#ny
- #nycv
- #nycturie
- #nycthémère
- #nycballet
- #nyerere’s
- #nytimes.com
- #nyunzu
- #nyhc
- #nyons
- #nyonoksa
- #nyonoska
- #nypd
- #nypl
- #nyslo
- #nya
- #nymphes
- #nymphalidae
- #nymphoplastie
- #nymwars
- #nynorsk
- #ny_sokha
- #ny_chakrya
- #nykøbing_falster
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Sana Saeed sur X :
Jesus Christ, you absolute sick ghouls @nytimes
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Gaza convoy that ended in death was part of a plan to try to fill a void in aid distribution.
▻https://www.nytimes.com/live/2024/03/02/world/israel-hamas-war-gaza-news/gaza-aid-convoy-that-ended-in-death-was-part-of-a-new-israeli-operationThe aid convoy that devolved into a disaster on Thursday, ending with scores of Palestinians dead, was part of a new Israeli operation to get desperately needed food to Gaza residents by working directly with local businessmen, according to an Israeli official, Palestinian businessmen and Western diplomats.
In a rare move, Israel was involved in organizing at least four such aid convoys to northern Gaza this past week after international aid groups suspended operations to the area, citing both Israeli refusals to greenlight aid trucks and rising lawlessness. But on Thursday, that effort backfired on Israeli planners.
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AHMED | أحمد sur X :
▻https://twitter.com/ASE/status/1761800577359430031At the age of 23, after graduating from Columbia University and working briefly for PBS, I went through 7 rounds of interviews and finally landed a job at the NYT as a news producer.
On my 3rd day on the job, on the graveyard shift which was from 5pm-2am I had to fill out some HR paperwork, so I went by the head of HR’s office (her name was Barbara) before 5pm to ask if I could fill it out and return it to her later or leave it on her desk.
She stared at me and said, and I quote verbatim: “How do I know you are not gonna leave a bomb under my desk?”
At the time I was so startled and shocked. I didn’t know how to react. But I happened to not be alone in the room, as she had already been meeting with the new young business reporter who was Jewish, and who had happened to also hear her offensive retort, and had a look on his face of complete confusion and horror.
To this day, I tried to believe that maybe she just had a bad sense of humor, but her tone and delivery was not that of someone who is making a joke, but of someone who wanted to prove some sort of point.
Horrified, I remember going to a mentor at the New York Times, who had once been one of my adjuncts at Columbia University and I told her something very horrible just happened to me and I didn’t want to tell her the details because I was so startled and worried for how it could potentially impact this new great gig that I had landed .
I will never forget what my mentor said to me who had been at the NYT for over a decade, she said, “Ahmed there are people here who will want you to succeed, and there are more people here who will want you to fail.”
Ultimately, I decided not to confront or report what the head of HR said at the time, as it was a very strange time given the Iraq war, and the climate in the newsroom was already very politically charged.
I share this experience now, in light of the misinformation being published by the New York Times, that is masquerading as journalism.
I only lasted six months at the #New_York_Times, and there are many reasons for that and while I have good friends who still work there, it is an indisputable fact that the #NYT is manufacturing consent for #genocide.
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☀️👀 sur X :
▻https://twitter.com/zei_squirrel/status/1761249450998022442oh my god. One of the three authors of the New York Times’ “mass rape” atrocity propaganda hoax is Anat Schwartz. She liked posts calling for Gaza to be turned into a “slaughterhouse”. This the person the #NYT hired to write about Palestinians and frame them as sub-human monsters
she also liked posts repeating the 40 beheaded babies hoax. This is unbelievable. The #New_York_Times got Anat Schwartz along with Adam Sella and Jeffrey Gettleman, both of whom are also rabid Zionist maniacs, to freely express their deep racist contempt of Palestinians. Holy shit
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▻https://mondoweiss.net/2024/02/extraordinary-charges-of-bias-emerge-against-nytimes-reporter-anat-schwa
The latest questions are centered around Anat Schwartz, an Israeli who co-authored several of the paper’s most widely circulated reports, including the now well-known and scrutinized December 28 article headlined: “‘Screams Without Words’’ How Hamas Weaponized Sexual Violence on Oct. 7.”
Independent researchers scrutinized the online record, and raised serious questions about Schwartz. First, she has apparently never been a reporter but is actually a filmmaker, who the Times suddenly hired in October. You would expect the paper to look for someone with actual journalistic experience, especially for a story as sensitive as this one, written during the fog of war. Surely the paper had enough of its own correspondents on staff who could have been assigned to it.
Next, the researchers found that Schwartz had not hidden her strong feelings online. There are screenshots of her “liking” certain posts that repeated the “40 beheaded baby” hoax, and that endorsed another hysterical post that urged the Israeli army to “turn Gaza into a slaughterhouse,” and called Palestinians “human animals.”
Etc., etc.
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What do Germany’s migration partnerships entail ?
Migration partnerships cannot halt large movements of refugees, but they can help countries manage migration better. Germany has signed a number of partnerships into effect in recent years.
The German government seems to be working tirelessly when it comes to migration. In January, during her visit Rabat, Morocco’s capital, German Economic Cooperation and Development Minister Svenja Schulze announced a new migration partnership with Morocco.
Just days later, on February 6, she inaugurated a migrant resource center in Nyanya near Abuja, Nigeria’s capital, alongside Nigerian Minister of State for Labor and Employment Nkeiruka Onyejeocha.
In May last year, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz announced a migration partnership with Kenya in an attempt to attract skilled workers from the East African nation.
Apart from Morocco, Nigeria and Kenya, the German government has also signed migration partnerships or is in negotiations to do so with Colombia, India, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Georgia and Moldova.
At the European Union (EU) level, such agreements have been in place for over 15 years. According to the EU-funded Migration Partnership Facility, there are around 50 such partnerships.
’Part of overall concept’
What is the difference between these partnerships, repatriation cooperation agreements or previous migration agreements?
For Joachim Stamp, Germany’s Special Commissioner for Migration Agreements, “migration partnerships are a component of an overall concept.” According to the Interior Ministry, to which Stamp’s post is assigned, this includes “a paradigm shift to reduce irregular migration and strengthen legal migration.”
He explained that in contrast to general migration agreements, migration partnerships are more about trust-based exchange and cooperation in labor, training and attracting skilled workers. The idea is not only to fight irregular migration but to replace it with regular migration.
Migration expert Steffen Angenendt from the Berlin-based German Institute for International and Security Affairs considers migration partnerships to be “extremely important” and “indispensable” but points out that they are not “a panacea for large migration movements.”
Partner countries’ interests ignored“Previous agreements have generally been ineffective or have not achieved the effect they were supposed to,” Angenendt told DW. “This is because all the EU migration and mobility partnerships concluded since 2007 have been primarily aimed at reducing irregular immigration.”
He added that the problem was that the interests of partner countries had consistently been neglected.
These interests include the expansion of regular immigration opportunities to work, study or train in EU countries, he explained. Angenendt said that as long as these considerations were not considered, countries’ political will to fulfill treaty obligations would remain low.
Such obligations include the rapid issuing of documents to nationals living in countries where they do not have the right to stay so they can be moved to their country of origin. They also include the stricter monitoring of those wanting to leave a country.
Most asylum seekers in Germany fleeing from warOn closer inspection, this means that migration partnerships are only partially suitable for reducing migration movements. Most people entering Germany as refugees are from countries where there are massive human rights violations and war.
“We cannot develop migration partnerships with countries such as Syria and Afghanistan,” said Stamp in a statement. Instead, he stated that the German government was trying to support “neighboring countries that take in refugees from these countries.”
According to the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, most asylum seekers in recent years have originated from Syria and Afghanistan. In the past three years, the number of asylum seekers from Turkey has also increased, accounting for 19% of the total.
Countries with which Germany has migration partnerships, such as Georgia, tend to be at the bottom of the statistics.
“I am very pleased that we have succeeded in reaching an agreement with Georgia and [will do so] in the coming weeks, with Moldova,” said Stamp in an interview with the German television news channel Welt TV in early February.
He added that the migration partnership with Morocco announced at the end of January was already being implemented. “After many years in which things didn’t go so well, we now have a trusting relationship,” he said.
Controversial deal between Italy and Albania
For its part, Italy has reached a controversial agreement with Albania, which has EU candidate status, to reduce migration. This is sometimes called a migration partnership but does not seem to fit the description.
According to the agreement, Albania will establish two centers this year that will detain asylum seekers while their applications are being processed. The international advocacy organization Human Rights Watch says the deal breaches international law.
Compared to Italian Prime Minister Georgia Meloni, German development minister Schulze appears to have struck a different tone regarding migration. But she still wants to see more migrants without the right to stay deported from Germany.
“Migration is a fact of life,” she said at the inauguration of the migrant resource center in Nigeria at the beginning of February. “We have to deal with it in a way that benefits everyone: migrants, countries of origin and the communities that receive migrants.”
▻https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/55097/what-do-germanys-migration-partnerships-entail
#accords #Allemagne #accords_bilatéraux #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Maroc #Nyanya #Nigeria #Kenya #Colombie #Inde #Géorgie #Moldavie #Ouzbékistan #Kirghizistan #Migration_Partnership_Facility #accords_migratoires #partenariats #partenariats_migratoires
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Via Assal Rad sur X
Leena Al-Arian لينة العريان sur X :
“Gazans say”
▻https://twitter.com/LeenatheArian/status/1740986892978630964
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/GCkktNeakAAj7qu?format=jpg&name=large#.jpg 
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/GCgGd8ZaAAAcGm1?format=jpg&name=large#.jpg 
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/E01EW_QVgAo6b6F?format=jpg&name=large#.jpg #MSM #NYT #complicité #génocide #langage
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Illustration de la compassion à géométrie variable. Les palestiniens ne comptent jamais leurs morts, et s’ils le font, c’est relaté au conditionnel.
En direct, guerre en Ukraine : l’Ukraine continue de compter ses morts au lendemain de l’attaque massive menée par la Russie
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/international/live/2023/12/30/en-direct-guerre-en-ukraine-l-ukraine-continue-de-compter-ses-morts-au-lende
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Selon Gary Hershorn :
▻https://twitter.com/GaryHershorn/status/1735106572093722880Tonight’s drone show in New York City in support of Israeli hostages held in Gaza, suffered a major malfunction as the drones took off out of sync and began falling into the Hudson River. Most landed but the show was cancelled #nyc #NewYorkCity #NewYork #drone
Les new-yorkais ont eu chaud : les drones auraient pu aller s’exploser sur une école ou un hôpital.
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Mohamad Bazzi sur X : "The #nytimes is entirely capable of writing direct headlines — when Israel is not the aggressor. Here are a few examples to contrast with today’s headline describing Israel’s attack on the #Jabaliya refugee camp in #Gaza:
▻https://twitter.com/BazziNYU/status/1719479148022755782 -
Soutien à des maraîchers à #Nyons, où leur habitat est menacé par les autorités
▻https://ricochets.cc/Soutien-a-des-maraichers-a-Nyons-ou-leur-habitat-est-menace-par-les-autoriTout près de Nyons, à Les Pilles, un coupe de maraîchers bio résiste pour pouvoir poursuivre leur activité. Un événement de soutien est prévu le 09 septembre. << Depuis nous mettons toutes nos forces à exploiter cette terre dans le plus strict respect de la nature : serres non chauffées, utilisation exclusive de traitements confectionnés à base de plantes, arrêt de l’utilisation du tracteur, plantation de haies… dans le but de recréer un sol vivant et de favoriser la biodiversité. Pour ce faire (...) #Les_Articles
/ Nyons, #Agriculture, #Autonomie_et_autogestion, #Ecologie
▻https://ricochets.cc/IMG/distant/html/watchvFxhJmN552e-86cee9c.html
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Des journalistes demandent aux soldats ukrainiens de cacher leurs écussons nazis, admet le New York Times Tyler Durden
Le New York Times a été contraint de traiter très, très tardivement de quelque chose qui était depuis longtemps évident et connu de nombreux analystes et médias indépendants, mais qui a été soigneusement caché aux masses dominantes en Occident pour des raisons évidentes.
Le titre surprenant de l’article du New York Times publié le lundi 5 juin (lien de l’article en anglais : ▻https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/05/world/europe/nazi-symbols-ukraine.html) dit que « les symboles nazis sur les lignes de front de l’Ukraine mettent en lumière les problèmes épineux de l’histoire ». Cette reconnaissance intervient après des années que des journalistes principalement indépendants et des commentateurs géopolitiques soulignaient que oui, en effet… Les groupes militaires et paramilitaires ukrainiens, en particulier ceux opérant dans l’est depuis au moins 2014, ont un sérieux problème d’idéologie nazie. Cela a été documenté de manière exhaustive, encore une fois, depuis des années. Mais le rapport, qui essaie simplement de le minimiser comme une « question épineuse » de « l’histoire unique » de l’Ukraine – suggère que le vrai problème pour les relations publiques occidentales est fondamentalement qu’il soit affiché si ouvertement. On demande aux troupes ukrainiennes de cacher ces symboles nazis, s’il vous plaît ! — comme Matt Taibbi a sarcastiquement plaisanté en commentant le rapport.

Reportage de NBC News en 2014 : « Les Allemands ont été confrontés à des images du sombre passé de leur pays lorsque la télévision publique allemande ZDF a montré une vidéo de soldats ukrainiens avec des symboles nazis sur leurs casques dans son journal télévisé du soir. »Les auteurs du rapport du NYT commencent par exprimer leur frustration face à l’apparence des symboles nazis affichés si fièrement sur les uniformes de nombreux soldats ukrainiens. Suggérant que de nombreuses photographies journalistiques qui ont dans certains cas été présentées dans des journaux et des médias du monde entier (généralement associées à des articles généralement positifs sur l’armée ukrainienne) sont simplement « malheureuses » ou trompeuses, le rapport du NYT indique : « Sur chaque photographie, des Ukrainiens en uniforme portaient des écussons avec des symboles qui ont été rendus notoires par l’Allemagne nazie et qui font depuis partie de l’iconographie des groupes haineux d’extrême droite. »
Le rapport admet que cela a conduit à une controverse dans laquelle les salles de presse doivent en fait supprimer certaines photos de soldats et de militants ukrainiens. « Les photographies et leurs suppressions mettent en évidence la relation compliquée de l’armée ukrainienne avec l’imagerie nazie, une relation forgée sous l’occupation soviétique et allemande pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale », poursuit le rapport.
C’est donc simplement « épineux » et « compliqué » nous dit-on. Vous trouverez ci-dessous un petit échantillon des types de patchs qui apparaissent sur les uniformes militaires ukrainiens avec « une certaine régularité » – selon les termes du New York Times :

Voici un petit échantillon des types de patchs qui apparaissent sur les uniformes militaires ukrainiens avec « une certaine régularité » – selon les termes du New York TimesMême l’Otan a récemment été forcée de supprimer des images sur ses comptes officiels de médias sociaux en raison de la présence de symboles nazis parmi les troupes ukrainiennes lors de séances photo.
La ligne suivante du rapport dit tout ce que vous devez savoir sur le soi-disant « papier officiel » et sa couverture unilatérale et ultra-simpliste tandis que beaucoup se réveillent enfin pour réaliser qu’il s’agit d’une guerre avec une réalité profondément complexe (c’est le moins qu’on puisse dire), et loin du récit hollywoodien des bons contre les méchants des MSM de Putler contre le monde libre qui est typique des réseaux de CNN à Fox en passant par NBC…Citation de l’article du New York Times :
« En novembre, lors d’une réunion avec des journalistes du Times près de la ligne de front, un attaché de presse ukrainien portait une variante de Totenkopf fabriquée par une société appelée R3ICH (prononcé « Reich »). Il a déclaré qu’il ne croyait pas que le patch était affilié aux nazis. Un deuxième attaché de presse présent a déclaré que d’autres journalistes avaient demandé aux soldats d’enlever le patch avant de prendre des photos ».Oups !
Et maintenant, nous pouvons nous attendre à des efforts importants pour limiter les dégâts, ou même peut-être assistons-nous aux débuts de l’évolution des définitions et du déplacement des poteaux de but. On cite encore l’article du New York Times :
« Mais certains membres de ces groupes combattent la Russie depuis que le Kremlin a annexé illégalement une partie de la région de Crimée en Ukraine en 2014 et font désormais partie de la structure militaire plus large. Certains sont considérés comme des héros nationaux, alors même que l’extrême droite reste marginalisée politiquement.
L’iconographie de ces groupes, y compris un écusson en forme de tête de mort porté par les gardiens des camps de concentration et un symbole connu sous le nom de Soleil noir, apparaît désormais avec une certaine régularité sur les uniformes des soldats combattant en première ligne, y compris les soldats qui disent que cette imagerie symbolise la souveraineté et la fierté de l’Ukraine, pas le nazisme. »

En 2019, le New York Times décrivait avec précision le bataillon Azov comme une « organisation paramilitaire néo-nazie ukrainienne » (image du dessus). Maintenant, selon ce même journal, c’est juste une « unité de la Garde nationale ukrainienne » (image du dessous)Ce n’est que très récemment que le ministère ukrainien de la Défense et même le bureau du président Zelensky ont été pris en flagrant délit :
En avril, le ministère ukrainien de la Défense a publié sur son compte Twitter une photo d’un soldat portant un écusson représentant un crâne et des os croisés connu sous le nom de Totenkopf, ou tête de mort. Le symbole spécifique sur l’image a été rendu célèbre par une unité nazie qui a commis des crimes de guerre et gardé des camps de concentration pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
L’écusson sur la photo place le Totenkopf au sommet d’un drapeau ukrainien avec un petit numéro 6 en dessous. Ce patch est le logo officiel de Death in June, un groupe néo-folk britannique qui, selon le Southern Poverty Law Center, produit un « discours de haine » qui « exploite des thèmes et des images du fascisme et du nazisme ».
Comme on pouvait s’y attendre, le Times essaie toujours de se cacher tout en cherchant désespérément à « rassurer » son public en écrivant que « à court terme, cela menace de renforcer la propagande de Poutine et d’alimenter ses fausses affirmations selon lesquelles l’Ukraine doit être » dénazifiée ‘ – une position qui ignore le fait que le président ukrainien Volodymyr Zelenskyy est juif. »
De nouveaux niveaux de copulation en effet…
Mais encore, le NYT concède maladroitement : « Plus largement, l’ambivalence de l’Ukraine à propos de ces symboles, et parfois même son acceptation de ceux-ci, risque de donner une nouvelle vie à des icônes que l’Occident a passé plus d’un demi-siècle à essayer d’éliminer. »
Source : ▻https://www.investigaction.net/fr/des-journalistes-demandent-aux-soldats-ukrainiens-de-cacher-leurs-ec
Lien de l’article en anglais :
▻https://www.zerohedge.com/geopolitical/journalists-are-asking-ukrainian-soldiers-hide-their-nazi-patches-nyt-admtraduction : ▻http://lagazetteducitoyen.over-blog.com/2023/06/des-journalistes-demandent-aux-soldats-ukrainiens-de-c
#ukraine #nazisme #nazis #New_York_Times #NYT #symboles #néo-nazis #guerre
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En France, à Lille, fonctionnaire de police avec un tatouage de la valknut, symbole wotaniste, (idéologie identitaire germanique). Des précisions à apporter ?
un effet de #mode sans doutes
▻https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Fx8hXC4aYAQsisU?format=jpg
Source : ▻https://twitter.com/contactrevol/status/1666087151912775682
La voix du nord a même du en convenir
Source : ▻https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/1338051/article/2023-06-09/policiers-avec-des-tatouages-valknut-lille-comment-la-voix-du-nord-sais
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28 mars : la Drôme déborde ! Manifestations annoncées à #Valence, Romans, Montélimar...
▻https://ricochets.cc/28-mars-la-Drome-deborde-Manifestations-annoncees-a-Valence-Romans-MonteliEn plus des autres actions et manifs, le prochain gros RDV est mardi 28 mars ! Avec plusieurs manifs importantes annoncées en #Drôme, et, qui sait, des surprises en plus ? 28 MARS : Nouvelle journée d’appel national intersyndical à manifester partout en France : Valence 14H30 rassemblement : université Latour MAUBOURG (av. de Romans) pique nique tiré du sac, à partir de 12h et départ de la manifestation à 14h30, direction rond point de Valence 2 et retour par l’avenue de Verdun à Maubourg. #Montélimar : (...) #Les_Articles
/ Révoltes, insurrections, débordements..., Valence, Drôme, #Crest, #Romans_sur_Isère, Montélimar, (...)
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Anti-colonialist #sculpture unveiled in London’s #Trafalgar_Square
Samson Kambalu’s post-colonial sculpture “#Antelope” was unveiled on Wednesday as the new sculpture on the empty Fourth Plinth of London’s Trafalgar Square.
The bronze resin sculpture features Baptist preacher and educator #John_Chilembwe, who led an uprising in 1915 against British colonial rule in #Nyasaland — now #Malawi.
He was later killed by colonial police and is commemorated in Malawi on John Chilembwe Day, which marks the beginning of the Malawi independence struggle.
The sculpture is the latest in a rolling programme overseen by the mayor of London that began in 1998 to showcase contemporary art on the empty plinth.
Previous installations have included a giant ship in a bottle and a swirl of replica whipped cream, topped with a sculpted cherry, fly and drone.
At Chilembwe’s side in Kambalu’s sculpture is his friend and supporter, the European missionary John Chorley.
The artist said it was designed to shed light on Britain’s colonial legacy in southern Africa.
“People present colonialism as a kind of conqueror and victim (story),” Kambalu told AFP at the unveiling.
“But actually, it’s more complex than that. There are heroes on both sides. There is dignity on both sides.”
Chorley is life-sized, while Chilembwe is “larger than life” — elevating the pastor’s story and Britain’s colonial past into the public eye.
“There’s a lot to be addressed,” said Kambalu.
Kambalu said that by highlighting what he said was Britain’s failure to address its colonial legacy in southern Africa, such as Malawi, he hoped his work would shed light on this “hidden history”.
Both figures in the sculpture wear hats — a banal feature at a first glance but evoking the colonial prohibition which barred African men from wearing hats in front of a white person.
“Antelope” is the 14th commission in the programme.
“It sparks conversation with the general public. Everyone loves to have an opinion about the Fourth Plinth. It generates debate,” said Justine Simons, deputy mayor for culture and the creative industries.
The sculpture will be succeeded in 2024 by Teresa Margolles’ “850 Improntas” (850 Imprints), which features casts of the faces of 850 transgender people from around the world.
Recent calls by MPs and others have urged the Mayor of London to feature a statue of the late Queen Elizabeth II on the Fourth Plinth.
“That will be a decision for His Majesty the King, at the appropriate moment,” said Simons.
"It’s a programme that’s been going for 20 years, and we’ve got at least another four years of sculptures already commissioned.”
▻https://www.rfi.fr/en/people-and-entertainment/20220928-anti-colonialist-sculpture-unveiled-in-london-s-trafalgar-square
#monument #Londres #colonialisme #anti-colonialisme #UK #Angleterre #Samson_Kambalu #histoire #historicisation #mémoire #passé_colonial #villes -
Yousef Munayyer sur Twitter : ▻https://twitter.com/YousefMunayyer/status/1524386021424648192
What the #nytimes said @AlJazeera said vs what @AlJazeera actually said. It is really, REALLY not hard to get this right guys
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Decolonial Operations Manual - Decolonize this Place New York
▻https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c5e0c57d86cc9226827c754/t/600b3b61caec9b2e049d6ca8/1611348841260/DTP_Decolonial+OM_ReaderSpreads_FINAL_lowres.pdf
#Decolonisation #decolonial #contestedmonuments #New_York #struggle
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The work reflected in these pages, condensing years, helps us breathe. It is only possible because of a deep politics of friendship, an ethos of relational organizing, and a strong belief that not only do things not have to be this way, but in fact we must live as if it could be different based on what we choose to do and how we choose to live. This work is also the product of many people, colleagues, comrades, participants, family members, lovers, friends, and grassroots groups. We thank all those who put in the time and love to usher something powerful and beautiful into the world and to hold space for each other. We also thank those who used their cameras, social media, wrote, took pictures, made videos, brought family and friends, and organized. Movement-generated anything is always better. If any image should have been credited and we did not, we apologize in advance as it was not intentional. Finally, for all those who wonder about wins as a metric of success, we share: we walk, we do not run because we are going very far.
#musée #lutte #luttes #décolonial #Brooklyn_Museum #musées #BLM #Black_Lives_Matter #action #actions_décoloniales #decolonize_this_city #solidarité_décoloniale #Whitney_Museum #art #art_et_politique #monument #action_directe #police #Fuck_The_Police (#FTP) #New_York_City #NYC
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Manhattan’s Chinese Street Signs Are Disappearing
As with many neighborhoods in New York City, Chinatown has a history that is legible in layers. Here in Lower Manhattan, Republic of China flags still flutter above the offices of family associations that were founded before the Communist Revolution. Job posting boards covered in slips of paper cater to recent immigrants. Instagrammable dessert shops serve young locals and tourists alike. “For Rent / 出租” signs are everywhere, alluding to the shrinking number of Chinese businesses and residents.
And above a dwindling number of intersections hang signs declaring the names of the street in English and in Chinese.
Bilingual street signs have hung over the bustling streets of the city’s oldest Chinatown for more than 50 years. They are the product of a program from the 1960s aimed at making navigating the neighborhood easier for those Chinese New Yorkers who might not read English.
These signs represented a formal recognition of the growing influence of a neighborhood that for more than a century had largely been relegated to the margins of the city’s attention. But as the prominence of Manhattan’s Chinatown as the singular Chinese cultural center of the city has waned in the 21st century, this unique piece of infrastructure has begun to slowly disappear.
▻https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/03/11/nyregion/nyc-chinatown-signs.html
#toponymie #bilinguisme #Manhattan #Chinatown #USA #Etats-Unis #New_York #chinois #dialectes #panneau #cartographie #cartographie_narrative #NYC #visualisation #cartographie #langue #anglais
via @fil
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Les pompiers de Californie face à un incendie qui génère son propre climat
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2021/07/26/les-pompiers-de-californie-face-a-un-incendie-qui-genere-son-propre-climat_6Le plus gros incendie de Californie, qui a déjà dévoré une surface de végétation équivalente à la ville de Chicago, est si volumineux qu’il génère désormais son propre climat, au risque de rendre la tâche des pompiers qui le combattent encore plus ardue. Environ 5 400 soldats du feu étaient mobilisés, lundi 26 juillet, face aux flammes du Dixie Fire dans les forêts du nord de la Californie.
Ce brasier n’a fait que grossir depuis la mi-juillet, attisé par une chaleur étouffante, une sécheresse alarmante et des vents continus. Le Dixie Fire est si gros qu’il a créé ces derniers jours des nuages appelés « pyrocumulus » qui provoquent foudre, vents violents et alimentent en retour l’incendie.-
Bon, New York ReSister (#NY tough) @bfs2020
▻https://twitter.com/bfs2020/status/1420473801700257797Vern Miller
Reservoir in California
This is lake Oroville. The first photo is from 3 years ago. The 2nd photo was taken April 27 2021. The 3rd was taken last week.
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Rwanda, 1994, entre avril et juillet, 100 jours de génocide...
Celui que l’on appelle « Le dernier génocide du siècle » s’est déroulé dans un tout petit pays d’Afrique, sous les yeux du monde entier, sous le joug des politiques internationales, et sous les machettes et la haine de toute une partie de la population. Sur environ 7,5 millions de Rwandais d’alors, 1,5 million de personnes ont été exterminées pour le seul fait d’appartenir à la caste « tutsi » (chiffres officiels de 2004) : hommes, femmes, enfants, nouveau-nés, vieillards... De cette tragédie historique, suite à plusieurs années de recherche dont sept mois passés au Rwanda pour récolter des témoignages, les auteurs ont tiré une fiction éprouvante basée sur des faits réels.https://www.glenat.com/drugstore/rwanda-1994-integrale-9782356261120
#BD #bande_dessinée #livre
#Kigali #Murambi #fosses_communes #Nyagatare #FAR #génocide #Rwanda #France #armée_française #opération_Turquoise #camps_de_réfugiés #réfugiés #Goma #zone_turquoise #aide_humanitaire #choléra #entraide #eau_potable -
‘They’re Trying to Bully Us’: N.Y.U. Graduate Students Are Back on Strike
N.Y.U.’s campus is in limbo as graduate students have stopped working, with their union demanding higher wages, more benefits and less police presence on campus.
When Marwan Shalaby moved to New York from Egypt in 2019 to start an engineering Ph.D. at New York University, he had $700 in his bank account. He figured that would be enough to get settled.
But Mr. Shalaby had to pay for the deposit on an apartment, a mattress and winter clothes. After going to the emergency room with a cooking injury, he began to rack up debt.
As he waited anxiously for his first graduate student stipend payment, which would add up to $2,500 a month, Mr. Shalaby realized those checks would barely cover the cost of living in his new city. The time and energy he wanted to devote to studying for classes was instead spent worrying about his bank account.
“My learning experience wasn’t optimal because my mind was so preoccupied with how I’d pay for the essentials,” he said.
This week, Mr. Shalaby, 28, joined more than a thousand N.Y.U. graduate students striking for higher wages from the university, among other demands, like better health care and a change in the school’s relationship with the Police Department.
While on strike, the graduate students are refraining from their work duties, including assistant teaching and grading papers, leaving the campus in limbo as the university and union continue bargaining over the terms of the students’ new contract.
More than seven years ago, N.Y.U.’s graduate students became the first in the country to win voluntary recognition for their union from a private university. The resulting contract expired in August, and graduate students, who are represented by the United Automobile Workers, have spent months locked in heated negotiations over the terms for its renewal.
At the center of the conflict between the union and the university, among the country’s more expensive, is the graduate students’ demand for higher wages. The union’s organizing committee initially proposed a $46 hourly wage — more than double the current hourly wages for graduate students there, which start at $20.
The organizing committee has since dropped its proposal to $32 per hour. The university has countered with a proposed raise of around 22 percent over six years, amounting to a $1 raise in the contract’s first year.
N.Y.U. leaders maintain that the graduate students make more than their counterparts at other schools. They noted that graduate students at Harvard, for example, recently settled a contract that granted an hourly wage of $17.
“This strike need not have happened,” John Beckman, an N.Y.U. spokesman, said in an email. “The university has made generous proposals in this contract renewal.”
The university’s president emailed the parents of N.Y.U. students this week and described the strike as “unwarranted, untimely, and regrettable.” The email sparked a backlash and a number of jokes on social media from some of the graduate students, many of them above the age of 30, whose parents received it. (“If I’m grounded I still can’t go to work,” Chloe Jones, 26, a Ph.D. student, tweeted.)
Graduate student organizers at N.Y.U. said the comparison with Harvard’s contract was inappropriate because of the higher cost of living in New York. The N.Y.U. organizers determined their proposed wage by using the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s living wage calculator, accounting for the constraint that graduate students can only work 20 hours each week.
And while Columbia and Harvard graduate students went on strike in recent years to get their first union contracts, N.Y.U.’s graduate students are negotiating a second contract, having settled their first in 2015, and therefore have made more ambitious demands. (Columbia’s strike, which began in March, has paused while students vote on their contract, which would raise wages for hourly student workers to $20 within three years.)
“A first contract establishes a baseline for future negotiations,” said William A. Herbert, executive director of the National Center for the Study of Collective Bargaining in Higher Education and the Professions at Hunter College. “In the second contract, the union is seeking to broaden and expand their benefits. It’s very common for a second contract to be more demanding.”
The urgency of the union’s financial demands has been heightened by the pandemic and the economic crisis, as the academic job market has been squeezed by hiring freezes.
“They’re trying to bully us to drop our wage proposals lower and lower,” said Ellis Garey, 28, a union organizer and fourth-year Ph.D. candidate in history and Middle Eastern studies at N.Y.U. “We finally now have thousands of graduate workers on the picket line.”
The crowd that gathered near N.Y.U. on Friday, chanting and marching, heard from several City Council candidates as well as Senator Bernie Sanders, who called in to congratulate the strikers. “If we respect education in this country — if we know how important it is that we supply the best education in the world to our young people,” he said, “it is imperative that we have well-paid faculty members who are treated with respect and dignity.”
Unionization and collective bargaining among graduate students dates back decades in the public sector, which saw its first higher education contract in 1970 at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
But at private schools, the question of whether graduate students should be treated as students or workers has been more contentious. And N.Y.U. has long been a battleground for the issue.
The National Labor Relations Board first recognized graduate students’ right to collective bargaining at private universities in 2000, in a case that started at N.Y.U. But the board, whose five members are appointed by the president, had a conservative majority under President George W. Bush. In a 2004 case at Brown University, the board reversed its ruling, leaving private graduate student unions federally unprotected.
The board has vacillated on the subject ever since as the White House has changed hands. Though Republicans still hold a majority until at least late summer, the board said in March that it would withdraw a proposed rule on the issue from the Trump era, once again clearing the way for graduate students at private schools to unionize.
There has been significant growth in the number of total unionized student employees nationwide, from around 64,680 in 2013 to more than 83,000 in 2019, according to research from the Hunter center.
The issue of whether graduate students should be classified as students or employees is more urgent now than ever, Mr. Herbert said, as the federal government considers how to classify gig workers and the workplace protections they’re afforded.
Many private university leaders have traditionally held that graduate students’ primary obligation was to their studies, not their labor. But the striking graduate students at N.Y.U. argue that there is no distinction between their work and academics — and that the university couldn’t function without their paid labor.
“When I’m doing my research, that benefits the university,” Ms. Garey said. “I present at conferences, organize workshops within my department, publish articles, publish translations. All of these are things faculty members do as part of their compensation.”
Compensation isn’t the sole issue driving a wedge between the N.Y.U. graduate student organizers and the university. The graduate students also asked that the university refrain from calling the New York Police Department except when legally obligated or when a violent crime has been committed. They don’t want the police called in cases of vandalism, for example, citing the risk to people of color and other vulnerable students.
The graduate students have also made pandemic-specific demands, including requesting a $500 payment to teaching assistants for the effort they’ve put into transitioning to remote teaching.
Virgilio Urbina Lazardi, 28, a fourth-year sociology Ph.D. student, had planned to spend last spring polishing a paper for submission to an academic journal. He had to shelve the project so he could double the number of hours he spent assistant teaching. The professor he assisted was struggling with Zoom, so Mr. Lazardi made appointments to visit the professor’s home and set up his technology.
“There was a lot of added stress that semester and it disproportionately fell on me with no additional compensation or recognition,” Mr. Lazardi said.
This week all of the duties for which graduate students are compensated — planning lessons, emailing students, hosting office hours — have halted.
Some union organizers have approached the moment as an opportunity to teach their undergraduates about the broader struggle for student-worker rights.
Arundhati Velamur, 33, who is getting her Ph.D. in education, spent the semester leading a course about the teaching of geometry. She opened her first class with a discussion of the book “Flatland,” an 1800s satire about Victorian social hierarchy, which imagines a fictional world populated by shapes whose power is determined by the number of sides they have; a hexagon, for example, would be more powerful than a square.
Ms. Velamur returned to the text to explain why she was skipping class for the strike — because in N.Y.U.’s “Flatland”-like hierarchy, Ms. Velamur said, she and her peers were fighting for more power.
She told her students in an email that she wouldn’t be able to teach until an agreement was reached, and smiled when she received their response: Her undergraduates were spending their class time brainstorming ways to support the union.
▻https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/30/nyregion/nyu-strike.html
#université #précarité #doctorants #doctorat #USA #Etats-Unis #grève #salaires #New_York_University (#NYU) #pauvreté
ping @_kg_
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Police in Ogden, Utah and small cities around the US are using these surveillance technologies
▻https://www.technologyreview.com/2021/04/19/1022893/police-surveillance-tactics-cameras-rtccPolice departments want to know as much as they legally can. But does ever-greater surveillance technology serve the public interest ? At a conference in New Orleans in 2007, Jon Greiner, then the chief of police in Ogden, Utah, heard a presentation by the New York City Police Department about a sophisticated new data hub called a “real time crime center.” Reams of information rendered in red and green splotches, dotted lines, and tiny yellow icons appeared as overlays on an interactive map (...)
#NYPD #algorithme #CCTV #police #criminalité #prédiction #vidéo-surveillance #surveillance
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The NYPD used Clearview’s controversial facial recognition tool. Here’s what you need to know
▻https://www.technologyreview.com/2021/04/09/1022240/clearview-ai-nypd-emailsNewly-released emails show New York police have been widely using the controversial Clearview AI facial recognition system—and making misleading statements about it. It’s been a busy week for Clearview AI, the controversial facial recognition company that uses 3 billion photos scraped from the web to power a search engine for faces. On April 6, Buzzfeed News published a database of over 1,800 entities—including state and local police and other taxpayer-funded agencies such as health-care (...)
#Clearview #algorithme #CCTV #biométrie #police #facial #reconnaissance #vidéo-surveillance #surveillance (...)
##NYPD
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Making sense of silenced #archives: #Hume, Scotland and the ‘debate’ about the humanity of Black people
Last September, the University of Edinburgh found itself at the centre of international scrutiny after temporarily renaming the #David_Hume Tower (now referred to by its street designation 40 George Square). The decision to rename the building, and hold a review on the way forward, prompted much commentary – a great deal of which encouraged a reckoning on what David Hume means to the University, its staff and students. These ideas include the full extent of Hume’s views on humanity, to establish whether he maintained any possible links (ideological or participatory) in the slave trade, and the role of Scotland in the African slave trade.
Hume’s belief that Black people were a sub-human species of lower intellectual and biological rank to Europeans have rightfully taken stage in reflecting whether his values deserve commemoration on a campus. “I am apt to suspect the negroes and in general all other species of men (for there are four or five different kinds) to be naturally inferior to the whites. […] No ingenious manufactures amongst them, no arts, no sciences.” The full link to the footnote can be found here.
Deliberations are split on whether statues and buildings are being unfairly ‘targeted’ or whether the totality of ideas held by individuals whose names are commemorated by these structures stand in opposition to a modern university’s values. Depending on who you ask, the debate over the tower fluctuates between moral and procedural. On the latter, it must be noted the University has in the past renamed buildings at the behest of calls for review across specific points in history. The Hastings ‘Kamuzu’ Banda building on Hill Place was quietly renamed in 1995, with no clarity on whether there was a formal review process at the time. On the moral end, it is about either the legacy or demythologization of David Hume.
Some opposing the name change argue against applying present moral standards to judge what was not recognised in the past. Furthermore, they point to the archives to argue that prior to the 1760s there is scant evidence that Scots were not anything more than complicit to the slave trade given the vast wealth it brought.
I argue against this and insist that the African experience and the engaged intellectual abolition movement deserves prominence in this contemporary debate about Hume.
For to defend ‘passive complicity’ is to undermine both the Africans who rose in opposition against their oppression for hundreds of years and the explicit goals of white supremacy. For access to mass acquisition of resources on inhabited land requires violent dispossession of profitable lands and forced relocation of populations living on them. The ‘moral justification’ of denying the humanity of the enslaved African people has historically been defended through the strategic and deliberate creation of ‘myths’ – specifically Afrophobia – to validate these atrocities and to defend settler colonialism and exploitation. Any intellectual inquiry of the renaming of the tower must take the genuine concern into account: What was David Hume’s role in the strategic myth-making about African people in the Scottish imagination?
If we are starting with the archives as evidence of Scottish complicity in the slave trade, why ignore African voices on this matter? Does the Scottish archive adequately represent the African experience within the slave trade? How do we interpret their silence in the archives?
Decolonisation, the process Franz Fanon described as when “the ‘thing’ colonised becomes a human through the very process of liberation”, offers a radical praxis through which we can interrogate the role of the archive in affirming or disregarding the human experience. If we establish that the 18th century Scottish archive was not invested in preserving ‘both sides’ of the debate’, then the next route is to establish knowledge outside of a colonial framework where the ideology, resistance and liberation of Africans is centred. That knowledge is under the custodianship of African communities, who have relied on intricate and deeply entrenched oral traditions and practices which are still used to communicate culture, history, science and methods.
To reinforce a point raised by Professor Tommy Curry, the fact that Africans were aware of their humanity to attempt mutiny in slave ships (Meermin & Amistad) and to overthrow colonial governance (the Haitian revolution) amidst the day-to-day attempts to evade slave traders is enough to refute the insistence that the debates must centre around what Scots understood about the slave trade in the 18th century.
To make sense of these gaps in my own research, I have broadly excavated the archival records in Scotland if only to establish that a thorough documentation of the African-led resistance to Scottish participation in the slave trade and colonialism cannot be located in the archives.
Dr David Livingstone (1813–1873), whose writing documenting the slave trade across the African Great Lakes galvanized the Scottish public to take control of the region to be named the Nyasaland Protectorate, would prove to be a redemptive figure in Scotland’s reconsideration of its role in the slave trade. However, in 1891, 153 years after Hume wrote his footnote, Sir Harry Hamilton Johnston (1858–1927), the first British colonial administrator of Nyasaland, would re-inforce similar myths about the ‘British Central African’: “to these [negroes] almost without arts and sciences and the refined pleasures of the senses, the only acute enjoyment offered them by nature is sexual intercourse”. Even at that time, the documented resistance is represented by Scottish missionaries who aimed to maintain Nyasaland under their sphere of control.
Filling in the gaps that the archives cannot answer involves more complex and radical modalities of investigation.
I rely on locally-recognised historians or documenters within communities, who preserve their histories, including the slave trade, through methodically structured oral traditions. The legacy of both the Arab and Portuguese slave trade and British colonialism in Nyasaland remains a raw memory, even though there are no precise indigenous terms to describe these phenomena.
I have visited and listened to oral histories about the importance of ‘ancestor caves’ where families would conduct ceremonies and celebrations out of view to evade the slave catchers. These are the stories still being told about how children were hidden and raised indoors often only taken outside at night, keeping silent to escape the eyes and ears of the catchers. Embedded in these historical narratives are didactic tales, organised for ease of remembrance for the survival of future generations.
Despite what was believed by Hume and his contemporaries, the arts and sciences have always been intrinsic in African cultural traditions. Decolonising is a framework contingent upon recognising knowledge productions within systems that often will never make their way into archival records. It centres the recognition and legitimization of the ways in which African people have collected and shared their histories.The knowledge we learn from these systems allows us to reckon with both the silence of archives and the fallacies of myth-making about African people.
At very least, these debates should lead to investigations to understand the full extent of Hume’s participation in the dehumanization of enslaved Africans, and the role he played to support the justification for their enslavement.
▻https://www.race.ed.ac.uk/making-sense-of-silenced-archives-hume-scotland-and-the-debate-about-the-
#Édimbourg #toponymie #toponymie_poltique #Ecosse #UK #Edinburgh #David_Hume_Tower #esclavage #histoire #mémoire #Kamuzu_Banda #colonialisme #imaginaire #décolonisation #Nyasaland #Nyasaland_Protectorate #histoire_orale #archives #mythes #mythologie #déshumanisation-
Hastings Banda
The #University_of_Edinburgh renamed the Hastings ‘Kamuzu’ Banda building on #Hill_Place in the 1990s. Whilst fellow independence leader and Edinburgh alumni #Julius_Nyerere is still regarded as a saint across the world, #Banda died with an appalling record of human rights abuses and extortion – personally owning as much as 45% of #Malawi’s GDP. There are no plaques in Edinburgh commemorating #Kamuzu, and rightly so.
Banda’s time in Edinburgh does, however, give us a lens through which to think about the University and colonial knowledge production in the 1940s and ‘50s; how numerous ‘fathers of the nation’ who led African independence movements were heavily involved in the linguistic, historical and anthropological codification of their own people during the late colonial period; why a cultural nationalist (who would later lead an anti-colonial independence movement) would write ‘tracts of empire’ whose intended audience were missionaries and colonial officials; and how such tracts reconciled imagined modernities and traditions.
Fellow-Edinburgh student Julius Nyerere showed considerable interest in the ‘new science’ of anthropology during his time in Scotland, and #Jomo_Kenyatta – the first president of independent Kenya – penned a cutting-edge ethnography of the #Kikuyu whilst studying under #Malinowski at the LSE, published as Facing Mount Kenya in 1938. Banda himself sat down and co-edited Our African Way of Life, writing an introduction outlining Chewa and broader ‘Maravi’ traditions, with the Edinburgh-based missionary anthropologist T. Cullen Young in 1944.
Before arriving in Edinburgh in 1938, Banda had already furthered his education in the US through his expertise on Chewa language and culture: Banda was offered a place at the University of Chicago in the 1930s on the strength of his knowledge of chiChewa, with Mark Hana Watkins’s 1937 A Grammar of Chichewa: A Bantu Language of British Central Africa acknowledging that “All the information was obtained from Kamuzu Banda, a native Chewa, while he was in attendance at the University of Chicago from 1930 to 1932”, and Banda also recorded ‘together with others’ four Chewa songs for Nancy Cunard’s Negro Anthology. In Britain in 1939 he was appointed as adviser to the Malawian chief, Mwase Kasungu, who spent six months at the London University of Oriental and African Languages to help in an analysis of chiNyanja; an experience that “must have reinforced” Banda’s “growing obsession with his Chewa identity” (Shepperson, 1998).
Banda in Edinburgh
In Edinburgh, Banda shifted from being a source of knowledge to a knowledge producer – a shift that demands we think harder about why African students were encouraged to Edinburgh in the first place and what they did here. Having already gained a medical degree from Chicago, Banda was primarily at Edinburgh to convert this into a British medical degree. This undoubtedly was Banda’s main focus, and the “techniques of men like Sir John Fraser electrified him, and he grew fascinated with his subject in a way which only a truly dedicated man can” (Short, 1974, p.38).
Yet Banda also engaged with linguistic and ethnographic codification, notably with the missionary anthropologist, T Cullen Young. And whilst black Edinburgh doctors were seen as key to maintaining the health of colonial officials across British Africa in the 19th century, black anthropologists became key to a “more and fuller understanding of African thought and longings” (and controlling an increasingly agitative and articulate British Africa) in the 20th century (Banda & Young, 1946, p.27-28). Indeed, having acquired ‘expertise’ and status, it is also these select few black anthropologists – Banda, Kenyatta and Nyerere – who led the march for independence across East and Central Africa in the 1950s and 60s.
Banda was born in c.1896-1989 in Kasungu, central Malawi. He attended a Scottish missionary school from the age 8, but having been expelled from an examination in 1915, by the same T Cullen Young he would later co-author with, Banda left Malawi and walked thousands of miles to South Africa. Banda came to live in Johannesburg at a time when his ‘Nyasa’ cousin, Clements Musa Kadalie was the ‘most talked about native in South Africa’ and the ‘uncrowned king of the black masses’, leading Southern Africa’s first black mass movement and major trade union, the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU).
Banda was friends with Kadalie, and may have been involved with the Nyasaland Native National Congress which was formed around 1918-1919 with around 100 members in Johannesburg, though no record of this remains. Together, Banda and Kadalie were the two leading Malawian intellectuals of the first half of the twentieth century and, in exploring the type of ‘colonial knowledge’ produced by Africans in Edinburgh, it is productive to compare their contrasting accounts of ‘African history’.
In 1927 Kadalie wrote an article for the British socialist journal Labour Monthly entitled ‘The Old and the New Africa’. Charting a pre-capitalist Africa, Kadalie set out that the
“white men came to Africa of their own free will, and told my forefathers that they had brought with them civilisation and Christianity. They heralded good news for Africa. Africa must be born again, and her people must discard their savagery and become civilised people and Christians. Cities were built in which white and black men might live together as brothers. An earthly paradise awaited creation…They cut down great forests; cities were built, and while the Christian churches the gospel of universal brotherhood, the industrialisation of Africa began. Gold mining was started, and by the close of the nineteenth century European capitalism had made its footing firm in Africa….The churches still preached universal brotherhood, but capitalism has very little to do with the ethics of the Nazerene, and very soon came a new system of government in Africa with ‘Law and Order’ as its slogan.” (Kadalie, 1927).
Banda’s own anthropological history, written 17 years later with Cullen Young, is a remarkably different tale. Banda and Young valorise the three authors within the edited volume as fossils of an ideal, isolated age, “the last Nyasalanders to have personal touch with their past; the last for whom the word ‘grandmother’ will mean some actually remembered person who could speak of a time when the land of the Lake knew no white man” (Banda & Young, 1946, p7). Already in 1938, Banda was beginning to develop an idea for a Central African nation.
Writing from the Edinburgh Students Union to Ernest Matako, he reflected: “the British, the French and the Germans were once tribes just as we are now in Africa. Many tribes united or combined to make one, strong British, French or German nation. In other words, we have to begin to think in terms of Nyasaland, and even Central Africa as a whole, rather than of Kasungu. We have to look upon all the tribes in Central Africa, whether in Nyasaland or in Rhodesia, as our brothers. Until we learn to do this, we shall never be anything else but weak, tiny tribes, that can easily be subdued.” (Banda, 1938).
Banda after EdinburghBut by 1944, with his hopes of returning to Nyasaland as a medical officer thwarted and the amalgamation of Nyasaland and the Rhodesias into a single administrative unit increasingly on the cards, Banda appears to have been grounding this regional identity in a linguistic-cultural history of the Chewa, writing in Our African Way of Life: “It is practically certain that aMaravi ought to be the shared name of all these peoples; this carrying with it recognition of the Chewa motherland group as representing the parent stock of the Nyanja speaking peoples.” (Banda & Young, 1946, p10). Noting the centrality of “Banda’s part in the renaming of Nyasaland as Malawi”, Shepperson asked in 1998, “Was this pan-Chewa sentiment all Banda’s or had he derived it largely from the influence of Cullen Young? My old friend and collaborator, the great Central African linguist Thomas Price, thought the latter. But looking to Banda’s Chewa consciousness as it developed in Chicago, I am by no means sure of this.” Arguably it is Shepperson’s view that is vindicated by two 1938 letters unearthed by Morrow and McCracken in the University of Cape Town archives in 2012.
In 1938, Banda concluded another letter, this time to Chief Mwase Kasungu: “I want you tell me all that happens there [Malawi]. Can you send me a picture of yourself and your council? Also I want to know the men who are the judges in your court now, and how the system works.” (Banda, 1938). Having acquired and reworked colonial knowledge from Edinburgh, Our African Way of Life captures an attempt to convert British colonialism to Banda’s own end, writing against ‘disruptive’ changes that he was monitoring from Scotland: the anglicisation of Chewa, the abandoning of initiation, and the shift from matriarchal relations. Charting and padding out ideas about a pan-Chewa cultural unit – critical of British colonialism, but only for corrupting Chewa culture – Banda was concerned with how to properly run the Nyasaland state, an example that productively smudges the ‘rupture’ of independence and explains, in part, neo-colonial continuity in independent Malawi.
For whilst the authors of the edited works wrote their original essays in chiNyanja, with the hope that it would be reproduced for Nyasaland schools, the audience that Cullen Young and Banda addressed was that of the English missionary or colonial official, poised to start their ‘African adventure’, noting:
“A number of important points arise for English readers, particularly for any who may be preparing to work in African areas where the ancient mother-right still operates.” (Banda & Cullen, 1946, p.11).
After a cursory summary readers are directed by a footnote “for a fuller treatment of mother-right, extended kinship and the enjoined marriage in a Nyasaland setting, see Chaps. 5-8 in Contemporary Ancestors, Lutterworth Press, 1942.” (Banda & Young, 1946, p.11). In contrast to the authors who penned their essays so “that our children should learn what is good among our ancient ways: those things which were understood long ago and belong to their own people” the introduction to Our African Way of Life is arguably published in English, under ‘war economy standards’ in 1946 (post-Colonial Development Act), for the expanding number of British ‘experts’ heading out into the empire; and an attempt to influence their ‘civilising mission’. (Banda & Young, 1946, p.7).
By the 1950s, Banda was fully-assured of his status as a cultural-nationalist expert – writing to a Nyasaland Provincial Commissioner, “I am in a position to know and remember more of my own customs and institutions than the younger men that you meet now at home, who were born in the later twenties and even the thirties…I was already old enough to know most of these customs before I went to school…the University of Chicago, which cured me of my tendency to be ashamed of my past. The result is that, in many cases, really, I know more of our customs than most of our people, now at home. When it comes to language I think this is even more true. for the average youngster [In Malawi] now simply uses what the European uses, without realising that the European is using the word incorrectly. Instead of correcting the european, he uses the word wrongly, himself, in order to affect civilisation, modernity or even urbanity.” (Shepperdson, 1998).
This however also obscures the considerable investigatory correspondence that he engaged in whilst in Scotland. Banda was highly critical of indirect rule in Our African Way of Life, but from emerging archival evidence, he was ill-informed of the changing colonial situation in 1938.
Kadalie and Banda’s contrasting histories were written at different times, in different historical contexts by two people from different parts of Nyasaland. Whilst Banda grew up in an area on the periphery of Scottish missionaries’ sphere of influence, Kadalie came from an area of Malawi, Tongaland, heavily affected by Scottish missionaries and his parents were heavily involved with missionary work. The disparity between the histories that they invoke, however, is still remarkable – Banda invokes a precolonial rural Malawi devoid of white influence, Kadalie on the other hand writes of a pre-capitalist rural Malawi where Christians, white and black, laboured to create a kingdom of heaven on earth – and this, perhaps, reflects the ends they are writing for and against.
Kadalie in the 1920s looked to integrate the emerging African working class within the international labour movement, noting “capitalism recognises no frontiers, no nationality, and no race”, with the long-term view to creating a socialist commonwealth across the whole of Southern Africa. Britain-based Banda, writing with Cullen Young in the 1940s, by comparison, mapped out a pan-Chewa culture with the immediate aim of reforming colonial ‘protectorate’ government – the goal of an independent Malawian nation state still yet to fully form.
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‘Solidarity, Not Charity’: A Visual History of Mutual Aid
Tens of thousands of mutual aid networks and projects emerged around the world in 2020. They have long been a tool for marginalized groups.
2020 was a year of crisis. A year of isolation. A year of protest. And, a year of mutual aid.
From meal deliveries to sewing squads, childcare collectives to legal aid, neighbors and strangers opened their wallets, offered their skills, volunteered their time and joined together in solidarity to support one another.
Tens of thousands of mutual aid networks and projects have emerged around the world since the Covid-19 pandemic began, according to Mariame Kaba, an educator, abolitionist and organizer. During the first week of the U.S. lockdown in March 2020, Kaba joined with Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to create Mutual Aid 101, an online toolkit that educates and empowers people to build their own mutual aid networks throughout their buildings, blocks, neighborhoods and cities. Emphasizing a focus on “solidarity, not charity,” mutual aid is all about cooperation because, as the toolkit puts it, “we recognize that our well-being, health and dignity are all bound up in each other.”
“Mutual aid projects are a form of political participation in which people take responsibility for caring for one another and changing political conditions,” says Dean Spade, a trans activist, writer, and speaker. “Not through symbolic acts or putting pressure on representatives, but by actually building new social relations that are more survivable.”
While many are engaging with mutual aid for the first time this year, there is a rich history and legacy of communities — especially those failed by our systems of power — coming together to help each other survive, and thrive. Here are nine examples from history.
▻https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2020-12-22/a-visual-history-of-mutual-aid?srnd=premium
#solidarité #entraide #mutual_aid #charité #BD #Noirs #Philadelphie #USA #Etats-Unis #FAS #New_York_Committee_of_vigilance #Frederick_Douglass #NYCV #femmes_noires #Noires #Callie_House #mutual_aid_society #mutualisme #CCBA #Landsmanshaftn #sociedades_mutualistas #histoire #racisme_structurel #Black_Panthers #free_breakfast_program #young_lords_garbage_offensive #chicken_soup_brigade #Tim_Burak #Buddy_network
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NYPD Cops Cash In on Sex Trade Arrests With Little Evidence, While Black and Brown New Yorkers Pay the Price
▻https://www.propublica.org/article/nypd-cops-cash-in-on-sex-trade-arrests-with-little-evidence-while-black-Some NYPD officers who police the sex trade, driven by overtime pay, go undercover to round up as many “bodies” as they can with little evidence. Almost no one they arrest is white. One summer night in 2015, a community college student was driving home through East New York in Brooklyn when two women on a street corner waved for him to stop. He thought they might need help, so he pulled over and cracked his window. But the pair had something else in mind. “Do you want to have some fun ?” he (...)
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La fantaisie des Dieux. #Rwanda 1994
Une BD reportage sur le génocide des tutsis au Rwanda.
Il n’y avait plus de mots. Juste ce silence. Épais, lourd. C’était un génocide, celui des Tutsis du Rwanda, le troisième du XXe siècle.
Il faisait beau, il faisait chaud. Nous avions pénétré le monde du grand secret.
Sur les collines de Bisesero, des instituteurs tuaient leurs élèves, des policiers menaient la battue. C’était la « grande moisson ».
François Mitterrand niait « le crime des crimes ». Comment raconter ?
▻http://www.arenes.fr/livre/la-fantaisie-des-dieux
#BD #livre#génocide #crime_contre_l'humanité #France #François_Mitterrand #Mitterrand #silence #Opération_Turquoise #opération_humanitaire #extermination #Home_Saint-Jean #folie #organisation #déni #folie_raisonnée #Bisesero #Kibuye #Nyagurati #violence #guerre #guerre_civile #histoire
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