• Le #Niger et l’#Italie saluent la chute du flux de migrants africains vers l’Europe

    Le président du Niger Mahamadou Issoufou et le Premier ministre italien, Giuseppe Conte, ont salué mardi 15 janvier à Niamey le #succès de la lutte conjointe contre l’#immigration_clandestine avec la chute drastique du flux de migrants vers l’Europe depuis 2016.
    « La collaboration conjointe avec le Niger a porté ses fruits (…) le nombre de migrants qui passent par le Niger a énormément baissé. L’Italie a réussi à réduire les débarquements (de clandestins) de 80%, voire plus, en 2018 », s’est félicité Giuseppe Conte.

    https://www.jeuneafrique.com/706613/societe/le-niger-et-litalie-saluent-la-chute-du-flux-de-migrants-africains-ver
    #externalisation #migrations #asile #réfugiés #lutte_contre_l'immigration_clandestine #statistiques #chiffres


  • Au Niger, la France donne l’asile à des migrants rescapés des geôles libiennes

    Début décembre, une mission de l’Office français de protection des réfugiés et apatrides s’est délocalisée au #Niger pour examiner la situation d’environ 200 demandeurs d’asile.

    « Vous pouvez sourire ! » Cela fait une heure que Jemal raconte pourquoi il a quitté son pays, l’Erythrée, il y a quatre ans. La mort de sa mère, son père infirme, lui travaillant dans les mines d’or, la « discrimination » subie par la communauté protestante dont il fait partie, la peur d’être enrôlé de force dans l’armée… Et puis sa fuite en Ethiopie. L’attente près de deux ans dans un camp de réfugiés, puis le passage au Soudan. Il détaille comment il a été vendu par un passeur à un autre et son arrivée en Libye. Les mois de détention, la torture, par l’eau, les câbles électriques… « Souriez », répète, encourageant, l’officier de protection français. Il a placé son appareil à bonne hauteur pour tirer le portrait du demandeur d’asile. Il ne lui manque plus que cette photo d’identité pour compléter le dossier. Jemal (tous les prénoms des demandeurs d’asile ont été modifiés) a 21 ans et il voudrait obtenir la protection de la France.
    En ce début du mois de décembre, dans l’exiguïté des petits préfabriqués d’une antenne du Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) à Niamey, au Niger, ils sont autour de 200, parmi lesquels une très grande majorité d’hommes érythréens, à passer des entretiens avec des agents français. C’est la sixième mission effectuée depuis un an au Niger par l’Office français de protection des réfugiés et apatrides (Ofpra).
    Ce dispositif singulier de délocalisation de l’examen de la demande d’asile au Sahel est le fruit d’un engagement du président de la République. Le 9 octobre 2017, Emmanuel Macron s’était ainsi positionné pour accueillir, d’ici à octobre 2019, 10 000 réfugiés dans le cadre des programmes de réinstallation, dont 3 000 en provenance du Niger et du Tchad. La spécificité du Niger est qu’il reçoit des migrants évacués de Libye, après qu’ils ont été identifiés par le HCR dans des centres de détention, principalement à Tripoli.
    Horreur de la Libye
    « Même si notre mission de protection est limitée, j’y tiens beaucoup car elle permet de prendre en charge des gens très vulnérables », défendait Pascal Brice, directeur de l’Ofpra, jusqu’à fin décembre. Dans un contexte où, depuis un an, le taux de mortalité en Méditerranée centrale a plus que doublé pour les migrants qui tentent de la traverser, elle est aussi un moyen « d’éviter des drames », appuie Sophie Pegliasco, directrice de cabinet de l’Ofpra.
    Rapportés au nombre de personnes qui restent bloquées dans le pays, les quelque 2 700 migrants évacués de Libye depuis un an vers douze pays d’accueil en Occident demeurent une goutte d’eau. Près de 58 000 réfugiés et demandeurs d’asile sont enregistrés par le HCR dans le pays mais l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) des Nations unies estime à près de 700 000 le nombre de migrants présents, dont un nombre indéterminé est détenu dans des prisons sauvages, aux mains de passeurs ou de milices. Une partie de ces migrants ont pour projet de gagner l’Europe. Mais, résultat d’unesérie de mesures adoptées par l’Union européenne depuis fin 2016, l’itinéraire migratoire à travers la Méditerranée centrale s’est refermé et les arrivées en Europe depuis la Libye sont en chute libre, passées de près de 120 000 en 2017 à moins de 25 000 en 2018.
    Au fil des entretiens entre les officiers de protection et les demandeurs d’asile, auquel Le Monde a pu assister, c’est d’ailleurs l’horreur de la Libye qui est reconstituée. Ali a failli ne pas en réchapper. Comme de nombreux jeunes Erythréens, il a fui son pays notamment pour ne pas être soumis au service militaire obligatoire à durée indéterminée. Le jeune homme aurait voulu rester en Ethiopie, dans le camp de réfugiés où il a d’abord atterri. Mais porteur d’un projet de vie qui dépasse sa simple personne, « [ses] frères n’ont pas accepté », avoue-t-il. Sa famille débourse 1 700 dollars pour qu’il gagne le Soudan. Comme d’autres avant lui, Ali tombe aussitôt dans un trafic d’êtres humains. Il dit avoir été kidnappé et revendu à un Soudanais, un certain Aziz, qui détient plusieurs hangars en Libye, où les migrants sont reclus et rackettés.

    Aziz, Kidani, Mohamed… Dans les récits des personnes rescapées de Libye, « il y a des noms qui reviennent, souligne Vincent (qui a requis l’anonymat), chef de la mission Ofpra au Niger. Ce sont des gens qui souvent travaillent pour des Libyens dans des hangars où ils font régner la terreur. Cela donne l’impression d’une structuration du système. Compte tenu de l’argent en jeu, c’est logique ». Le rançonnage y est en effet systématisé. Dans le cas d’Ali, le passeur réclame 6 000 dollars en échange d’une libération et d’une traversée de la Méditerranée. Le jeune Erythréen passe six mois en détention. Il est battu, jusqu’à ce que sa famille lui transfère l’argent.
    Prisons sauvages
    Qu’ils parviennent ou non à réunir les sommes exigées, le sort des détenus demeure très aléatoire. Kidane, un Erythréen de 20 ans, également entendu par l’Ofpra, raconte au Monde les cinq mois qu’il a passés dans l’une des prisons sauvages de Beni Oualid, une commune sur la route vers le littoral libyen. « C’est le foyer des passeurs, dit-il. Ils font ce qu’ils veulent. Ils te frappent à coups de bâtons, ils te déshabillent et te jettent dans l’eau… Certains migrants restent enfermés un ou deux ans. D’autres meurent de faim parce qu’ils n’ont pas d’argent. Et même si tu paies, tu n’as aucune garantie d’être libéré. » La famille de Kidane aurait déboursé 4 000 dollars à deux reprises et en vain. Il a fini par réussir à s’échapper. Beaucoup des migrants entendus par la France au Niger ont tenté la traversée de la Méditerranée. Ali a été intercepté en mer par les garde-côtes libyens. Moussa, un Erythréen de 28 ans, aussi. Il a alors été envoyé dans un centre de détention « officiel » à Tripoli. C’est là qu’il sera repéré par le HCR, au bout de cinq mois. L’agence des Nations unies a conclu un accord avec les autorités libyennes pour pouvoir organiser des évacuations du pays depuis les centres gérés par le gouvernement où sont actuellement détenues environ 5 000 personnes.
    Kidane s’est rendu à l’un d’eux, de son plein gré, justement dans l’espoir d’être identifié par le HCR et de quitter la Libye. Il a attendu des mois, avec un millier d’autres migrants, réunis dans une seule et même pièce. « Même si j’ignorais ce qui allait se passer, au moins on ne me demandait pas d’argent. Je n’en pouvais plus d’être kidnappé par les passeurs et torturé. »
    « Dormir et attendre »
    Après l’exfiltration de la Libye, l’attente est longue encore. Moussa est arrivé au Niger en mai. Dans le centre du HCR où il est logé, « on ne fait que dormir et attendre », résume-t-il. Sur les 1 500 personnes que la France doit réinstaller depuis le pays d’ici à fin 2019, seules 352 sont déjà arrivées sur le territoire. Outre les migrants évacués de Libye, l’Ofpra auditionne aussi à Niamey des demandeurs d’asile identifiés par le HCR au Niger. A l’image de Bintou, une femme malienne arrivée en 2012, fuyant la région de Gao, dans le nord du Mali, où son village a été le théâtre de combats entre les djihadistes du Mujao et les Touareg du MNLA. Son « plus grand souhait » est d’être choisie par la France.
    Le Niger, pays parmi les plus pauvres du globe, accueille près de 60 000 réfugiés maliens qui ont fui comme Bintou le nord du pays en 2012 et près de 120 000 réfugiés nigérians qui ont fui Boko Haram à partir de 2013. Si les missions de réinstallation pilotées par le HCR sont aussi l’occasion de faire partir quelques poignées de ces réfugiés, parmi les plus vulnérables, elles génèrent par ailleurs des effets plus inattendus.
    Il y a un peu plus d’un an, au moment où le programme de réinstallation était lancé, un groupe d’environ 2 000 Soudanais originaires du Darfour est arrivé à Agadez, dans le nord du Niger. La plupart étaient descendus directement de Libye, où ils avaient transité après de longues années dans des camps de réfugiés au Tchad ou au Soudan. Certains observateurs voient dans ce mouvement un effet d’« appel d’air » créé par les missions de réinstallation, ce que dément le HCR sur place. Début décembre, plusieurs dizaines de ces réfugiés soudanais ont pourtant manifesté et organisé pendant plusieurs jours un sit-in devant les bureaux du HCR à Niamey. Ils réclamaient d’être eux aussi réinstallés en Europe ou en Amérique. Un projet qui n’est pas au programme.
    –-----------------
    Programmes de #réinstallation
    Depuis novembre 2017, douze pays occidentaux, parmi ­lesquels la France, la Belgique, le Canada et la Finlande, participent au Niger à un programme de réinstallation de réfugiés évacués par le Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) des centres de détention du gouvernement libyen. Ces Etats ont promis d’accorder l’asile à près de 5 500 migrants au total. Emmanuel ­Macron s’est engagé à accueillir en France, d’ici à la fin de l’année 2019, 10 000 réfugiés, dans le cadre des programmes de réinstallation depuis des pays du Sahel et du Proche-Orient. Parmi eux, 1 500 seront réinstallés depuis le Niger, dont une partie ayant été évacués de Libye.
    En Libye, l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) a identifié près de 700 000 migrants. Certains d’entre eux ­seulement souhaitent gagner l’Europe. En 2018, l’OIM a rapatrié plus de 16 000 migrants de Libye vers leurs pays d’origine au moyen d’un programme d’aide au retour volontaire.

    https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2019/01/05/au-niger-la-france-donne-l-asile-a-des-migrants-rescapes-de-libye_5405385_32
    #OFPRA #asile #migrations #externalisation #procédure_d'asile #réfugiés #France #délocalisation



  • Refoulés par l’Algérie vers le Niger, des réfugiés seraient “en #détresse_absolue”, selon la LADDH

    La ligue algérienne de défense des droits de l’homme (LADDH) a lancé ce lundi « un appel urgent » aux autorités algériennes, l’État du Niger, le HCR et l’OIM (organisation internationale des migrations), pour « intervenir et apporter assistance » à une cinquantaine de personnes, en majorité des syriens, refoulés vers le Niger entre le 25 et le 26 décembre.

    Selon, la LADDH (aile de M. Nourredine Benissad), citant le témoignage d’un syrien, ces personnes se trouveraient « en détresse absolue, quelque part entre l’Algérie et le Niger » et souffriraient de « faim et de froid ». « Ce refoulement vers la frontière aurait été effectué par bus avec l’implication des éléments du Croissant rouge algérien. Le groupe qui contient aussi des Palestiniens et des Yéménites, et dans lequel figurent des femmes et des enfants, notamment une femme enceinte à son neuvième mois, était en rétention dans le centre de Tamanrasset depuis plus de deux mois », relate le communiqué.

    Selon la LADDH, les ressortissants syriens sont rentrés en Algérie en septembre par la frontière du Mali. Ils se sont présentés aux services de sécurité algériens dans le but de trouver protection avant d’être placés dans le centre de rétention suite à leur condamnation par un tribunal à trois mois de prison avec sursis pour « entrée illégale » sur le territoire national.

    Tout en dénonçant ce refoulement qui a visé des demandeurs d’asile, « venus en Algérie pour chercher protection », la LADDH considère que cet acte est une « violation délibérée de la Convention de Genève sur les réfugiés ratifiée par l’Algérie ». « Le refoulement de femmes enceintes et d’enfants dans de telles conditions, constitue une violation multiple des différentes conventions internationales ratifiées par l’Algérie et peut être qualifié de crime au regard du droits international », conclut le texte.

    https://www.tsa-algerie.com/refoules-par-lalgerie-vers-le-niger-des-refugies-seraient-en-detresse-a

    #réfugiés_syriens #réfugiés #expulsions #renvois #désert #Algérie #Niger #asile #migrations


  • Das Geschäft mit den Flüchtlingen - Endstation Libyen

    Wenn sie aufgegeben haben, besteigen sie die Flugzeuge. Die Internationale Organisation für Migration (IOM) transportiert verzweifelte Flüchtlinge und Migranten zurück in ihre Heimatländer – den Senegal, Niger oder Nigeria. Es ist die Rettung vor dem sicheren Tod und gleichzeitig ein Flug zurück in die Hoffnungslosigkeit.

    Flug in die Hoffnungslosigkeit (picture-alliance / dpa / Julian Stratenschulte)

    Für die Menschen, die Tausende Kilometer nach Libyen gereist sind, um nach Europa überzusetzen, wird die EU-Grenzsicherung zunehmend zur Falle. Denn die Schleuser in Libyen haben ihr Geschäftsmodell geändert: Nun verhindern sie die Überfahrt, kassieren dafür von der EU und verkaufen die Migranten als Sklaven.

    Die Rückkehrer sind die einzigen Zeugen der Sklaverei. Alexander Bühler hat sich ihre Geschichten erzählen lassen.

    Endstation Libyen
    Das Geschäft mit den Flüchtlingen
    Von Alexander Bühler

    Regie : Thomas Wolfertz
    Es sprachen : Sigrid Burkholder, Justine Hauer, Hüseyin Michael Cirpici, Daniel Berger, Jonas Baeck und Florian Seigerschmidt
    Ton und Technik : Ernst Hartmann und Caroline Thon
    Redaktion : Wolfgang Schiller
    Produktion : Dlf/RBB 2018

    Alexander Bühler hat in Gebieten wie Syrien, Libyen, Haiti, dem Kongo und Kolumbien gearbeitet und von dort u.a. über Drogen, Waffen- und Menschenhandel berichtet. 2016 erhielt er den Deutschen Menschenrechtsfilmpreis in der Kategorie Magazinbeiträge, 2018 den Sonderpreis der Premios Ondas.

    https://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/das-geschaeft-mit-den-fluechtlingen-endstation-libyen.3720.de.

    #migrations #UE #externalisation #contrôles_frontaliers #frontières #désert #Sahara #Libye #gardes-côtes_libyens #Tunisie #Niger #OIM (#IOM) #évacuation #retour_volontaire #réinstallation #Côte_d'Ivoire #traite #traite_d'êtres_humains #esclavage #marchandise_humaine #viol #trauma #traumatisme #audio #interview #Dlf

    @cdb_77, j’ai trouvé la super !!! métaliste sur :
    externalisation, contrôles_frontaliers, frontières, migrations, réfugiés...juste que ce reportage parle de tellement de sujets que j’arrive pas à choisir le fil - peut-être ajouter en bas de la métaliste ? Mais le but n’est pas de faire une métaliste pour ajouter des commentaires non ? En tout cas c’est très bien fait cette reportage je trouve ! ...un peu dommage que c’est en allemand...


  • Software spia, le nuove armi africane

    Ufficialmente introdotti contro il terrorismo, sono usati anche per controllare dissidenti politici.

    Almeno dal 2009 l’Egitto è tra i principali acquirenti di strumentazioni per la sorveglianza di massa. #Software intrusivi che si possono agganciare ai telefonini oppure alle mail e tracciare così i comportamenti di chiunque. Specialmente se considerato un nemico politico dal regime. Al Cairo, dopo la primavera araba, si è abbattuto un rigido inverno dei diritti: oppositori politici, sindacalisti, persino ricercatori universitari come Giulio Regeni sono stati fatti sparire, ammazzati o torturati. Per fare tutto questo, le agenzia di sicurezza hanno spiato i loro bersagli attraverso sistemi informatici. Tra le aziende, chi ha fatturato vendendo gli strumenti per spiare i nemici politici, c’è l’italiana #Hacking_Team, le cui mail sono state rese pubbliche da una maxi fuga di notizie nel luglio 2015.

    L’Egitto non è l’unico paese africano a fare uso di questo tipo di tecnologie. In particolare in Africa, questo genere di strumenti per tenere sotto controllo la popolazione stanno diventando una costante. Sono l’ultima frontiera del mercato delle armi. Nemico ufficiale contro cui utilizzarle: il terrorismo, che si chiami Al Shabaab, Boko Haram, Isis. In pratica, da semplici persone “sospette” a dissidenti politici.

    Una stima di Markets and Markets del 2014 prevede che per il 2019 il mercato delle “intercettazioni” varrà 1,3 miliardi di dollari. E accanto a questo corre un mercato nero dalle dimensioni inimmaginabili, dove ogni transazione avviene nel deep web, il doppio fondo del contenitore di internet. Senza bisogno di autorizzazioni, né di sistemi di licenze, come invece previsto dalle normative di tutto il mondo. I paesi africani sono tra i nuovi agguerriti compratori di queste armi 2.0, di fabbricazione per lo più israeliana ed europea.

    La mappa degli spioni

    L’utilizzo e la vendita di questi sistemi – proprio come per le armi – in diversi paesi è schermato dal segreto militare, nonostante il “duplice uso” (civile e militare) che possono avere questi strumenti. Detti, appunto, dual-use. L’inchiesta Security for Sale (https://irpi.eu/sicurezza-vendesi), condotta in febbraio da 22 giornalisti europei, ha individuato i principali importatori di tecnologie intrusive in Africa. La lista è lunga: oltre il Kenya, di cui Osservatorio Diritti ha già parlato, e l’Egitto, l’esempio più famoso, ci sono Libia (ancora sotto Gheddafi, ndr), Etiopia, Nigeria, Sudan, Sudafrica, Mauritania e Uganda.
    #Kenya #Libye #Ethiopie #Nigeria #Soudan

    In Mauritania è in carcere da due anni il cittadino italiano #Cristian_Provvisionato per una vendita di sistemi di intercettazione finita male. Provvisionato, una guardia giurata che non sarebbe mai stata in grado di vendere sistemi di questo genere, avrebbe dovuto presentare ai mauritani un sistema di intercettazione per Whatsapp, che la sua azienda – Vigilar – avrebbe a sua volta acquistato attraverso la società indiano-tedesca Wolf Intelligence. Bersaglio del sistema sarebbero dovuti essere terroristi attivi al confine mauritano, per quanto diverse organizzazioni internazionali abbiano sollevato riserve rispetto al possibile utilizzo di sistemi del genere in un paese che viola i diritti umani.
    #Mauritanie

    L’accusa nei confronti di Cristian Provvisionato, cioè truffa, non regge perché il cittadino italiano era all’oscuro, come è stato comprovato da più ricostruzioni giornalistiche, di ciò che stava presentando in Mauritania. Aveva accettato il lavoro perché gli era stato promesso che sarebbe stato veloce, pulito e con un buon guadagno. Invece si trova ancora dietro le sbarre. Per il caso Provvisionato la magistratura milanese ha aperto un’inchiesta che coinvolge anche #Vigilar e #Wolf_Intelligence. Il partner israeliano dei due è una delle aziende da sempre competitor di Hacking Team.

    La stessa Hacking Team ha venduto ad altri regimi autoritari africani (scarica la ricerca del centro studi CitizenLab – università di Toronto). Il caso più clamoroso è quello dei servizi segreti del Sudan, che nel 2012, prima che entrasse in vigore qualunque embargo, hanno acquistato merce per 960 mila euro. Anche le Nazioni Unite, nel 2014, quando è entrato in vigore l’embargo con il Sudan, hanno fatto domande ad Hacking Team in merito alle relazioni commerciali con le forze d’intelligence militare del Paese.
    #Soudan #services_secrets

    Nello stesso 2012 una compagnia britannica aveva iniziato a vendere software intrusivi alle forze militari dell’Uganda. Era l’inizio di un’operazione di spionaggio di alcuni leader politici dell’opposizione che arrivava, denunciavano media locali nel 2015, fino al ricatto di alcuni di loro. Paese di fabbricazione del software spia, come spesso accade, Israele.
    #Ouganda

    Il Sudafrica è un caso a sé: da un lato importatore, dall’altro esportatore di tecnologie-spia. Il primo fornitore di questo genere di software per il Sudafrica è la Gran Bretagna, mentre il mercato di riferimento a cui vendere è quello africano. Il Paese ha anche una propria azienda leader nel settore. Si chiama #VASTech e il suo prodotto di punta è #Zebra, un dispositivo in grado di intercettare chiamate vocali, sms e mms.
    #Afrique_du_sud

    Nel 2013 Privacy International, un’organizzazione internazionale con base in Gran Bretagna che si occupa di privacy e sorveglianza di massa, ha scoperto una fornitura di questo software alla Libia di Gheddafi, nel 2011, nel periodo in cui è stato registrato il picco di attività di spionaggio (dato confermato da Wikileaks). Eppure, dal 2009 al 2013 solo 48 potenziale contravvenzioni sono finite sotto indagine del Ncac, l’ente governativo preposto a questo genere di controlli.

    Il settore, però, nello stesso lasso di tempo ha avuto un boom incredibile, arrivando nel solo 2012 a 4.407 licenze di esportazione per 94 paesi in totale. Il mercato vale circa 8 miliardi di euro. In Sudafrica sono in corso proteste per chiedere le dimissioni del presidente Jacob Zuma, coinvolto in diversi casi di corruzione e ormai considerato impresentabile. È lecito pensare che anche questa volta chi manifesta sia tenuto sotto osservazione da sistemi di sorveglianza.


    https://www.osservatoriodiritti.it/2017/05/08/software-spia-le-nuove-armi-africane
    #Afrique #surveillance #interception #surveillance_de_masse #Egypte #business

    ping @fil

    • Security for sale

      The European Union has deep pockets when it comes to security. Major defense contractors and tech giants compete for generous subsidies, to better protect us from crime and terrorism. At least that’s the idea. But who really benefits? The public or the security industry itself?

      Over the past year, we’ve worked with more than twenty journalists in eleven European countries to investigate this burgeoning sector. We quickly discovered that the European security industry is primarily taking good care of itself – often at the expense of the public.

      In this crash course Security for Sale, we bring you up to speed on EU policy makers and industry big shots who’ve asserted themselves as “managers of unease,” on the lobbies representing major defense companies, on the billions spent on security research, and on the many ethical issues surrounding the European security industry.

      “Security for sale” is a journalistic project coordinated by Dutch newspaper De Correspondent and IRPI collaborated for the Italian context. The webportal of “Security for Sale” collects all articles produced within the project in several languages.

      https://irpi.eu/en/security-for-sale

    • Lawful Interception Market worth $1,342.4 Million by 2019

      The report “Lawful Interception Market by Network Technologies and Devices ( VOIP, LTE, WLAN, WIMAX, DSL, PSTN, ISDN, CDMA, GSM, GPRS, Mediation Devices, Routers, Management Servers); Communication Content; End Users - Global Advancement, Worldwide Forecast & Analysis (2014-2019)” defines and segments the LI market on the basis of devices, network technologies, communication content, and services with in-depth analysis and forecasting of revenues. It also identifies drivers and restraints for this market with insights on trends, opportunities, and challenges.

      Browse 80 market tables and 23 figures spread through 177 pages and in-depth TOC on “Lawful Interception Market by Network Technologies and Devices ( VOIP, LTE, WLAN, WIMAX, DSL, PSTN, ISDN, CDMA, GSM, GPRS, Mediation Devices, Routers, Management Servers); Communication Content; End Users - Global Advancement, Worldwide Forecast & Analysis (2014-2019)”
      https://www.marketsandmarkets.com/Market-Reports/lawful-interception-market-1264.html
      Early buyers will receive 10% customization on reports.

      Lawful Interception (LI) has been proven to be very helpful for the security agencies or Law Enforcement Agencies (LEAs) for combating terrorism and criminal activities. Across the world, countries have adopted such legislative regulations and made it compulsory for the operators to make LI-enabled communication network. Since the advancement of communication channels and network technologies over the period of time, the interception techniques have also enhanced for variety of communications such as Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP), web-traffic, Electronic Mail (Email), and more. Now, the interception is possible for all networks that deliver voice, data, and Internet services.

      Sophisticated communication channels and advanced network technologies are the major driving factors for the LI market. Nowadays, communication can be done in various forms such as voice, text, video, and many more. To transfer these types of data, network technologies need to constantly upgrade. The different types of network technologies that can be intercepted are VoIP, LTE, WLAN, WiMax, DSL, PSTN, ISDN, CDMA, GSM, and GPRS, are discussed in this report.

      MarketsandMarkets has broadly segmented the LI market by devices such as management servers, mediation devices, Intercept Access Points (IAP), switches, routers, gateways, and Handover Interfaces (HIs). The LI market is also segmented on the basis of communication contents and networking technology. By regions: North America (NA), Europe (EU), Asia Pacific (APAC), Middle East and Africa (MEA), and Latin America (LA).

      The LI market is expected to grow at a rapid pace in the regional markets of APAC and MEA. The investments in security in APAC and MEA are attracting the players operating in the LI market. These regions would also be the highest revenue generating markets in the years to come. Considerable growth is expected in the NA and European LI markets. New wireless network and network technologies like LTE, WiMax, NGN, and many more are expected to be the emerging technological trends in the LI market.

      MarketsandMarkets forecasts the Lawful Interception market to grow from $251.5 million in 2014 to $1,342.4 million by 2019. In terms of regions, North America and Europe are expected to be the biggest markets in terms of revenue contribution, while Asia-Pacific, Middle East and Africa, and Latin America are expected to experience increased market traction, during the forecast period.

      About MarketsandMarkets

      MarketsandMarkets is a global market research and consulting company based in the U.S. We publish strategically analyzed market research reports and serve as a business intelligence partner to Fortune 500 companies across the world.

      MarketsandMarkets also provides multi-client reports, company profiles, databases, and custom research services. M&M covers thirteen industry verticals, including advanced materials, automotives and transportation, banking and financial services, biotechnology, chemicals, consumer goods, energy and power, food and beverages, industrial automation, medical devices, pharmaceuticals, semiconductor and electronics, and telecommunications and IT.

      We at MarketsandMarkets are inspired to help our clients grow by providing apt business insight with our huge market intelligence repository.

      https://www.marketsandmarkets.com/PressReleases/lawful-interception.asp

    • Antiterrorismo con licenza d’uccidere

      Kenya osservato speciale: le ong parlano di vittime, sparizioni e intercettazioni diffuse.

      Da gennaio a ottobre 2016 in Kenya sono state uccise dalle forze dell’ordine 177 persone. Lo scrive nel suo rapporto annuale 2016/2017 la ong Amnesty international. Uccisioni stragiudiziali per mano delle cosiddette Kenyan Death Squads, gli squadroni della morte in azione contro presunti terroristi. A risalire la catena di comando, si arriva fino ai piani alti del governo, come aveva raccontato Al Jazeera in un’inchiesta del 2015.

      Il Kenya ha conosciuto il terrorismo di matrice jihadista alla fine del 1998, all’epoca della prima bomba all’ambasciata americana di Nairobi: un attentato che ha lanciato nel mondo il marchio Al Qaeda. Il Paese è passato attraverso centinaia di attentati e oggi il terrorismo si chiama Al-Shabaab (leggi “Al-Shabaab avanza in Somalia”). Ma i presunti terroristi sono solo una parte delle vittime degli squadroni della morte: anche avvocati, attivisti e oppositori politici sono finiti sulla lista dei torturati e uccisi. Fare leva sulla paura dei cittadini, in Kenya, è facile.

      Dal 2010 al 2015 si ha notizia di almeno 500 persone fatte sparire da questi nuclei interni di alcuni corpi speciali delle forze dell’ordine del Kenya. Operazioni supervisionate dal Nis, i servizi segreti, svolte poi da agenti della Criminal investigation division (Cid), oppure dall’unità Recce o ancora dalle Kenyan Defence Forces. «Si potrebbero chiamare “morti accettabili”», dice un ufficiale dei servizi segreti kenyoti intervistato sulla vicenda da un ricercatore della ong Privacy International.

      INTERCETTAZIONI DIFFUSE

      E l’argomento “terrorismo” è sufficiente a giustificare un sistema d’intercettazioni persistente, dove non esiste comunicazione che non sia tracciata, né supporti informatici che le forze dell’ordine non possano acquisire. Tutto il meccanismo per rintracciare “i nemici” passerebbe dalle comunicazioni telefoniche, ignorando qualunque norma costituzionale kenyota. «Gli ufficiali che abbiamo intervistato hanno ammesso che spesso si finisce sotto intercettazione per motivi politici e non solo per presunte attività di terrorismo», continua il ricercatore di Privacy International che ha curato il report “Traccia, cattura, uccidi” (per motivi di sicurezza, non è possibile rivelare il suo nome).

      Le forze speciali del Kenya avrebbero una presenza stabile all’interno delle compagnie telefoniche del paese. «Agenti Nis sono informalmente presenti nelle strutture per le telecomunicazioni, apparentemente sotto copertura», si legge nel rapporto. Elementi che sarebbero stati confermati da dipendenti di compagnie telefoniche e agenti. «I dipendenti hanno paura che negare l’accesso possa avere delle ripercussioni», aggiunge il ricercatore.

      Safaricom è la più importante compagnia telefonica del paese: controlla oltre il 60% del mercato della telefonia kenyota. Azionista di maggioranza è Vodafone e secondo il rapporto al suo interno ci sarebbero dieci agenti della Cid. Attraverso un’interfaccia, avrebbero libero accesso al database interno in cui sono registrate telefonate, proprietari, transazioni monetarie attraverso la rete mobile. Un universo.

      Questo è quello che raccontano le fonti interne scovate da Privacy International. Mentre Safaricom, ufficialmente, nega questo flusso di informazioni. L’amministratore delegato di Safaricom, Bob Collymore, tra gli uomini più ricchi del Kenya, ha risposto alla ong sostenendo che la sua azienda «non ha relazioni con Nis riferite alla sorveglianza delle comunicazioni in Kenya e non ci sono ufficiali Nis impiegati nell’azienda, ufficialmente o sotto copertura».

      Il Kenya acquista all’estero le strumentazioni di cui è dotato il sistema di intercettazioni in funzione nel paese. «Le fonti a cui abbiamo avuto accesso nominavano aziende inglesi ed israeliane, ma non sanno come funziona l’acquisto degli strumenti per intercettazioni», aggiunge il ricercatore di Privacy International. Gli strumenti più diffusi sono i famosi IMSI Catcher. All’apparenza, delle semplice valigette con un involucro nero all’estero, rinforzato. In realtà sono delle antenne attraverso cui è possibile intercettare telefonate effettuate nel raggio di circa 300 metri.

      Ci sono poi anche software intrusivi, che agganciano il telefono una volta che l’utente apre uno specifico messaggio via Sms o WhatsApp. Nel 2015 le rivelazioni su Hacking Team, l’azienda milanese che vendeva in mezzo mondo dei software spia, avevano permesso di scoprire anche trattative in corso con forze speciali del Kenya. Gli obiettivi dello spionaggio sarebbero stati uomini legati all’opposizione.

      https://www.osservatoriodiritti.it/2017/04/12/antiterrorismo-con-licenza-di-uccidere
      #anti-terrorisme #opposition #opposants_au_régime #persécution


  • Eni Nigeria, la licenza #Opl_245 «priva il Paese di 6 miliardi di dollari»

    Shell ed Eni, secondo un report del centro di ricerche Rdc, hanno siglato un contratto per la licenza estrattiva di petrolio Opl 245 ingiusto sul piano del regime fiscale. Un danno enorme per la Nigeria, che corrisponderebbe a un biennio di spesa pubblica per istruzione e sanità. Le due compagnie criticano la metodologia usata dal report

    https://www.osservatoriodiritti.it/2018/12/03/eni-nigeria-6-miliardi

    #extractivisme #Eni #néo-colonialisme #Shell #Nigeria #pauvreté #licence #fiscalité #fisc #entrées_fiscales #pétrole

    Pour télécharger le #rapport:
    Government Revenues from OPL245 Assessing the Impact of Different Fiscal Terms
    https://www.osservatoriodiritti.it/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Eni-Nigeria-Rdc-Opl245.pdf



  • Detainees Evacuated out of Libya but Resettlement Capacity Remains Inadequate

    According to the United Nations Refugee Agency (#UNHCR) 262 migrants detained in Libya were evacuated to Niger on November 12- the largest evacuation from Libya carried out to date. In addition to a successful airlift of 135 people in October this year, this brings the total number of people evacuated to more than 2000 since December 2017. However Amnesty International describes the resettlement process from Niger as slow and the number of pledges inadequate.

    The evacuations in October and November were the first since June when the Emergency Transit Mechanism (ETM) centre in Niger reached its full capacity of 1,536 people, which according to Amnesty was a result of a large number of people “still waiting for their permanent resettlement to a third country.”

    57,483 refugees and asylum seekers are registered by UNHCR in Libya; as of October 2018 14,349 had agreed to Voluntary Humanitarian Return. Currently 3,886 resettlement pledges have been made by 12 states, but only 1,140 have been resettled.

    14,595 people have been intercepted by the Libyan coast guard and taken back to Libya, however it has been well documented that their return is being met by detention, abuse, violence and torture. UNHCR recently declared Libya unsafe for returns amid increased violence in the capital, while Amnesty International has said that “thousands of men, women and children are trapped in Libya facing horrific abuses with no way out”.

    In this context, refugees and migrants are currently refusing to disembark in Misrata after being rescued by a cargo ship on November 12, reportedly saying “they would rather die than be returned to land”. Reuters cited one Sudanese teenager on board who stated “We agree to go to any place but not Libya.”

    UNHCR estimates that 5,413 refugees and migrants remain detained in #Directorate_for_Combatting_Illegal_Migration (#DCIM) centres and the UN Refugee Agency have repetedly called for additional resettlement opportunities for vulnerable persons of concern in Libya.

    https://www.ecre.org/detainees-evacuated-out-of-libya-but-resettlement-capacity-remains-inadequate
    #réinstallation #Niger #Libye #évacuation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #HCR #détention #centres_de_détention

    • ET DES INFORMATIONS PLUS ANCIENNES DANS LE FIL CI-DESSOUS

      Libya: evacuations to Niger resumed – returns from Niger begun

      After being temporarily suspended in March as the result of concerns from local authorities on the pace of resettlement out of Niger, UNHCR evacuations of vulnerable refugees and asylum seekers from Libya through the Emergency Transit Mechanism has been resumed and 132 vulnerable migrants flown to the country. At the same time the deportation of 132 Sudanese nationals from Niger to Libya has raised international concern.

      Niger is the main host for refugees and asylum seekers from Libya evacuated by UNHCR. Since the UN Refugee Agency began evacuations in cooperation with EU and Libyan authorities in November 2017, Niger has received 1,152 of the 1,474 people evacuated in total. While UNHCR has submitted 475 persons for resettlement a modest 108 in total have been resettled in Europe. According to UNHCR the government in Niger has now offered to host an additional 1,500 refugees from Libya through the Emergency Transit Mechanism and upon its revival and the first transfer of 132 refugees to Niger, UNHCR’s Special Envoy for the Central Mediterranean Situation, Vincent Cochetel stated: “We now urgently need to find resettlement solutions for these refugees in other countries.”

      UNHCR has confirmed the forced return by authorities in Niger of at least 132 of a group of 160 Sudanese nationals arrested in the migrant hub of Agadez, the majority after fleeing harsh conditions in Libya. Agadez is known as a major transit hub for refugees and asylum seekers seeking passage to Libya and Europe but the trend is reversed and 1,700 Sudanese nationals have fled from Libya to Niger since December 2017. In a mail to IRIN News, Human Rights Watch’s associate director for Europe and Central Asia, Judith Sunderland states: “It is inhuman and unlawful to send migrants and refugees back to Libya, where they face shocking levels of torture, sexual violence, and forced labour,” with reference to the principle of non-refoulement.

      According to a statement released by Amnesty International on May 16: “At least 7,000 migrants and refugees are languishing in Libyan detention centres where abuse is rife and food and water in short supply. This is a sharp increase from March when there were 4,400 detained migrants and refugees, according to Libyan officials.”

      https://www.ecre.org/libya-evacuations-to-niger-resumed-returns-from-niger-begun

    • Libya: return operations running but slow resettlement is jeopardizing the evacuation scheme

      According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM) 15.000 migrants have been returned from Libya to their country of origin and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has assisted in the evacuation of more than 1,300 refugees from Libya thereby fulfilling the targets announced at the AU-EU-UN Taskforce meeting in December 2017. However, a modest 25 of the more than 1000 migrants evacuated to Niger have been resettled to Europe and the slow pace is jeopardizing further evacuations.

      More than 1000 of the 1300 migrants evacuated from Libya are hosted by Niger and Karmen Sakhr, who oversees the North Africa unit at the UNHCR states to the EU Observer that the organisation: “were advised that until more people leave Niger, we will no longer be able to evacuate additional cases from Libya.”

      During a meeting on Monday 5 March with the Civil Liberties Committee and Foreign Affairs Committee MEPs, members of the Delegation for relations with Maghreb countries, Commission and External Action Service representatives on the mistreatment of migrants and refugees in Libya, and arrangements for their resettlement or return, UNHCR confirmed that pledges have been made by France, Switzerland, Italy, Norway, Sweden and Malta as well as unspecified non-EU countries but that security approvals and interviewing process of the cases is lengthy resulting in the modest number of resettlements, while also warning that the EU member states need to put more work into resettlement of refugees, and that resettlement pledges still fall short of the needs. According to UNHCR 430 pledges has been made by European countries.

      An estimated 5000 people are in government detention and an unknown number held by private militias under well documented extreme conditions.

      https://www.ecre.org/libya-return-operations-running-but-slow-resettlement-is-jeopardizing-the-evac

    • Libya: migrants and refugees out by plane and in by boat

      The joint European Union (EU), African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN) Task Force visited Tripoli last week welcoming progress made evacuating and returning migrants and refugees out of Libya. EU has announced three new programmes, for protecting migrants and refugees in Libya and along the Central Mediterranean Route, and their return and reintegration. Bundestag Research Services and NGOs raise concerns over EU and Member State support to Libyan Coast Guard.

      Representatives of the Task Force, created in November 2017, met with Libyan authorities last week and visited a detention centres for migrants and a shelter for internally displaced people in Tripoli. Whilst they commended progress on Voluntary Humanitarian Returns, they outlined a number of areas for improvement. These include: comprehensive registration of migrants at disembarkation points and detention centres; improving detention centre conditions- with a view to end the current system of arbitrary detention; decriminalizing irregular migration in Libya.

      The three new programmes announced on Monday, will be part of the European Union Emergency Trust Fund for Africa. €115 million will go towards evacuating 3,800 refugees from Libya, providing protection and voluntary humanitarian return to 15,000 migrants in Libya and will support the resettlement of 14,000 people in need of international protection from Niger, Chad, Cameroon and Burkina Faso. €20 million will be dedicated to improving access to social and protection services for vulnerable migrants in transit countries in the Sahel region and the Lake Chad basin. €15 million will go to supporting sustainable reintegration for Ethiopian citizens.

      A recent report by the Bundestag Research Services on SAR operations in the Mediterranean notes the support for the Libyan Coast Guard by EU and Member States in bringing refugees and migrants back to Libya may be violating the principle of non-refoulement as outlined in the Geneva Convention: “This cooperation must be the subject of proceedings before the European Court of Human Rights, because the people who are being forcibly returned with the assistance of the EU are being inhumanely treated, tortured or killed.” stated Andrej Hunko, European policy spokesman for the German Left Party (die Linke). A joint statement released by SAR NGO’s operating in the Mediterranean calls on the EU institutions and leaders to stop the financing and support of the Libyan Coast Guard and the readmissions to a third country which violates fundamental human rights and international law.

      According to UNHCR, there are currently 46,730 registered refugees and asylum seekers in Libya. 843 asylum seekers and refugees have been released from detention so far in 2018. According to IOM 9,379 people have been returned to their countries of origin since November 2017 and 1,211 have been evacuated to Niger since December 2017.

      https://www.ecre.org/libya-migrants-and-refugees-out-by-plane-and-in-by-boat

      Complément de Emmanuel Blanchard (via la mailing-list Migreurop):

      Selon le HCR, il y aurait actuellement environ 6000 personnes détenues dans des camps en Libye et qui seraient en attente de retour ou de protection (la distinction n’est pas toujours très claire dans la prose du HCR sur les personnes à « évacuer » vers le HCR...). Ces données statistiques sont très fragiles et a priori très sous-estimées car fondées sur les seuls camps auxquels le HCR a accès.

    • First group of refugees evacuated from new departure facility in Libya

      UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, in coordination with Libyan authorities, evacuated 133 refugees from Libya to Niger today after hosting them at a Gathering and Departure Facility (GDF) in Tripoli which opened on Tuesday.

      Most evacuees, including 81 women and children, were previously detained in Libya. After securing their release from five detention centres across Libya, including in Tripoli and areas as far as 180 kilometres from the capital, they were sheltered at the GDF until the arrangements for their evacuation were concluded.

      The GDF is the first centre of its kind in Libya and is intended to bring vulnerable refugees to a safe environment while solutions including refugee resettlement, family reunification, evacuation to emergency facilities in other countries, return to a country of previous asylum, and voluntary repatriation are sought for them.

      “The opening of this centre, in very difficult circumstances, has the potential to save lives. It offers immediate protection and safety for vulnerable refugees in need of urgent evacuation, and is an alternative to detention for hundreds of refugees currently trapped in Libya,” said UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi.

      The centre is managed by the Libyan Ministry of Interior, UNHCR and UNHCR’s partner LibAid. The initiative is one of a range of measures needed to offer viable alternatives to the dangerous boat journeys undertaken by refugees and migrants along the Central Mediterranean route.

      With an estimated 4,900 refugees and migrants held in detention centres across Libya, including 3,600 in need of international protection, the centre is a critical alternative to the detention of those most vulnerable.

      The centre, which has been supported by the EU and other donors, has a capacity to shelter up to 1,000 vulnerable refugees identified for solutions out of Libya.

      At the facility, UNHCR and partners are providing humanitarian assistance such as accommodation, food, medical care and psychosocial support. Child friendly spaces and dedicated protection staff are also available to ensure that refugees and asylum-seekers are adequately cared for.

      https://www.unhcr.org/news/press/2018/12/5c09033a4/first-group-refugees-evacuated-new-departure-facility-libya.html

    • Migration : à Niamey, des migrants rapatriés de Libye protestent contre leurs conditions de séjour

      Les manifestants protestent contre leur détention de vie qu’ils jugent « déplorables » et pour amplifier leurs mouvements, ils ont brandi des pancartes sur lesquelles ils ont écrit leurs doléances. Les migrants manifestant s’indignent également de leur séjour qui ne cesse de se prolonger, sans véritable alternatives ou visibilité sur leur situation. « Ils nous ont ramené de la Libye pour nous laisser à nous-mêmes ici », « on ne veut pas rester ici, laisser nous partir là où on veut », sont entre autres les slogans que les migrants ont scandés au cours de leur sit-in devant les locaux de l’agence onusienne. Plusieurs des protestataires sont venus à la manifestation avec leurs bagages et d’autres avec leurs différents papiers, qui attestent de leur situation de réfugiés ou demandeurs d’asiles.

      La situation, quoique déplorable, n’a pas manqué de susciter divers commentaires. Il faut dire que depuis le début de l’opération de rapatriement des migrants en détresse de Libye, ils sont des centaines à vivre dans la capitale mais aussi à Agadez où des centres d’accueil sont mis à leurs dispositions par les agences onusiennes (UNHCR, OIM), avec la collaboration des autorités nigériennes. Un certain temps, leur présence de plus en plus massive dans divers quartiers de la capitale où des villas sont mises à leur disposition, a commencé à inquiéter les habitants sur d’éventuels risques sécuritaires.

      Le gouvernement a signé plusieurs accords et adopté des lois pour lutter contre l’immigration clandestine. Il a aussi signé des engagements avec certains pays européens notamment la France et l’Italie, pour l’accueil temporaire des réfugiés en provenance de la Libye et en transit en attendant leur réinstallation dans leur pays ou en Europe pour ceux qui arrivent à obtenir le sésame pour l’entrée. Un geste de solidarité décrié par certaines ONG et que les autorités regrettent presque à demi-mot, du fait du non-respect des contreparties financières promises par les bailleurs et partenaires européens. Le pays fait face lui-même à un afflux de réfugiés nigérians et maliens sur son territoire, ainsi que des déplacés internes dans plusieurs régions, ce qui complique davantage la tâche dans cette affaire de difficile gestion de la problématique migratoire.

      Le Niger accueille plusieurs centres d’accueil pour les réfugiés et demandeurs d’asiles rapatriés de Libye. Le 10 décembre dernier, l’OFPRA français a par exemple annoncé avoir achevé une nouvelle mission au Niger avec l’UNHCR, et qui a concerné 200 personnes parmi lesquelles une centaine évacuée de Libye. En novembre dernier, le HCR a également annoncé avoir repris les évacuations de migrants depuis la Libye, avec un contingent de 132 réfugiés et demandeurs d’asiles vers le Niger.

      Depuis novembre 2017, le HCR a assuré avoir effectué vingt-trois (23) opérations d’évacuation au départ de la Libye et ce, « malgré d’importants problèmes de sécurité et les restrictions aux déplacements qui ont été imposées ». En tout, ce sont 2.476 réfugiés et demandeurs d’asile vulnérables qui ont pu être libérés et acheminés de la Libye vers le Niger (2.069), l’Italie (312) et la Roumanie (95).


      https://www.actuniger.com/societe/14640-migration-a-niamey-des-migrants-rapatries-de-libye-protestent-contr

      Je découvre ici que les évacuations se sont faites aussi vers l’#Italie et... la #Roumanie !

    • Destination Europe: Evacuation. The EU has started resettling refugees from Libya, but only 174 have made it to Europe in seven months

      As the EU sets new policies and makes deals with African nations to deter hundreds of thousands of migrants from seeking new lives on the continent, what does it mean for those following dreams northwards and the countries they transit through? From returnees in Sierra Leone and refugees resettled in France to smugglers in Niger and migrants in detention centres in Libya, IRIN explores their choices and challenges in this multi-part special report, Destination Europe.

      Four years of uncontrolled migration starting in 2014 saw more than 600,000 people cross from Libya to Italy, contributing to a populist backlash that is threatening the foundations of the EU. Stopping clandestine migration has become one of Europe’s main foreign policy goals, and last July the number of refugees and migrants crossing the central Mediterranean dropped dramatically. The EU celebrated the reduced numbers as “good progress”.

      But, as critics pointed out, that was only half the story: the decline, resulting from a series of moves by the EU and Italy, meant that tens of thousands of people were stuck in Libya with no way out. They faced horrific abuse, and NGOs and human rights organisations accused the EU of complicity in the violations taking place.

      Abdu is one who got stuck. A tall, lanky teenager, he spent nearly two years in smugglers’ warehouses and official Libyan detention centres. But he’s also one of the lucky ones. In February, he boarded a flight to Niger run (with EU support) by the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, to help some of those stranded in Libya reach Europe. Nearly 1,600 people have been evacuated on similiar flights, but, seven months on, only 174 have been resettled to Europe.

      The evacuation programme is part of a €500-million ($620-million) effort to resettle 50,000 refugees over the next two years to the EU, which has a population of more than 500 million people. The target is an increase from previous European resettlement goals, but still only represents a tiny fraction of the need – those chosen can be Syrians in Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon as well as refugees in Libya, Egypt, Niger, Chad, Sudan, and Ethiopia – countries that combined host more than 6.5 million refugees.

      The EU is now teetering on the edge of a fresh political crisis, with boats carrying people rescued from the sea being denied ports of disembarkation, no consensus on how to share responsibility for asylum seekers and refugees within the continent, and increasing talk of further outsourcing the management of migration to African countries.

      Against this backdrop, the evacuation and resettlement programme from Libya is perhaps the best face of European policy in the Mediterranean. But, unless EU countries offer more spots for refugees, it is a pathway to safety for no more than a small handful who get the luck of the draw. As the first evacuees adjust to their new lives in Europe, the overwhelming majority are left behind.

      Four months after arriving in Niger, Abdu is still waiting to find out if and when he will be resettled to Europe. He’s still in the same state of limbo he was in at the end of March when IRIN met him in Niamey, the capital of Niger. At the time, he’d been out of the detention centre in Libya for less than a month and his arms were skeletally thin.

      “I thought to go to Europe [and] failed. Now, I came to Niger…. What am I doing here? What will happen from here? I don’t know,” he said, sitting in the shade of a canopy in the courtyard of a UNHCR facility. “I don’t know what I will be planning for the future because everything collapsed; everything finished.”
      Abdu’s story

      Born in Eritrea – one of the most repressive countries in the world – Abdu’s mother sent him to live in neighbouring Sudan when he was only seven. She wanted him to grow up away from the political persecution and shadow of indefinite military service that stifled normal life in his homeland.

      But Sudan, where he was raised by his uncle, wasn’t much better. As an Eritrean refugee, he faced discrimination and lived in a precarious legal limbo. Abdu saw no future there. “So I decided to go,” he said.

      Like so many other young Africans fleeing conflict, political repression, and economic hardship in recent years, he wanted to try to make it to Europe. But first he had to pass through Libya.

      After crossing the border from Sudan in July 2016, Abdu, then 16 years old, was taken captive and held for 18 months. The smugglers asked for a ransom of $5,500, tortured him while his relatives were forced to listen on the phone, and rented him out for work like a piece of equipment.

      Abdu tried to escape, but only found himself under the control of another smuggler who did the same thing. He was kept in overflowing warehouses, sequestered from the sunlight with around 250 other people. The food was not enough and often spoiled; disease was rampant; people died from malaria and hunger; one woman died after giving birth; the guards drank, carried guns, and smoked hashish, and, at the smallest provocation, spun into a sadistic fury. Abdu’s skin started crawling with scabies, his cheeks sank in, and his long limbs withered to skin and bones.

      One day, the smuggler told him that, if he didn’t find a way to pay, it looked like he would soon die. As a courtesy – or to try to squeeze some money out of him instead of having to deal with a corpse – the smuggler reduced the ransom to $1,500.

      Finally, Abdu’s relatives were able to purchase his freedom and passage to Europe. It was December 2017. As he finally stood on the seashore before dawn in the freezing cold, Abdu remembered thinking: “We are going to arrive in Europe [and] get protection [and] get rights.”

      But he never made it. After nearly 24 hours at sea, the rubber dinghy he was on with around 150 other people was intercepted by the Libyan Coast Guard, which, since October 2016, has been trained and equipped by the EU and Italy.

      Abdu was brought back to the country he had just escaped and put in another detention centre.

      This one was official – run by the Libyan Directorate for Combating Irregular Migration. But it wasn’t much different from the smuggler-controlled warehouses he’d been in before. Again, it was overcrowded and dirty. People were falling sick. There was no torture or extortion, but the guards could be just as brutal. If someone tried to talk to them about the poor conditions “[they are] going to beat you until you are streaming blood,” Abdu said.

      Still, he wasn’t about to try his luck on his own again in Libya. The detention centre wasn’t suitable for human inhabitants, Abdu recalled thinking, but it was safer than anywhere he’d been in over a year. That’s where UNHCR found him and secured his release.

      The lucky few

      The small village of Thal-Marmoutier in France seems like it belongs to a different world than the teeming detention centres of Libya.

      The road to the village runs between gently rolling hills covered in grapevines and winds through small towns of half-timbered houses. About 40 minutes north of Strasbourg, the largest city in the region of Alsace, bordering Germany, it reaches a valley of hamlets that disrupt the green countryside with their red, high-peaked roofs. It’s an unassuming setting, but it’s the type of place Abdu might end up if and when he is finally resettled.

      In mid-March, when IRIN visited, the town of 800 people was hosting the first group of refugees evacuated from Libya.

      It was unseasonably cold, and the 55 people housed in a repurposed section of a Franciscan convent were bundled in winter jackets, scarves, and hats. Thirty of them had arrived from Chad, where they had been long-time residents of refugee camps after fleeing Boko Haram violence or conflict in the Sudanese region of Darfur. The remaining 25 – from Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Sudan – were the first evacuees from Libya. Before reaching France, they, like Abdu, had been flown to Niamey.

      The extra stop is necessary because most countries require refugees to be interviewed in person before offering them a resettlement spot. The process is facilitated by embassies and consulates, but, because of security concerns, only one European country (Italy) has a diplomatic presence in Libya.

      To resettle refugees stuck in detention centres, UNHCR needed to find a third country willing to host people temporarily, one where European resettlement agencies could carry out their procedures. Niger was the first – and so far only – country to volunteer.

      “For us, it is an obligation to participate,” Mohamed Bazoum, Niger’s influential interior minister, said when interviewed by IRIN in Niamey. Niger, the gateway between West Africa and Libya on the migration trail to Europe, is the top recipient of funds from the EU Trust Fund for Africa, an initiative launched in 2015 to “address the root causes of irregular migration”.

      “It costs us nothing to help,” Bazoum added, referring to the evacuation programme. “But we gain a sense of humanity in doing so.”

      ‘Time is just running from my life’

      The first evacuees landed in Niamey on 12 November. A little over a month later, on 19 December, they were on their way to France.

      By March, they had been in Thal-Marmoutier for three months and were preparing to move from the reception centre in the convent to individual apartments in different cities.

      Among them, several families with children had been living in Libya for a long time. But most of the evacuees were young women who had been imprisoned by smugglers and militias, held in official detention centres, or often both.

      “In Libya, it was difficult for me,” said Farida, a 24-year-old aspiring runner from Ethiopia. She fled her home in 2016 because of the conflict between the government and the Oromo people, an ethnic group.

      After a brief stay in Cairo, she and her husband decided to go to Libya because they heard a rumour that UNHCR was providing more support there to refugees. Shortly after crossing the border, Farida and her husband were captured by a militia and placed in a detention centre.

      “People from the other government (Libya has two rival governments) came and killed the militiamen, and some of the people in the prison also died, but we got out and were taken to another prison,” she said. “When they put me in prison, I was pregnant, and they beat me and killed the child in my belly.”

      Teyba, a 20-year-old woman also from Ethiopia, shared a similar story: “A militia put us in prison and tortured us a lot,” she said. “We stayed in prison for a little bit more than a month, and then the fighting started…. Some people died, some people escaped, and some people, I don’t know what happened to them.”

      Three months at the reception centre in Thal-Marmoutier had done little to ease the trauma of those experiences. “I haven’t seen anything that made me laugh or that made me happy,” Farida said. “Up to now, life has not been good, even after coming to France.”

      The French government placed the refugees in the reception centre to expedite their asylum procedures, and so they could begin to learn French.

      Everyone in the group had already received 10-year residency permits – something refugees who are placed directly in individual apartments or houses usually wait at least six months to receive. But many of them said they felt like their lives had been put on pause in Thal-Marmoutier. They were isolated in the small village with little access to transportation and said they had not been well prepared to begin new lives on their own in just a few weeks time.

      “I haven’t benefited from anything yet. Time is just running from my life,” said Intissar, a 35-year-old woman from Sudan.

      A stop-start process

      Despite their frustrations with the integration process in France, and the still present psychological wounds from Libya, the people in Thal-Marmoutier were fortunate to reach Europe.

      By early March, more than 1,000 people had been airlifted from Libya to Niger. But since the first group in December, no one else had left for Europe. Frustrated with the pace of resettlement, the Nigerien government told UNHCR that the programme had to be put on hold.

      “We want the flow to be balanced,” Bazoum, the interior minister, explained. “If people arrive, then we want others to leave. We don’t want people to be here on a permanent basis.”

      Since then, an additional 148 people have been resettled to France, Switzerland, Sweden and the Netherlands, and other departures are in the works. “The situation is improving,” said Louise Donovan, a UNHCR communications officer in Niger. “We need to speed up our processes as much as possible, and so do the resettlement countries.”

      A further 312 people were evacuated directly to Italy. Still, the total number resettled by the programme remains small. “What is problematic right now is the fact that European governments are not offering enough places for resettlement, despite continued requests from UNHCR,” said Matteo de Bellis, a researcher with Amnesty International.
      Less than 1 percent

      Globally, less than one percent of refugees are resettled each year, and resettlement is on a downward spiral at the moment, dropping by more than 50 percent between 2016 and 2017. The number of refugees needing resettlement is expected to reach 1.4 million next year, 17 percent higher than in 2018, while global resettlement places dropped to just 75,000 in 2017, UNHCR said on Monday.

      The Trump administration’s slashing of the US refugee admissions programme – historically the world’s leader – means this trend will likely continue.

      Due to the limited capacity, resettlement is usually reserved for people who are considered to be the most vulnerable.

      In Libya alone, there are around 19,000 refugees from Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan registered with UNHCR – a number increasing each month – as well as 430,000 migrants and potential asylum seekers from throughout sub-Saharan Africa. Many have been subjected to torture, sexual violence, and other abuses. And, because they are in Libya irregularly, resettlement is often the only legal solution to indefinite detention.

      In the unlikely scenario that all the sub-Saharan refugees in Libya were to be resettled, they would account for more than one third of the EU’s quota for the next two years. And that’s not taking into account people in Libya who may have legitimate grounds to claim asylum but are not on the official radar. Other solutions are clearly needed, but given the lack of will in the international community, it is unclear what those might be.

      “The Niger mechanism is a patch, a useful one under the circumstance, but still a patch,” de Bellis, the Amnesty researcher, said. “There are refugees… who cannot get out of the detention centres because there are no resettlement places available to them.”

      It is also uncertain what will happen to any refugees evacuated to Niger that aren’t offered a resettlement spot by European countries.

      UNHCR says it is considering all options, including the possibility of integration in Niger or return to their countries of origin – if they are deemed to be safe and people agree to go. But resettlement is the main focus. In April, the pace of people departing for Europe picked up, and evacuations from Libya resumed at the beginning of May – ironically, the same week the Nigerien government broke new and dangerous ground by deporting 132 Sudanese asylum seekers who had crossed the border on their own back to Libya.

      For the evacuees in Niger awaiting resettlement, there are still many unanswered questions.

      As Abdu was biding his time back in March, something other than the uncertainty about his own future weighed on him: the people still stuck in the detention centres in Libya.

      He had started his travels with his best friend. They had been together when they were first kidnapped and held for ransom. But Abdu’s friend was shot in the leg by a guard who accused him of stealing a cigarette. When Abdu tried to escape, he left his friend behind and hasn’t spoken to him or heard anything about him since.

      “UNHCR is saying they are going to find a solution for me; they are going to help me,” Abdu said. “It’s okay. But what about the others?”

      https://www.irinnews.org/special-report/2018/06/26/destination-europe-evacuation


  • Germany opens new military camp in Niger

    The German defense minister has called Niger a strategic partner “in the fight against terrorism, organized crime and illegal migration.” Nearly 900 German troops are deployed in the Sahel region, including 40 in Niger.

    German Defense Minister Ursula von der Leyen on Sunday opened a new Bundeswehr camp in the Niger capital of Niamey.


    https://m.dw.com/en/germany-opens-new-military-camp-in-niger/a-46253187

    #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Niger #Allemagne #camps_militaires


  • L’assistenza in denaro offre ai rifugiati la possibilità di scegliere

    L’UNHCR sta ampliando il programma di assistenza in denaro in modo che milioni di persone assistite dall’organizzazione possano ricevere protezione, soddisfare i propri bisogni con dignità e diventare più resilienti.


    https://www.unhcr.it/news/storie/lassistenza-denaro-offre-ai-rifugiati-la-possibilita-scegliere.html
    #aid_in_cash #aide_en_cash #asile #migrations #réfugiés #choix #cartes_prépayées #cartes_de_débit #Liban #HCR #Mobile_Money #camps #camps_de_réfugiés #Niger #Amal_Bank #micro-finance #Somalie

    Je me rappelle d’une scène dans l’excellent film #Bienvenue_au_Réfugistan (https://info.arte.tv/fr/bienvenue-au-refugistan) où des réfugiés dans un camp, probablement en Jordanie ou Liban, je ne me rappelle plus, avaient reçu de l’argent pour s’acheter ce qu’ils/elles voulaient, sauf que... c’était possible de le faire dans un seul supermarché où tout était tellement cher que le choix se limitaient à une gamme très très petite de produits qui étaient présents dans les étalages du supermarché...


  • La #Mission_Eucap octroie à la police nationale du #Niger 6,5 Milliards FCFA pour le contrôle des frontières

    La #police nigérienne va bénéficier d’une enveloppe de 10 millions d’euros, soit 6,5 milliards FCFA, de la mission #Eucap_Sahel au Niger pour financer le projet de création de #Compagnies_mobiles_de_contrôle_des_frontières (#CMCF) dans toutes les régions du Niger. Ce, dans le but de lutter contre le crime organisé et la migration clandestine.

    Cette enveloppe est offerte précisément par les Pays-Bas à hauteur de 4 millions d’euros (2,6 milliards FCFA), et l’Allemagne 6 millions d’euros (3,9 milliards FCFA).

    « L’#Allemagne contribuera pour 6 millions et les #Pays-Bas pour 4 millions pour aider le gouvernement nigérien dans la lutte contre l’immigration irrégulière, le trafic de drogue et des armes. », a précisé le ministre des Affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas Stef Blok.

    La convention matérialisant cet appui a été signée le 31 octobre, en présence du Chef de la délégation de l’Union européenne Denisa-Elena Ionete, du Chef de la mission Eucap Sahel au Niger Frank Van Der Mueren, et du ministre des Affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas.

    Pour mémoire, la mission Eucap Sahel avait déjà offert du #matériel d’une valeur de 15 millions FCFA à l’Agence nationale de lutte contre la traite des personnes et le trafic illicite de migrants (#ANLTP / #TIM), toujours dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme, le crime organisé, la traite des personnes et la migration clandestine.

    Eucap Sahel Niger est un instrument de développement et de stabilité de l’Union européenne, mise sur pied dans le cadre de la politique de sécurité et de défense commune. Lancée en 2012 au Niger, elle contribue au renforcement des capacités des forces de défense et de sécurité nigériennes dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme et la criminalité organisée.

    En 2018, sa mission a été prolongée au Niger pour une période de deux ans.

    https://www.niameyetles2jours.com/la-gestion-publique/securite/0111-3043-la-mission-eucap-octroie-a-la-police-nationale-du-niger

    • L’Allemagne et les Pays-Bas vont financer une police de contrôle au Niger

      L’Allemagne et les Pays-Bas vont débloquer 10 millions d’euros au Niger pour mettre sur pied des forces spéciales chargées de contrôler les frontières du pays africain notamment contre l’immigration illégale, a annoncé jeudi la mission civile européenne Eucap Sahel.

      Le Niger, les Pays-Bas et Eucap Sahel - qui aide depuis 2012 le Niger à lutter contre le terrorisme et la criminalité organisée - ont signé mercredi à Niamey la convention pour le financement de cette force dénommée Compagnies mobiles de contrôle des frontières (CMCF), selon Eucap Sahel.

      « Les Pays-Bas contribueront pour 4 millions d’euros et l’Allemagne pour 6 millions d’euros. Nous travaillerons avec le gouvernement nigérien dans la lutte contre la migration irrégulière, le trafic de drogue et des armes », a précisé à la télévision Stef Blok, le ministre des Affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas en visite au Niger.

      Les fonds seront confiés à Eucap Sahel et serviront à la formation, l’entrainement et l’équipement de centaines de policiers nigériens qui composeront les compagnie, a-t-il dit.

      Dans une première phase, deux compagnies fortes de 250 policiers nigériens seront positionnés à Maradi et Birn’in Konni, deux régions proches de la frontière avec le Nigeria, un des gros pourvoyeurs de clandestins transitant par le Niger pour l’Europe, a expliqué une source sécuritaire à l’AFP.

      « Grosso modo c’est pour combattre tout ce que nous avons comme défis : la migration illégale, le trafic des être humains, la drogue, le terrorisme », a expliqué Souley Boubacar, le patron de la police nigérienne.

      Selon les statistiques européennes, environ 90% des migrants d’Afrique de l’Ouest traversent le Niger pour gagner la Libye et l’Europe.

      Mi-juillet, lors d’une visite au Niger, le président du Parlement européen Antonio Tajani s’était réjoui de la chute « de plus de 95% » du flux de migrants transitant par le Niger vers la Libye et l’Europe, entre 2016 et 2017.

      https://www.voaafrique.com/a/l-allemagne-et-les-pays-bas-vont-financer-une-police-de-contr%C3%B4le-au-niger/4638602.html

    • Germany, Netherlands back Niger border force to counter migration

      Germany and the Netherlands have pledged to fund special forces in Niger to control its border and prevent illegal migration, the EU’s security mission in the country said Thursday.

      Niger is a transit country for thousands of migrants heading to Libya and Algeria, key hubs for migrants trying to reach Europe.

      Under the new plan, the two European nations will disburse €10 million to finance the new force, according to EUCAP Sahel, which provides support for Niger security forces.

      The funds would be used for training and equipping hundreds of Niger police officers.

      “Roughly speaking, it is to combat all our challenges: illegal migration, human trafficking, drugs, terrorism,” said Souley Boubacar, head of the Niger police.

      In the first phase, two companies of 250 Niger police will be positioned at Maradi and Birnin Konni — two regions on the troubled frontier with Nigeria that have become a key crossing point for migrants heading for Europe — a security source told AFP.

      It came after Germany held talks with Niger earlier this year, which took in discussions on migration issues. Angela Merkel welcomed the President of Niger, Mahamadou Issoufou, to Meseberg Castle in Brandenburg during the talks.

      The EU has been grappling with massive migration from Africa and the Middle East since 2015.

      Niger has become one of the main crossing routes for poor migrants, with 90 percent of West African migrants passing through the country, according to the EU.

      The Saharan route is notorious for its dangers, which include breakdowns, lack of water and callous traffickers who abandon migrants in the desert.

      Niger introduced a law making people-smuggling punishable by a jail term of up to 30 years in 2015.

      In July, European Parliament President Antonio Tajani said the flow of migrants through Niger fell by 95 percent between 2016 and 2017.


      https://www.thelocal.de/20181101/germany-netherlands-back-niger-border-force-to-counter-migration
      #Allemagne #Pays-Bas

    • Appui de plus de 6,5 Milliards de FCFA de La Mission Eucap à la police nationale pour le contrôle des frontières

      Le Ministre des Affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas Monsieur STEF BLOK a procédé ce mercredi 31 octobre 2018 à la signature d’une convention avec le Chef de la mission Eucap Sahel au Niger Monsieur FRANK Van Der Mueren pour le compte de la police nationale du Niger représentée par son directeur général le Commissaire général de police Souley Boubacar et en présence du Chef de la délégation de l’Union Européenne Mme Denisa-Elena IONETE.
      D’un coût global de 10 millions d’euros dont 4 millions des Pays-Bas et 6 millions de l’Allemagne, ce mémorandum d’entente permettra de financer le projet de création de Compagnies Mobiles de Contrôle des Frontières (CMCF) dans toutes les régions du Niger.
      La création de ces nouvelles compagnies s’inscrit dans le cadre de la lutte contre la criminalité organisée et la migration irrégulière.
      Le Chef de la mission EUCAP SAHEL au Niger, Monsieur FRANK VAN DER MUEREN a tenu à souhaiter la bienvenue au Ministre STEF BLOK, à la délégation de la police nationale et aux participants à cette cérémonie.
      Il a, à cette occasion, souligné que ce projet s’inscrit dans le cadre ‘’des actions de l’Union Européenne au Niger’’ et ‘’c’est un geste politique très fort envers le Niger’’.
      Rappelons qu’EUCAP SAHEL est à son quatrième mandat au Niger dont le dernier court de 2018 à 2020. Sa mission principale est la lutte contre l’insécurité et la migration clandestine. EUCAP SAHEL au Niger emploie 115 agents internationaux et 15 nationaux.
      ‘’L’Allemagne contribuera pour 6 millions et les Pays-Bas pour 4 millions pour aider le gouvernement nigérien dans la lutte contre l’immigration irrégulière, le trafic de drogue et des armes’’ a indiqué le ministre STEF BLOK au cours d’un point presse animée juste après la signature de cette convention.
      Le Commissaire général de police Directeur général de la police du Niger Souley Boubacar a exprimé toute sa satisfaction après cette signature avant d’ajouter que ‘’c’est pour combattre tout ce qu’il y a aujourd’hui comme défis de l’heure tels le trafic de drogue, d’armes, l’immigration irrégulière, le banditisme transfrontalier’’.
      Lancée en 2012, EUCAP Sahel Niger est une mission civile de l’Union européenne promouvant une politique de sécurité et de défense commune, rappelons-t-on. Elle apporte ses appuis dans le cadre de renforcement des forces de sécurité nigériennes.

      http://www.anp.ne/?q=article/appui-de-plus-de-6-5-milliards-de-fcfa-de-la-mission-eucap-la-police-nationale-p
      #externalisation #contrôles_frontaliers


  • #métaliste (qui va être un grand chantier, car il y a plein d’information sur seenthis, qu’il faudrait réorganiser) sur :
    #externalisation #contrôles_frontaliers #frontières #migrations #réfugiés

    Le r apport "Expanding the fortress" et des liens associés à la sortie de ce rapport :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/694887
    Lien avec les #droits_humains

    Et des liens vers des articles généraux sur l’externalisation des frontières de la part de l’ #UE (#EU) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/569305
    https://seenthis.net/messages/390549
    https://seenthis.net/messages/320101

    Le lien entre #fonds_fiduciaire_pour_l'Afrique et externalisation :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/707133
    #fonds_fiduciaire
    v. aussi plus de détail sur la métaliste migrations et développement :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/733358

    –------------------------------------

    Le #post-Cotonou :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/681114
    #accord_de_Cotonou

    –----------------------------

    Externalisation des contrôles frontaliers en #Libye :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/705401
    (lien avec #droits_humains)
    https://seenthis.net/messages/623809
    "Dossier Libia" —> un site d’information et dénonciation de ce qui se passe en Libye :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/742662
    Reportage en allemand, signalé par @_kg_ :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/744384
    Des #timbres produits par la poste libyenne :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/745453

    #Statistiques et #chiffres du nombre de personnes migrantes présentes en Libye (chiffres OIM) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/751596

    Sur les #centres_de_détention en Libye, voulus, soutenus et financés par l’UE ou des pays de l’UE :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/615857
    #torture #viols #abus_sexuels #centres_de_détention #détention
    Ici en #dessins :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/747869
    #dessin
    https://seenthis.net/messages/612089
    Et des mesures-sparadrap en lien avec l’#OMS cette fois-ci —> projet “Enhancing Diagnosis and Treatment for Migrants in detention centers in Libya” :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/737102

    D’autres liens où l’on parle aussi des centres de détention en Libye :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/689187
    https://seenthis.net/messages/612089

    #Poursuites_judiciaires —> "Un demandeur d’asile va poursuivre le Royaume-Uni pour le financement de centres de détention libyens"
    https://seenthis.net/messages/746025

    Et l’excellent film de #Andrea_Segre "L’ordine delle cose" , qui montre les manoeuvres de l’Italie pour créer ces centres en Libye :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/677462

    Autour des #gardes-côtes_libyens et les #refoulements (#push-back, #pull-back) en Libye :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/719759

    Les pull-back vers la Libye :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/730613
    –-> et centres de détention
    https://seenthis.net/messages/651505
    Le reconstruction d’un naufrage et d’un pull-back vers la Libye effectué par les gardes-côtes libyen. Reconstruction #vidéo par #Charles_Heller et #Lorenzo_Pezzani :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/747918

    Résistance de migrants sauvetés en Méditerranée, qui refusent d’être ramenés en Libye en refusant de descendre du navire ( #Nivin ) qui les a secourus :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/735627

    #évacuation de migrants/réfugiés depuis la Libye vers le #Niger :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/737065
    #réinstallation
    –-> attention, il y a peut-être d’autres articles sur ce sujet dans les longs fils de discussions sur le Niger et/ou la Libye (à contrôler)

    L’aide de la #Suisse aux gardes-côtes libyens :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/623935

    Et quelques lignes sur le #traité_de_Benghazi , le fameux #pacte_d'amitié entre l’#Italie et la #Libye (2009)
    https://seenthis.net/messages/717799
    J’en parle aussi dans ce billet que j’ai écrit pour @visionscarto sur les films #Mare_chiuso et #Mare_deserto :
    Vaincre une mer déserte et fermée
    https://visionscarto.net/vaincre-une-mer-deserte-et-fermee
    –-> il y a certainement plus sur seenthis, mais je ne trouve pas pour l’instant... j’ajouterai au fur et à mesure

    –--------------------------------------

    Externalisation des contrôles frontaliers au #Niger (+ implication de l’#OIM (#IOM) et #Agadez ) :

    Mission #Eucap_Sahel et financement et création de #Compagnies_mobiles_de_contrôle_des_frontières (#CMCF), financé par #Pays-Bas et Allemagne financés par l’Allemagne :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/733601

    Et des #camps_militaires :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/736433

    Autres liens sur le Niger :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/696283
    https://seenthis.net/messages/626183
    https://seenthis.net/messages/586729
    https://seenthis.net/messages/370536

    Le Niger et l’Italie se félicitent de la chute des flux migratoires... (sic)
    https://seenthis.net/messages/752551
    –-> v. aussi : "Baisse des demandes d’asile. Pas de quoi se réjouir" :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/693203

    Conséquences de l’externalisation des politiques migratoires sur le #Niger, mais aussi le #Soudan et le #Tchad :
    https://asile.ch/wp/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/multilateral-damage.pdf
    signalé ici :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/741956

    –-------------

    Externalisation des frontières au #Sénégal et en #Mauritanie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/740468
    https://seenthis.net/messages/668973
    https://seenthis.net/messages/608653
    https://seenthis.net/messages/320101

    –------------------------------------------

    Italie, Allemagne, France, Espagne

    Les efforts de l’ #Italie d’externaliser les contrôles frontaliers :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/600874
    https://seenthis.net/messages/595057

    L’Italie avec l’ #Allemagne :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/566194

    #France et ses tentatives d’externalisation les frontières (proposition de Macron notamment de créer des #hub, de faire du #tri et de la #catégorisation de migrants) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/704970
    https://seenthis.net/messages/618133
    https://seenthis.net/messages/677172

    L’#Espagne :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/737099
    #modèle_espagnol
    https://seenthis.net/messages/737095
    v. aussi plus bas la partie consacrée au Maroc...

    –-----------------------------

    L’ #accord_UE-Turquie :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/accord_ue-turquie
    Et plus en général sur l’externalisation vers la #Tuquie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/427270
    https://seenthis.net/messages/419432
    https://seenthis.net/messages/679603

    Erdogan accuse les Européens de ne pas tenir leurs promesses d’aide financière...
    https://seenthis.net/messages/512196

    Et le #monitoring de l’accord (#observatoire) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/478621

    Sur la "#facilité" en faveur des réfugiés en Turquie, le rapport de la Cour des comptes européenne :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/737085
    #aide_financière

    Un lien sur comment l’aide a été utilisée en faveur des #réfugiés_syriens à #Gaziantep :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/667241

    –---------------------------------

    L’externalisation en #Tunisie (accords avec l’Italie notamment) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/511895
    https://seenthis.net/messages/573526
    Et avec l’UE :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/737477

    –-------------------------

    Tag #réintégration dans les pays d’origine après #renvois (#expulsions) :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/r%C3%A9int%C3%A9gration

    –-------------------------------------

    La question des #regional_disembarkation_platforms :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/703288
    #plateformes_de_désembarquement #disembarkation_paltforms #plateformes_de_débarquement

    En 2004, on parlait plutôt de #centres_off-shore en #Afrique_du_Nord ...
    https://seenthis.net/messages/607615

    Tentatives d’externalisation des contrôles migratoires, mais aussi des #procédures_d'asile en #Afrique_du_Nord , mais aussi dans l’ #Europe_de_l'Est et #Balkans) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/701836
    Et au Niger :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/749456
    #externalisation_de_l'asile #délocalisation

    Et en #Bulgarie (ça date de 2016) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/529415

    #Serbie , toujours en 2016 :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/462817

    Les efforts d’externalisation au #Maroc :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/696321
    https://seenthis.net/messages/643905
    https://seenthis.net/messages/458929
    https://seenthis.net/messages/162299
    #Frontex

    #Bosnie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/743581
    Où l’#OIM est impliquée

    –------------------------------------

    Lien #coopération_au_développement, #aide_au_développement et #contrôles_migratoires :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/660235

    Pour la Suisse :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/564720
    https://seenthis.net/messages/719752
    https://seenthis.net/messages/721921
    –-> il y a certainement plus de liens sur seenthis, mais il faudrait faire une recherche plus approfondie...
    #développement #conditionnalité
    Sur cette question, il y a aussi des rapports, dont notamment celui-ci :
    Aid and Migration : externalisation of Europe’s responsibilities
    https://concordeurope.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/CONCORD_AidWatchPaper_Aid_Migration_2018_online.pdf?1dcbb3&1dcbb3

    –-------------------------------

    La rhétorique sur la #nouvelle_frontière_européenne , qui serait le #désert du #Sahara (et petit amusement cartographique de ma part) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/604039
    #cartographie #visualisation
    https://seenthis.net/messages/548137
    –-> dans ce lien il y a aussi des articles qui parlent de l’externalisation des frontières au #Soudan

    Plus spécifiquement #Soudan :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/519269

    –--------------------------------------

    Et du coup, les liens avec le tag #processus_de_Khartoum :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/processus_de_khartoum

    –----------------------------------------

    Les efforts d’externalisation des contrôles frontaliers en #Erythrée et #Ethiopie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/729629
    https://seenthis.net/messages/493279
    https://seenthis.net/messages/387744

    Et le financement de l’Erythrée via des fonds d’aide au développement :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/405308
    https://seenthis.net/messages/366439

    L’Erythrée, après la levée des sanctions de l’ONU, devient un Etat avec lequel il est désormais possible de traiter (sic) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/721926

    ... Et autres #dictateurs
    https://seenthis.net/messages/318425
    #dictature

    –-----------------------------------

    La question des #carrier_sanctions infligées aux #compagnies_aériennes :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/carrier_sanctions

    –--------------------------

    Des choses sur la #pacific_solution de l’#Australie :
    https://seenthis.net/recherche?recherche=%23pacific_solution

    –---------------------------------

    L’atlas de Migreurop, qui traite de la question de l’externalisation :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/690134

    ping @isskein @reka


  • Nigeria : mystère autour du parcours du leader indépendantiste Nnamdi Kanu
    RFI - Publié le 24-10-2018
    http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20181024-nigeria-nnamdi-kanu-biafra-ipob-biafra-polemique

    Au Nigeria, la réapparition du leader du mouvement indépendantiste biafrais soulève quelques interrogations. En fin de semaine dernière, une vidéo devenue virale montrait un homme lui ressemblant fortement, priant au pied du mur des Lamentations. Beaucoup se demandent comment Nnamdi Kanu a pu échapper aux autorités nigérianes.

    La dernière fois que Nnamdi Kanu a été vu en public au Nigeria, c’était le 14 septembre 2017. Jour où les forces de l’ordre ont mené un raid contre sa maison dans le sud-est. Depuis, plus de trace du leader indépendantiste biafrais. Etait-il mort où bien en vie ? En mars dernier, la presse nigériane annonçait l’avoir vu en compagnie de sa femme à Accra, la capitale ghanéenne. Démenti des militants qui affirmaient alors que Nnamdi Kanu était détenu au secret voire qu’il avait été tué par les forces de sécurité, ce qu’elles ont toujours réfuté.

    Nnamdi Kanu a finalement levé le doute ce dimanche. Dans une intervention radiophonique, il a déclaré être en Israël, en chair et en os. Il a également appelé à boycotter des prochaines élections sans référendum d’autodétermination sur la région. Mais au-delà du message politique, il n’a pas précisé comment il avait pu se rendre à Jérusalem. De plus, il était sous le coup d’un procès et donc interdit de sortie du territoire. A-t-il bénéficié de complicités ? Certains sites d’information pointent du doigt les services secrets nigérians. Des sources anonymes internes affirment que cinq agents ont aidé le chef de file du mouvement à fuir vers le Ghana - via la Guinée équatoriale - et qu’il aurait ensuite disparu de la circulation. « Intox » ont aussitôt répondu les services nigérians. (...)

    #IsraelNigéria



  • Urbanités africaines

    Articles

    Le projet de reconversion du #port de #Tanger : entre #urbanisme standardisé et jeux d’alliances locales ? par Brendan Blayac
    #Maroc

    Le programme d’appui à la reconstruction de la #Fédération_Sénégalaise_des_Habitants – vers un #urbanisme_participatif et solidaire, par Lionel Chabot, Pape Ameth Keita et Bea Varnai
    #Sénégal

    #Lagos, immensité et urbanité d’une ville d’Afrique subsaharienne fantasme dans les #séries_télévisées, par Pierre Denmat
    #Nigeria

    Les #programmes_de_logement public à #Yaoundé : entre laboratoire libéral et manifestations urbaines du clientélisme dans un #Cameroun post-austérité, par Mathilde Jourdam-Boutin

    Déplacer et relocaliser les citadins à #Lomé (#Togo) : l’urbanité négociée, par Amandine Spire et Natacha Gourland

    Vivre avec l’#insécurité_hydrique dans une ville sahélienne : les stratégies d’adaptation à #Niamey (#Niger), par Sandrine Vaucelle et Hassane Younsa Harouna
    #eau


    Portfolios

    Les #chantiers à Yaoundé et Douala, poétique des villes camerounaises en construction, par Mathilde Jourdam-Boutin

    Rien ne se perd, tout se récupère ! Pour une reconnaissance des #récupérateurs_informels de #Casablanca, par Pascal Garret et Bénédicte Florin
    #recyclage

    Les #toits du Caire, des espaces ressource ? par Marie Piessat
    #Le_Caire #Egypte

    http://www.revue-urbanites.fr/urbanites-africaines

    #villes #villes_africaines #revue #urban_matter #géographie_urbaine
    ping @reka



  • Child trafficking: who are the victims and the criminal networks trafficking them in and into the EU

    One of the most serious aspects of this phenomenon is the role of the family, with #Europol receiving regular notifications of children being sold to criminal networks by their families. In some cases they engage directly in the trafficking and #exploitation of their own children.
    Female suspects play a key role in the trafficking and exploitation of minors, much more than in criminal networks which are trafficking adult victims.
    Most of the cases reported to Europol involve networks escorting non-EU minor victims across the entire route from their country of origin to the place of exploitation, frequently with the involvement of #smuggling networks. Smuggling of minor victims through the external borders and across member states usually entails the use of forged travel documents.
    Criminal profits are mainly redirected to the country of origin of the key suspect, in small amounts via money transfer services and in larger sums using criminal money couriers and mules.
    Children are trafficked from around the world into the EU. The majority of non-EU networks reported to Europol involved Nigerian organised crime groups which are trafficking young girls to be sexually exploited.
    Children in migration and unaccompanied minors are at higher risk of trafficking and exploitation. Although the scale of trafficking of unaccompanied minors remains unknown, a future increase is expected.

    https://www.europol.europa.eu/newsroom/news/child-trafficking-who-are-victims-and-criminal-networks-trafficking-t
    #trafic_d'êtres_humains #enfants #enfance #UE #EU #Europe #smugglers #Nigeria #prostitution #exploitation_sexuelle #MNA #mineurs_non_accompagnés

    Lien pour télécharger le #rapport:
    https://www.europol.europa.eu/publications-documents/criminal-networks-involved-in-trafficking-and-exploitation-of-underag


    • Dans les cahiers, n°2, on peut lire :

      “Si le fait d’être renvoyé vers ses #racines est une forme d’#assignation_à_la_différence, le déni de sa #particularité est tout autant une forme de #négation de la #personne”.

      in Cahiers de l’Université Populaire de la Villeneuve, 2016-2017, n°2, p.2.

      “La #colonisation a alors beaucoup contribué à ce que certains ont appelé une ‘#dictature_de_la_pensée’ qui a eu comme effet un manque d’écoute des peuples colonisés ainsi qu’une absence de reconnaissance de leurs savoirs. L’exemple de la découverte au #Nigeria en 1910 de sculptures africaines comparables dans leur précision aux #sculptures italiennes de la Renaissance est probant. Ces dernières étaient considérées comme tellement ‘non-africaines’ que les premiers archéologues cherchaient l’origine des sculptures en dehors de l’Afrique. Cette #négation des #cultures_africaines a encore son impact aujourd’hui”.

      in Cahiers de l’Université Populaire de la Villeneuve, 2016-2017, n°2, p.3.
      #art #archéologie

      “Entre ces positions tranchées, il y a une différence fondamentale dans la façon de penser l’autre et en l’occurrence un habitant de quartier : en termes de #manques (de capital social, économique etc.) ou en termes de #potentiel mais dont l’expression est bloquée par des dynamiques de #pouvoir

      in Cahiers de l’Université Populaire de la Villeneuve, 2016-2017, n°2, p.4.
      #quartiers_populaires #villes #urban_matter

      Dans le numéro on cite aussi #Anibal_Quijano et le concept de #colonialité_du_pouvoir
      #colonialité

      « Tout comme les sculptures trouvées à Ife, au Nigeria, ne pouvaient pas être africaines en 1910 car elles ne correspondaient à l’idée européenne d’un art africain primitif, #Bienvenu_Bazié, un choréographe burkinabé de danse contemporaine racontait récemment dans un entretien qu’en France on s’attend à ce qu’il fasse de la #danse_africaine burkinabée. Son choix pour la #danse_contemporaine semble déranger et il se pose donc la question ’Pourquoi, parce que je suis burkinabé, je ne pourrais pas moi aussi être influencé par toute la culture mondiale ? La France, l’Europe est influencée par cette culture mondiale, et pourquoi, moi, parce que je suis Burkinabé, il faudrait que j’aie une pureté burkinabé, africaine, je ne sais pas, quelque chose de complètement fantasmé ici en France ?’ Cette expérience fait écho au vécu de M., artiste et éducateur d’origine algérienne qui observe une réaction fréquente à son égard : ’Vous faites des #contes_orientaux ?’ Cela donne l’impression qu’on ne peut faire autre chose que ce qui est associé à son pays d’origine, comme si tous les artistes algériens faisaient des contes orientaux. Ce processus consistant à renvoyer la personne habitant en France à sa présumée culture d’origine s’appelle l’#assignation_culturelle »

      in Cahiers de l’Université Populaire de la Villeneuve, 2016-2017, n°2, p.8.

      ping @reka


  • C.I.A. Drone Mission, Curtailed by Obama, Is Expanded in Africa Under Trump

    The C.I.A. is poised to conduct secret drone strikes against Qaeda and Islamic State insurgents from a newly expanded air base deep in the Sahara, making aggressive use of powers that were scaled back during the Obama administration and restored by President Trump.

    Late in his presidency, Barack Obama sought to put the military in charge of drone attacks after a backlash arose over a series of highly visible strikes, some of which killed civilians. The move was intended, in part, to bring greater transparency to attacks that the United States often refused to acknowledge its role in.

    But now the C.I.A. is broadening its drone operations, moving aircraft to northeastern Niger to hunt Islamist militants in southern Libya. The expansion adds to the agency’s limited covert missions in eastern Afghanistan for strikes in Pakistan, and in southern Saudi Arabia for attacks in Yemen.

    Nigerien and American officials said the C.I.A. had been flying drones on surveillance missions for several months from a corner of a small commercial airport in Dirkou. Satellite imagery shows that the airport has grown significantly since February to include a new taxiway, walls and security posts.

    One American official said the drones had not yet been used in lethal missions, but would almost certainly be in the near future, given the growing threat in southern Libya. The official spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the secretive operations.

    A C.I.A. spokesman, Timothy Barrett, declined to comment. A Defense Department spokeswoman, Maj. Sheryll Klinkel, said the military had maintained a base at the Dirkou airfield for several months but did not fly drone missions from there.

    The drones take off from Dirkou at night — typically between 10 p.m. and 4 a.m. — buzzing in the clear, starlit desert sky. A New York Times reporter saw the gray aircraft — about the size of Predator drones, which are 27 feet long — flying at least three times over six days in early August. Unlike small passenger planes that land occasionally at the airport, the drones have no blinking lights signaling their presence.

    “All I know is they’re American,” Niger’s interior minister, Mohamed Bazoum, said in an interview. He offered few other details about the drones.

    Dirkou’s mayor, Boubakar Jerome, said the drones had helped improve the town’s security. “It’s always good. If people see things like that, they’ll be scared,” Mr. Jerome said.

    Mr. Obama had curtailed the C.I.A.’s lethal role by limiting its drone flights, notably in Yemen. Some strikes in Pakistan and elsewhere that accidentally killed civilians, stirring outrage among foreign diplomats and military officials, were shielded because of the C.I.A.’s secrecy.

    As part of the shift, the Pentagon was given the unambiguous lead for such operations. The move sought, in part, to end an often awkward charade in which the United States would not concede its responsibility for strikes that were abundantly covered by news organizations and tallied by watchdog groups. However, the C.I.A. program was not fully shut down worldwide, as the agency and its supporters in Congress balked.

    The drone policy was changed last year, after Mike Pompeo, the C.I.A. director at the time, made a forceful case to President Trump that the agency’s broader counterterrorism efforts were being needlessly constrained. The Dirkou base was already up and running by the time Mr. Pompeo stepped down as head of the C.I.A. in April to become Mr. Trump’s secretary of state.

    The Pentagon’s Africa Command has carried out five drone strikes against Qaeda and Islamic State militants in Libya this year, including one two weeks ago. The military launches its MQ-9 Reaper drones from bases in Sicily and in Niamey, Niger’s capital, 800 miles southwest of Dirkou.

    But the C.I.A. base is hundreds of miles closer to southwestern Libya, a notorious haven for Al Qaeda and other extremist groups that also operate in the Sahel region of Niger, Chad, Mali and Algeria. It is also closer to southern Libya than a new $110 million drone base in Agadez, Niger, 350 miles west of Dirkou, where the Pentagon plans to operate armed Reaper drone missions by early next year.

    Another American official said the C.I.A. began setting up the base in January to improve surveillance of the region, partly in response to an ambush last fall in another part of Niger that killed four American troops. The Dirkou airfield was labeled a United States Air Force base as a cover, said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss confidential operational matters.

    The C.I.A. operation in Dirkou is burdened by few, if any, of the political sensitivities that the United States military confronts at its locations, said one former American official involved with the project.

    Even so, security analysts said, it is not clear why the United States needs both military and C.I.A. drone operations in the same general vicinity to combat insurgents in Libya. France also flies Reaper drones from Niamey, but only on unarmed reconnaissance missions.

    “I would be surprised that the C.I.A. would open its own base,” said Bill Roggio, editor of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Long War Journal, which tracks military strikes against militant groups.

    Despite American denials, a Nigerien security official said he had concluded that the C.I.A. launched an armed drone from the Dirkou base to strike a target in Ubari, in southern Libya, on July 25. The Nigerien security official spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the classified program.

    A spokesman for the Africa Command, Maj. Karl Wiest, said the military did not carry out the Ubari strike.

    #Ubari is in the same region where the American military in March launched its first-ever drone attack against Qaeda militants in southern Libya. It is at the intersection of the powerful criminal and jihadist currents that have washed across Libya in recent years. Roughly equidistant from Libya’s borders with Niger, Chad and Algeria, the area’s seminomadic residents are heavily involved in the smuggling of weapons, drugs and migrants through the lawless deserts of southern Libya.

    Some of the residents have allied with Islamist militias, including Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, which operates across Algeria, Mali, Niger and Libya.

    Dirkou, in northeast Niger, is an oasis town of a few thousand people in the open desert, bordered by a small mountain range. For centuries, it has been a key transit point for travelers crossing the Sahara. It helped facilitate the rise of Islam in West Africa in the 9th century, and welcomed salt caravans from the neighboring town of Bilma.

    The town has a handful of narrow, sandy roads. Small trees dot the horizon. Date and neem trees line the streets, providing shelter for people escaping the oppressive midday heat. There is a small market, where goods for sale include spaghetti imported from Libya. Gasoline is also imported from Libya and is cheaper than elsewhere in the country.

    The drones based in Dirkou are loud, and their humming and buzzing drowns out the bleats of goats and crows of roosters.

    “It stops me from sleeping,” said Ajimi Koddo, 45, a former migrant smuggler. “They need to go. They go in our village, and it annoys us too much.”

    Satellite imagery shows that construction started in February on a new compound at the Dirkou airstrip. Since then, the facility has been extended to include a larger paved taxiway and a clamshell tent connected to the airstrip — all features that are consistent with the deployment of small aircraft, possibly drones.

    Five defensive positions were set up around the airport, and there appear to be new security gates and checkpoints both to the compound and the broader airport.

    It’s not the first time that Washington has eyed with interest Dirkou’s tiny base. In the late 1980s, the United States spent $3.2 million renovating the airstrip in an effort to bolster Niger’s government against Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi, then the leader of Libya.

    Compared with other parts of Africa, the C.I.A.’s presence in the continent’s northwest is relatively light, according to a former State Department official who served in the region. In this part of Niger, the C.I.A. is also providing training and sharing intelligence, according to a Nigerien military intelligence document reviewed by The Times.

    The Nigerien security official said about a dozen American Green Berets were stationed earlier this year in #Dirkou — in a base separate from the C.I.A.’s — to train a special counterterrorism battalion of local forces. Those trainers left about three months ago, the official said.

    It is unlikely that they will return anytime soon. The Pentagon is considering withdrawing nearly all American commandos from Niger in the wake of the deadly October ambush that killed four United States soldiers.

    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/09/world/africa/cia-drones-africa-military.html
    #CIA #drones #Niger #Sahel #USA #Etats-Unis #EI #ISIS #Etat_islamique #sécurité #terrorisme #base_militaire

    • Le Sahel est-il une zone de #non-droit ?

      La CIA a posé ses valises dans la bande sahélo-saharienne. Le New-York Times l’a annoncé, le 9 septembre dernier. Le quotidien US, a révélé l’existence d’une #base_de_drones secrète non loin de la commune de Dirkou, dans le nord-est du Niger. Cette localité, enclavée, la première grande ville la plus proche est Agadez située à 570 km, est le terrain de tir parfait. Elle est éloignée de tous les regards, y compris des autres forces armées étrangères : France, Allemagne, Italie, présentes sur le sol nigérien. Selon un responsable américain anonyme interrogé par ce journal, les drones déployés à Dirkou n’avaient « pas encore été utilisés dans des missions meurtrières, mais qu’ils le seraient certainement dans un proche avenir, compte tenu de la menace croissante qui pèse sur le sud de la Libye. » Or, d’après les renseignements recueillis par l’IVERIS, ces assertions sont fausses, la CIA a déjà mené des opérations à partir de cette base. Ces informations apportent un nouvel éclairage et expliquent le refus catégorique et systématique de l’administration américaine de placer la force conjointe du G5 Sahel (Tchad, Mauritanie, Burkina-Faso, Niger, Mali) sous le chapitre VII de la charte des Nations Unies.
      L’installation d’une base de drones n’est pas une bonne nouvelle pour les peuples du Sahel, et plus largement de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, qui pourraient connaître les mêmes malheurs que les Afghans et les Pakistanais confrontés à la guerre des drones avec sa cohorte de victimes civiles, appelées pudiquement « dégâts collatéraux ».

      D’après le journaliste du NYT, qui s’est rendu sur place, les drones présents à Dirkou ressembleraient à des Predator, des aéronefs d’ancienne génération qui ont un rayon d’action de 1250 km. Il serait assez étonnant que l’agence de Langley soit équipée de vieux modèles alors que l’US Air Force dispose à Niamey et bientôt à Agadez des derniers modèles MQ-9 Reaper, qui, eux, volent sur une distance de 1850 km. A partir de cette base, la CIA dispose donc d’un terrain de tir étendu qui va de la Libye, au sud de l’Algérie, en passant par le Tchad, jusqu’au centre du Mali, au Nord du Burkina et du Nigéria…

      Selon deux sources militaires de pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest, ces drones ont déjà réalisé des frappes à partir de la base de Dirkou. Ces bombardements ont eu lieu en Libye. Il paraît important de préciser que le chaos existant dans ce pays depuis la guerre de 2011, ne rend pas ces frappes plus légales. Par ailleurs, ces mêmes sources suspectent la CIA d’utiliser Dirkou comme une prison secrète « si des drones peuvent se poser des avions aussi. Rien ne les empêche de transporter des terroristes de Libye exfiltrés. Dirkou un Guantanamo bis ? »

      En outre, il n’est pas impossible que ces drones tueurs aient été en action dans d’autres Etats limitrophes. Qui peut le savoir ? « Cette base est irrégulière, illégale, la CIA peut faire absolument tout ce qu’elle veut là-bas » rapporte un officier. De plus, comment faire la différence entre un MQ-9 Reaper de la CIA ou encore un de l’US Air Force, qui, elle, a obtenu l’autorisation d’armer ses drones (1). Encore que…

      En novembre 2017, le président Mahamadou Issoufou a autorisé les drones de l’US Air Force basés à Niamey, à frapper leurs cibles sur le territoire nigérien (2). Mais pour que cet agrément soit légal, il aurait fallu qu’il soit présenté devant le parlement, ce qui n’a pas été le cas. Même s’il l’avait été, d’une part, il le serait seulement pour l’armée US et pas pour la CIA, d’autre part, il ne serait valable que sur le sol nigérien et pas sur les territoires des pays voisins…

      Pour rappel, cette autorisation a été accordée à peine un mois après les événements de Tongo Tongo, où neuf militaires avaient été tués, cinq soldats nigériens et quatre américains. Cette autorisation est souvent présentée comme la conséquence de cette attaque. Or, les pourparlers ont eu lieu bien avant. En effet, l’AFRICOM a planifié la construction de la base de drone d’Agadez, la seconde la plus importante de l’US Air Force en Afrique après Djibouti, dès 2016, sous le mandat de Barack Obama. Une nouvelle preuve que la politique africaine du Pentagone n’a pas changée avec l’arrivée de Donald Trump (3-4-5).

      Les USA seuls maîtres à bord dans le Sahel

      Dès lors, le véto catégorique des Etats-Unis de placer la force G5 Sahel sous chapitre VII se comprend mieux. Il s’agit de mener une guerre non-officielle sans mandat international des Nations-Unies et sans se soucier du droit international. Ce n’était donc pas utile qu’Emmanuel Macron, fer de lance du G5, force qui aurait permis à l’opération Barkhane de sortir du bourbier dans lequel elle se trouve, plaide à de nombreuses reprises cette cause auprès de Donald Trump. Tous les présidents du G5 Sahel s’y sont essayés également, en vain. Ils ont fini par comprendre, quatre chefs d’Etats ont boudé la dernière Assemblée générale des Nations Unies. Seul, le Président malien, Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, est monté à la tribune pour réitérer la demande de mise sous chapitre VII, unique solution pour que cette force obtienne un financement pérenne. Alors qu’en décembre 2017, Emmanuel Macron y croyait encore dur comme fer et exigeait des victoires au premier semestre 2018, faute de budget, le G5 Sahel n’est toujours pas opérationnel ! (6-7) Néanmoins, la Chine a promis de le soutenir financièrement. Magnanime, le secrétaire d’Etat à la défense, Jim Mattis a lui assuré à son homologue, Florence Parly, que les Etats-Unis apporteraient à la force conjointe une aide très significativement augmentée. Mais toujours pas de chapitre VII en vue... Ainsi, l’administration Trump joue coup double. Non seulement elle ne s’embarrasse pas avec le Conseil de Sécurité et le droit international mais sous couvert de lutte antiterroriste, elle incruste ses bottes dans ce qui est, (ce qui fut ?), la zone d’influence française.

      Far West

      Cerise sur le gâteau, en août dernier le patron de l’AFRICOM, le général Thomas D. Waldhauser, a annoncé une réduction drastique de ses troupes en Afrique (9). Les sociétés militaires privées, dont celle d’Erik Prince, anciennement Blackwater, ont bien compris le message et sont dans les starting-blocks prêtes à s’installer au Sahel (10).


      https://www.iveris.eu/list/notes_danalyse/371-le_sahel_estil_une_zone_de_nondroit__


  • Three million euro for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

    The Farnesina has allocated a contribution of three million euro to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees from the Africa Fund of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. It is to strengthen the reception and protection system for refugees in Niger.
    The project, called “Strengthening reception conditions for persons in need of international protection in Agadez and in Niamey”, provides support for temporary reception and protection of refugees hosted in Niger, also in the context of the evacuation of vulnerable persons from Libya operated by the UNHCR. About 2,750 refugees and asylum seekers in Niger will benefit from the intervention.
    The High Commissioner is committed to supporting refugees in many African countries along the main migratory routes headed for Europe, and particularly in Niger. There are over 344,000 refugees and displaced persons in Niger, plus about 1,500 particularly vulnerable individuals evacuated from Libya.
    The recent Italian contribution is part of a broader Italian strategy to support the international organisations responsible for migrants and refugees. In 2017 Italy provided over 51 million dollars to the UNHCR for its activities, thus taking twelfth place among the largest donors of the Agency.

    https://www.esteri.it/mae/en/sala_stampa/archivionotizie/comunicati/2018/09/finanziamento-di-tre-milioni-di-euro-a-favore-dell-alto-commissariato-delle-n
    #Italie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Niger #HCR #UNHCR

    –-> Cette fragile ligne entre aide aux réfugiés et #externalisation des #contrôles_frontaliers... Aidons-les au Niger pour qu’ils ne viennent pas chez nous !

    cc @isskein


  • Anatomy of a Killing - BBC News

    Voici une recherche (Forensic research) très impressionnante sur cette histoire horrible : La démarche devrait beaucoup intéresser @simplicissimus et peut-être pourrions nous reparler et débattre de ce que le BBC a réussi à faire ici. Je reste sans voix.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4G9S-eoLgX4

    In July 2018 a horrifying video began to circulate on social media. It shows two women and two young children being led away at gunpoint by a group of Cameroonian soldiers. The captives are blindfolded, forced to the ground, and shot 22 times.

    #cameroun #nigéria #meurtres #boko_haram

    • These women and children while being led to their deaths the soldiers accused them of belonging to the jihadist group Boko Haram graphic tissue here they’re blindfolded posted the ground and shot a close-range 22 * one of the women still has the baby strapped to her back the video began to circulate on my 10th 2018 some claimed that this atrocity took place in Molly where government soldiers have been fighting Boko Haram since 2014 the government of Cameroon initially dismissed the video as fake news a month later they announce the seven members of the military wear under investigation but there has still been no official admission that these killings were carried out in cameroonian song by government soldiers and there is still no guarantee that anyone will be held to account so how can we tell what really happened here over the next few minutes we’re going to follow these women and children on the short walk to the end of their lives and to glean from this video the clues that tell us where this happened when it happened and who was responsible for this atrocity this looks like the kind of Dusty anonymously track that could be anywhere in the Sahel what the first 40 seconds of the film capture a mountain range with the distinctive profile we spent hours trying to match this rage to the Topography of Northern Cameroon and then in Late July we received a tip-off from a cameroonian sourced have you looked at the area near Santa Fe close to the town of side of it we found a match for the Ridgeline it this is the scene on a dirt road just outside of Village called crime Alpha a few hundred meters away is the border with Nigeria the video also reveals other details that can be matched precisely to what we see on the satellite imagery this track these buildings and these trees putting all this evidence together we can say with certainty but the killings took place here less than a kilometer away instead of it we found this compound and identify this the combat Outpost used by the cameroonian military and their fight against Boko Haram will come back to this base later exactly when the killings took place at First Sight harder to say but again the video contains Clues this building is visible and satellite imagery but only until February 2016 the murders must have happened before that date satellite images also captured this structure the Wolves surrounding it I’ll present an imagery dated March 2015 but it not yet been built in November 2014 giving earliest possible date for the atrocity the video also reveals this footpath a part that only appears in the hot dry season between January and April less obvious clues in the video as they leave these women away the soldiers like moving sundials cost Shadows on the track a simple mathematical formula tells us the end the sun in comparison to the Horizon we can also see what direction the light is coming from when we add this data to our location we can get a precise time frame for this event The Killing between March 20th and April 5th 2015 we now know where this happened and we know when it happened but who are the men who murdered these women and children in July is Serta Roma Bakery cameroon’s minister of communication insisted that the killers are not cameroonian soldiers and presented what he claimed was irrefutable evidence from the video itself the weapons he said I’m not those used by the cameroonian Army in this area of operation but your analysis shows that one of these is a Serbian made the stopper M21 it’s rare in sub-Saharan Africa but it is used by some divisions of the cameroonian military also claimed that a close examination of the shoes the soldiers wearing colorful Forrestal camouflage in the phone knows he said cameroonian soldiers wear pale desert style fatigues a closer look at the evidence reveals this cancel just seen here in a 2015 report by Channel 4 News filmed inside of it wearing darker forestal fatigues similar to those seen in the video on Facebook we also found these pictures cameroonian soldiers wearing the same type of camouflage the images attack to CertiFit but carry also question why the soldiers are not wearing the standard combat gear of troops stationed in that area be helmets bulletproof vest and ranges boots Beyonce is that the soldiers when those house on patrol they would just a few hundred metres away from the combat Outpost we saw earlier we know that this is a military base because we match the features visible in satellite imagery to the details in the channel 4 news report that was short hair in 2015 new movies this year and I Misty International investigators spoke with residents who have been displaced by the fighting to a nearby Town among them was the man who said that sold these women and children being brought into the base by cameroonian soldiers a short while after they will either way he said he heard gunfire in August there was a sudden change in the government Fishing Off 2 weeks of denying that these killings took place in Cameroon vicari announced that seven members of the cameroonian military had been arrested and we’re under investigation or analysis has and avoid three men who actually pulled the trigger one of them is this man introduced at the start of the film as chocho that links the nickname chocho to a soldier called Syriac patiala is among the detainees named by the government the BBC has also spoken with a former cameroonian Soldier to confirm but this is chocho cyriak patiala at the end of the film we see him again blindfolding the little girl he’s about to kill a few seconds later he draw his weapon and opens fire analysis Identify two other guns that were used in The Killing one of them was in the hands of this man we see him here blindfolding the woman with the baby seconds before the shooting starts resource identified him as Barnabas go no so we would not able to confirm this identification a very similar name Barnabas Donna Sue appeared 11 days later on the government’s List of soldiers under investigation the 3rd weapon used in The Killing is the Zastava M21 we saw earlier it is in the hands of a man introduced in the video as second-class cobra so who is Cobra of the women and children are killed Cobra is the lost man still firing into the body’s one of his colleagues calls out tangle leave it there dead when he still does not stop shooting the cold out again that’s enough tanker that’s enough the name Sanger also appears list of men under investigation suggesting but Cobra is a nickname for Lance corporal Tanga another man named among those arrested is Etienne Sebastian he’s the platoon commander who was interviewed by channel 4 news in 2015 as far as week until he does not appear in the video we put these findings to the government of Cameroon who responded Honda investigation right now until the investigation has been concluded and that hold of them will be given a fair trial new due process was extended to the two women killed outside set of it and no presumption of innocence was a foot to the children who died with them
      In July 2018 a horrifying video began to circulate on social media. It shows two women and two young children being led away at gunpoint by a group of Cameroonian soldiers. The captives are blindfolded, forced to the ground, and shot 22 times.

      The government of Cameroon initially dismissed the video as “fake news.” But BBC Africa Eye, through forensic analysis of the footage, can prove exactly where this happened, when it happened, and who is responsible for the killings.

      Warning: this video contains disturbing content

      Investigation by Aliaume Leroy and Ben Strick.
      Produced by Daniel Adamson and Aliaume Leroy.
      Motion Graphics: Tom Flannery

      Please subscribe HERE http://bit.ly/1rbfUog

    • (je commente ici…)

      Intéressant (et horrible !) La localisation par la ligne de crête me laisse très dubitatif. Elle me semble habiller une localisation obtenue par des moyens plus … classiques ; peut-être pour protéger une source.

      En particulier, la suite de la vidéo montre que les enquêteurs ont eu accès directement sur place, par exemple lors du reportage sur le poste militaire, à diverses informations, notamment l’identité des participants.

      Le recoupement entre images et vues par satellite interviennent plus comme confirmation ou pour préciser la localisation des séquences : les constructions sont vraiment sommaires et elles manquent totalement d’éléments remarquables. Sans localisation globale, rien de tout cela n’est utilisable.


  • #Niger suppresses dissent as US leads influx of foreign armies

    The western presence in one of the most militarised countries in Africa has sparked frustration and fear in locals.

    The demonstration was planned for 4pm on 15 April, a warm Sunday afternoon in the somnolent Nigerien capital. The protesters had two main complaints: rising taxes and the fact that, in recent years, some of the world’s most powerful armies had descended on their country.

    But before the civil society leaders could even get to the march, they were arrested.

    When a group of heavily armed men on motorbikes killed four American special ops soldiers in remote Niger last October, it was the first many had heard of the war the US was helping fight against a local branch of Isis.

    But their involvement in that fight represents only a fraction of the US presence in the west African country, poor but strategically located in the middle of the Sahel, its borders crisscrossed by extremists and traffickers.

    And the 800 US defence personnel in Niger are not alone. They are one of four western armies that have installed themselves in the vast desert landscape, variously flying armed drones, hunting militants, building vast bases, controlling migration and collecting intelligence from the region.

    This is what the April protest was about.

    Ibrahim Diori was arrested at home, and Maïkou Zodi in his car, both charged with participation in a banned demonstration and destruction of public property, even though they were not present. Today, they are in jail awaiting trial, along with colleagues arrested over previous marches.

    The Nigerien government allows foreign powers free rein to build military bases and send soldiers to defend their interests in the region, while suppressing any dissent, according to those civil society leaders not in jail, and key opposition figures.

    “Today there’s terrible repression of those who are against the government line. They put seven of my colleagues in prison because we said no to foreign bases,” said Mariama Bayard, leader of the opposition. She said that the government was “illegitimate” because the main challenger, Hama Amadou, was in jail at the time of the last election, and that it was being propped up by foreigners in the absence of domestic support.

    “Dictatorship is taking hold of this country. The people don’t want the bases. But the Sahel has become an important geo-strategic space for the great powers,” she said.

    According to Bayard, foreign powers do not have permission to build bases in their country.

    “Our constitution says that before a base can be installed, parliament has to accept it. It’s a deal between the government and these foreign powers. It’s illegal, the bases are illegal.”

    With Boko Haram in the south-east, Isis-linked ISGS on the Malian border, and a chaotic Libya to the north, Niger is surrounded by violent extremists.

    As part of its counter-terrorism mission Operation Barkhane, France has 500 soldiers on its base in Niamey, and more on its bases in Madama and Aguelal. Germany has 50 soldiers in Niamey to support the UN peacekeeping force in Mali, and is expanding accommodation to cater for more on the airbase it shares with France. Canadian soldiers come and go.

    Italy has an advance team of 40 soldiers in the country, preparing for the arrival of up to 430 more troops who will “train, advise and assist” local forces to fight illicit trafficking, mostly of migrants. Many of the 640,000 refugees who have arrived in Italy since 2014 came through Niger.

    But it is the US, with its armed drones targeting militants including al-Qaeda leaders in Libya, that has attracted the most attention.
    Niger is the perfect example of the US state of perma-war
    Trevor Timm
    Trevor Timm
    Read more

    The three giant white hangars of Airbase 201, the new US base near the centuries-old city of Agadez, which is costing $100m (£78m) to build, stand on a long stretch of sand that is prone to puddles ; local herders used to take their goats to drink there in rainy season.

    Some of these herders, living a few hundred metres away from the base’s new fences, said they had never met their new neighbours, though they often saw them whizzing past in air-conditioned SUVs, or by night, the shadow of their aircraft crossing the moon.

    “They don’t help us. I’ve always been poor, and I’m still poor,” said Sedefiou Abdou, who had never heard of America until the base came to his neighbourhood. References to Obama, Trump and Coca Cola drew a blank. Then he was played a snippet of a French cover of the wildly popular Latin hit Despacito, and his face finally lit up in recognition. Apart from the airbase, this was the closest America came to penetrating into his corner of the Sahel.

    Abdou had no more need of this knowledge than most Americans do for Niger’s rich and complex culture; the two countries are thousands of miles apart. But his government and theirs were firm friends, as the Nigerien president said in an interview at his palace in Niamey, where former presidents deposed in Niger’s many coups gaze down from their portraits on the building’s high white arches.

    “I don’t like the term ‘foreign forces’ – they’re friendly forces, who will leave as soon as we want them to,” said Mahamadou Issoufou. “They’re here at our request, and once the need for them disappears, they’ll leave.”

    Issoufou recognised that they were also looking after their own interests, however.

    “They’re not just here for us. They do it for themselves. The countries who have sent their armies know that once the Sahel is conquered, the threat will concern them, will concern Europe. It’s a way of preventing that threat from spreading into their territory.”

    Niger is one of the most militarised countries in Africa. The government spends 21% of its small budget on defence, which means there is much less to spend on things like health and education. Hence the need for higher taxes, which the government says do not affect the poor but which have nevertheless sparked fierce opposition.

    Civil society leaders and rights groups say protests against this and any controversial government policies have been “almost systematically denied”, while pro-government marches are allowed. Detained civil society leaders have been spread out in jails across the country, meaning their families struggle to visit and feed them; several were convicted of instigating an unarmed, banned gathering last month, and released having already served their time.

    According to Boulama Hamadou Tcherno, one of the few civil society leaders who was not arrested in the March and April crackdowns, there has been silence from the nations in a position to put pressure on the government.

    “We’re very worried about what will happen in the next few years. Freedom to demonstrate, freedom of religion – even praying to God is forbidden. And all the big democratic powers turn their gaze away.”

    The Guardian put the allegations that America is in effect propping up an illegitimate and repressive government to Thomas Waldhauser, the head of US Africa Command, in an interview at a small American base in Senegal last week.
    Advertisement

    “They [Niger] have been a good partner of ours now for many years,” he said.

    He emphasised that there had been “a lot of aid and security force assistance” in recent years and said that was why the US was there, as well as to help the country maintain its borders.

    Speaking more generally about the US presence in Africa, he said US troops were trying to “prevent something from spreading and happening before it actually does”.

    According to opponents of the foreign bases, however, they do not stop terrorists but attract them.

    “We see no results from their presence on the ground; in fact we have the impression that terrorism has increased since they arrived. Are they really here to help our soldiers?” Tcherno asked.

    Bayard agreed. “They are creating the conditions for the Sahel to blow up,” she said. “They say that the bases are here for our security, but the opposite is true.”


    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/aug/14/niger-suppresses-dissent-as-us-leads-influx-of-foreign-armies
    #militarisation #Italie #USA #Etats-Unis #terrorisme #sécurité #Airbase_201

    • Perché in Niger ci sono militari da tutto il mondo

      Il Niger è uno dei paesi più militarizzati dell’Africa. Nell’ottobre del 2017 questo dato è salito all’attenzione di tutti quando quattro soldati delle forze speciali statunitensi e almeno quattro militari nigerini sono rimasti uccisi in un’imboscata. Da allora la presenza militare straniera non ha fatto che intensificarsi. Cosa fanno in Niger tutte queste forze armate? Che interessi hanno? Stanno raggiungendo i loro obiettivi?

      Gli Stati Uniti non sono l’unico paese presente ad avere truppe in Niger: ci sono anche i soldati di Francia, Germania, Canada e Italia.

      Nell’aprile di quest’anno il Niger ha ospitato le esercitazioni militari congiunte Flintlock, che hanno coinvolto 1.900 soldati di una ventina di paesi. L’obiettivo delle esercitazioni, patrocinate dagli Stati Uniti, era rafforzare la collaborazione tra le forze di sicurezza africane per proteggere i civili dalle violenze legate all’estremismo religioso.

      La presenza militare straniera in Niger viene generalmente motivata in tre modi: lottare contro il terrorismo, prevenire le migrazioni degli africani in Europa e proteggere gli investimenti stranieri.

      Il terrorismo nel Sahel
      Nella regione del Sahel, che comprende anche il Niger, sono attivi alcuni gruppi estremisti islamici e per questo l’area è considerata la “nuova frontiera” delle operazioni della lotta globale al terrorismo. Oltre al Niger, gli Stati Uniti hanno una presenza militare in Mauritania, in Senegal, in Mali, in Burkina Faso, in Nigeria e in Ciad. Per quanto ne sappiamo, solo il Sudan e l’Eritrea non ospitano truppe statunitensi. Nel Sahel operano inoltre “attori esterni di secondo piano”, tra cui le forze armate dell’Unione europea, di Israele, della Colombia e del Giappone.

      Il coinvolgimento statunitense nel Sahel risale ai tempi della guerra al terrorismo lanciata da Washington dopo gli attentati dell’11 settembre 2001. Nel 2003 gli Stati Uniti crearono la Pan Sahel initiative, coinvolgendo il Ciad, il Mali, la Mauritania e il Niger nell’addestramento di unità dell’esercito specializzate nel contrastare le minacce terroristiche e la diffusione del radicalismo. Nel 2004 l’iniziativa è stata sostituita dalla Trans-Sahara counterterrorism partnership, un’alleanza più ampia che comprende anche l’Algeria, il Burkina Faso, il Camerun, il Marocco, la Nigeria, il Senegal e la Tunisia.

      Nel 2014 i capi di stato di Burkina Faso, Mali, Mauritania, Niger e Ciad hanno firmato una convenzione per istituire il G5 Sahel, con l’obiettivo di garantire “sviluppo e sicurezza per migliorare la qualità della vita della gente”. Nel 2017 gli stessi capi di stato hanno dato vita alla forza congiunta del G5 Sahel, con il benestare dell’Unione africana e delle Nazioni Unite. Lo scopo di questa forza armata, il cui presidente di turno è il nigerino Mahamadou Issoufou, è più ampio rispetto a quello di altre operazioni in corso nella regione: oltre a migliorare la sicurezza lungo i confini condivisi, i suoi uomini devono anche promuovere la cosiddetta soft security (”sicurezza morbida”, cioè quelle misure – anche di natura preventiva – che servono a riportare la stabilità e un senso di normalità nelle aree colpite da conflitti).

      Gli Stati Uniti hanno fornito supporto militare a ognuno degli stati del G5 Sahel e hanno promesso 60 milioni di dollari di aiuti bilaterali all’iniziativa.

      Il Niger è circondato da paesi che sono focolai di instabilità

      Il Niger si trova nel centro del Sahel. Purtroppo per i suoi abitanti, è circondato da paesi che sono focolai di instabilità. Storicamente il Niger è sempre stato la porta d’accesso al Nordafrica per i migranti originari dell’Africa subsahariana e negli ultimi anni è diventato uno dei più importanti paesi di transito per chi va in cerca di opportunità in Europa. È per questo che paesi come l’Italia hanno inviato le loro truppe in Niger, con l’obiettivo di fermare i migranti.

      Le forze armate straniere in Niger addestrano soldati africani, fanno volare droni, costruiscono basi, compiono incursioni oltre frontiera e raccolgono informazioni. Queste attività sono finalizzate alla lotta al terrorismo e al controllo dei flussi migratori. Tuttavia l’Africa è considerata anche uno dei mercati dalle potenzialità maggiori, cosa che spiega l’espansione dei rapporti economici e commerciali, e questa può essere un’ulteriore motivazione per la presenza militare straniera sempre più diversificata in Niger e, più in generale, nella regione.

      Dal canto suo, il governo di Niamey ha accolto a braccia aperte le truppe straniere. Il presidente Issoufou è felice di sostenere gli interessi di Washington nella regione finché gli Stati Uniti saranno disposti a sostenere il suo governo e ad addestrare le sue forze armate. Con l’aiuto statunitense Issoufou pensa di poter mantenere la promessa fatta in campagna elettorale di “sconfiggere i militanti estremisti islamici”.

      I rapporti amichevoli tra Niger e Stati Uniti assumono un significato particolare anche alla luce delle tensioni tra Washington e il Ciad, vicino del Niger. Alla fine del 2017 il presidente statunitense Donald Trump aveva inserito il Ciad nella
      lista di paesi colpiti dal divieto di viaggiare negli Stati Uniti, una mossa che ha stupito molti esperti di politica estera e ha evidentemente suscitato le ire del governo ciadiano. In seguito il divieto è stato abolito.

      Conseguenze indesiderate
      La presenza di forze militari straniere in Niger ha davvero permesso di contrastare il terrorismo e i flussi migratori? A che prezzo? Ci sono state ricadute impreviste e potenzialmente dannose? Alcuni sostengono che la presenza delle truppe straniere abbia avuto conseguenze negative sulla politica interna del Niger e che abbia favorito l’affermazione di un clima politico sempre più oppressivo.

      Alcuni rappresentanti della società civile e i leader dell’opposizione politica denunciano la costruzione di nuove basi militari straniere, denunciando delle violazioni della costituzione. Secondo loro, la presenza militare straniera e la centralità attribuita al tema della sicurezza sono strumenti che servono a rafforzare un governo che non ha più sostegno interno. Le elezioni nigerine del 2016, in cui Issoufou ha conquistato un secondo mandato, pare siano state “caratterizzate da gravi irregolarità”.

      La corsa alla militarizzazione del Niger desta ancora più preoccupazione in un paese dove le forze armate sono considerate “un’organizzazione profondamente politicizzata” e ostile al controllo delle autorità civili. Un esercito del genere potrebbe rivelarsi utile a un presidente che desideri consolidare il suo potere al di là di quanto concesso dagli strumenti democratici.

      Nel febbraio di quest’anno i nigerini sono scesi in piazza scandendo slogan come: “Eserciti francesi, americani e tedeschi, andate via!”. Issoufou ha risposto bloccando altre manifestazioni simili nel mese di marzo. Ha difeso la misura affermando l’importanza di uno stato “democratico, ma forte”.

      Non è ancora chiaro cosa succederà in futuro, soprattutto se – come rivela un articolo del New York Times – Washington starebbe valutando se ritirare la maggior parte delle truppe. Per chi si oppone alla presenza militare straniera in Niger non sarà mai troppo presto.

      (Traduzione di Giusy Muzzopappa)

      Da sapere

      Nel gennaio del 2018 è stata approvata dal parlamento italiano una missione militare in Niger (Misin), che dovrebbe occuparsi di addestramento e supporto dell’esercito nigerino nel contrasto di traffici illegali. I primi quaranta soldati italiani arrivati a marzo sono però rimasti accampati in una base statunitense a poche centinaia di metri dall’aeroporto di Niamey, senza avere ancora ricevuto il via libera dalle autorità del paese per operare. Il 20 settembre è stato reso noto da alcune agenzie di stampa, non smentite dal ministero, che il contingente è stato sbloccato e che entro novembre partiranno altri trenta militari italiani.
      Nella notte tra il 17 e il 18 settembre in Niger un gruppo armato ha rapito il religioso italiano Pierluigi Maccalli, della Società delle missioni africane (Sma). Il sequestro è stato inizialmente attribuito a miliziani jihadisti provenienti da oltre frontiera, ma potrebbe anche essere opera di gruppi peul radicalizzati, precisa un missionario della Sma.

      https://www.internazionale.it/notizie/craig-bailie/2018/09/20/niger-militari-mondo

    • La mission militaire italienne au Niger débute finalement

      La mission militaire italienne au Niger, visant à aider les autorités locales à contrôler les flux migratoires, va finalement débuter, huit mois après avoir été votée par le Parlement italien, a annoncé jeudi la ministre de la Défense Elisabetta Trenta.

      « Après huit mois d’impasse, nous avons débloqué la mission au Niger pour le contrôle des flux migratoires », a écrit Mme Trenta sur Facebook, sans préciser ce qui avait bloqué, puis débloqué, la situation.

      « L’Italie interviendra en soutien du gouvernement nigérien et assistera les autorités locales à travers des unités chargées de la formation (...) des forces nigériennes pour renforcer le contrôle du territoire », a poursuivi Mme Trenta sans préciser la date du début de cette mission.

      « Concrètement, l’objectif est de lutter, ensemble, contre la traite d’êtres humains et le trafic des migrants qui traversent le pays et se dirigent vers la Libye pour finalement s’embarquer en direction de nos côtes », a-t-elle ajouté.

      L’ancien chef du gouvernement italien, Paolo Gentiloni (centre gauche), avait annoncé l’envoi de cette mission lors du G5 Sahel (Mali, Tchad, Burkina Faso, Niger, Mauritanie) qui s’était tenu mi-décembre 2017 à la Celle-Saint-Cloud, près de Paris.

      Selon M. Gentiloni, il s’agissait de répondre à une demande des autorités locales, même si ces dernières avaient alors démenti avoir formulé une requête de ce type.

      En janvier, les députés italiens avaient entériné l’envoi de cette mission militaire au Niger, un pays d’origine mais surtout de transit pour les migrants souhaitant se rendre en Europe.

      La ministre de la Défense de l’époque, Roberta Pinotti, avait expliqué que cette mission devait compter dans un premier temps 120 militaires, avant de monter progressivement à 470.


      https://www.voaafrique.com/a/la-mission-militaire-italienne-au-niger-d%C3%A9bute-finalement/4580034.html


  • Le donne del #Niger contro il deserto

    Gli uomini partono in cerca di lavoro. A coltivare le arachidi, in assenza di pioggia, restano loro: le madri, le figlie, le spose.

    Tutti, negli 80 villaggi del dipartimento di #Dogondoutchi, nel centro-sud del Niger, conoscono la storia di Sarraounia Mangou, la regina hausa che, a fine ’800, si oppose con coraggio all’avanzata delle truppe coloniali francesi. Secondo le ricostruzioni, tramandate di generazione in generazione, Mangou organizzò la resistenza armata nascondendosi nelle foreste, che coprivano gran parte del territorio.

    Oggi, le donne di Dogondoutchi, che in hausa significa «montagne alte», dalle numerose rocce che puntellano questa pianura semi-arida, devono combattere un nemico diverso: la desertificazione. A differenza della regina, che usò tiratori d’arco scelti fra i migliori guerrieri del villaggio di Lougou, sono però rimaste da sole a battersi: una volta terminate le scorte alimentari, molti uomini partono infatti per lunghi mesi, in cerca di salari e cibo per le famiglie. Un’emigrazione silenziosa e inesorabile, verso paesi costieri più ricchi, dalla Nigeria alla Costa d’Avorio, o verso la Libia.

    Cambiamenti climatici devastanti

    Halidou Hamado Abdoulzakou, agronomo e supervisore locale per l’ONG italiana Coopi, spiega che «il fenomeno è recente. Solo cinque anni fa questo esodo dalle campagne alle città, anche verso paesi della regione come Nigeria, Ghana o Togo, non aveva queste dimensioni». Il cambiamento climatico, associato a una diminuzione della piovosità e quindi ad una riduzione della rendita di agricoltura e pastorizia, «le uniche risorse economiche del nostro dipartimento», prosegue Abdoulzakou, «ha portato ad un circolo vizioso: l’aridità riduce i raccolti e le scorte, così gli uomini partono e, nella stagione successiva, l’estensione dei terreni lavorati cala».

    Coopi lavora con i comuni del dipartimento di Dogondoutchi, per sostenere le famiglie più vulnerabili e le comunità locali, all’interno di PARC-Sad, progetto triennale contro l’insicurezza alimentare, finanziato dall’Unione Europea, di cui è partner anche Coopi Suisse."Fra le varie attività, distribuiamo sementi più resistenti, di culture locali come okra e moringa, tradizionalmente condotte dalle donne, recuperiamo terre degradate, costruiamo magazzini per conservare sementi e derrate alimentari, distribuiamo attrezzi meccanici e formiamo gruppi di donne", spiega Giacomo Fassi, capo progetto di Coopi in Niger.

    Un intervento mirato, in una regione di confine, in cui l’ONG è attiva da anni. In tutto il Niger, però, le persone in situazione di insicurezza alimentare sono tra 1,4 e 1,7 milioni, secondo le Nazioni Unite. Un trend costante negli ultimi anni, a causa anche del cambiamento climatico.

    Le donne di #Socoucoutane, uno dei comuni del dipartimento, confinante con la Nigeria, arano quindi i campi a mano, raccolgono e lavorano le arachidi, mantenendo in vita colture di sussistenza fondamentali. Altre che richiedono più manodopera, come miglio e sorgo, sono inevitabilmente calate. «almeno il 65 per cento delle donne del comune», dice l’agronomo di Coopi, «lavora nei campi, in assenza dei mariti: è a loro che offriamo sostegno e formazione, per rendere sostenibile la vita delle famiglie, elaborando piccole strategie di adattamento».


    https://www.rsi.ch/news/oltre-la-news/Le-donne-del-Niger-contro-il-deserto-10818683.html
    #arachides #agriculture #femmes #hommes #celles_qui_restent #Niger #genre #migrations #émigration

    A noter, la petite contradiction... un reportage qui parle d’un « règne de femmes », et sur l’image de couverture on ne voit que des #hommes !
    #photojournalisme #image #invisibilisation


  • L’EPFZ accusée de mener des recherches risquées au Nigeria Jean-Marc Heuberger/jgal - 31 Aout 2018 - RTS
    http://www.rts.ch/info/suisse/9812239-l-epfz-accusee-de-mener-des-recherches-risquees-au-nigeria.html

    L’Ecole polytechnique fédérale de Zurich (EPFZ) profiterait d’une législation plus laxiste en Afrique pour mener une expérience de dissémination d’OGM jugée dangereuse par plusieurs ONG suisses et nigérianes, révèle vendredi SRF.
    Cible des critiques, le projet de la biologiste Livia Stavolone qui étudie en conditions réelles du manioc génétiquement modifié à Ibadan, au Nigeria.


    « Cet essai est purement scientifique. Nous voulons savoir si les résultats obtenus en laboratoire à Zurich se confirment dans les conditions réelles », explique-t-elle à l’émission alémanique 10 vor 10. L’objectif est de rallonger la durée de conservation du manioc, l’un des aliments de base en Afrique, via génie génétique.

    Normes internationales « respectées »
    Malgré les mesures prises pour surveiller le terrain jour et nuit, le projet est vivement critiqué par Swissaid. L’ONG suisse juge le projet risqué et accuse l’EPFZ de profiter de la législation moins stricte au Nigeria pour s’épargner des contrôles de sécurité qui seraient exigés en Suisse.

    « Il faut s’assurer que les mêmes normes soient appliquées en Suisse comme à l’étranger », estime Céline Kohlprath, responsable de la politique de développement et médias pour Swissaid.

    Du côté de la haute école, on assure que « les risques sont très limités ». « Nous respectons les normes internationales. Toutes les plantes ont un code et à la fin nous brûlerons tout ce que nous avons amené », indique Livia Stavolone.

    #EPFZ #Suisse #OGM #livia_stavolone #manioc #Nigeria #Plantes    #agriculture    #environnement #nature_/_ecologie #Afrique #cobayes #génie_génétique