

    Normes internationales « respectées »
    Malgré les mesures prises pour surveiller le terrain jour et nuit, le projet est vivement critiqué par Swissaid. L’ONG suisse juge le projet risqué et accuse l’EPFZ de profiter de la législation moins stricte au Nigeria pour s’épargner des contrôles de sécurité qui seraient exigés en Suisse.

    « Il faut s’assurer que les mêmes normes soient appliquées en Suisse comme à l’étranger », estime Céline Kohlprath, responsable de la politique de développement et médias pour Swissaid.

    Du côté de la haute école, on assure que « les risques sont très limités ». « Nous respectons les normes internationales. Toutes les plantes ont un code et à la fin nous brûlerons tout ce que nous avons amené », indique Livia Stavolone.

    #EPFZ #Suisse #OGM #livia_stavolone #manioc #Nigeria #Plantes    #agriculture    #environnement #nature_/_ecologie #Afrique #cobayes #génie_génétique



  • Die schwarze Axt - News Ausland: Europa - bazonline.ch
    https://bazonline.ch/ausland/europa/die-schwarze-axt/story/15199232

    Im Schutze der unkontrollierten Massenmigration konnten sich neben islamischen Gotteskriegern auch kriminelle Kartelle in Europa festsetzen.

    Dass die allermeisten der afrikanischen und asiatischen Neuankömmlinge in Europa keine Kriegsflüchtlinge sind, sondern Wirtschaftsmigranten im weitesten Sinne, hat sich schon länger herumgesprochen. Und dass sich unter diesen nicht nur dankbare, anpassungswillige und arbeitsfreudige Fachkräfte befinden, weiss man, wenn man den notorisch überproportional hohen Anteil sozialhilfebeziehender Migranten zur Kenntnis nimmt. Oder spätestens seit arabische Jungmänner in der Kölner Silvesternacht hordenmässig Frauen sexuell überfallen haben.

    Auch sind es nicht die wirklich Armen, die nach Europa kommen, sondern Angehörige des in den letzten Jahren auch in Afrika gewachsenen Mittelstands. Nur diese können sich die paar Tausend Dollar leisten, um die Schlepper und Transporteure zu bezahlen. Und im Schutze der unkontrollierten Massenmigration konnten sich neben islamischen Gotteskriegern auch kriminelle Kartelle in Europa festsetzen.

    Fest in nigerianischer Hand ist der heruntergekommene Badeort Castel Volturno bei Neapel. 30’000 Einwohner, davon 20’000 Migranten.

    Vor kurzem berichtete der italienische «Giornale» von einem blutigen Kampf rivalisierender nigerianischer Gangs in Ferrara. Während dreier Tage seien mit Äxten, Macheten und Pistolen bewaffnete Nigerianer immer wieder aufeinander losgegangen und hätten die Stadt mit den weltberühmten Renaissancebauten in eine Kriegszone verwandelt. Fest in nigerianischer Hand sei auch der heruntergekommene Badeort Castel Volturno bei Neapel, berichtete im Februar der französische «L’Obs». 30’000 Einwohner, davon 20’000 Migranten.

    Viele junge, teils minderjährige Nigerianerinnen arbeiten als Billigprostituierte ihre Schlepperschulden ab; die nigerianischen Banden kontrollieren den Kokainhandel und haben sich neben den eingeborenen Syndikaten als «fünfte Mafia» etabliert. Die nigerianische Mafia, auch «Schwarze Axt» genannt, gegründet von Ex-Militärs, sei die «mitleidloseste Mafia weltweit», urteilt der Kriminologe Alessandro Meluzzo.

    In ganz Europa haben sich rechtsfreie, feindlich okkupierte No-Go-Zonen gebildet. Die Brüsseler Bürokraten haben die nationalen Grenzen geschleift, ohne eine funktionierende Alternative zu entwickeln. Europa kann sich aus diesem Desaster nur retten, wenn die einzelnen Länder wieder die Souveränität über ihre Grenzen und ihre Migrationspolitik erobern. (Basler Zeitung)

    Erstellt: 07.08.2018

    #Italie #Black_Axe #Nigeria #Prostitution


  • Von Boko Haram in die Fänge der Mafia | Telepolis
    https://www.heise.de/tp/features/Von-Boko-Haram-in-die-Faenge-der-Mafia-3664425.html

    Der Wiener Zeitung erklärt Expertin Reiterer,, wie die Schlepperei in Nigeria funktioniert: „Den Familien wird erzählt, dass ihre Töchter als Babysitter oder im Computerladen arbeiten können. Selbst wenn die jungen Frauen ahnen, dass sie als Prostituierte arbeiten werden, haben sie noch keine Vorstellungen, wie schlecht die Bedingungen hier wirklich sind.“ Für den Transport würden in Nigeria 45.000 € veranschlagt.

    Im Endeffekt seien es 60.000 bis 80.000 €, die die Frauen hier abarbeiten müssen, da sie auch Essen, Kleidung und die Miete zahlen müssen. „Das erfahren sie aber erst in Europa“, sagt Reiterer. In Europa werde ihnen dann der Pass abgenommen, sie würden eingeschüchtert und isoliert .

    Die nigerianischen Frauen sind dabei ein Beispiel von vielen. Allerdings ist besonders bitter, dass viele von ihnen schon als junges Mädchen sexualisierter Gewalt durch die Terror-Gruppe Boko Haram ausgesetzt waren, deren Herrschaft sie entkommen konnten, um dann, statt mit der erhofften Unterstützung internationaler Hilfsorganisationen ein sorgenfreies Leben aufbauen zu können, irgendwo in Europa auf dem Straßenstrich, in Laufhäusern und Wohnungsbordellen zu landen.

    Gewaltexzesse in Nigeria und die Black Axe in Europa
    Besonders bitter ist das auch deswegen, weil die Weltöffentlichkeit weder von den Gewaltexzessen, denen Menschen in Nigeria ausgesetzt sind, Notiz nimmt noch von der Ausbreitung der islamischen Terrorgruppe Boko Haram in weite Teile des Landes und über dessen Grenzen hinaus noch von den Folgen, die durch die gnadenlose Ausbeutung der Ressourcen wie z.B. die Ölförderung entstehen.

    Auch die gewalttätigen Banden, die aus dem verzweifelten Kampf der Bevölkerung gegen diese Zerstörung aus dem Boden sprießen, nimmt man außerhalb des Landes kaum zur Kenntnis und vom Schicksal der Frauen, die in Europa in der Sex-Industrie brutal ausgebeutet werden, wissen auch nur wenige.

    Die Peiniger sind Mafia-Strukturen wie z.B. die Bruderschaft „Black Axe“ (Schwarze Axt), die sich in Europa insbesondere in Italien etablieren konnten und neben Menschenhandel mit Drogenhandel, Produktpiraterie und Internetbetrug (Nigeria-Connection) Unsummen verdienen. In der Report-Sendung schildert Geri Ferrara, ein Anti-Mafia-Staatsanwalt aus Palermo, dass die Frauen in Italien zur Prostitution gezwungen, aber auch ins Ausland verbracht werden, etwa nach Holland oder auch nach Deutschland.

    Im November 2016 gelang es, 26 Mitglieder der Schwarzen Axt zu verhaften. Das konnte gelingen, weil betroffene Frauen, die „entzaubert“ werden konnten, gegen sie aussagten. In dem Beitrag ist eine nigerianische Frau zu sehen, die mit christlichen Ritualen versucht, die Frauen von ihrem Fluch zu befreien.

    Eine solche Behandlung könne Wochen dauern, sagt sie. Trotzdem sei sie nicht immer wirksam. Nicht selten träfe sie Frauen, von denen sie gedacht habe, sie seien befreit, dann doch wieder an den einschlägigen Orten an. Der Druck, der auf die Frauen ausgeübt wird, und die schier ausweglose Lage in dem von Armut und Gewalt geprägten Italien, lässt ihnen häufig keine andere Wahl.

    #Nigeria #prostitution #Black_Axe


  • Migranten gegen die sizilianische Mafia | Europa | DW | 13.06.2018
    https://www.dw.com/de/migranten-gegen-die-sizilianische-mafia/a-44202955

    In einem Bericht des Forschungszentrums Transcrime über grenzüberschreitende Kriminalität von 2013 wird geschätzt, dass die sizilianische Mafia durch ihre illegalen Aktivitäten etwa halb so viel einnimmt wie die Camorra, die neapolitanische Mafia. Neue, mächtige Organisationen wie die nigerianische Schwarze Axt sind in den letzten Jahren auf den Plan getreten. Im vergangenen Monat wurden 14 Mitglieder der Schwarzen Axt unter anderem wegen Verbindungen zur Mafia verurteilt. Es war das erste Mal, dass ein italienisches Gericht ein solches Delikt einer ausländischen Organisation zuschrieb.

    #Italie #crime #mafia #Black_Axe #Nigeria


  • Organized crime in Nigeria - Wikipedia
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organized_crime_in_Nigeria

    An example of this are the highly organized confraternities/campus gangs that operate worldwide, for example the Neo Black Movement of Africa. In its own words, the Neo Black Movement of Africa is a “registered non-partisan, non-religious and non-tribal organisation that sincerely seek to revive, retain and modify where necessary those aspects of African culture that would provide vehicles of progress for Africa and her peoples”.

    The current worldwide head of the Neo Black Movement is Augustus Bemigho-Oyeoyibo. A representative of the Neo Black Movement of Africa has claimed to be separate from the Black Axe groups and has engaged in charitable giving.

    Behind the welfare facade of the Neo Black Movement hides indeed the most dreaded Nigerian campus cult, the Black Axe confraternity. NBM usually state that they are not identical with Black Axe for propaganda purposes. While the atrocities committed by campus cult members are well-known, very little is known about other activities of the Neo Black Movement. Offiong claims that the group’s initial goal of promoting black consciousness and fighting for the dignity of Africans and their freedom from neo-colonialism has deteriorated into self-serving behaviour that is “notoriously and brutally violent”. He maintains that violence has in fact become the cult’s official policy.

    Apart from the atrocities in the orbit of NBM, most members of the confraternity are involved in fraud and cyber crime. The main reason to join the confraternity is (besides the pressure and intimidation that is applied to students to join) the fact that the confraternity has infiltrated all spheres of Nigerian society and serves the main purpose of helping its members climb the career ladder and going unpunished for their crimes by means of their nepotistic structure.

    Investigations and a number of arrests of members of NBM by the Italian police brought to light various crimes committed by members of NBM. NBM and other cults were found guilty of smuggling of drugs, extortion, 419 fraud, prostitution, passport falsification, and cloning of credit cards.

    In 2011, eight more members of NBM were arrested in Italy for the same offenses mentioned above. They are referred to as an international criminal organisation and Nigerian Mafia. According to internal documents, the confraternity helps members to immigrate illegally to Europe. Nigerian fraud rings have been exported to Europe, America, and Asia (see external links section). In 2015 a sophisticated car theft ring run by the Black Axe organized crime ring was busted in Toronto, Canada. The ring had stolen more than 500 luxury cars in one year, valued at 30 million US dollars.

    #Nigeria #Black_Axe #crime


  • The Notorious Black Axe Has Put Down Roots in Canada | VICE News
    https://news.vice.com/article/the-notorious-black-axe-has-put-down-roots-in-canada

    December 17, 2015
    The thing that caught the police’s attention was the matching outfits.

    High yellow socks and black berets that featured an emblem of manacled hands, and an axe breaking through the chain.

    The two men were each being investigated separately, one in British Columbia and the other in Toronto, for fraud. But it was their presence together, in identical outfits, that sent investigators on a new trail in the summer of 2013, deep into the heart of a Nigerian subculture, the history of student movements, and the African nation’s political hierarchy.

    Eventually, it led them to a man who said he was threatened with a knife and had watched his car being destroyed in front of him.

    The man was frightened.

    “He knew who all four men were who threatened him with a knife, but only gave two nicknames and misidentified the organization,” Toronto police Detective Constable Tim Trotter said.

    “It’s a phenomenon we get when people in any community are intimidated. They’ll tell you what they think is enough to put you in the right direction, but they haven’t exposed themselves too much by telling you the whole truth.”

    The whole truth has been hard to come by for investigators, but after two years of quietly observing and gathering evidence, they introduced Canadians to an organization most had never heard of: a Nigerian confraternity called The Black Axe, otherwise known as the Neo Black Movement of Africa (NBM).

    At the end of October, they laid charges against three men who allegedly defrauded a Toronto woman of $609,000, including one who was linked to the Black Axe.

    The elusive group, feared in Nigeria for its brutality, has been exerting “undue influence over the Nigerian diaspora” in Canada, as well as engaging in organized crime and violence, police said.

    Aside from fraud and money laundering, police allege the outfit is involved in street-level crime — everything from intimidation to kidnapping to the large-scale movement of stolen goods on a transnational scale.

    Last week, Toronto police laid an additional 640 charges and arrested another 18 people allegedly involved in the theft of over 500 SUVs, all worth about $30 million. Six more had outstanding warrants.

    These weren’t “just thieves,” investigators said, but a highly sophisticated crime ring linked to the Black Axe that placed its people in shipping companies and at a government agency. An investigator used a PowerPoint presentation to explain the elaborate scam that involved a locksmith, a “fully operational chop shop,” and people receiving the cars in Ghana and Nigeria. In the course of making the arrests, the officers also found drugs and illegal guns.

    Meanwhile, in June, York Region Police laid over 40 charges against 9 people, who defrauded victims of about $1.5 million. They’re now also looking for links to the Black Axe.

    But conversations with Nigerians in Toronto — leaders in churches, community organizations, and businesses — generally don’t reflect the picture painted by police. Most deny any knowledge of the Black Axe’s presence in Toronto. Those who know of it say they don’t believe it exists outside of Nigeria.

    One man who claimed to be a member and intimately aware of its inner workings suggested the arrests were the result of “a bad egg or two” in an otherwise altruistic organization.

    Whatever the case, police concede that the lack of reliable sources from inside the community has made it especially difficult for them to understand the internal workings of the NBM, its symbols, and the cultural lens through which it’s seen. Fear of the Black Axe runs so deep among the Nigerian diaspora that for years, their criminal activities have gone undetected.

    Police have also been unable to find a single Nigerian academic willing to speak openly about the Black Axe.

    “You try to be objective, and you think, am I wrong? Am I chasing a ghost?” said Trotter.

    It was the spring of 2014, when a 63-year-old Toronto widow met a man online who claimed to be a high-ranking military officer in Afghanistan. They talked often on the phone and over Skype over several months, quickly becoming close and planning a future together. Eventually, they decided that “the general” would come to Canada to live with her.

    So, when he told her he’d been given $2 million for saving a man’s life and needed to bribe officials in Afghanistan to let him take his reward out of the country, she believed him and sent the money. Then his story changed: the money had gotten him arrested, and now he needed to bail himself out. She came through again, after a friend of his who claimed to work for the United Nations and had an ID to prove it, vouched for him in person.

    That friend was actually Akohomen Ighedoise, one of three Toronto men now charged with fraud and one of six indicted by the FBI for his involvement in a scam to defraud victims of $5 billion.

    For the woman, the ordeal has been economically devastating, police told reporters. When they visited her in the winter, her heat was barely on, and she was wearing a jacket, mittens, and a hat inside, they said.

    Ighedoise faces a third charge for laundering money for a criminal organization. Police allege he is the bookkeeper for the Black Axe’s Canada zone.

    Born in 1977 at the University of Benin, the Black Axe started out as a benign group with “high-minded,” progressive ideals, like blackism and pan-African unity. They’ve since transformed into violent, criminal enterprises with significant clout in the Nigerian political system and “zones” around the world, experts say.

    The Black Axe has been linked to powerful politicians in Nigeria, some of whom enlist members, known as Axemen, as foot soldiers and enforcers. They’re known to forcibly recruit new members and violently clash with each other on a regular basis, according to a 2007 Human Rights Watch report. Newspapers in Nigeria are filled with stories of Axemen allegedly kidnapping, raping, and killing rival cult members — and innocent people who get in their way.

    While there isn’t a reliable total of how many people have been killed through cult violence (Black Axe or otherwise), about 200 students and teachers lost their lives between 1996 and 2005, HRW reported. News reports, as well as Facebook and Twitter posts by alleged Axemen show that violence is ongoing.

    “They’re involved in drug trafficking, arms trafficking, racketeering, and killing in second nature,” said Jonathan Matusitz, a University of Central Florida professor who has studied Nigerian gangs, calling this one a “death cult.”

    While Matusitz doesn’t believe people in the West should be concerned about the Black Axe, he says the whole network of confraternities is dangerous because it influences high-profile figures like politicians, bribes them, and places them in power. In turns, politicians turn a blind eye to the cultists’ criminal activities.

    “It’s a network of evil,” he said.

    While police believe the Black Axe has been active in Canada since 2005, the group didn’t land on their radar until that photo surfaced in 2013. Police estimate there are 200 members across the country, with a “substantive presence” in Toronto and Vancouver.

    Other suspected members in Toronto have been linked to up to 20 incidents of violence, according to police. These include someone being hit by a car, a man being kidnapped and assaulted with a bottle in an empty building, and an Axeman being knocked to the ground as an internal disciplinary measure.

    Trotter also described an incident in which a man was attacked by four others.

    “He went into the bathroom to clean himself up, they followed him in there and beat him up again,” he said. “It was only at the insistence of the girlfriend that someone from that location called.”

    Trotter said despite a bar full of witnesses, the investigation couldn’t continue because no one would cooperate.

    “You try to be objective, and you think, am I wrong? Am I chasing a ghost?”
    Investigators in Toronto have been working on compiling a list of suspected members in the city. Through social media, detectives have found other members in uniform and monitored their activities. After tailing a suspected member to a funeral one day, Trotter said police saw “multiple people wearing regalia at the time the body was placed into the hearse.”

    Police are using six criteria to determine whether or not someone is a member — if they meet three, they most likely are, said Trotter.

    Requests from VICE News to various Nigerian community organizations in Toronto went unanswered or were rejected on the basis that no one had any knowledge of the organization. A priest from the Presbyterian Church of Nigeria, for example, said he knew one person who might be willing to talk, but that person refused the request.

    Public perception of the group is made all the more confusing by the image the NBM itself puts forth.

    A member of the group’s Canada zone, reached through its Facebook page, squarely rejected how police have described the organization.

    For one, the man, who would only identify himself as Obie, said NBM isn’t the same as the Black Axe, although the two names are used interchangeably in academic research and in the media. He said the NBM is a non-profit charitable community organization that started in the university system.

    “They were pure nationalists, pan Africans,” he said of the founders. “They also had a worldview that someday this organization, it will go from being just a campus organization to something that deals with contemporary world issues.”

    Gun seized by Toronto police in investigation linked to the Black Axe/photo via Toronto police

    Vehicles seized by Toronto police in investigation linked to the Black Axe/image via Toronto police

    In Canada, he said the NBM is involved in community organizing and volunteer work, adding that the group worked with Doctors Without Borders during the Ebola crisis and donated cash and toys to Toronto’s Hospital for Sick Children two or three times.

    A Sick Kids spokesperson said, however, that the organization donated toys just once, while a Doctors Without Borders Canada representative said she’s never heard of the group.

    Police have also noted a chronic habit of “over-reporting their charitable donations, and underreporting their other stuff”, according to Trotter.

    The Sick Kids donation, for example, “looks like it was a big thing” with members photographed in full regalia, but in reality, they “donated a couple of toys,” he said.

    Obie said it’s not a matter of how much was given, but “the willingness to give and to give freely without expecting anything in return.” 

    Obie also said Ighedoise was suspended as an NBM member “many months” ago, immediately after the group found out about his alleged involvement in criminal activities.

    “It is unfortunate that sometimes, some people in authority give a dog a bad name to hang it,” he wrote in an email, adding that there is “zero tolerance” for violence in the organization.

    “Any organisation that have [sic] been in existence for a remarkable length of time with diverse members are prone to have a bad egg or two, people that have a different philosophy from the organisation,” he wrote.

    A YouTube comment left under the video of the Toronto police’s press conference reflects his comments, and urges police to treat Ighedoise as a “criminal in his own personal entity.”

    “He’s not even a member because according to our records, he’s been excommunicated from the organization for over one year due to some bad conducts [...] NBM is an African organisation, and it’s none of your business as a Canadian.”

    *

    But Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Board has had to make it its business on various occasions. At least five people sought refugee status in Canada, claiming they were running from the group.

    In 2007, a Nigerian man seeking refugee status in Canada, who claimed his father forced him to join the NBM at 18, said his initiation involved being beaten and saying an oath with his eyes closed while incantations were recited around him. In 2008, another man said he had to take an oath and take part in a blood ritual that involved him cutting his own finger and sucking his own blood.

    The extremely graphic yet gleeful posts of people gruesomely murdered, hacked to death, are common in the group’s social media presence, which Toronto police say disappeared almost immediately after their October press conference.

    “One thing we talk about is the disconnect between the persona they want to have and what people perceive them as, especially in the Nigerian diaspora,” said Trotter. “You can see Axemen’s Facebook accounts back home, where they’re much less culturally sensitive, and they’ll put up pictures of guys hacked apart, and it’ll have like, 43 likes and refer to the victim as a fool.”

    He, too, has wrestled with the possibility that the Black Axe was an organization with a few bad people. On the one hand, the group has noble stated aims, he said, but there is no proof they have done anything to further those goals. 

    Meanwhile, newspapers in Nigeria are rife with claims the “Black Axe is everywhere, that they run government, that they’re used by the government as thugs and enforcers,” he said. “It’s clear there’s a presence in the government too. How do you reconcile their stated objectives with that? I can’t. What is their final goal? I can’t say.” 

    Follow Tamara Khandaker on Twitter: @anima_tk

    TOPICS: americas, crime & drugs, canada, black axe, neo black movement, toronto police, fraud, nigeria, africa

    #Canada #Nigeria #Black_Axe


  • Italy: After Cosa Nostra, Nigerian Black Axe New Foe for Police
    https://www.occrp.org/en/27-ccwatch/cc-watch-briefs/8095-aly-after-cosa-nostra-nigerian-black-axe-new-foe-for-police

    Published: Thursday, 17 May 2018 13:37
    WRITTEN BY JELTER MEERS

    Sicilian authorities that have been fighting the Cosa Nostra for decades are facing a new type of organized crime: a Nigerian sex and drug trafficking gang called Black Axe, NPR reported Wednesday.

    Black Axe members are arrested (Polizia di Stato)
    After the Cosa Nostra in Palermo had been weakened by police, the Black Axe swooped in. A bloody war between authorities and mafia in the 1990s followed by a crackdown on its leading figures created an opening for new criminal groups to take over.

    “The Nigerian organizations have settled in places where mafia groups don’t have complete control,” said Cesare Sirignano, a magistrate at the National Anti-Mafia Directorate.

    As long as they give the original gangsters a cut or “pizzo” of their drug and prostitution profits and don’t encroach on the mafia’s businesses, “the presence of the Nigerian gangs isn’t a problem for the Italian mafia groups," Sirignano said.

    In Palermo, Black Axe operate from the Ballaro neighborhood, home to the city’s oldest market where the air is filled with vendors screaming in thick Sicilian accents and the smells of fresh produce, meat, fish, olives and cheese.

    But that is not the only place where you can get a taste, or “un assaggio.”

    The Nigerian gang uses the neighborhood’s historic but rundown houses to hold the women, and sometimes underage girls, whom they force to prostitute themselves on the city streets.

    “We have shut down several houses ... most of them rundown, some of them entire old buildings in bad shape in Ballaro ... where these girls would be forced into prostitution,” said former Palermo police officer Carmine Mosca.

    On promises of good jobs, Nigerian women have been trafficked to Italy since the 1980s but there has been a spike in recent years.

    The International Organization for Migration said that in 2016 and 2017, the main nationality of people arriving by sea was Nigeria.

    They estimate that 80 percent of Nigerian women arriving in Italy are potential trafficking victims and said the number of minors is increasing.

    While authorities have the tools, such as anti-mafia laws, to combat new crime groups from their fights against local mafia, the same long struggle has made some cities more susceptible to organized crime newcomers, Sirignano said.

    #Nigeria #Black_Axe #Italie #Mafia #Prostitution


  • Refworld | Nigeria: The Black Axe confraternity, also known as the Neo-Black Movement of Africa, including their rituals, oaths of secrecy, and use of symbols or particular signs; whether they use force to recruit individuals (2009-November 2012)
    http://www.refworld.org/docid/50ebf7a82.html

    Publisher Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada
    Publication Date 3 December 2012
    Citation / Document Symbol NGA104208.E
    Related Document(s) Nigéria : information sur la Confrérie de la hache noire (Black Axe confraternity), aussi connue sous le nom de Nouveau mouvement noir d’Afrique (Neo-Black Movement of Africa), y compris ses rituels, ses serments du secret et son utilisation de symboles ou de signes distinctifs; information indiquant si elle a recours au recrutement forcé; information sur le traitement réservé par ses membres aux personnes qui s’opposent aux sectes (2009-novembre 2012)
    Cite as Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Nigeria: The Black Axe confraternity, also known as the Neo-Black Movement of Africa, including their rituals, oaths of secrecy, and use of symbols or particular signs; whether they use force to recruit individuals (2009-November 2012), 3 December 2012, NGA104208.E, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/50ebf7a82.html [accessed 30 August 2018]

    Disclaimer This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States.

    1. Background
    Sources indicate that the Black Axe confraternity is a cult (Leadership 27 July 2012; Vanguard 27 July 2012; Coventry Cathedral Feb. 2009, 10). According to Coventry Cathedral, a Church of England’s place of worship that has existed for over 1,000 years (ibid. n.d.) and that has been “extensively involved” in Nigeria since 2002, the Black Axe confraternity and some other cult groups “were formed in the 1980s as tools of the Nigerian military and they in turn formed street cult groups” (ibid. Feb. 2009, 6, 10). Corroborating information could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

    2. The Neo-Black Movement of Africa (NBM)
    Sources state that the Black Axe confraternity is also known as the Neo-Black Movement of Africa (NBM) (Daily Trust 3 May 2012; This Day 6 Jan. 2012). However, sources indicate that, according to the NBM, they are not the Black Axe confraternity nor are they a secret cult (Vanguard 11 Jan. 2012; The Guardian 30 Dec. 2009). The Coventry Cathedral states that the Black Axe confraternity is a “splinter group” of the NBM, and indicates that, since 1985, the NBM “sought to dissociate itself from the Black Axe Confraternity’s activities” (Feb. 2009, 97-98).

    According to the NBM’s website, the group was created during the 1977-1978 academic year by nine University of Benin undergraduates who were concerned about the “plight of the Black Man” (NBM n.d.). The NBM website further states that within “a decade of its existence the Movement was operational in most major tertiary institutions in Nigeria,” but later withdrew its operations from university campuses in 1994 due to the “wave of violence” at Nigerian universities that started in the late 1980s (ibid.). Coventry Cathedral indicates that NBM is not a confraternity and excludes students and fraternity members from its organization (Feb. 2009, 97). According to the NBM, they have “Zones” in most large cities across the world, and their headquarters is located in Benin City, Edo State (NBM n.d.).

    Sources indicate that the NBM is legally registered as an organization (Vanguard 11 Jan. 2012) with the Corporate Affairs Commission (Daily Trust 3 May 2012; Nigeria Daily News 30 Dec. 2009). However, sources point out that Rivers State enacted the Secret Cult and Similar Activities (Prohibition) Law in 2004 (Vanguard 19 Aug. 2007; NDPEHRD Aug. 2004, 3). The Black Axe confraternity and the NBM have been banned under this law (ibid.; CODESRIA 2011, 22).

    According to the NBM website, their objectives include: “the redirection of all minds towards Black Realism and Determinism” and teaching people discipline of the body and mind, preventing negative images of Black people, conducting research on traditional African religions, and publishing a regular magazine called Uhuru (NBM n.d.). The NBM ’s magazine Uhuru used to be called the Black Axe Magazine (ibid.). According to the website: “the Axeman (a member of the Neo Black Movement) is always expected to talk with Reason, act with Courage and behave with Grace; this has served as our code of conduct” (ibid.).

    Media sources report that the NBM:

    donated medication to health centres in Uhunmwode local government area of Edo state in March 2010 (Plus News Pakistan 31 Mar. 2010);
    organized free medical treatment, including for malaria and blood checks, to 200 people at Kwale West local government area of Delta State in January 2010 (Vanguard 4 Jan. 2010); and
    provided money for a sick abandoned baby in Ughelli, Delta state in 2009 (ibid. 24 Sept. 2009).
    3. Black Axe Confraternity Recruitment
    A 2007 Human Rights Watch report indicated that the Black Axe confraternity forcibly recruits new members (Oct. 2007, 24). Corroborating information could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

    According to Vanguard, a Lagos-based newspaper, the Edo state Police Public Relations Officer indicated that generally, cult activities are secretive (24 Jan. 2011). Information on rituals, oaths of secrecy, and use of symbols or particular signs of the Black Axe confraternity could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

    4. Black Axe Confraternity Cult Violence by State
    On 22 September 2008, the Nigerian Ministry of Education indicated that there has been an upsurge of cult-related violence in tertiary institutions across Nigeria (Nigeria 22 Sept. 2008).

    4.1 Abuja
    The Daily Trust, an Abuja-based newspaper, reports that a clash between the Black Axe confraternity and the Vikings confraternity left a student cult member of the University of Abuja injured in 2009 (7 May 2009). Vanguard also indicates that in 2009 a University of Abuja Black Axe member was arrested for attempted kidnapping of two ministers for ransom (18 Sept. 2009).

    4.2 Delta
    Leadership, an Abuja-based newspaper, states that cult activities, including Black Axe confraternity’s activities, have reached an “alarming” level in Delta state, and are “surprisingly uninterrupted in the various higher institutions in the state” (27 Oct. 2011). Leadership also indicates that rival cults clashed almost daily in January and February 2011, and reports on the death of six people (21 Feb. 2011).

    On 11 August 2011, Vanguard reported that a clash between the Black Axe confraternity and the Mafite cult resulted in the death of two Delta State University students, with unconfirmed sources indicating that five people were killed.

    4.3 Edo State
    In Benin City, Edo State, media sources reported on cult wars between the Black Axe confraternity and the Eiye [also called Eye and Aiye] confraternity which include the following accounts of violence:

    in July 2012, Leadership reported that 4 people were killed in 2 days (27 July 2012), while the Lagos-based newspaper the Guardian reported that 6 suspected cult members were killed (27 July 2012);
    in January 2012, media sources reported on the death of 8 people (This Day 6 Jan 2012; Vanguard 11 Jan. 2012);
    in May 2011, Vanguard reported that 18 people were killed (26 May 2011);
    in January 2011, Vanguard indicated that 10 people were killed (24 Jan. 2011);
    in February 2009, 7 suspected cultists were killed according to Vanguard (23 Feb. 2009);
    Plus News Pakistan indicated that in February 2009, more than 16 people were reportedly killed, including 2 university students and a prominent businessman (11 Mar. 2010).
    Media sources have also reported on cult wars involving the Black Axe confraternity and other cults, including:

    in August 2012, during a clash with the Vikings confraternity at Ambrose Alli University, two students were killed, reportedly after an altercation between a Black Axe member and an anti-cultist student (PM News 7 Aug. 2012; PTI 8 Aug. 2012);
    on 22 October 2010, Vanguard stated that during a clash with Maphite confraternity in Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, 7 people were killed, while police confirmed 3 deaths;
    in March 2010, according to Plus News Pakistan, there was a “renewed bloody clash” with Manfile confraternity (11 Mar. 2010);
    in March 2010, This Day reported that, in a war with the Markvites, 9 cult members were killed (15 Mar. 2010).
    In March 2009, the son of the Chairman of Ovia South West local government council was abducted by people suspected of being cult members (The Nation 16 Mar. 2009; Vanguard 12 Mar. 2009), including members of Black Axe (ibid.). The child was released in exchange for ransom (The Nation 16 Mar. 2009).

    4.4 Ekiti
    Media sources indicate that in July 2011, 13 students at the Ekiti State University were wounded during a clash between the Black Axe confraternity and the Aiye confraternity (Leadership 7 July 2011; Daily Trust 7 July 2011).

    4.5 Imo
    Media sources report that the principal of Holy Ghost College, Owerri survived an attempted assassination in August 2012 by suspected Black Axe members (Vanguard 27 Aug. 2012; Daily Independent 27 Aug. 2012).

    4.6 Lagos
    Vanguard reports on cult wars between the Black Axe and the Eiye confraternities in which “many people” have been killed and “several” have been wounded in March 2012 in Ijanikin, including the death of a 26 year-old who was not a member of any cult group (Vanguard 19 Mar. 2012). The newspaper adds that there are “daily killings and maiming of rival members” of Black Axe and Eiye confraternities in this area (ibid.). On 27 July 2011, 3 people were killed during a clash between the Black Axe confraternity and the Eiye confraternity in Ikorodu (Daily Independent 1 Aug. 2011; The Nation 29 July 2011).

    4.7 Nasarawa
    The Daily Trust reports that a Black Axe confraternity member killed a member of the Vikings cult in September 2011 in Lafia (20 Sept. 2011).

    4.8 Ogun
    The Daily Independent, a Lagos-based newspaper, reports that, in March 2010, in Sagamu, Ogun State, six people were killed in clashes between the Black Axe and Eiye confraternities in a less than a week, including the son of a former council chairman who was reportedly also a cult member (18 Mar. 2010).

    5. Treatment of Anti-cultists
    In correspondence with the Research Directorate, a representative of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) of Nigeria, a commission established by the Nigerian government (Nigeria n.d.a) that, among other activities, investigates complaints and provides conflict resolution services (ibid. n.d.b), indicated that the NHRC, which has not conducted “detailed” research on the Black Axe confraternity, has “limited” knowledge of this organization (5 Dec. 2012). However, according to the NHRC, the “observation of facts” indicates that

    [a]s a general rule, Black Axe and other cults do not engage in violent activities against those not involved in cult activities. They are however known to attack anti-cult campaigners through clandestine intimidation and physical attacks. (5 Dec. 2012)

    Corroborating information could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

    6. Black Axe Confraternity’s Connection to Officials
    Sources indicate that clashes between the Black Axe and Aiye confraternities in Benin City are related to the sharing of money that has been given to these cults by politicians (Leadership 27 July 2012; Vanguard 27 July 2012).

    According to a January 2011 article by Vanguard, cultists have been recruited “as thugs” by politicians during primaries (24 Jan. 2011). Leadership newspaper indicates that cults are reportedly supported by people in “high places” such as security agencies (27 Oct. 2011).

    7. State Protection
    According to the National Universities Commission, the federal government has asked the heads of tertiary institutions to take measures to curb cult violence on campuses, including: sanctioning apprehended student cultists, conducting media sensitization campaigns, creating aggressive public campaigns and increasing advocacy efforts (Nigeria 22 Sept. 2008). Further information on whether this was implemented could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.

    Media sources indicate that police arrested suspects in about ten of the incidents of violence listed in Section 4 (Daily Trust 7 May 2009; Vanguard 18 Sept. 2009; Leadership 21 Feb. 2011; This Day 6 Jan. 2012; Vanguard 26 May 2011; ibid. 24 Jan. 2011; ibid. 12 Mar. 2009; Leadership 7 July 2011; Daily Trust 7 July 2011; Vanguard 19 Mar. 2012; Daily Trust 20 Sept. 2011). Information on whether some Black Axe members were charged or sentenced for acts of violence could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate.

    Leadership indicates that, according to Nigerians living in Delta state, the federal government, the police, and traditional and religious institutions show a “lack of commitment in addressing the underlying causes of cult-related violence” (21 Feb. 2011).

    According to the Vanguard, the Edo state Police Commissioner said that the federal government is “’doing its best’” to tackle the problem of cult violence in Edo state, “’but there are areas that still need improvement’” (Vanguard 24 Jan. 2011). The Edo state Police Commissioner reportedly also said that police are facing a shortage of patrol vehicles, adding that no divisional operational department has more than one police vehicle (ibid.).

    This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim for refugee protection. Please find below the list of sources consulted in researching this Information Request.

    References
    Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA). 2011. Eghosa E. Osaghae, Augustine Ikelegbe, Omobolaji O. Olarinmoye, and Stephen I. Okhomina. Youth Militias, Self Determination and Resource Control Struggles in the Niger-delta Region of Nigeria. CODESRIA Research Report No. 5. [Accessed 15 Nov. 2012]

    Coventry Cathedral. February 2009. Stephen Davis. The Potential for Peace and Reconciliation in the Niger Delta. [Accessed 26 Sept. 2012]

    ___. N.d. “Our Heartbeat.” [Accessed 15 Nov. 2012]

    Daily Independent [Lagos]. 27 August 2012. Anolu Vincent and Bassey Inyang. “Gunmen Kill Ex-CBN Director, Nwosu, in Owerri.” [Accessed 26 Nov. 2012]

    ___. 1 August 2011. Emmanuel Nzomiwu and Femi Ogbonnikan. “Ten Die, Houses Razed in Enugu Tanker Explosion.” (Factiva)

    ___. 18 March 2010. Wisdom Patrick, Onoja Audu and Segun Adeleye. “Thirteen Killed in Fresh Jos Violence - Cult Clash Claims Six in Sagamu.” (Factiva)

    Daily Trust [Abuja]. 3 May 2012. Nurudeen Oyewole. “’21 Cult Groups Infiltrate Secondary Schools’.” (Factiva)

    ___. 20 September 2011. Hir Joseph. “State Security Services Raid Cultists Hideouts, Arrests 28 Suspects.” (Factiva)

    ___. 7 July 2011. Doyin Adebusuyi. “Pandemonium at Ekiti Varsity as Cultits Exchange Gunfire.” (Factiva)

    ___. 7 May 2009. Abubakar Sadiq Isah. “Uniabuja Expels Five Over Cult Activities.” (Factiva)

    The Guardian [Lagos]. 27 July 2012. Alemma-Ozioruva Aliu and Michael Egbejule. “Six Die in Cult Violence.” [Accessed 23 Nov. 2012]

    ___. 30 December 2009. “Nigerian Police Arrest Thirty Suspects Over Recent Violent Clashes.” (Factiva)

    Human Rights Watch. October 2007. Criminal Politics. Violence, “Godfathers” and Corruption in Nigeria. [Accessed 25 Sept. 2012]

    Leadership [Abuja]. 27 July 2012. Patrick Ochoga. “Six Feared Killed in Renewed Cult War in Edo.” (Factiva)

    ___. 27 October 2011. Kola Niyi-Eke. “Battling Cultism in Delta.” (Factiva)

    ___. 7 July 2011. Abiola Alo. “Suspected Cultists Terrorise Ekiti Varsity.” (Factiva)

    ___. 21 February 2011. Kola Niyi-Eke. “Cultists Kill Pregnant Women, 6 Others.” (Factiva)

    The Nation [Lagos]. 29 July 2011. Titilayo Banjoko. “Three Killed in Cult’s Clash.” [Accessed 26 Nov. 2012]

    ___. 16 March 2009. Osagie Otabor. “Abducted Council Boss’s Son Released.” [Accessed 26 Nov. 2012]

    Neo-Black Movement of Africa (NBM). N.d. Chima Oji. “A Brief History of Neo Black Movement of Africa.” [Accessed 15 Nov. 2012]

    Niger Delta Project for Environment, Human Rights and Development (NDPEHRD). August 2004. Small Arms Project. A Harvest of Guns. [Accessed 15 Nov. 2012]

    Nigeria. 5 December 2012. National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). Correspondence from a representative to the Research Directorate.

    ___. 22 September 2008. National Universities Commission. “FGN Steps Up Fight Against Cult-Related Violence in Tertiary Institutions.” Monday Bulletin. Vol. 3, No. 37. [Accessed 27 Sept. 2012]

    ___. N.d.a. “The Commission.” [Accessed 18 Dec. 2012]

    ___. N.d.b. “Activities of the Commission.” [Accessed 18 Dec. 2012]

    Nigeria Daily News. 30 December 2009. Tunji Omofoye (Osogbo) and Alemma-Ozioruva Aliu. “Police Arrest, Arraign 30 over Violence.” [Accessed 15 Nov. 2012]

    Plus News Pakistan. 31 March 2010. “Nigeria: NBM Donates Drugs Worth N1m to Uhunmwode LG.” (Factiva)

    ___. 11 March 2010. “Nigeria: 2 Benin-based Actors Shot Dead.” (Factiva)

    PM News [Lagos]. 7 August 2012. Jethro Ibileke. “Cult War Leaves 2 Nigerian Students Dead.” [Accessed 4 Oct. 2010]

    Press Trust of India (PTI). 8 August 2012. “Two Nigerian Students Killed in Gang Violence.” (Factiva)

    This Day [Lagos]. 6 January 2012. Adibe Emenyonu. “Eight Killed in Renewed Cult War.” (Factiva)

    ___. 15 March 2010. Adibe Emenyonu. “Another Bomb Scare in Edo.” (Factiva)

    Vanguard [Lagos]. 27 August 2012. Chidi Nkwopara. “Cleric Escapes Suspected Assassins Bullets in Owerri.” (Factiva)

    ___. 27 July 2012. Simon Ebegbulem and Gabriel Enogholase. “Three Killed in Renewed Cult War in Benin.” (Factiva)

    ___. 19 March 2012. Ifeanyi Okolie. “Police Raid Hideout of Cultists in Lagos.” (Factiva)

    ___. 11 January 2012. Simon Ebegbulem. “Group Denies Involvement in Cult War.” (Factiva)

    ___. 11 August 2011. Emma Amaize and Bulou Kosin. “Two Shot Dead as Cultists Clash in Abraka University.” (Factiva)

    ___. 26 May 2011. Simon Ebegbulem. “Police Parade 31 Suspected Cultists.” (Factiva)

    ___. 24 January 2011. Simon Ebegbulem. “How Cultists Prepared to Set Benin on Fire.” (Factiva)

    ___. 22 October 2010. Simon Ebegbulem. “Seven Die in Renewed Cult War in Ambrose Alli Varsity.” (Factiva)

    ___. 4 January 2010. Festus Ahon. “Group Gives Free Medical Treatment to 200 at Kwale.” (Factiva)

    ___. 24 September 2009. “Nigeria: Group Aids Abandoned Baby.” [Accessed 15 Nov. 2012]

    ___. 18 September 2009. Ise-Oluwa Ige. “Education, Labour Ministers Escape Kidnap Plot.” (Factiva)

    ___. 12 March 2009. Simon Ebegbulem. “Gunmen Abduct Ovia S-West LG Boss’ Son.” (Factiva)

    ___. 23 February 2009. Patience Ogbodo and Simon Ebegbulem. “Death Toll Rises to 11 in Bauchi Crisis.” (Factiva)

    ___. 19 August 2007. George Onah. “Rivers Battles 103 Cult Groups - The Genesis of Problem; Solution, by Ex-Militants.” [Accessed 15 Nov. 2012]

    Additional Sources Consulted
    Oral sources: Attempts to contact the following representatives and organizations were unsuccessful within the time constraints of this Response: author of Secret Cults in Nigeria’s Tertiary Institutions; Human Rights and Justice Group International; lecturer, School of Law, University of Leicester; National Association of Nigerian Students; National Universities Commission; Nigeria — Federal Ministry of Education; professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

    Internet sites, including: Amnesty International; ecoi.net; The Jamestown Foundation; Minority Rights Group International; Nigeria — Federal Ministry of Education; United Nations — Integrated Regional Information Network, Refworld; United States Department of State.

    Copyright notice: This document is published with the permission of the copyright holder and producer Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB). The original version of this document may be found on the offical website of the IRB at http://www.irb-cisr.gc.ca/en. Documents earlier than 2003 may be found only on Refworld.

    #Nigeria #Harmful_traditional_practices #Black_Axe #Canada


  • NBM disowns Black Axe over arrest of 120 suspected cultists NBM disowns Black Axe over arrest of 120 suspected cultists % - The Sun News– The Sun News
    http://sunnewsonline.com/nbm-disowns-black-axe-over-arrest-of-120-suspected-cultists

    12th July 2018 Adewale Sanyaolu

    The Neo Black Movement of Africa (NBM) has denied having any relationship with a group named Black Axe, saying the use of its logo by the group was an infringement on its copyright.

    Recall that the Police had, last week, arrested 120 persons alleged to be members of Black Axe group during the celebration of 777 in preparation for initiation into the group in the Ikorodu area of Lagos.

    The NBM, in a statement by its National President, Engr. Felix Kupa, said its attention had been drawn to the picture accompanying the arrest of 120 suspected cultists in Lagos, which is currently circulating in various online website and blogs, adding that NBM has no approval of any ceremony on the said date.

    ‘‘While we commend the Police Force for the prompt enforcement of law and order, we are however constrained to make this public announcement in view of our noticing a possible infringement on our organizations copyrighted names and logo in the accompanying picture.

    “For the non-discerning, the banner in the accompanying picture may seem as ours and therefore may have a damaging effect on our brand name in the eyes of those who are not able to tell the difference between the one in the picture and ours.

    “We hereby restate, as we always have when our attention is drawn to possible abuse of our names and logo by imposters.”

    The NBM said as a law-abiding organisation registered with the  Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) and which  facts have severally been reaffirmed by various courts of the Federal Republic of Nigeria have no relationship with Black Axe.

    “The banner is not ours and we state without any equivocation that none of our member is among the arrested persons.

    “We have instructed our solicitors to liaise with the police to ascertain who or those we will be pressing a case of copyright violation against.

    “We as an organisation remain resolute in the aims and objectives guiding our organisation regardless of the attempts by imposters to distract us from our chosen path.

    “We urge the Police Force to, within the context of due process; charge any infractions of the laws to the court for proper adjudication,’’ Kupa said.

    NBM disowns Black Axe over arrest of 120 suspected cultists NBM disowns Black Axe over arrest of 120 suspected cultists % - The Sun News– The Sun News
    http://sunnewsonline.com/nbm-disowns-black-axe-over-arrest-of-120-suspected-cultists

    12th July 2018 Adewale Sanyaolu

    The Neo Black Movement of Africa (NBM) has denied having any relationship with a group named Black Axe, saying the use of its logo by the group was an infringement on its copyright.

    Recall that the Police had, last week, arrested 120 persons alleged to be members of Black Axe group during the celebration of 777 in preparation for initiation into the group in the Ikorodu area of Lagos.

    The NBM, in a statement by its National President, Engr. Felix Kupa, said its attention had been drawn to the picture accompanying the arrest of 120 suspected cultists in Lagos, which is currently circulating in various online website and blogs, adding that NBM has no approval of any ceremony on the said date.

    ‘‘While we commend the Police Force for the prompt enforcement of law and order, we are however constrained to make this public announcement in view of our noticing a possible infringement on our organizations copyrighted names and logo in the accompanying picture.

    “For the non-discerning, the banner in the accompanying picture may seem as ours and therefore may have a damaging effect on our brand name in the eyes of those who are not able to tell the difference between the one in the picture and ours.

    “We hereby restate, as we always have when our attention is drawn to possible abuse of our names and logo by imposters.”

    The NBM said as a law-abiding organisation registered with the  Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) and which  facts have severally been reaffirmed by various courts of the Federal Republic of Nigeria have no relationship with Black Axe.

    “The banner is not ours and we state without any equivocation that none of our member is among the arrested persons.

    “We have instructed our solicitors to liaise with the police to ascertain who or those we will be pressing a case of copyright violation against.

    “We as an organisation remain resolute in the aims and objectives guiding our organisation regardless of the attempts by imposters to distract us from our chosen path.

    “We urge the Police Force to, within the context of due process; charge any infractions of the laws to the court for proper adjudication,’’ Kupa said.

    #Nigeria #Black_Axe