#noms

210 fois, moins de 0,01% de la population
et, sans surprise, la commune en tête (35 occurrences) est le pays d’origine de mon grand-père paternel (mentionnée sur ma carte d’identité suisse)

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What’s in a Word? Historicising the Term ‘Caffre’ in European Discourses about Southern Africa between 1500 and 1800

In the 19th and 20th centuries, southern Africa’s white colonists used the word ‘Caffre’ to characterise the region’s black majority as an inferior race of African origins. While this historical context explains why the term ‘Caffre’ is considered hate speech in post-apartheid South Africa, the word’s history dates back to the beginning of Europe’s engagement with the region in c. 1500. Based on primary sources in multiple languages, this article explores this deeper history and shows that Europeans imbued the word ‘Caffre’ with racialising ideas from the start. The Portuguese first racialised the term by linking it explicitly to black skin colour in the 16th century. In the 17th century, Cape Colony officials reinforced its racialisation by creating a ‘Hottentot–Caffre’ race dichotomy, a racial divide of long-term significance in southern African history. By the end of the 18th century, most European naturalists argued that ‘Caffre’ identified a people racially distinct from ‘Hottentots’ and ‘true Negroes’, an idea that shaped missionary approaches to Bible translation in the region until the mid 19th century. Moreover, naturalists rationalised these alleged racial differences by placing the origins of the ‘Caffres’ outside the African continent, thereby effectively defining them as a superior race of non-African provenance. The word’s deeper history, therefore, exposes a major transformation in meaning over the course of the 19th century: whereas the word ‘Caffre’ represented a superior race of non-African origin in 1800, it described an inferior race of African origin in 1900. Because the radical change in meaning parallels the process of black political and economic disempowerment in southern Africa, the article suggests that the term became directly implicated in and transformed by this process and, for this reason, should be viewed as a valuable historical record of the establishment of white supremacist rule in the region.

►https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03057070.2018.1403212

Plant names linked to slavery survive as ‘racist’ Latin terms culled

Botanists vote to rename more than 200 plants, fungi and algae species whose names included offensive terms in unprecedented move.

(#paywall)

▻https://www.thetimes.com/world/europe/article/plant-names-linked-to-slavery-survive-as-racist-latin-terms-culled-kh2vpdd

Bremen’s Elefant: Memorialisation, politics, and memory surrounding German colonialism

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In 1932, German citizens gathered for the dedication of the Kolonialelefant in Bremen. The Bremen Colonial Society created this monument in memory of the German soldiers who died in the German colonies during the First World War. As well as to glorify colonialism and bolster the neo-colonial movement (after the Treaty of Versailles had stripped Germany of its colonies in 1919). The first speaker at the ceremony was Eduard Achelis, Chairman of the Bremen section of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft (German Colonial Society). In his speech, he stated:

In this solemn hour dedicated to our colonies, may the whole German people step up and […] unanimously shout to the world: Away with the events of the past, with lies and slander; we Germans demand our rights. The recognition of necessary living conditions. Immediate return of our own land, honestly acquired and honestly managed, an expensive legacy left to us by our fathers: the German colonies.

For Achelis and many others, the value of the Elefant lay not in the memory of the specific German soldiers who had lost their lives but in the reminder of the sacrifice that went into obtaining and controlling colonial land in Africa: the injustice of that land being taken away. A specific version of colonialism was publicly displayed through the Kolonialelefant: colonialism was a worthy venture that brought glory and prosperity. The city’s actions followed this version of colonial memory. The National Socialists of Bremen established the town as the ‘Capital of the Colonies’ after the statue’s dedication, and in 1938, a convention that brought together all of the German colonial organisations was held in Bremen.

Six decades later, the Elefant underwent a second dedication – this time it was dedicated as the Anti-Kolonial-Denk-Mal (Anti-Colonial Monument). Before the ceremony, the Elefant was wrapped in fabric ‘chains’ of racism and colonialism, which were cut away during the ceremony. Speeches were given that grieved the atrocities of German colonialism, and a plaque was unveiled, which provided a history of German colonialism and the monument’s problematic creation. The plaque also highlighted the reason for rededicating the memorial: ‘This monument is a symbol of the responsibility we have inherited from history.’ Many Bremen-based organisations were involved in the rededication process, and other efforts to campaign for greater awareness of Germany’s colonial past. The fond memory of German colonialism that prevailed in Bremen in the 1930s was replaced by a memory of German colonialism shrouded in racism and violence.

The Elefant is both a reflection of and exception to German memorial culture. Like the Elefant, German colonial memorials created before the Holocaust glorified colonialism. After the Holocaust, when genocide was defined and criminalised, there was a gap in German colonial memorialisation. No longer were memorials glorifying colonialism erected, and colonial monuments that already existed, including the Elefant, were largely left to decay.

In the 1970s and 80s, the anti-apartheid movement swept across Europe, bringing awareness to the lasting impact of colonialism. Citizens in Bremen began to analyse how the city was responsible for the disastrous situation in South West Africa, particularly in Namibia (then controlled by South Africa), a former German colony. It is at this point, Bremen began to be an exception to overall German memorial culture, starting with the creation of initiatives to support Namibia and its independence movement. In 1980 the Centre for African Studies at Bremen University co-founded the Namibia Project, the purpose of which was to promote education and improve the legal system in Namibia. This programme spread beyond the University, creating connections with political groups across the Bremen area. In 1989, Bremen joined the Europe-wide campaign ‘Cities against Apartheid’. At the time, movements against colonialism and apartheid were yet to gain momentum in Germany. Germany’s official policy was cooperation and even friendship with South Africa while ignoring apartheid and the illegal occupation of South West Africa and, in some sense, supporting the occupation due to lobbying by the German minority living in South West Africa. Bremen’s efforts to improve the situation in South West Africa were accompanied by initiatives for greater awareness of Germany’s colonial past. Activist individuals and organisations in Bremen wrote educational materials for schools and articles for newspapers and academic journals while also organising awareness campaigns in the city. These decolonisation efforts led to a renewed focus on the Elefant statue, the very existence of which was a symbol of Bremen’s former support of colonialism. By rededicating the Elefant, Bremen confronted a colonial legacy that the rest of Germany had been ignoring for decades. The Elefant remains one of the only anti-colonial memorials in Germany – evidence of the nation’s continued willful amnesia of its colonial crimes.

Works Cited

‘Treaty of Versailles’, United States Library of Congress, June 28, 1919, Part IV Section I.

‘Einweihung des deutschen Kolonial-Ehrenmals’, 7 July 1932, Ausgabe Nr. 187 Drittes Blatt, Schünemann, Bremen, quoted in G. Eickelberg, ‘Die Geschichte des Bremer AntiKolonialDenkmals’, Feb. 2012.

The Plenipotentiary of the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen for Federal Affairs, Europe and Development Co-operation, ‘Co-operation Bremen – Namibia: A Responsibility Posed by History’ (Bremen, 1999).

‘Als Bremen „Stadt der Kolonien” sein wollte’, WK Geschichte [Bremen], (27 May 2018).

Bremen State Office for Development Co-operation, ‘Vom Kolonial-Ehrenmal zum Anti-Kolonial-Denk-Mal’ (Bremen, 2004).

Bremen Parliament, Entschließung der Stadtbürgerschaft vom 19.9.1989, ‘Die Stadtbürgeschaft begrüßt die 1986 in Den Haag gestartete europäische Aktion “Städte gegen Apartheid” und schließt sich ihr an’, September 19, 1989.

▻https://contestedhistories.org/uncategorized/bremens-elefant
#Kolonialelefant

„Stadt der Kolonien“

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„Stadt der Kolonien“ wirft ein Schlaglicht auf die deutsche Kolonialgeschichte. In 50 kurzen Episoden stellt das Buch die (post-) koloniale Geschichte Bremens dar – von den Anfängen bis heute.

▻https://bch.uni-bremen.de/projekte/stadt-der-kolonien
#livre

#Decolonize_Berlin

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Der Verein Decolonize Berlin e.V. setzt sich für die kritische Auseinandersetzung mit der Geschichte und Gegenwart von Kolonialismus und Rassismus, für die Anerkennung und Aufarbeitung von kolonialem Unrecht und für eine gesamtgesellschaftliche Dekolonisierung ein.

▻https://decolonize-berlin.de
#histoire_coloniale #passé_colonial #Allemagne #colonisation #colonialisme #racisme #décolonial

Kein Rassismus vor unserer Haustür!
Offener Brief der Nachbarschaftsinitiative Anton Wilhelm Amo-Straße:

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Nachbarschaftsinitiative Anton-Wilhelm-Amo-Straße. Eine dekoloniale Zukunftswerkstatt

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Das Amo Collective Berlin ist aus der Nachbarschaftsinitiative Anton-Wilhelm-Amo Straße (#NAWAS) entstanden und ein Zusammenschluss, der sich Projekten wie dem Decolonial Flânerie und dem Amo Salon widmet. Die NAWAS ist 2020 mit dem offenen Brief „Kein Rassismus vor unserer Haustür!“ entstanden, in dem Personen und Institutionen mit Verbindung zur M-Straße für eine Umbenennung der Straße aufforderten. Auf der Website amo-collective.org gibt es zusätzliche Informationen.

Die Nachbarschaftsinitiative Anton-Wilhelm-Amo-Straße (NAWAS) wurde im Juli 2020 von über 155 Wissenschaftler*innen und Institutionen gegründet, die in der ehemaligen Mohrenstraße ansässig sind und sich, gemeinsam mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Gruppen, für deren Umbenennung und für ein postkoloniales Umdenken in Berlin einsetzen. Der Anstoß ging vom Institut für Europäische Ethnologie (M_hrenstraße 40/41) und dessen Offenem Brief Kein Rassismus vor unserer Haustür aus. Der Brief traf auf breite Unterstützung des Berliner Instituts für empirische Integrations- und Migrationsforschung, des Centre for British Studies, des Georg-Simmel-Zentrums für Metropolenforschung, des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung, der Bundesstiftung Magnus Hirschfeld sowie diverser Sonderforschungsbereiche und Forschungsgruppen der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, allesamt Nachbar*innen der M_hrenstraße, die seither die Nachbarschaftsinitiative bilden.

Wir freuen uns über einen großen Erfolg: Unserer Forderung nach Umbenennung wurde am 20. August 2020 von der Bezirksverordnetenversammlung Berlin-Mitte zugestimmt. Ab 1.10.2021 soll die Straße amtlich Anton-Wilhelm-Amo-Straße heißen.

Die Umbenennung ermöglicht nun einen anderen Blick auf die Ge­schichte der brandenburgisch-preußischen Beteiligung am Versklavungshandel, mit dem auch der bisherige Straßenname verflochten ist. Statt mit ungebrochen kolonialer Blickrichtung auf diese Geschichte Bezug zu nehmen, wird mit Anton Wilhelm Amo (geb. um 1700, Todesdatum nicht ge­sichert) an den ersten in Deutschland tätigen Rechtsgelehrten und Philosoph afrikanischer Herkunft erinnert, der selbst im 18. Jahrhundert als versklavtes Kind an den Hof von Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel verschleppt wurde, dann eine universitäre Ausbildung absolvieren konnte, eine seiner Disputationen zu der nach wie vor virulenten Frage der „Rechtsstellung Schwarzer Menschen in Europa“ verfasste und sich als Professor von den Universitäten Halle, Wittenberg und Jena aus mit seinem Werk an den Debatten der Aufklärung beteiligte.

Über die Umbenennung der Straße und des dazugehörigen U-Bahnhofs hinaus soll Anton Wilhelm Amo auch Namensgeber einer postkolonialen Erinnerungs- und Zukunftswerkstatt (Amo-Salon) werden, die von der Nachbarschaftsinitiative im Foyer des Hauses 40/41 geplant wird. Darüber hinaus hat die Initiative ein performatives Format des Dekolonialen Flanierens entwickelt, das im August 2020 Premiere hatte und in verschiedenen Fortsetzungen weitergeführt werden soll. Im Geiste Anton Wilhelm Amos werden dabei verschiedene Stationen seiner Straße aus einer postkolonialen Perspektive neu und mit Blick auf eine gemeinsam zu gestaltende Zukunft der Stadtgesellschaft betrachtet.

▻https://nachbarschaftsinitiativeamostrasse.wordpress.com

#cartoexperiment

Si battezza Maria, la prima nata a Lampedusa dopo 51 anni

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E’ nata il 31 luglio 2021 a Lampedusa dove i suoi genitori, della Costa d’Avorio, sono giunti con un barcone partito dall’Africa.

Ora Maria è tornata, dopo due anni e mezzo sull’isola dove oggi verrà battezzata durante la messa serale, nella parrocchia di San Gerlando. La bambina e i suoi genitori sono arrivati a Lampedusa da Cassaro, comune di poco più di 700 abitanti in provincia di Siracusa, dove sono ospiti della rete Sai (sistema accoglienza integrazione) gestita dalla cooperativa Passwork.

La famiglia è stata accolta dal sindaco delle Pelagie Filippo Mannino che ha voluto la cittadinanza onoraria, deliberata dal Consiglio comunale, per la piccola. Il riconoscimento è stato conferito, mentre in via Roma è stato intitolato a Maria il parco giochi realizzato con i fondi Fami del ministero dell’Interno.

Mannino, accogliendo ieri la bimba e i genitori, ha chiesto se fossero cattolici e se era possibile un incontro con la comunità dei fedeli di Lampedusa. I genitori di Maria si sono detti disponibili all’incontro e hanno anche manifestato l’intenzione di battezzare la piccola proprio nella sua isola. Stamani è stato contattato il parroco che ha dato il via libera e che ha già trovato la tutina bianca da far indossare a Maria.

La bimba è stata la prima a nascere, dopo 51 anni, a Lampedusa, dove le donne non partoriscono per mancanza di una struttura sanitarie adeguata. Maria è nata nell’ambulatorio del punto territoriale d’emergenza (Pte). Rita, ivoriana di 38 anni, già madre di due figli rimasti in Costa d’Avorio, faceva parte di un gruppo di migranti salvato e sbarcato nell’isola. La donna, giunta alla fine della gestazione, è stata portata in via precauzionale al poliambulatorio. Al Pte la ha iniziato il travaglio e non essendo stato possibile trasferirla in elisoccorso i sanitari hanno deciso di farla partorire lì.

Ad assisterla e supportarla oltre ai medici in servizio è stata Maria Raimondo, infermiera di Corleone in servizio all’ambulatorio di Lampedusa: i genitori hanno deciso di dare il nome della donna alla figlia.

La cittadinanza onoraria e l’intitolazione del parco - partecipa anche per il dipartimento Libertà civili e immigrazione il vice prefetto Carmen Cosentino - sono state decise in quanto Maria è un simbolo di speranza. Nelle motivazioni è scritto: «Maria è il simbolo di chi c’è l’ha fatta ma soprattutto di chi non ce l’ha fatta, di chi nutre la speranza di raggiungere un posto migliore dove mettere radici, dove vivere nella piena libertà e legalità, dove il diritto all’infanzia è una priorità. Ed è per questo che la nostra comunità è in dovere e in diritto di riconoscerle la cittadinanza onoraria, un riconoscimento alla vita, alla solidarietà, al rispetto e tutela dei diritti umani e di tutti i bambini che come Maria sono nati a Lampedusa».

▻https://www.ansa.it/sicilia/notizie/2024/05/04/maria-prima-nata-a-lampedusa-dopo-51-anni-si-battezza_1403e10e-4d73-46a1-a322-a

Strade di Guspini intitolate alle donne. La zona industriale sarà al femminile

I nomi delle vie saranno tutti al femminile. Lo ha deciso il Comune di Guspini che, per primo in Italia, ha deciso, con una delibera, di dedicare le vie della zona industriale alle donne che hanno aperto metaforicamente nuove strade, non solo nel commercio.

Lo ha annunciato questa mattina Daniela Ducato, l’imprenditrice premiata come la più innovativa d’Italia, famosa in mezzo mondo per le sue produzioni realizzate con eccedenze e residui vegetali, in occasione della conferenza stampa sulle iniziative ‘green’ di Confcommercio. Si parte da Guspini, ma anche la vicina Arbus è pronta ad approvare una analoga iniziativa. “La toponomastica – ricorda Ducato – è quasi totalmente maschile, le donne sono al 3 per cento nei centri dove la situazione è migliore”. L’imprenditrice quasi non ci credeva. Poi è arrivata la delibera. E la speranza ora è che tanti Comuni seguano la stessa strada. Magari uscendo anche dalle zone industriali. Una richiesta che parte da lontano: la prima proposta fu formulata 30 anni fa. “Chiesi che la toponomastica fosse anche al femminile e che le strade della zona industriale di Guspini fossero intitolate alle donne. Donne pioniere – spiega l’imprenditrice – che hanno aperto la strada ad altre donne e al pensiero di tutti. Avevo perso la speranza: da oggi è realtà”.

Spazio dunque alle nuove intitolazioni con le strade della zona industriale dedicate a Margherita Hack, la signora delle stelle; Elena Valentini Luzzato, prima italiana a laurearsi in architettura; Francesca Sanna Sulis, pioniera del commercio la cui seta, nel ‘700, varcò i confini dell’Isola; Pasqua Selis Zua, pasionaria ribelle che nel 1868 guidò la rivolta di Su Connotu; Eva Mameli Calvino, madre di Italo, prima donna a conseguire nel 1915 la libera docenza all’Università; Maria Lai, artista d’eccezione che con i suoi fili di stoffa celeste legò tutte le porte del suo paese, Ulassai, per ben 27 chilometri: la sua fu la prima opera di Arte relazione a livello mondiale.

▻https://www.sardiniapost.it/cronaca/strade-di-guspini-intitolate-alle-donne-la-zona-industriale-sara-al-fem

“Il terzo paesaggio del Comune di Guspini primo in Italia in qualificazione per la medicina forestale. Daniela Ducato ideatrice del progetto” In evidenza

Abbassamento della glicemia, aumento della concentrazione e dell’attenzione, rilassamento mentale e liberazione dai pensieri ricorrenti (rimuginio, ruminazione mentale) attivazione dei processi che contrastano l’insonnia, riequilibrio del tono dell’umore, stimolazione del sistema psiconeuroendrocrino e immunitario. Sono solo alcuni dei benefici certificati della medicina forestale con le immersioni a contatto con la natura guidati dal personale specializzato per trarre beneficio per la salute. E l’isola rappresenta il luogo ideale grazie ai suoi territori che contano oltre duemila specie spontanee e ai suoli millenari. Guspini in particolare fa un passo in avanti. Il suo terzo paesaggio è il primo in Italia in fase di qualificazione per la medicina forestale quale luogo idoneo alla prevenzione e alla promozione della salute grazie al Comune di Guspini con la sua referente e ideatrice del progetto Daniela Ducato, nota innovatrice green, prima specializzata in Sardegna in medicina forestale. La medicina forestale esiste da 40 anni ed è nata in Giappone da un team di ricerca di medici immunologi con suo ideatore l’immunologo Qing Li. Si tratta di una medicina integrativa per gli effetti vantaggiosi per la salute fisica e mentale, ed è già da molti anni presente nel servizio sanitario nazionale di diversi paesi del mondo come Canada, Danimarca, Scozia, Corea, Cina ecc. Questa tipologia di prevenzione oltre allo straordinario potenziale salutistico offre un importante risparmio economico stimato intorno all’8% di PIL mondiale per l’apporto prezioso sulla salute fisica e mentale di chi con assiduità si immerge in foresta. Con terzo paesaggio l’agronomo francese Gilles Clément, nel 2003 definì i luoghi marginali naturali, aree dismesse o abbandonate dall’uomo, dove spesso la natura si riprende il suo spazio, ex aree industriali ma anche spazi verdi più piccoli come i suoli urbani e di periferia. L’Italia detiene il triste primato europeo per consumo di suolo con di 2,4 metri quadri al secondo. Ed è Il terzo paesaggio, il primo ad essere cementificato, asfaltato, trasformato in discarica, maltrattato prima di tutto nell’immaginario collettivo che lo considera suolo inutile, degradato legittimandone così abusi e distruzione. L’impermeabilizzazione del suolo ritorna alla ribalta solo in caso di disastri e allagamenti. Dopo l’emergenza cala il silenzio. Il terzo paesaggio può invece diventare un’opportunità straordinaria di prevenzione della salute, addirittura una risorsa sanitaria e di benessere in ogni stagione? La risposta è sì se si mettono insieme ricerca, conoscenza e divulgazione scientifica, animazione e cura del territorio, ed azioni di prevenzione e di economia green senza consumo di suolo.

Ed è ciò che è avvenuto a Guspini con l’attuale fase di qualificazione di medicina forestale, una delle azioni all’interno di un articolato progetto sul terzo paesaggio ideato da Daniela Ducato ed un team di ricerca scientifica con il Comune di Guspini già certificato pesticide free, l’A.I.Me.F. (associazione Italiana di medicina forestale) in collaborazione con associazioni come la Confcommercio Green, privati, ordini professionali, realtà e progetti di innovazione e Università. Per le sue caratteristiche la Sardegna rappresenta un luogo di eccellenza per la Medicina forestale. Non solo le foreste ma anche il terzo paesaggio non più bistrattato ma valorizzato come dimostra Guspini prima in Italia in fase di validazione come risorsa di prevenzione medica. Inaugurando con il terzo paesaggio una assoluta novità in ambito nazionale ed internazionale.

«A Guspini, per la prima volta in Italia, abbiamo iniziato la qualificazione di aree urbane caratterizzate dal Terzo Paesaggio, come luoghi idonei alla prevenzione e alla promozione della

salute». Annuncia con soddisfazione il medico Paolo Zavarella presidente e fondatore dell’associazione italiana di medicina forestale il cui comitato scientifico è diretto da Giovanna Borriello neurologa e responsabile del centro di riferimento per la Sclerosi Multipla dell Ospedale San Pietro Fatebenefratelli di Roma, Responsabile del Centro di ricerca clinica applicata alla Sclerosi Multipla del NCL Istituto di Neuroscienze di Roma. “L’A.I.Me.F. Associazione Italiana di Medicina Forestale nasce per portare anche in Italia ricerca, esperienze e formazione sulla Medicina Forestale, facilitando il processo di Riconoscimento Sanitario, in modo da farla diventare una importante pratica di salute all’interno del servizio sanitario nazionale prescrivibile dai medici, come già oggi accade con la Medicina Termale”, aggiunge Zavarella, “ la corretta immersione è in grado di aumentare del 50%, in modo stabile e sostenuto nel tempo, il numero delle Cellule NK (Natural Killer) che sono i linfociti o globuli bianchi presenti nel sistema immunitario umano e animale, strategicamente deputate al riconoscimento e alla eliminazione delle cellule tumorali e infette da virus. Aumentano, con risultati stabili per settimane, anche altre sostanze preziose in campo immunitario (endorfine, interferone, oppioidi endogeni), aumenta la serotonina (ormone della tranquillità), aumenta l’ossitocina (ormone della felicità) mentre si riduce l’attività del cortisolo e del sistema ortosimpatico (attivi nello stress)”. Sempre i dati certificati Aimef riportano anche immersioni più brevi (almeno un’ora per almeno tre volte settimanali) portano i seguenti benefici: Aumento della concentrazione e dell’attenzione, migliore stabilizzazione dell’umore, un aumento fino al 50% della capacità di problem solving, minore produzione di ormoni degli stress, contribuzione al regolarizzare la pressione arteriosa e la frequenza cardiaca, contribuzione a gestire la depressione e gli stati d’ansia, aumento dell’attività del sistema nervoso parasimpatico, miglioramento della funzione psichica, delle prestazioni mnesico-attentive, aumento fino al 40% dell’attività dei linfociti NK, anche detti cellule natural killer, fondamentali nella difesa naturale contro virus e malattie.

Daniela Ducato ideatrice del progetto è anche la prima in Sardegna, specializzata Aimef in medicina forestale con la tesi: “il terzo paesaggio come risorsa sanitaria per una urbanistica della salute. I bias cognitivi nella perdita di suolo e di salute. I benefici del non consumare ma del restituire suolo. L’esempio del Comune di Guspini certificato pesticida free e in qualificazione di idoneità per la Medicina Forestale per la prevenzione e la promozione della salute.”

“Il terzo paesaggio non va abusato asfaltato ma ritrovato attraverso la consapevolezza e la scienza”, spiega la Ducato, “nel suolo c’è la nostra salute, la nostra farmacia a cielo aperto. E nella restituzione di suolo e non nel suo consumo c’è il nostro futuro biologico. Nel terzo paesaggio l’assenza umana genera spesso un inaspettato rifugio per il ripristino e la conservazione della biodiversità. Il suolo con le sue piante spontanee è elemento privilegiato dell’equilibrio ecologico e al contempo favorisce la salute umana anche attraverso il rilascio di molecole volatili. Per una efficace immersione è importante avere la guida di figure specializzate facilitatrici di medicina forestale quindi conoscitrici dei metodi e dei luoghi più idonei per una corretta balneazione. Ad esempio l’iter di qualificazione di Guspini, realizzata da esperti e medici AIMEF, in una delle sue fasi con la raccolta dei parametri biometrici del campione di partecipanti, si è svolta in una zona urbana di terzo paesaggio ricca di piante spontanee il cui entourage di molecole volatili si caratterizza, proprio in questa stagione, per l’importante proprietà immunomodulante, quindi di aiuto per il sistema immunitario”.

Aggiunge Zavarella “Le piante emettono preziose molecole studiate e classificate come B-VOC (Biogenic Volatile Organic Compounds: Composti Organici Volatili di Origine Biogenica). Nel tempo, moltissime molecole di origine vegetale sono state isolate, tracciate, purificate, brevettate e riprodotte per sintesi chimica in laboratorio e costituiscono la maggior parte dei farmaci oggi conosciuti (95%). Importante ritornare ad immergersi in quelle molecole vegetali che hanno plasmato la nostra “fisiologia cellulare”.

IL SUOLO RISORSA STRATEGICA INFRASTRUTTURA VERDE

Gli eventi estremi di cambiamento climatico ci indicano che non si può più cancellare il suolo occorre mantenerlo facendone risorsa strategica. Così come ha fatto, in innumerevoli azioni green, il Comune di Guspini: dalla toponomastica femminile della zona industriale alle infrastrutture digitale e ai servizi per consentire smart working e uffici verdi tra gli alberi, e molto altro grazie al lavoro di tutti gli assessorati, ha restituito identità, immaginario, valore e abitabilità al terzo paesaggio come dono di salute orientando ad un sano sviluppo economico senza consumo di suolo. Guspini cittadina del Medio Campidano della Sardegna ha ottenuto la certificazione pesticide free, primo Comune al mondo ad avere esteso la sua certificazione all’area industriale e al terzo paesaggio.

Marcello Serru ingegnere ambientale vicesindaco di Guspini e assessore all’Ambiente ha spiegato che: “Il terzo paesaggio di Guspini in percorso di validazione come Forest Bathing Center con i suoi bagni forestali anche in ambiente urbano è una preziosa opportunità di salute offerta dal nostro Comune e ne premia l’impegno costante nel tempo. Ne è dimostrazione la vegetazione arborea messa a dimora negli ultimi 8 anni con oltre 2000 nuove piante della macchia mediterranea tra centro urbano e territorio comunale con le aree del terzo paesaggio”.

Il lavoro sul recupero del terzo paesaggio iniziato a Guspini circa 30 anni fa, diventa poi base di ricerca già dal 2022 anche grazie al progetto EquiliBio con Federico Ortenzi per la parte di bioacustica vegetale, diretto dal professore Andreas Macchia con la redazione di Luigi Campanella già professore ordinario di chimica dell’ambiente e dei beni culturali presso l’Università La Sapienza di Roma, e in collaborazione con INGV Istituto nazionale di geofisica e vulcanologia diretto dal professore Carlo Doglioni. È poi proseguito nella direzione della medicina forestale con il percorso di qualificazione AIMEF e con la parte di coordinamento tecnico scientifico e di elaborazione dei dati ecosistemici affidati ad Alberto Musa nella sua doppia veste di biologo naturalista ed apicoltore. Nel progetto è centrale la multidisciplinarietà di settori e competenze scientifiche e di attori sociali comprese le associazioni che via via stanno aderendo e gli ordiniprofessionali.

A far diventare il progetto del terzo paesaggio da sogno a realtà sono state la co-progettazione e le risorse finanziarie donate da Iole Garau di Guspini, ex insegnate di lettere da molti anni in pensione, conoscitrice del territorio sardo, tra i fondatori dello storico gruppo archeologico Neapolis. Ha selezionato diversi progetti per valutare quello più meritevole a cui destinare sia una parte dei suoi risparmi sia il suo contributo di ideazione e competenze. Ha scelto il progetto proposto da Daniela Ducato quale referente del Comune di Guspini intitolato “Dalle città invisibili al terzo paesaggio come risorsa sanitaria per una urbanistica della salute” il cui titolo è anche omaggio a Italo Calvino.Tra le molteplici motivazioni della scelta c’è “la sua valenza nel dare alla salute il ruolo di priorità per generare un nuovo approccio educativo, culturale, economico”. Partire dalle risorse del terzo paesaggio. Da quelle città invisibili che oggi a Guspini diventano visibili e salutari.”

▻https://www.vivilasardegna.com/turismo/item/1250-il-terzo-paesaggio-del-comune-di-guspini-primo-in-italia-in-qua

#toponymie #Italie #toponymie_politique #toponymie_coloniale #colonialisme #Italie_coloniale #colonialisme_italien #noms_de_rue #résistance #contre-toponymie #operazione_pirite #Milan #collage

Operazione Pirite a Milano

https://resistenzeincirenaicacom.files.wordpress.com/2021/09/img_5212.jpg

La pirite è l’oro falso, l’oro degli stolti: sembra un metallo prezioso, ma non lo è. Se riscaldato la sua puzza mefitica svela l’imbroglio. L’Italia è piena di strade, piazze, monumenti e targhe dedicate ad alcune medaglie che luccicano d’oro ma sono di pirite; intitolate a presunti eroi che sono stati complici delle atrocità perpetrate dal colonialismo e dal fascismo italiano. Per distinguerle non ci resta che accendere il fuoco e svelare l’inganno.

Con l’Operazione Pirite, un’operazione alchemico-narrativa ispirata alla mappa Viva Zerai!, puntiamo le nostre torce al butano sulle onorificenze conferite a fascisti, colonialsiti e criminali di guerra che danno il nome a quasi 170 strade, piazze, edifici ecc. in tutto il paese.

Rivelare il segreto dell’oro degli stolti è un contro-incantesimo su larga scala, sia perché gli odonimi, le targhe e i monumenti dedicati a personaggi legati a doppia mandata agli orrori del passato sono davvero innumerevoli, sia perché ancora oggi le intitolazioni e le inaugurazioni continuano sotto il segno di una sottile ambiguità che spaccia pirite per metallo nobile.

Dopo i rituali magici del 25 aprile scorso nelle varie città della Federazione, a Milano, questa notte, il processo alchemico è stato condotto su tre medaglie patacche al valore. Siamo solo all’inizio, ma da qualche parte bisogna cominciare.

https://resistenzeincirenaicacom.files.wordpress.com/2021/09/img_5210-1.jpg

#non_è_tutto_oro_quel_che_luccica

Il y a une référence sur la carte #Viva_Zerai, que j’avais déjà archivée ici :

https://seenthis.net/local/cache-vignettes/L600xH606/4smPphppng-001da-4b5d5.png

Et un billet que j’ai écrit pour le blog « Neotoponymie » :
Opération Pyrite… Tout ce qui brille n’est pas d’or !
▻https://neotopo.hypotheses.org/7000

Una settimana per indagare la memoria del colonialismo italiano

La rete #Yekatit_12-19_febbraio -composta da associazioni, comunità di afrodiscendenti, collettivi e istituzioni- organizza una serie di eventi in diverse città italiane per riaccendere l’attenzione collettiva sul rimosso passato coloniale dell’Italia, fatto di violenze e crimini. Per riflettere sul passato ma soprattutto sul presente

Per la quasi totalità degli italiani quella del 19 febbraio è una data senza particolari significati. Una data rimossa dalla memoria collettiva insieme a molti altri eventi dell’esperienza coloniale italiana ma che meriterebbe un uno spazio significativo sui libri di storia e non solo. Tra il 19 e il 21 febbraio 1937, infatti, le truppe italiane -con il supporto dei civili e delle squadre fasciste- massacrarono circa 20mila abitanti di Addis Abeba, una feroce repressione a seguito del fallito attentato contro il maresciallo Rodolfo Graziani -allora viceré d’Etiopia- a opera di due giovani resistenti eritrei. Le violenze degli italiani durarono per mesi e si estesero ad altre parti del Paese, fino all’eccidio di chierici e fedeli nella cittadina monastica di Debre Libanos a maggio dello stesso anno.

Per riaccendere l’attenzione collettiva su questa vicenda, sulle violenze e i crimini del colonialismo italiano e sulle memorie rimosse della storia italiana, la rete Yekatit 12-19 febbraio -formata da associazioni, comunità di afrodiscendenti, collettivi e istituzioni- che prende il nome proprio dalla data del massacro indicata secondo il calendario etiope, sia secondo il calendario gregoriano, ha organizzato l’iniziativa “Memorie e (R)esistenze” con un ricco calendario di appuntamenti diffusi in numerose città (da Milano a Roma, da Bologna a Firenze passando per Modena, Padova, Napoli e Bari) che si concentra soprattutto nella settimana compresa tra il 12 e il 19 febbraio ma che in alcuni territori si prolungherà addirittura fino a maggio.

“La rete vuole contribuire a un processo di rielaborazione critica e collettiva del ruolo del colonialismo nella storia e nel presente dell’Italia, con l’obiettivo di proporre strumenti sempre più accurati per leggere la realtà in cui viviamo, i suoi legami con la storia recente dell’Italia e con la sua costruzione statuale, nazionale e identitaria”, spiegano i promotori di Yekatit 12-19 febbraio. Conferenze, dibattiti, presentazioni di libri e documentari “saranno occasione per condividere riflessioni sul passato e sul presente di un Paese che vogliamo aperto al mondo, transculturale e capace di riconoscere e combattere il razzismo, la violenza e le ingiustizie”.

“Il nostro obiettivo è quello di arrivare al riconoscimento di una giornata nazionale del ricordo delle oltre 700mila vittime del colonialismo italiano”, spiega ad Altreconomia Silvano Falocco, uno dei coordinatori della rete e autore del saggio “Roma coloniale” (Le comari edizioni, 2022). Un primo passo in questo senso è stato fatto lo scorso ottobre quando è stata presentata alla Camera una proposta di legge per l’istituzione di un Giorno della memoria per commemorare gli eccidi, le campagne militari e la politica di occupazione a cui sono state sottoposte le popolazioni dei Paesi africani dominati dall’Italia: “La promozione di iniziative locali di sensibilizzazione e informazione dal basso su questo tema ha come obiettivo quello di farne comprendere all’opinione pubblica la necessità di questa giornata”.

Tra gli eventi più significativi di “Memorie e (R)esistenze” c’è l’incontro “Memorie decoloniali” in programma martedì 20 febbraio alla Casa della memoria e della storia di Roma: un convegno che sarà anche occasione per iniziare costruire una raccolta “dal basso” delle fotografie e dei diari che raccontano la storia coloniale italiana. “Ogni volta che partecipo a un’iniziativa pubblica sul tema vengo avvicinato da persone del pubblico che mi raccontano di avere a casa foto d’epoca o altra documentazione, spesso appartenuta ai nonni -continua Falocco-. Ci rivolgeremo ai figli e ai nipoti dei colonizzatori invitandoli a condividere con noi questo materiale che spesso percepiscono come problematico. E ci piacerebbe molto anche riuscire a intercettare la documentazione che è stata portata in Italia dai discendenti dei colonizzati per conservare la memoria del proprio Paese d’origine”.

La rete coinvolge diverse associazioni e realtà attive sui diversi territori, tra cui Resistenze in Cirenaica e il collettivo Arbegnouc Urbani che hanno organizzato due rappresentazioni dello spettacolo teatrale “Italiani brava gente”, ispirato all’opera dello storico Angelo Del Boca, a Bologna il 16 febbraio e a Reggio Emilia il 17 febbraio. A Modena, invece, gli eventi principali saranno il convegno “Altre resistenze. Etiopia e Liba”, la presentazione della graphic novel “Yekatit 12” che racconta la lotta degli etiopi contro l’occupazione fascista e lo spettacolo teatrale “Italiani bravissima gente. Quando eravamo colonialisti” di e con Carlo Lucarelli.

La rassegna vuole essere anche un’occasione per riflettere sui luoghi delle nostre città che portano con sé un retaggio coloniale. A partire dalla toponomastica, dai nomi di strade e piazze in titolate a sanguinose battaglie o a militari che si sono resi responsabili di massacri ai danni della popolazione civile e che non vengono “interrogati”. “Il racconto di chi ha subito le mire espansionistiche dell’Italia liberale prima e dell’imperialismo fascista poi, non sembra trovare sufficiente spazio -continua la rete-. Così come non trova spazio il racconto di chi ha organizzato la resistenza all’occupazione italiana, di chi gli è sopravvissuto come figlio, figlia, compagna o concubina e di chi ha rielaborato quella storia pensando di poter trovare cittadinanza nel Belpaese a partire già dagli anni Venti”.

Da qui la volontà di Rete Yekatit 12-19 febbraio di contribuire ad un processo di rielaborazione critica e collettiva del ruolo del colonialismo nella storia e nel presente dell’Italia, con l’obiettivo di proporre strumenti sempre più accurati per leggere la realtà in cui viviamo, i suoi legami con la storia recente dell’Italia e con la sua costruzione statuale, nazionale e identitaria. “Il colonialismo non è semplicemente un periodo storico, ma è anche una pratica economica che prevede occupazioni e stermini -conclude Falocco-. Tempo fa avevamo rivolto un questionario a un campione di cittadini e meno del 5% delle persone che hanno risposto conoscevano il passato coloniale dell’Italia. A dimostrazione che questa storia non fa ancora parte della nostra memoria collettiva”.

▻https://altreconomia.it/una-settimana-per-indagare-la-memoria-del-colonialismo-italiano
#19_février

Documentary Space, Place, and Landscape

In documentaries of the occupied West Bank, erasure is imaged in the wall that sunders families and communities, in the spaces filled with blackened tree stumps of former olive groves, now missing to ensure “security,” and in the cactus that still grows, demarcating cultivated land whose owners have been expelled.

This materiality of the landscape becomes figural, such that Shehadeh writes, “[w]hen you are exiled from your land … you begin, like a pornographer, to think about it in symbols. You articulate your love for your land in its absence, and in the process transform it into something else.’’[x] The symbolization reifies and, in this process, something is lost, namely, a potential for thinking differently. But in these Palestinian films we encounter a documenting of the now of everyday living that unfixes such reification. This is a storytelling of vignettes, moments, digressions, stories within stories, and postponed endings. These are stories of interaction, of something happening, in a documenting of a being and doing now, while awaiting a future yet to be known, and at the same time asserting a past history to be remembered through these images and sounds. Through this there arises the accenting of these films, to draw on Hamid Naficy’s term, namely a specific tone of a past—the Nakba or catastrophe—as a continuing present, insofar as the conflict does not allow Palestinians to imagine themselves in a determinate future of place and landscape they can call their own, namely a state.[xi]

In Hanna Musleh’s I’m a Little Angel (2000), we follow the children of families, both Muslim and Christian, in the area of Bethlehem affected by the 2000 Israeli armed forces attacks and occupation.[xii] One small boy, Nicola, suffered the loss of an arm when he was hit by a shell when walking to church with his mother. His kite, seen flying high in the sky, brings delighted shrieks from Nicola as he plays on the family terrace from which the town and its surrounding hills are visible in the distance. But the contrast between the freedom of the kite in this unlimited vista and his reduced capacity is palpable as he struggles to control it with his remaining hand. The containment of both Nicola and his community is figured in opposition to a possible freedom. What is also required of us is to think not of freedom from the constraints of disability, but of freedom with disability, in a future to be made after. The constraints introduced upon the landscape by the occupation, however, make the future of such living indeterminate and uncertain. Here is the “cinema of the lived,”[xiii] of multiple times of past and present, of possible and imagined future time, and the actualized present, each of which is encountered in the movement in a singular space of Nicola and his kite.

http://static1.1.sqspcdn.com/static/f/707453/13224826/1310788433400/Cowie_11_Cactus.jpg?token=X%2BwmalVDCYGWhutGiHAiD8ooX1A%3D#.jpg

Memory of the Cactus

A 42 minute documentary film that combines the cactus and the memories it stands for. The film addresses the story of the destruction of the Palestinian villages of Latroun in the Occupied West Bank and the forcible transfer of their civilian population in 1967. Over 40 years later, the Israeli occupation continues, and villagers remain displaced. The film follows two separate but parallel journeys. Aisha Um Najeh takes us down the painful road that Palestinians have been forcefully pushed down, separating them in time and place from the land they nurtured; while Israelis walk freely through that land, enjoying its fruits. The stems of the cactus, however, take a few of them to discover the reality of the crime committed.

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DQ_LjknRHVA

Lubya’s historiography

https://image.slidesharecdn.com/kopiaflubya-2-141215080719-conversion-gate01/95/lubyas-historiography-4-638.jpg?cb=1418631177#.jpg https://image.slidesharecdn.com/kopiaflubya-2-141215080719-conversion-gate01/95/lubyas-historiography-5-638.jpg?cb=1418631177#.jpg https://image.slidesharecdn.com/kopiaflubya-2-141215080719-conversion-gate01/95/lubyas-historiography-6-638.jpg?cb=1418631177#.jpg

https://image.slidesharecdn.com/kopiaflubya-2-141215080719-conversion-gate01/95/lubyas-historiography-9-638.jpg?cb=1418631177#.jpg https://image.slidesharecdn.com/kopiaflubya-2-141215080719-conversion-gate01/95/lubyas-historiography-13-638.jpg?cb=1418631177#.jpg https://image.slidesharecdn.com/kopiaflubya-2-141215080719-conversion-gate01/95/lubyas-historiography-16-638.jpg?cb=1418631177#.jpg

Aujourd’hui, j’ai re-regardé le film « Le village sous la forêt », car je vais le projeter à mes étudiant·es dans le cadre du cours de #géographie_culturelle la semaine prochaine.

Voici donc quelques citations tirées du film :

Sur une des boîtes de récolte d’argent pour planter des arbres en Palestine, c’est noté « make wilderness bloom » :

https://i.imgur.com/nRJQejT.png

Voici les panneaux de quelques parcs et forêts créés grâce aux fonds de la #diaspora_juive :

https://i.imgur.com/rPVqqUb.png https://i.imgur.com/gp6DRSV.png https://i.imgur.com/FID0SSv.png

Projet : « We will make it green, like a modern European country » (ce qui est en étroit lien avec un certaine idée de #développement, liée au #progrès).

Témoignage d’une femme palestinienne :

« Ils ont planté des arbres partout qui cachaient tout »

Ilan Pappé, historien israëlien, Université d’Exter :

« ça leur a pris entre 6 et 9 mois poru s’emparer de 80% de la Palestine, expulser la plupart des personnes qui y vivaient et reconstruire sur les villes et villages de ces personnes un nouvel Etat, une nouvelle #identité »

▻https://socialsciences.exeter.ac.uk/iais/staff/pappe

Témoignage d’un palestinien qui continue à retourner régulièrement à Lubya :

« Si je n’aimais pas cet endroit, est-ce que je continuerais à revenir ici tout le temps sur mon tracteur ? Ils l’ont transformé en forêt afin d’affirmer qu’il n’y a pas eu de village ici. Mais on peut voir les #cactus qui prouvent que des arabes vivaient ici »

Ilan Pappé :

« Ces villages éaient arabes, tout comme le paysage alentour. C’était un message qui ne passait pas auprès du mouvement sioniste. Des personnes du mouvement ont écrit à ce propos, ils ont dit qu’ils n’aimaient vraiment pas, comme Ben Gurion l’a dit, que le pays ait toujours l’air arabe. (...) Même si les Arabes n’y vivent plus, ça a toujours l’air arabe. En ce qui concerne les zones rurales, il a été clair : les villages devaient être dévastés pour qu’il n’y ait pas de #souvenirs possibles. Ils ont commencé à les dévaster dès le mois d’août 1948. Ils ont rasé les maisons, la terre. Plus rien ne restait. Il y avait deux moyens pour eux d’en nier l’existence : le premier était de planter des forêts de pins européens sur les villages. Dans la plupart des cas, lorsque les villages étaient étendus et les terres assez vastes, on voit que les deux stratégies ont été mises en oeuvre : il y a un nouveau quartier juif et, juste à côté, une forêt. En effet, la deuxième méthode était de créer un quartier juif qui possédait presque le même nom que l’ancien village arabe, mais dans sa version en hébreu. L’objectif était double : il s’agissait d’abord de montrer que le lieu était originellement juif et revenait ainsi à son propriétaire. Ensuite, l’idée était de faire passer un message sinistre aux Palestiniens sur ce qui avait eu lieu ici. Le principal acteur de cette politique a été le FNJ. »

#toponymie

Heidi Grunebaum, la réalisatrice :

« J’ai grandi au moment où le FNJ cultivait l’idée de créer une patrie juive grâce à la plantation d’arbres. Dans les 100 dernières années, 260 millions d’arbres ont été plantés. Je me rends compte à présent que la petite carte du grand Israël sur les boîtes bleues n’était pas juste un symbole. Etait ainsi affirmé que toutes ces terres étaient juives. Les #cartes ont été redessinées. Les noms arabes des lieux ont sombré dans l’oubli à cause du #Comité_de_Dénomination créé par le FNJ. 86 forêts du FNJ ont détruit des villages. Des villages comme Lubya ont cessé d’exister. Lubya est devenu Lavie. Une nouvelle histoire a été écrite, celle que j’ai apprise. »

https://i.imgur.com/hKqgvQJ.png

Le #Canada_park :

Canada Park (Hebrew: פארק קנדה‎, Arabic: كندا حديقة‎, also Ayalon Park,) is an Israeli national park stretching over 7,000 dunams (700 hectares), and extending from No man’s land into the West Bank.
The park is North of Highway 1 (Tel Aviv-Jerusalem), between the Latrun Interchange and Sha’ar HaGai, and contains a Hasmonean fort, Crusader fort, other archaeological remains and the ruins of 3 Palestinian villages razed by Israel in 1967 after their inhabitants were expelled. In addition it has picnic areas, springs and panoramic hilltop views, and is a popular Israeli tourist destination, drawing some 300,000 visitors annually.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4a/CanadaParkCropped.jpg/400px-CanadaParkCropped.jpg

Heidi Grunebaum :

« Chaque pièce de monnaie est devenue un arbre dans une forêt, chaque arbre, dont les racines étaient plantées dans la terre était pour nous, la diaspora. Les pièces changées en arbres devenaient des faits ancrés dans le sol. Le nouveau paysage arrangé par le FNJ à travers la plantation de forêts et les accords politiques est celui des #parcs_de_loisirs, des routes, des barrages et des infrastructures »

Témoignage d’un Palestinien :

« Celui qui ne possède de #pays_natal ne possède rien »

Heidi Grunebaum :

« Si personne ne demeure, la mémoire est oblitérée. Cependant, de génération en génération, le souvenir qu’ont les Palestiniens d’un endroit qui un jour fut le leur, persiste. »

Témoignage d’un Palestinien :

"Dès qu’on mange quelque chose chez nous, on dit qu’on mangeait ce plat à Lubya. Quelles que soient nos activités, on dit que nous avions les mêmes à Lubya. Lubya est constamment mentionnées, et avec un peu d’amertume.

Témoignage d’un Palestinien :

Lubya est ma fille précieuse que j’abriterai toujours dans les profondeurs de mon âme. Par les histoires racontées par mon père, mon grand-père, mes oncles et ma grande-mère, j’ai le sentiment de connaître très bien Lubya.

Avi Shlaim, Université de Oxford :

« Le mur dans la partie Ouest ne relève pas d’une mesure de sécurité, comme il a été dit. C’est un outil de #ségrégation des deux communautés et un moyen de s’approprier de larges portions de terres palestiniennes. C’est un moyen de poursuivre la politique d’#expansion_territoriale et d’avoir le plus grand Etat juif possible avec le moins de population d’arabes à l’intérieur. »

▻https://www.sant.ox.ac.uk/people/avi-shlaim

Heidi Grunebaum :

« Les petites pièces de la diaspora n’ont pas seulement planté des arbres juifs et déraciné des arbres palestiniens, elles ont aussi créé une forêt d’un autre type. Une vaste forêt bureaucratique où la force de la loi est une arme. La règlementation règne, les procédures, permis, actions commandées par les lois, tout régulé le moindre espace de la vie quotidienne des Palestiniens qui sont petit à petit étouffés, repoussés aux marges de leurs terres. Entassés dans des ghettos, sans autorisation de construire, les Palestiniens n’ont plus qu’à regarder leurs maisons démolies »

#Lubya #paysage #ruines #architecture_forensique #Afrique_du_Sud #profanation #cactus #South_african_forest #Galilée #Jewish_national_fund (#fonds_national_juif) #arbres #Palestine #Organisation_des_femmes_sionistes #Keren_Kayemeth #apartheid #résistance #occupation #Armée_de_libération_arabe #Hagana #nakba #exil #réfugiés_palestiniens #expulsion #identité #present_absentees #IDPs #déplacés_internes #Caesarea #oubli #déni #historicisation #diaspora #murs #barrières_frontalières #dépossession #privatisation_des_terres #terres #mémoire #commémoration #poésie #Canada_park

The Carmel wildfire is burning all illusions in Israel

“When I look out my window today and see a tree standing there, that tree gives me a greater sense of beauty and personal delight than all the vast forests I have seen in Switzerland or Scandinavia. Because every tree here was planted by us.”

– David Ben Gurion, Memoirs

“Why are there so many Arabs here? Why didn’t you chase them away?”

– David Ben Gurion during a visit to Nazareth, July 1948

https://electronicintifada.net/sites/default/files/styles/original_800w/public/2010-12/101206-forest-fire.jpg?itok=siE1P_1j×tamp=1448949295#.jpg

signalé par @sinehebdo que je remercie

#uprooted

https://i.imgur.com/lDcp6DN.jpg

#Canada_park in the Valley of #Ayalon:

https://i.imgur.com/3I4RyWU.png

source:
►http://www.ijan.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/FINAL-JNFeBookVol4.pdf (p.108)

https://i.imgur.com/HIoWqOY.png

https://i.imgur.com/TINC4Lk.png

Vu dans ce rapport, signalé par @palestine___________ , que je remercie (►https://seenthis.net/messages/723321) :

A method of enforcing the eradication of unrecognized Palestinian villages is to ensure their misrepresentation on maps. As part of this policy, these villages do not appear at all on Israeli maps, with the exception of army and hiking maps. Likewise, they do not appear on first sight on Google Maps or at all on Israeli maps, with the exception of army and hiking maps. They are labelled on NGO maps designed to increase their visibility. On Google Maps, the Bedouin villages are marked – in contrast to cities and other villages – under their Bedouin tribe and clan names (Bimkom) rather than with their village names and are only visible when zooming in very closely, but otherwise appear to be non-existent. This means that when looking at Google Maps, these villages appear to be not there, only when zooming on to a very high degree, do they appear with their tribe or clan names. At first (and second and third) sight, therefore, these villages are simply not there. Despite their small size, Israeli villages are displayed even when zoomed-out, while unrecognized Palestinian Bedouin villages, regardless of their size are only visible when zooming in very closely.

https://i.imgur.com/EkEE2Py.png

Signalé par @sinehebdo :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/317236#message725066

Canada Park / Parc Canada :

Israël-Palestine, des arbres qui cachent la colonisation
Adèle Ribuot et Nadav Joffe, Orient XXI, le 19 septembre 2018

►https://seenthis.net/messages/725068

Declassified: Israel Made Sure Arabs Couldn’t Return to Their Villages

Trove of archival documents reveals how Israel prevented Arabs from returning to villages they had left in 1948 – chiefly, by razing structures and planting dense forests.

▻https://www.haaretz.com/.premium-israel-lifted-military-rule-over-arabs-in-1966-only-after-ensuring
#paywall

signalé par @kassem :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/317236#message784258

Israel lifted its military rule over the state’s Arab community in 1966 only after ascertaining that its members could not return to the villages they had fled or been expelled from, according to newly declassified archival documents.

The documents both reveal the considerations behind the creation of the military government 18 years earlier, and the reasons for dismantling it and revoking the severe restrictions it imposed on Arab citizens in the north, the Negev and the so-called Triangle of Locales in central Israel.

These records were made public as a result of a campaign launched against the state archives by the Akevot Institute, which researches the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

After the War of Independence in 1948, the state imposed military rule over Arabs living around the country, which applied to an estimated 85 percent of that community at the time, say researchers at the NGO. The Arabs in question were subject to the authority of a military commander who could limit their freedom of movement, declare areas to be closed zones, or demand that the inhabitants leave and enter certain locales only with his written permission.

The newly revealed documents describe the ways Israel prevented Arabs from returning to villages they had left in 1948, even after the restrictions on them had been lifted. The main method: dense planting of trees within and surrounding these towns.

At a meeting held in November 1965 at the office of Shmuel Toledano, the prime minister’s adviser on Arab affairs, there was a discussion about villages that had been left behind and that Israel did not want to be repopulated, according to one document. To ensure that, the state had the Jewish National Fund plant trees around and in them.

Among other things, the document states that “the lands belonging to the above-mentioned villages were given to the custodian for absentee properties” and that “most were leased for work (cultivation of field crops and olive groves) by Jewish households.” Some of the properties, it adds, were subleased.

In the meeting in Toledano’s office, it was explained that these lands had been declared closed military zones, and that once the structures on them had been razed, and the land had been parceled out, forested and subject to proper supervision – their definition as closed military zones could be lifted.

On April 3, 1966, another discussion was held on the same subject, this time at the office of the defense minister, Levi Eshkol, who was also the serving prime minister; the minutes of this meeting were classified as top secret. Its participants included: Toledano; Isser Harel, in his capacity as special adviser to the prime minister; the military advocate general – Meir Shamgar, who would later become president of the Supreme Court; and representatives of the Shin Bet security service and Israel Police.

The newly publicized record of that meeting shows that the Shin Bet was already prepared at that point to lift the military rule over the Arabs and that the police and army could do so within a short time.

Regarding northern Israel, it was agreed that “all the areas declared at the time to be closed [military] zones... other than Sha’ab [east of Acre] would be opened after the usual conditions were fulfilled – razing of the buildings in the abandoned villages, forestation, establishment of nature reserves, fencing and guarding.” The dates of the reopening these areas would be determined by Israel Defense Forces Maj. Gen. Shamir, the minutes said. Regarding Sha’ab, Harel and Toledano were to discuss that subject with Shamir.

However, as to Arab locales in central Israel and the Negev, it was agreed that the closed military zones would remain in effect for the time being, with a few exceptions.

Even after military rule was lifted, some top IDF officers, including Chief of Staff Tzvi Tzur and Shamgar, opposed the move. In March 1963, Shamgar, then military advocate general, wrote a pamphlet about the legal basis of the military administration; only 30 copies were printed. (He signed it using his previous, un-Hebraized name, Sternberg.) Its purpose was to explain why Israel was imposing its military might over hundreds of thousands of citizens.

Among other things, Shamgar wrote in the pamphlet that Regulation 125, allowing certain areas to be closed off, is intended “to prevent the entry and settlement of minorities in border areas,” and that “border areas populated by minorities serve as a natural, convenient point of departure for hostile elements beyond the border.” The fact that citizens must have permits in order to travel about helps to thwart infiltration into the rest of Israel, he wrote.

Regulation 124, he noted, states that “it is essential to enable nighttime ambushes in populated areas when necessary, against infiltrators.” Blockage of roads to traffic is explained as being crucial for the purposes of “training, tests or maneuvers.” Moreover, censorship is a “crucial means for counter-intelligence.”

Despite Shamgar’s opinion, later that year, Prime Minister Levi Eshkol canceled the requirement for personal travel permits as a general obligation. Two weeks after that decision, in November 1963, Chief of Staff Tzur wrote a top-secret letter about implementation of the new policy to the officers heading the various IDF commands and other top brass, including the head of Military Intelligence. Tzur ordered them to carry it out in nearly all Arab villages, with a few exceptions – among them Barta’a and Muqeible, in northern Israel.

In December 1965, Haim Israeli, an adviser to Defense Minister Eshkol, reported to Eshkol’s other aides, Isser Harel and Aviad Yaffeh, and to the head of the Shin Bet, that then-Chief of Staff Yitzhak Rabin opposed legislation that would cancel military rule over the Arab villages. Rabin explained his position in a discussion with Eshkol, at which an effort to “soften” the bill was discussed. Rabin was advised that Harel would be making his own recommendations on this matter.

At a meeting held on February 27, 1966, Harel issued orders to the IDF, the Shin Bet and the police concerning the prime minister’s decision to cancel military rule. The minutes of the discussion were top secret, and began with: “The mechanism of the military regime will be canceled. The IDF will ensure the necessary conditions for establishment of military rule during times of national emergency and war.” However, it was decided that the regulations governing Israel’s defense in general would remain in force, and at the behest of the prime minister and with his input, the justice minister would look into amending the relevant statutes in Israeli law, or replacing them.

The historical documents cited here have only made public after a two-year campaign by the Akevot institute against the national archives, which preferred that they remain confidential, Akevot director Lior Yavne told Haaretz. The documents contain no information of a sensitive nature vis-a-vis Israel’s security, Yavne added, and even though they are now in the public domain, the archives has yet to upload them to its website to enable widespread access.

“Hundreds of thousands of files which are crucial to understanding the recent history of the state and society in Israel remain closed in the government archive,” he said. “Akevot continues to fight to expand public access to archival documents – documents that are property of the public.”

v. aussi #Ground_Truth
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/788119

signalé par @sinehebdo :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/317236#message798085

« Manigancer une majorité juive à Jérusalem » : les Palestiniens chassés par les politiques « vertes » d’Israël
Jan-Peter Westad, Middle East Eye, le 20 août 2019
►https://seenthis.net/messages/798033
#Wadi_Yasul

Israel is turning an ancient Palestinian village into a national park for settlers

The unbelievable story of a village outside Jerusalem: from its destruction in 1948 to the ticket issued last week by a parks ranger to a descendent of its refugees, who had the gall to harvest the fruits of his labor on his own land.

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Thus read the ticket issued last Wednesday, during the Sukkot holiday, by ranger Dayan Somekh of the Israel Nature and Parks Authority – Investigations Division, 3 Am Ve’olamo Street, Jerusalem, to farmer Nidal Abed Rabo, a resident of the Jerusalem-area village of Walaja, who had gone to harvest olives on his private land: “In accordance with Section 228 of the criminal code, to: Nidal Abed Rabo. Description of the facts constituting the offense: ‘picking, chopping and destroying an olive tree.’ Suspect’s response: ‘I just came to pick olives. I pick them and put them in a bucket.’ Fine prescribed by law: 730 shekels [$207].” And an accompanying document that reads: “I hereby confirm that I apprehended from Nidal Abed Rabo the following things: 1. A black bucket; 2. A burlap sack. Name of the apprehending officer: Dayan Somekh.”

Ostensibly, an amusing parody about the occupation. An inspector fines a person for harvesting the fruits of his own labor on his own private land and then fills out a report about confiscating a bucket, because order must be preserved, after all. But no one actually found this report amusing – not the inspector who apparently wrote it in utter seriousness, nor the farmer who must now pay the fine.

Indeed, the story of Walaja, where this absurdity took place, contains everything – except humor: the flight from and evacuation of the village in 1948; refugee-hood and the establishment of a new village adjacent to the original one; the bisection of the village between annexed Jerusalem and the occupied territories in 1967; the authorities’ refusal to issue blue Israeli IDs to residents, even though their homes are in Jerusalem; the demolition of many structures built without a permit in a locale that has no master construction plan; the appropriation of much of its land to build the Gilo neighborhood and the Har Gilo settlement; the construction of the separation barrier that turned the village into an enclave enclosed on all sides; the decision to turn villagers’ remaining lands into a national park for the benefit of Gilo’s residents and others in the area; and all the way to the ridiculous fine issued by Inspector Somekh.

This week, a number of villagers again snuck onto their lands to try to pick their olives, in what looks like it could be their final harvest. As it was a holiday, they hoped the Border Police and the parks authority inspectors would leave them alone. By next year, they probably won’t be able to reach their groves at all, as the checkpoint will have been moved even closer to their property.

Then there was also this incident, on Monday, the Jewish holiday of Simhat Torah. Three adults, a teenager and a horse arrived at the neglected groves on the mountainside below their village of Walaja. They had to take a long and circuitous route; they say the horse walked 25 kilometers to reach the olive trees that are right under their noses, beneath their homes. A dense barbed-wire fence and the separation barrier stand between these people and their lands. When the national park is built here and the checkpoint is moved further south – so that only Jews will be able to dip undisturbed in Ein Hanya, as Nir Hasson reported (“Jerusalem reopens natural spring, but not to Palestinians,” Oct. 15) – it will mean the end of Walaja’s olive orchards, which are planted on terraced land.

The remaining 1,200 dunams (300 acres) belonging to the village, after most of its property was lost over the years, will also be disconnected from their owners, who probably won’t be able to access them again. An ancient Palestinian village, which numbered 100 registered households in 1596, in a spectacular part of the country, will continue its slow death, until it finally expires for good.

Steep slopes and a deep green valley lie between Jerusalem and Bethlehem, filled with oak and pine trees, along with largely abandoned olive groves. “New” Walaja overlooks this expanse from the south, the Gilo neighborhood from the northeast, and the Cremisan Monastery from the east. To the west is where the original village was situated, between the moshavim of Aminadav and Ora, both constructed after the villagers fled – frightened off by the massacre in nearby Deir Yassin and in fear of bombardment.

Aviv Tatarsky, a longtime political activist on behalf of Walaja and a researcher for the Ir Amim nonprofit organization, says the designated national park is supposed to ensure territorial contiguity between the Etzion Bloc and Jerusalem. “Since we are in the territory of Jerusalem, and building another settler neighborhood could cause a stir, they are building a national park, which will serve the same purpose,” he says. “The national park will Judaize the area once and for all. Gilo is five minutes away. If you live there, you will have a park right next door and feel like it’s yours.”

As Tatarsky describes the blows suffered by the village over the years, brothers Walid and Mohammed al-‘Araj stand on a ladder below in the valley, in the shade of the olive trees, engrossed in the harvest.

Walid, 52, and Mohammed, 58, both live in Walaja. Walid may be there legally, but his brother is there illegally, on land bequeathed to them by their uncle – thanks to yet another absurdity courtesy of the occupation. In 1995, Walid married a woman from Shoafat in East Jerusalem, and thus was able to obtain a blue Israeli ID card, so perhaps he is entitled to be on his land. His brother, who lives next door, however, is an illegal resident on his land: He has an orange ID, as a resident of the territories.

A sewage line that comes out of Beit Jala and is under the responsibility of Jerusalem’s Gihon water company overflows every winter and floods the men’s olive grove with industrial waste that has seriously damaged their crop. And that’s in addition, of course, to the fact that most of the family is unable to go work the land. The whole area looks quite derelict, overgrown with weeds and brambles that could easily catch fire. In previous years, the farmers would receive an entry permit allowing them to harvest the olives for a period of just a few days; this year, even that permit has not yet been forthcoming.

The olives are black and small; it’s been a bad year for them and for their owners.

“We come here like thieves to our own land,” says Mohammed, the older brother, explaining that three days beforehand, a Border Police jeep had showed up and chased them away. “I told him: It’s my land. They said okay and left. Then a few minutes later, another Border Police jeep came and the officer said: Today there’s a general closure because of the holiday. I told him: Okay, just let me take my equipment. I’m on my land. He said: Don’t take anything. I left. And today I came back.”

You’re not afraid? “No, I’m not afraid. I’m on my land. It’s registered in my name. I can’t be afraid on my land.”

Walid says that a month ago the Border Police arrived and told him he wasn’t allowed to drive on the road that leads to the grove, because it’s a “security road.” He was forced to turn around and go home, despite the fact that he has a blue ID and it is not a security road. Right next to it, there is a residential building where a Palestinian family still lives.

Some of Walaja’s residents gave up on their olive orchards long ago and no longer attempt to reach their lands. When the checkpoint is moved southward, in order to block access by Palestinians to the Ein Hanya spring, the situation will be even worse: The checkpoint will be closer to the orchards, meaning that the Palestinians won’t be permitted to visit them.

“This place will be a park for people to visit,” says Walid, up on his ladder. “That’s it; that will be the end of our land. But we won’t give up our land, no matter what.” Earlier this month, one local farmer was detained for several hours and 10 olive trees were uprooted, on the grounds that he was prohibited from being here.

Meanwhile, Walid and Mohammed are collecting their meager crop in a plastic bucket printed with a Hebrew ad for a paint company. The olives from this area, near Beit Jala, are highly prized; during a good year the oil made from them can fetch a price of 100 shekels per liter.

A few hundred meters to the east are a father, a son and a horse. Khaled al-‘Araj, 51, and his son, Abed, 19, a business student. They too are taking advantage of the Jewish holiday to sneak onto their land. They have another horse, an original Arabian named Fatma, but this horse is nameless. It stands in the shade of the olive tree, resting from the long trek here. If a Border Police force shows up, it could confiscate the horse, as has happened to them before.

Father and son are both Walaja residents, but do not have blue IDs. The father works in Jerusalem with a permit, but it does not allow him to access his land.

“On Sunday,” says Khaled, “I picked olives here with my son. A Border Police officer arrived and asked: What are you doing here? He took pictures of our IDs. He asked: Whose land is this? I said: Mine. Where are the papers? At home. I have papers from my grandfather’s time; everything is in order. But he said: No, go to DCO [the Israeli District Coordination Office] and get a permit. At first I didn’t know what he meant. I have a son and a horse and they’ll make problems for me. So I left.”

He continues: “We used to plow the land. Now look at the state it’s in. We have apricot and almond trees here, too. But I’m an illegal person on my own land. That is our situation. Today is the last day of your holiday, that’s why I came here. Maybe there won’t be any Border Police.”

“Kumi Ori, ki ba orekh,” says a makeshift monument in memory of Ori Ansbacher, a young woman murdered here in February by a man from Hebron. Qasem Abed Rabo, a brother of Nidal, who received the fine from the park ranger for harvesting his olives, asks activist Tatarsky if he can find out whether the house he owns is considered to be located in Jerusalem or in the territories. He still doesn’t know.

“Welcome to Nahal Refaim National Park,” says a sign next to the current Walaja checkpoint. Its successor is already being built but work on it was stopped for unknown reasons. If and when it is completed, Ein Hanya will become a spring for Jews only and the groves on the mountainside below the village of Walaja will be cut off from their owners for good. Making this year’s harvest Walaja’s last.

►https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-israel-is-turning-an-ancient-palestinian-village-into-a-national-p
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/807722

Sans mémoire des lieux ni lieux de mémoire. La Palestine invisible sous les forêts israéliennes

Depuis la création de l’État d’Israël en 1948, près de 240 millions d’arbres ont été plantés sur l’ensemble du territoire israélien. Dans l’objectif de « faire fleurir le désert », les acteurs de l’afforestation en Israël se situent au cœur de nombreux enjeux du territoire, non seulement environnementaux mais également identitaires et culturels. La forêt en Israël représente en effet un espace de concurrence mémorielle, incarnant à la fois l’enracinement de l’identité israélienne mais également le rappel de l’exil et de l’impossible retour du peuple palestinien. Tandis que 86 villages palestiniens détruits en 1948 sont aujourd’hui recouverts par une forêt, les circuits touristiques et historiques officiels proposés dans les forêts israéliennes ne font jamais mention de cette présence palestinienne passée. Comment l’afforestation en Israël a-t-elle contribué à l’effacement du paysage et de la mémoire palestiniens ? Quelles initiatives existent en Israël et en Palestine pour lutter contre cet effacement spatial et mémoriel ?

▻https://journals.openedition.org/bagf/6779

Septembre 2021, un feu de forêt ravage Jérusalem et dévoile les terrassements agricoles que les Palestinien·nes avaient construit...
Voici une image :

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« La nature a parlé » : un feu de forêt attise les rêves de retour des Palestiniens

Un gigantesque incendie près de Jérusalem a détruit les #pins_européens plantés par les sionistes, exposant ainsi les anciennes terrasses palestiniennes qu’ils avaient tenté de dissimuler.

Au cours de la deuxième semaine d’août, quelque 20 000 dounams (m²) de terre ont été engloutis par les flammes dans les #montagnes de Jérusalem.

C’est une véritable catastrophe naturelle. Cependant, personne n’aurait pu s’attendre à la vision qui est apparue après l’extinction de ces incendies. Ou plutôt, personne n’avait imaginé que les incendies dévoileraient ce qui allait suivre.

Une fois les flammes éteintes, le #paysage était terrible pour l’œil humain en général, et pour l’œil palestinien en particulier. Car les incendies ont révélé les #vestiges d’anciens villages et terrasses agricoles palestiniens ; des terrasses construites par leurs ancêtres, décédés il y a longtemps, pour cultiver la terre et planter des oliviers et des vignes sur les #pentes des montagnes.

À travers ces montagnes, qui constituent l’environnement naturel à l’ouest de Jérusalem, passait la route Jaffa-Jérusalem, qui reliait le port historique à la ville sainte. Cette route ondulant à travers les montagnes était utilisée par les pèlerins d’Europe et d’Afrique du Nord pour visiter les lieux saints chrétiens. Ils n’avaient d’autre choix que d’emprunter la route Jaffa-Jérusalem, à travers les vallées et les ravins, jusqu’au sommet des montagnes. Au fil des siècles, elle sera foulée par des centaines de milliers de pèlerins, de soldats, d’envahisseurs et de touristes.

Les terrasses agricoles – ou #plates-formes – que les agriculteurs palestiniens ont construites ont un avantage : leur durabilité. Selon les estimations des archéologues, elles auraient jusqu’à 600 ans. Je crois pour ma part qu’elles sont encore plus vieilles que cela.

Travailler en harmonie avec la nature

Le travail acharné du fermier palestinien est clairement visible à la surface de la terre. De nombreuses études ont prouvé que les agriculteurs palestiniens avaient toujours investi dans la terre quelle que soit sa forme ; y compris les terres montagneuses, très difficiles à cultiver.

Des photographies prises avant la Nakba (« catastrophe ») de 1948, lorsque les Palestiniens ont été expulsés par les milices juives, et même pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle montrent que les oliviers et les vignes étaient les deux types de plantation les plus courants dans ces régions.

Ces végétaux maintiennent l’humidité du sol et assurent la subsistance des populations locales. Les #oliviers, en particulier, aident à prévenir l’érosion des sols. Les oliviers et les #vignes peuvent également créer une barrière naturelle contre le feu car ils constituent une végétation feuillue qui retient l’humidité et est peu gourmande en eau. Dans le sud de la France, certaines routes forestières sont bordées de vignes pour faire office de #coupe-feu.

Les agriculteurs palestiniens qui les ont plantés savaient travailler en harmonie avec la nature, la traiter avec sensibilité et respect. Cette relation s’était formée au cours des siècles.

Or qu’a fait l’occupation sioniste ? Après la Nakba et l’expulsion forcée d’une grande partie de la population – notamment le nettoyage ethnique de chaque village et ville se trouvant sur l’itinéraire de la route Jaffa-Jérusalem –, les sionistes ont commencé à planter des #pins_européens particulièrement inflammables sur de vastes portions de ces montagnes pour couvrir et effacer ce que les mains des agriculteurs palestiniens avaient créé.

Dans la région montagneuse de Jérusalem, en particulier, tout ce qui est palestinien – riche de 10 000 ans d’histoire – a été effacé au profit de tout ce qui évoque le #sionisme et la #judéité du lieu. Conformément à la mentalité coloniale européenne, le « milieu » européen a été transféré en Palestine, afin que les colons puissent se souvenir de ce qu’ils avaient laissé derrière eux.

Le processus de dissimulation visait à nier l’existence des villages palestiniens. Et le processus d’effacement de leurs particularités visait à éliminer leur existence de l’histoire.

Il convient de noter que les habitants des villages qui ont façonné la vie humaine dans les montagnes de Jérusalem, et qui ont été expulsés par l’armée israélienne, vivent désormais dans des camps et communautés proches de Jérusalem, comme les camps de réfugiés de Qalandiya et Shuafat.

On trouve de telles forêts de pins ailleurs encore, dissimulant des villages et fermes palestiniens détruits par Israël en 1948. Des institutions internationales israéliennes et sionistes ont également planté des pins européens sur les terres des villages de #Maaloul, près de Nazareth, #Sohmata, près de la frontière palestino-libanaise, #Faridiya, #Kafr_Anan et #al-Samoui sur la route Akka-Safad, entre autres. Ils sont maintenant cachés et ne peuvent être vus à l’œil nu.

Une importance considérable

Même les #noms des villages n’ont pas été épargnés. Par exemple, le village de Suba est devenu « #Tsuba », tandis que #Beit_Mahsir est devenu « #Beit_Meir », #Kasla est devenu « #Ksalon », #Saris est devenu « #Shoresh », etc.

Si les Palestiniens n’ont pas encore pu résoudre leur conflit avec l’occupant, la nature, elle, s’est désormais exprimée de la manière qu’elle jugeait opportune. Les incendies ont révélé un aspect flagrant des composantes bien planifiées et exécutées du projet sioniste.

Pour les Palestiniens, la découverte de ces terrasses confirme leur version des faits : il y avait de la vie sur cette terre, le Palestinien était le plus actif dans cette vie, et l’Israélien l’a expulsé pour prendre sa place.

Ne serait-ce que pour cette raison, ces terrasses revêtent une importance considérable. Elles affirment que la cause palestinienne n’est pas morte, que la terre attend le retour de ses enfants ; des personnes qui sauront la traiter correctement.

►https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/opinion-fr/israel-jerusalem-incendies-villages-palestiniens-nakba-sionistes-reto

–—

An Israeli Forest to Erase the Ruins of Palestinian Agricultural Terraces

“Our forest is growing over, well, over a ruined village,” A.B. Yehoshua wrote in his novella “Facing the Forests.” The massive wildfire in the Jerusalem Hills last week exposed the underpinning of the view through the trees. The agricultural terraces were revealed in their full glory, and also revealed a historic record that Israel has always sought to obscure and erase – traces of Palestinian life on this land.

On my trips to the West Bank and the occupied territories, when I passed by the expansive areas of Palestinian farmland, I was always awed by the sight of the long chain of terraces, mustabat or mudrajat in Arabic. I thrilled at their grandeur and the precision of the work that attests to the connection between the Palestinian fellah and his land. I would wonder – Why doesn’t the same “phenomenon” exist in the hills of the Galilee?

When I grew up, I learned a little in school about Israeli history. I didn’t learn that Israel erased Palestinian agriculture in the Galilee and that the Jewish National Fund buried it once and for all, but I did learn that “The Jews brought trees with them” and planted them in the Land of Israel. How sterile and green. Greta Thunberg would be proud of you.

The Zionist movement knew that in the war for this land it was not enough to conquer the land and expel its inhabitants, you also had to build up a story and an ethos and a narrative, something that will fit with the myth of “a people without a land for a land without a people.” Therefore, after the conquest of the land and the expulsion, all trace of the people who once lived here had to be destroyed. This included trees that grew without human intervention and those that were planted by fellahin, who know this land as they do their children and as they do the terraces they built in the hills.

This is how white foreigners who never in their lives were fellahin or worked the land for a living came up with the national forestation project on the ruins of Arab villages, which David Ben-Gurion decided to flatten, such as Ma’alul and Suhmata. The forestation project including the importation of cypress and pine trees that were alien to this land and belong to colder climes, so that the new inhabitants would feel more at home and less as if they were in somebody else’s home.

The planting of combustible cypresses and pines, which are not suited to the weather in this land, is not just an act of national erasure of the Palestinian natives, but also an act of arrogance and patronage, characteristics typical of colonialist movements throughout the world. All because they did not understand the nature, in both senses of the word, of the countries they conquered.

Forgive me, but a biblical-historical connection is not sufficient. Throughout the history of colonialism, the new settlers – whether they ultimately left or stayed – were unable to impose their imported identity on the new place and to completely erase the place’s native identity. It’s a little like the forests surrounding Jerusalem: When the fire comes and burns them, one small truth is revealed, after so much effort went into concealing it.

►https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-an-israeli-forest-to-erase-the-ruins-of-palestinian-agricultural-t

et ici :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/928766

Planter un arbre en Israël : une forêt rédemptrice et mémorielle

Tout au long du projet sioniste, le végétal a joué un rôle de médiateur entre la terre rêvée et la terre foulée, entre le texte biblique et la réalité. Le réinvestissement national s’est opéré à travers des plantes connues depuis la diaspora, réorganisées en scènes signifiantes pour la mémoire et l’histoire juive. Ce lien de filiation entre texte sacré et paysage débouche sur une pratique de plantation considérée comme un acte mystique de régénération du monde.

▻https://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/258

A mettre en lien avec cet autre film et cette autre forêt, au #Portugal :
#José_Vieira : « La #mémoire des résistances face à l’accaparement des terres a été peu transmise »
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/1029862

Le #martyr camerounais Rudolf Douala Manga Bell a désormais sa place à Berlin

Après Ulm, Berlin est la deuxième ville allemande à avoir une rue ou une place du nom de Rudolf Douala Manga Bell, ce roi camerounais, figure de la résistance face aux colonisateurs.

Le gris et le froid berlinois n’ont pas douché l’enthousiasme de la foule. Et pour cause : la place Gustav Nachtigal, du nom du colonisateur qui hissa le drapeau allemand sur le Cameroun, n’existe plus ; elle s’appelle désormais place Rudolf et Emily Douala Manga Bell.

Rudolf Douala Manga Bell, c’est ce roi devenu héros national pour avoir osé défier le colonisateur allemand et qui fut exécuté en 1914. « Il s’était opposé à certains plans du gouvernement allemand colonial qui essayait de déposséder les gens, de leur prendre leurs terrains... et évidemment, ça n’a pas plu aux Allemands », raconte Jean-Pierre Félix Eyum, l’un de ses descendants. Emily Douala Manga Bell, l’épouse de Rudolf, fut quant à elle l’une des premières Camerounaises à avoir été scolarisées.
« Un message d’espoir »

Mais si Rudolf Douala Manga Bell a maintenant une place à son nom à Berlin, il n’est pas totalement réhabilité, ce qu’attend désormais Jean-Pierre Félix Eyum. « J’attends que le gouvernement allemand prononce enfin ces mots-là : "Nous sommes désolés d’avoir fait ce que nous avons fait". C’est cela que j’appelle réhabiliter Rudolf Douala Manga Bell », indique-t-il. Il se dit optimiste à ce sujet. Il a récemment déposé une pétition dans ce sens au Parlement allemand.

L’actuel roi de Douala, Jean-Yves Eboumbou Douala Manga Bell, voit quant à lui dans cette cérémonie en l’honneur de son ancêtre « un symbole extraordinairement important de reconnaissance d’une situation qui a été déplorable en son temps ». « Un message d’espoir », dit-il. Cette inauguration est en tout cas une nouvelle étape dans la reconnaissance très récente par l’Allemagne de son passé colonial. Un passé longtemps éclipsé par les crimes commis par le régime nazi durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

▻https://www.rfi.fr/fr/afrique/20221202-le-martyr-camerounais-rudolf-douala-manga-bell-a-d%C3%A9sormais-sa-plac

L’Allemagne inaugure une place Rudolf Douala Manga Bell en hommage au martyr camerounais

Pour la première fois sur le sol allemand, une place au nom de Rudolf Douala Manga Bell a été inaugurée le 7 octobre, dans une tentative allemande de regarder son passé de colonisateur du Cameroun. Cela à Ulm, dans le sud de l’Allemagne, où le roi Rudolf Douala Manga Bell avait étudié le droit à la fin du XIXe siècle, avant de rentrer au Cameroun, où il fut ensuite exécuté par l’administration allemande pour avoir tenté de fédérer des communautés camerounaises contre les colons.

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Au Cameroun, son nom est dans tous les manuels scolaires : Rudolf Douala Manga Bell était un roi, le roi du clan Bell au sein du peuple Douala. Celui-ci était établi depuis des générations sur la côte Atlantique, au bord de l’estuaire du Wouri, où se trouve l’actuelle ville de Douala, capitale économique du Cameroun.

C’est son père, le roi Auguste Douala Ndumbe Bell, qui l’envoie étudier en Allemagne pour qu’il maîtrise la langue de ceux dont la présence augmente sur la côte, avec l’arrivée de missionnaires puis l’installation de comptoirs pour le commerce.

Mais quelques années après le retour de Rudolf Douala Manga Bell au Cameroun, le gouvernement colonial allemand remet en cause le traité de protectorat signé avec les chefs Douala. Le texte stipule que la terre appartient aux natifs, mais le gouverneur allemand veut alors déplacer les populations.

Rudolf Douala Manga Bell s’y oppose, d’abord de façon légaliste, allant jusqu’au Parlement allemand plaider la cause de son peuple, avant de se résoudre à tenter de fédérer les autres communautés du Cameroun contre le colonisateur allemand. Mais il est arrêté en mai 1914, jugé et condamné en un seul jour. Il est pendu le 8 août 1914 avec son lieutenant pour « haute trahison ».

Le Cameroun avait été sous domination allemande d’abord, avant d’être placé sous les mandats britannique et français après la Première guerre mondiale.
Les descendants de la figure camerounaise appellent à la réhabilitation de son image par l’Allemagne

Les descendants du roi Rudolf Douala Manga Bell attendent notamment sa réhabilitation par les autorités allemandes, pour laver son nom. Un des combats que mène notamment son arrière-petite-fille, la Princesse Marylin Douala Manga Bell qui constate que les choses bougent en Allemagne depuis le milieu des années 2010.

▻https://www.rfi.fr/fr/afrique/20221025-l-allemagne-inaugure-une-place-rudolf-duala-manga-bell-en-hommage-au-ma

►https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/54813689
►https://berlin.kauperts.de/Strassen/Manga-Bell-Platz-13351-Berlin

#Berlin #Wedding #Manga-Bell-Platz #Nachtigalplatz #Petersallee #Afrikanische_Straße #Togostraße #Straßenumbenennung

Campaigners celebrate changing of colonial street names in Berlin

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Street and square in north-east of city renamed in tribute to figureheads who resisted forced rule in Africa.

Campaigners who have fought for decades for Germany to confront its colonial past celebrated the renaming of a square and a street in the north-east of Berlin on Friday in tribute to figureheads who resisted forced rule in Africa.

Manga Bell Platz in the so-called African Quarter of Berlin’s Wedding district was renamed in memory of Rudolf and Emily Duala Manga Bell, a king and queen of Duala in Cameroon who fought against German colonialism. Rudolf Duala Manga Bell, who had been educated in Germany, was executed along with about 100 other people by German authorities in August 1914 after a sham trial.

The square, a central part of the African Quarter, had until Friday been known as Nachtigalplatz since 1910, after Gustav Nachtigal, the German empire’s commissioner for west Africa who had a key role in the German colonisation of Togo, Cameroon and Namibia in the 1870s.

Close by, Lüderitz Strasse, named after colonialist Adolf Lüderitz, a Bremen tradesman once celebrated as the founder of the German-Southwest Africa colony – now Namibia – was given the new name Cornelius Fredericks Strasse. Frederiks was a resistance fighter from the Nama people who was imprisoned in a concentration camp on Shark Island along with a group of almost 1,800 people in 1906. He died on 16 February 1907 from malnutrition and hypothermia. Some of the victims among those held with him were decapitated and their skulls sent to Germany for so-called racial scientists to carry out anthropological research on them.

In a ceremony attended by the ambassadors of Cameroon and Namibia, as well as the current King Eboumbou of Douala and his wife.

Jean-Pierre Félix-Eyoum, a great nephew of Manga Bell, paid tribute to his relatives and other resistance fighters who included Emily and many other women, he said.

“This is a big day,” the retired teacher who lives in Munich, said to a large crowd gathered in a corner of the square as residents looked on from their balconies.

“With this renaming, Berlin is recognising its historical responsibility,” he said. He paid tribute to historians, writers, politicians and hundreds of the “Dekoloniale” “decolonialist” movement of campaigners who have spent decades calling for recognition of Germany’s colonial era and for a renaming of the street, square and many other similar locations around Germany.

“I hope that the names of all colonialists still to be found on monuments, streets not only in Germany but across the whole world will one day disappear,” he said.

Seppo Toko, an IT engineer whose family has its roots in the same Douala tribe as Manga Bell, had travelled from Hildesheim in northern Germany to attend the ceremony. He said: “This is a very, very satisfying day for me and it’s an honour to be here. It’s time now for reconciliation between both sides, for some deep dialogue.”

Margo Gorman, a novelist from Donegal in Ireland, and her husband, Hans Georg Rennert, a tour guide who traces the neighbourhood’s colonial era connections, were at the unveiling having followed the renaming campaign for years. “Let’s hope this has something of a ripple effect,” Gorman said. “What’s important is that they also take the locals with them.”

Rennert said there were meanwhile “plenty of other places on the list that now need to follow”, he said. He cited Mohren Strasse (Moor Street) in central Berlin, which is due to be renamed Anton Wilhelm Amo Street after the black philosopher and Nettelbeck Square, also in Wedding, named after Joachim Christian Nettelbeck, a sailor who was involved in the transatlantic slave trade.

The German Empire came to colonisation in the 1870s, relatively late compared to most other powers and had lost control of most territory by the start of the first world war in 1914. Ambitions to secure lost territories lasted until the 1940s, but gained little ground.

But it is seen as responsible for one of the most shameful colonial atrocities ever committed, the genocide from 1904 to 1908 of between 60,000 and 100,000 indigenous Herero and Namaqua people.

Many of its colonisers typically tried to sell their project as a mission to bring Christianity and civilisation to African regions.

Brigitte Huß, who watched as the Manga Platz street plaque was unveiled, said her Baptist beliefs made her acutely aware of the current relevance of the growing movement to recognise Germany’s colonial past. “This is about us as a society recognising and acknowledging that we cannot continue to exploit other people, and the extent to which we’re prepared to make sacrifices to that end. We need to know our history to understand some of the present predicaments we’re in,” she said.

Earlier the district mayor, Stefanie Remlinger said that the renaming of streets was only a fraction of the effort that needed to be put into the examination of Germany’s colonial past. “Street names are ways in which we pay tribute to people and part of our culture of remembrance,” she said. “But it’s only a start. A lot more needs to happen in people’s heads and hearts and in the education system”.

Remlinger acknowledged the resistance some residents had put up to the retitling which she said was often hard for those who had lived on Nachtigalplatz and Lüderitz Strasse for much of their lives. Not least the additional bureaucratic workload which would be required for thousands of residents to now re-register everything from bank accounts to driving licences, she said.

“We will try to make it as easy as possible for these people to do this quickly and easily and ensure they have priority access to the bureaucrats,” she said.

Standing on the sidelines, flanked by police officers, two residents looked on, sometimes shaking their heads.

“No one paid interest in this for years,” said Detlef Skrzypczak who has lived at Nachtigalplatz number 19 since 1977. “As far as most people were concerned it was named after a bird, and didn’t give a thought to colonialists,” he said, in reference to the name Nachtigall which also means nightingale.

Skrzypczak and his girlfriend who lives at number 13, had both been encouraged to put in petitions against the renaming when they’d heard about it several years ago. “But our petitions were turned down and we were each billed €145 each for administrative costs which seemed a bit rich”.

Félix-Eyoum, Manga-Bell’s great nephew, thanked the residents for their willingness to embrace the new name. “I know this is a burden for you,” he said. “But you are doing your bit towards this process of reconciliation”.

▻https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/dec/02/campaigners-celebrate-changing-of-colonial-street-names-in-berlin

Réponse des services centraux de l’UGA, reçus par mail, le 8 juin 2023 :

« Ces propositions permettent juste de résoudre un problème urgent, cela en avance de phase d’une réflexion plus globale portant sur la nécessité de dénommer les accès aux bâtiments, afin que ces derniers soient adressés directement sur les voies qui les desservent. Il nous faudra alors faire le choix d’un certain nombre de toponymes et cela sur la base de critères qui intègreront bien évidemment le problème de parité que vous soulevez et qu’il nous faut corriger. Cette démarche a fait l’objet d’une proposition de méthodologie en cours de validation pour une réflexion que j’espère pouvoir mener l’an prochain. »

#urgence

ll est possible de faire autrement...

Des amphis aux noms de femmes : ces universités s’emparent de la question

Amphithéâtres, salles de TD, learning centers… Dans les universités françaises, les lieux nommés d’après des personnalités portent, dans leur écrasante majorité voire en totalité, des noms d’hommes. Certains établissements veulent changer la donne et se tournent vers leur communauté pour soumettre ou sélectionner des noms de femmes.

En France, à peine 5 % des rues portent un nom de femme. Un constat partagé dans les universités que certains acteurs s’efforcent de faire évoluer. Comment s’y prennent-ils ?
Des noms de femmes pratiquement toujours absents

Sur 1 328 lieux recensés sur son campus par l’Université de Strasbourg (Unistra), seuls neuf portent le nom d’une femme contre 78 pour les hommes. Du côté des #amphithéâtres, l’un d’eux est nommé d’après une déesse, pour 37 aux noms masculins.

Les universités de #Lille et de #Haute-Alsace n’ont pas fait un tel recensement, complexe pour des campus de plus en plus tentaculaires, mais le constat est le même : les femmes sont aux abonnées absentes.

« Avec un très grand nombre de sites faisant partie de l’#Université_de_Lille, il est difficile d’obtenir des listings complets. Avant la consultation, nous avions seulement trouvé deux salles sur le campus scientifique avec des noms de femmes : Marie Curie et Marie-Louise Delwaulle. Cette dernière est une ancienne chercheuse de l’université qui n’est désignée que par son nom de famille, alors que les autres amphithéâtres ont également des prénoms et certains ont même des plaques biographiques », rapporte Hermeline Pernoud, cheffe de projet égalité-diversité de l’établissement.

Deux autres salles qui devaient s’appeler Rosalind Franklin et Ada Lovelace n’ont jamais été renommées, pour des raisons inconnues. « Nous voulons les faire réapparaître, dit Hermeline Pernoud. »

À l’#Université_de_Haute-Alsace (UHA), le syndicat étudiant Communauté solidaire des terres de l’Est ne décompte aucun amphithéâtre avec des #noms_féminins, contre une dizaine de masculins. Les femmes sont pour l’heure seulement présentes sur quelques salles du learning center.

Impliquer la communauté via consultation ou votes

Pour faire bouger les choses, les vice-présidentes égalité des universités lilloise et strasbourgeoise, mais aussi le syndicat étudiant de Haute-Alsace se tournent vers la communauté universitaire. « L’idée de renommer 15 amphis a été lancée par Sandrine Rousseau, alors vice-présidente égalité de l’Université de Lille en 2019. 45 noms ont été proposés au vote en 2020. L’objectif est d’inviter chacun et chacune à s’interroger sur ses figures au quotidien et d’inviter chaque faculté à s’approprier les noms mis en avant », retrace Hermeline Pernoud.

Le travail autour des noms à soumettre au vote a également permis d’impliquer l’association de solidarité des anciens personnels (Asap) de l’université lilloise qui a pu se souvenir de chercheuses illustres de la région.

L’Unistra a opté pour une consultation : étudiants, enseignants-chercheurs et personnels peuvent soumettre des noms de femmes emblématiques de l’histoire de l’université ou d’une discipline, ayant travaillé ou étudié dans l’établissement et ayant contribué à son rayonnement ou à celui de son pays par ses travaux. Huit seront choisis pour apparaître sur des amphithéâtres, un chiffre faisant référence à la journée des droits des femmes, le 8 mars.

« Cette initiative produit une #émulation_positive en interne, notamment au sein d’une composante d’enseignement s’étant particulièrement investie allant jusqu’à faire voter les noms soumis devant le conseil de composante ! », se réjouit Isabelle Kraus, vice-présidente égalité, parité, diversité et maîtresse de conférences en physique.

Cette dernière envisage d’embarquer un public plus large encore : « Aujourd’hui, au-delà de l’établissement, les alumni peuvent participer. Nous réfléchissons maintenant à ouvrir la consultation en dehors de l’université, en communiquant à ce propos dans les journaux de l’Est de la France. »

À l’Université de Haute-Alsace, ce sont les étudiants, via à la Communauté solidaire des terres de l’Est présente sur 13 campus du Haut-Rhin, qui lancent la dynamique et ouvrent une consultation le 22 mars. 115 votes ont déjà été enregistrés par une majorité d’étudiants et une trentaine d’enseignants-chercheurs.

« Nous y avons réfléchi pendant deux ans avant de lancer la campagne. L’idée est que ce projet soit plutôt ascendant : qu’il vienne des étudiants. La gouvernance était au courant que nous préparions cela et est encline à nous soutenir », expose Axel Renard, étudiant et président de la Communauté des terres de l’Est.

Des modifications pourraient cependant encore intervenir : « Le projet de base était de renommer des amphithéâtres, mais l’équipe dirigeante semble plutôt s’orienter vers des bâtiments », poursuit Axel Renard.

Mettre en valeur des personnalités de l’université et #femmes_scientifiques

Faire sortir les femmes de l’université, souvent des scientifiques, de l’#anonymat : c’est aussi l’objectif de ces initiatives. À l’Université de Lille, en lien avec l’opération Université avec un grand Elles qui a nourri la liste de noms soumis au vote pour renommer les amphis, des stages ont été proposés.

Les étudiantes ont cherché des portraits correspondant aux critères : 15 femmes de la région, si possible en lien avec l’université, « dans une volonté de matrimoine, afin de rendre femmage -car c’est bien de cela dont il s’agit ici plutôt qu’un « hommage »- à des personnes que l’on connait moins », souligne Hermeline Pernoud.

Une diversité qu’observe également Isabelle Kraus de l’Unistra : « Parmi les noms proposés, il en y a des connus et d’autre que je découvre. Quelle richesse ! Certains sont remontés dans toutes les disciplines. »

Pour sa sélection, la Communauté des terres de l’Est demande dans son formulaire d’argumenter le choix soumis. « Nous n’avons pour le moment pas reçu trop de retours négatifs, seulement une dizaine de propositions de trolls », indique Axel Renard.

Éviter les personnages trop politiques et représenter la diversité

« Nous évitons les personnes vivantes, pour ne pas avoir de problèmes », poursuit l’étudiant de l’UHA. En effet, la décision peut s’avérer délicate, notamment lorsque la personnalité se politise comme a pu en faire l’expérience l’Université de Lille.

« Christiane Taubira devait être invitée pour inaugurer un amphi à son nom, mais il s’est avéré que c’était au moment où elle se lançait en politique. Nous avons préféré mettre les choses en pause pour des questions éthiques », explique Hermeline Pernoud. Il faut dire que l’instigatrice même du projet, Sandrine Rousseau, est aujourd’hui députée écologiste après une tentative à la primaire du parti politique Europe écologie les verts en 2021.

Autre critère pour l’Université de Lille : proposer aussi des noms de femmes non blanches. À ce sujet, il reste du chemin à parcourir chez les hommes également. C’est pourquoi l’établissement a inauguré, en février dernier, sur le campus de Moulin, une salle en hommage au Chevalier Saint-Georges.
Débaptiser pour renommer : sujet tabou ?

Pour Pierre-Alain Muller, le président de l’UHA, s’exprimant dans l’Alsace en mai, il n’est pas question de « débaptiser » les amphis qui portent des noms d’hommes. Alexandre Renard remarque : « La décision se fera avec les composantes. Il y a un seul cas où la question de pose, pour la fac de lettres et sciences humaines : trois amphis portent des noms de physicien, ingénieur… Des personnalités qui ne sont pas en lien avec la thématique. »

Les universités de Lille et Strasbourg s’accordent également sur le fait de choisir des lieux désignés par des chiffres et seulement en dernier recours des noms d’hommes. Pourtant, à l’Université de Lille la problématique risque de se poser : « En médecine il n’y a que des noms d’hommes. Sur le campus de Roubaix, où les bâtiments sont neufs, nous pourrons sûrement en profiter pour mettre des noms féminins, mais, à terme, il faudrait une parité sur tous les sites », souligne Hermeline Pernoud.

En pratique, une décision qui n’est pas anodine

Si renommer moins d’une vingtaine de lieux peut sembler bien peu - et largement insuffisant pour atteindre la parité - ce n’est en réalité pas une mince affaire pour les équipes.

« Je travaille en collaboration avec le vice-président patrimoine, Nicolas Matt, car la partie pratique est la plus difficile, souligne Isabelle Kraus. La direction des affaires logistiques intérieures a dû recenser les noms et le département du patrimoine et de l’immobilier se penche sur l’aspect logistique. Car renommer un amphi ce n’est pas juste poser une plaque : tous les documents, avec les arrivées d’eau et d’électricités, doivent être modifiés ainsi que le logiciel de planning pour l’occupation des salles. Sans l’adhésion du personnel, cela n’aurait pas été possible. »

Après la consultation, continuer à faire vivre les noms

Après la fin de la consultation, les premiers baptêmes à l’Unistra sont prévus pour la rentrée 2023-2024 avec l’organisation d’un événement collectif pour dévoiler les huit noms et présenter ces profils. Une plaque avec un résumé de chaque parcours sera également apposée.

« Les propositions soumises lors de la consultation pourront servir de banque de données pour les années futures. Nous allons reconduire la consultation l’année prochaine, c’est loin d’être fini ! », ajoute Isabelle Kraus.

Du côté de la Communauté des terres de l’Est, après la période creuse de l’été, la campagne sera relancée à la rentrée. « Le but est ensuite de faire les inaugurations progressivement, pour que chaque inauguration soit accompagnée d’une campagne expliquant le choix du nom », précise Axel Renard.

À l’Université de Lille, pourtant pionnière avec une inauguration au nom de Laurence Bloch, journaliste à France Inter, dès 5 mars 2020, les événements ont pris du retard et après de nombreux reports, liés à la crise sanitaire, les changements de présidence et plus récemment les grèves ou encore des problématiques en interne, aucune date n’est fixée.

« Nous devons encore nous accorder sur des détails techniques comme le choix des plaques, de l’affichage : faut-il percer le mur ? Il faut désormais que les différents campus s’emparent de la question », espère Hermeline Pernoud.

▻https://www.campusmatin.com/vie-campus/rse-developpement-durable/pratiques/des-amphis-aux-noms-de-femmes-ces-universites-s-emparent-de-la-question

#Chine #toponymie #Xinjiang #Ürümqi #confinement #lockdown #incendie #Ouïghour #noms_de_rue #révoltes_des_plaques #métatoponymes #résistance #résistance_sémiotique #toponymie_politique

J’en profite pour signaler ce beau petit livre de Agota Kristof :
L’Analphabète

Phrases courtes, mot juste, lucidité et humour : le monde d’Agota Kristof infuse dans L’Analphabète, son seul récit autobiographique, paru pour la première fois en 2004 : onze chapitres pour onze moments de sa vie, de la petite fille en Hongrie qui dévore les livres à l’écriture de ses romans. Les premières années heureuses, la pauvreté après la guerre, l’amour des mots, la rupture du « fil d’argent de l’enfance », puis l’adolescence, et finalement l’exil, qui ne la conduit pas seulement hors d’un pays, mais surtout hors d’une langue.

https://www.editionszoe.ch/files/2021/livres/1878/thumb-small_zoe_lanalphabete.png