#ohchr

  • UN warns of impact of smart borders on refugees: ‘Data collection isn’t apolitical’

    Special rapporteur on racism and xenophobia believes there is a misconception that biosurveillance technology is without bias

    Robotic lie detector tests at European airports, eye scans for refugees and voice-imprinting software for use in asylum applications are among new technologies flagged as “troubling” in a UN report.

    The UN’s special rapporteur on racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, Prof Tendayi Achiume, said digital technologies can be unfair and regularly breach human rights. In her new report, she has called for a moratorium on the use of certain surveillance technologies.

    Achiume, who is from Zambia, told the Guardian she was concerned about the rights of displaced people being compromised. She said there was a misconception that such technologies, often considered “a humane” option in border enforcement, are without bias.

    “One of the key messages of the report is that we have to be paying very close attention to the disparate impact of this technology and not just assuming that because it’s technology, it’s going to be fair or be neutral or objective in some way.”

    She cited the example of pushback against Donald Trump’s effort to build a wall between the US and Mexico. “You see that there isn’t a similar sense of outrage when digital technologies are deployed to serve the same function … if you actually look at some of the statistics, and if you look at some of the research, which I cite in my report, it turns out that border deaths have increased in places where smart borders have been implemented.”

    She also raised concerns about the ways in which humanitarian agencies are engaging with surveillance. The report notes that in Afghanistan, the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) requires returning refugees to undergo iris registration as a prerequisite for receiving assistance.

    While the UNHCR has justified the use of this technology as a way to prevent fraud, “the impact of processing such sensitive data can be grave when systems are flawed or abused”, the report said.

    Last year the UN’s World Food Programme partnered with Palantir Technologies, a data mining company, on a $45m (£34m) contract, sharing the data of 92 million aid recipients.

    “Data collection is not an apolitical exercise,” notes Achiume’s report, “especially when powerful global north actors collect information on vulnerable populations with no regulated methods of oversights and accountability.”

    Covid-19 has also accelerated “biosurveillance” – focused on tracking people’s movements and health. Biosurveillance has everyday uses, such as the “track and trace” app in the UK, but there are concerns about the regulation of large-scale data harvested from populations.

    One example is the “Covi-Pass”, a health passport developed by Mastercard and Gavi, a private-public health alliance, that is reportedly due to be rolled out across west Africa. The UN report highlighted the implications of such passports for freedom of movement, “especially for refugees”.

    Petra Molnar from the Refugee Law Lab in Toronto said it was clear that the pandemic was increasing digital rights violations. “State responses to the pandemic are exacerbating the turn towards biosurveillance, with refugees and people on the move acting as communities on which to test various interventions and fast-track tech development,” she said.

    Molnar, who contributed to the UN rapporteur’s report, has noted the dehumanising impact of some technologies on displaced people in her own research. One asylum seeker she spoke to in Belgium said the amount of personal data he’d given up made him feel, “like a piece of meat without a life, just fingerprints and eye scans”.

    “Our conversations with refugees and people crossing borders show how little attention is being paid to the lived experiences of people who are at the sharp edges of these high-risk technological experiments,” said Molnar.

    The intersection of technology and human rights violations were highlighted in a recent investigation into the European border agency Frontex, which allegedly witnessed pushbacks of migrants in the Aegean Sea via some of its assets, including drones.

    Konstantinos Kakavoulis from Homo Digitalis, a Greek organisation focused on digital rights, said technologies often outpaced the legal framework.

    “There is no clear regulation for the use of drones or body-worn cameras by the Greek police,” he said. “The police have signed a contract for the provision of a facial recognition software with Intracom Telecom, a Greek company, without receiving the opinion of the Greek data protection authority.”

    He added: “Apart from the insufficiency of legal safeguards, we also lack transparency; and this is not only remarkable, but highly problematic.”

    Achiume said that until the impact of surveillance technologies on human rights could be understood, use of such technologies should be halted. “Until we can understand and mitigate those harms, there should just be a moratorium on them.”

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/nov/11/un-warns-of-impact-of-smart-borders-on-refugees-data-collection-isnt-ap

    #frontières #smart_borders #frontières_intelligentes #réfugiés #asile #migrations #technologie #politique #biopolitique #technologies_digitales #droits_fondamentau #droits_humains #surveillance #contrôles_frontaliers #neutralité #Palantir_Technologies #données #biosurveillance #Covi-Pass #Mastercard #Gavi #complexe_militaro-industriel #covid-19 #coronavirus #reconnaissance_faciale #Intracom_Telecom

    ping @karine4 @isskein @etraces @thomas_lacroix

  • EU ’covered up’ Croatia’s failure to protect migrants from border brutality

    Exclusive: Brussels officials feared disclosing Zagreb’s lack of commitment to monitoring would cause ‘scandal’

    EU officials have been accused of an “outrageous cover-up” after withholding evidence of a failure by Croatia’s government to supervise #police repeatedly accused of robbing, abusing and humiliating migrants at its borders.

    Internal European commission emails seen by the Guardian reveal officials in Brussels had been fearful of a backlash when deciding against full disclosure of Croatia’s lack of commitment to a monitoring mechanism that ministers had previously agreed to fund with EU money.

    Ahead of responding to inquiries from a senior MEP in January, a commission official had warned a colleague that the Croatian government’s failure to use money earmarked two years ago for border police “will for sure be seen as a ‘scandal’”.

    Supervision of the behaviour of border officers had been the condition set on a larger grant of EU funds to Croatia. There have been multiple allegations of violent pushbacks of migrants and refugees by Croatian police on the border with Bosnia, including an incident in which a migrant was shot.

    In response to allegations of a cover-up, an EC spokesman told the Guardian that what was known had been withheld from MEPs as the information was believed to have been “incomplete”.
    Crosses on our heads to ’cure’ Covid-19: refugees report abuse by Croatian police
    Read more

    It throws a spotlight on both the Croatian government’s human rights record and the apparent willingness of the EU’s executive branch to cover for Zagreb’s failure.

    Croatia is seeking to enter the EU’s passport-free Schengen zone – a move that requires compliance with European human rights standards at borders.

    Despite heated denials by the Croatian authorities, the latest border incident has been described by aid workers as the most violent in the Balkan migration crisis. On 26 May, 11 Pakistani and five Afghan men were stopped by a group wearing black uniforms and balaclavas in the Plitvice Lakes, 16km (10 miles) into Croatia from the Bosnian border.

    “The men in uniforms tied each of the Pakistanis and Afghanis around a tree, so their wrists were bound and they had to turn their faces toward the trees,” according to a report from the Danish Refugee Council (DRC), which provides healthcare for migrants in Bosnia. “Once these people were unable to move, the men in uniforms fired several shots in the air with guns placed close to the ears of the Pakistanis and Afghanis. There were also shots fired close to their legs.’’

    “They kept shooting. They were shooting so closely that the stones under our feet were flying and being blown to pieces,” one of the men told the Guardian. “They kept saying: ‘I want to beat and kill you.’ They tortured us for three to four hours.”

    The council’s report says electro-shockers were placed on people’s necks and heads. “One of the men in uniform was cutting several victims with knives and the same person inflicted cuts on both of the palms of one person.”

    One asylum seeker said that one of the men put his knee on his neck, then cut at him with a blade. ‘‘He sliced the index finger of my left hand, and blood started spurting out like a small shower,’’ he said. “Then he smiled and cut my middle finger followed by my palm with a larger cut. The whole hand is swollen beyond recognition.”

    After a while, the men in balaclavas called other uniformed officers.

    According to the victims and a report by the DRC, “before the police arrival, one of the men in uniform made a film with his mobile phone, while others in his company were laughing, yelling and provoking”.

    Upon the arrival of police officers, the migrants were put into vans and taken to the border at Šiljkovača, a village close to Velika Kladuša. Police officers did not beat them, but ordered them into Bosnian territory.

    “All of them had bleeding wounds on their heads and numerous bruises on various parts of the body,” Nicola Bay, the DRC country director for Bosnia, told the Guardian. “Four of them had broken arms and one had a broken leg and both arms.”

    Contacted by the Guardian, the Croatian police denied the allegations and suggested that asylum seekers could have fabricated the account and that the wounds could be the result of “a confrontation among migrants” that took place ‘‘on 28 May in the vicinity of the Croatian border, near Cazin’’.

    Volunteers and charities who have treated migrants involved in the fight in Cazin, said the two incidents are unrelated and happened two days apart. Those involved in the fight in Cazin have not claimed they were attacked by the police.

    The establishment of supervisory mechanisms to ensure the humane treatment of migrants at the border had been a condition of a €6.8m (£6.1m) cash injection announced in December 2018 to strengthen Croatia’s borders with non-EU countries.

    The mechanism was publicised by the European commission as a way to “ensure that all measures applied at the EU external borders are proportionate and are in full compliance with fundamental rights and EU asylum laws”.

    Croatian ministers claimed last year that the funds had been handed over to the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Croatian Law Centre to establish the supervisory mechanism.

    Both organisations deny receiving the money.

    In January this year, the commission was asked by Clare Daly, an Irish MEP in the Independents 4 Change party, to account for the discrepancy.

    A commission official responded that the UNCHR and Croatian Law Centre had established the monitoring mechanism but from “their own funds” to ensure independence from the government.

    He added: “Hopefully [this] clarifies this matter once and for all”.

    But both organisations have again denied being involved in any monitoring project, clarifying that they had only been engaged in an earlier initiative involving the examination of police files.

    Beyond the apparent inaccuracy of the response to Daly, internal emails suggest the full facts of the “underspending” – as its known to the commission – were also withheld.

    The EC failed to inform Daly that the Croatian government had decided to ring-fence only €102,000 of the €300,000 provided for the monitoring mechanism and that ultimately only €84,672 was actually spent – €17,469.87 was given to the interior ministry and €59,637.91 went to NGOs. A roundtable conference accounted for €1,703.16.

    “While we know that there has been underspending on the €300,000 … we thought that around € 240,000 were nevertheless spent in the context of the monitoring mechanism,” an EU official had written while discussing how to deal with the MEP’s questions. “Having spent only EUR 102,000, will for sure be seen as a ‘scandal’.”

    The commission did not pass on information on the spending to Daly but privately officials agreed to seek answers urgently. They also discussed in a phone and email exchange the possibility of intervening in the member state’s planned report due to the poor handling of the matter by the Croatian government.

    “Seeing how unfortunate [Croatia] is presenting this issue, [Croatia] definitively needs (your?) help in putting some ‘final touches’ to the report,” an official in the commission’s migration department wrote to a colleague. “Will [Croatia] provide you with an advance copy of the final report?”

    Daly told the Guardian: “It is outrageous – the commission appears to be colluding with the Croatian authorities in a cover-up.”

    An EC spokesperson said the EU’s executive branch was committed to the establishment of a fully independent border monitoring mechanism.

    The spokesperson said: “We would caution against drawing misleading conclusions from reading the internal email exchanges in isolation.”

    He added: “The Croatian authorities are explaining in their final implementation report how the monitoring mechanism was established, how it works in practice and outline the results.

    “Given that the report submitted by the Croatian authorities was incomplete, the commission asked the Croatian authorities for clarifications first in writing and orally regarding outstanding issues (eg factual data confirming the achievements of the project indicators relating to internal controls and trainings).”

    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/jun/15/eu-covered-up-croatias-failure-to-protect-migrants-from-border-brutalit
    #complicité #EU #UE #Croatie #violence #réfugiés #asile #migrations #violence #violences #hauts_fonctionnaires #fonds #argent #gardes_frontière #route_des_Balkans #frontières #Plitvice_Lakes #commission_européenne #Union_européenne #couverture

    • Report from Centre for Peace Studies on the pushback of children

      On 29th May 2020, the Centre for Peace Studies – a key member of the Border Violence Monitoring Network (BVMN) – presented a new report alongside the Welcome! Initiative. Addressing the Croatian Government, the “Report on violent and illegal expulsions of children and unaccompanied children” is based on testimonies collected by activists through the BVMN shared database. The publication shares the story of children who sought protection from Croatia, and how Croatia answered in violence.

      “We came to the door of Prime Minister Plenković and Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior Božinović, who have been turning their backs on testimonies and accusations for years and silently pursuing a policy of flattering the European Union. Even the most vulnerable are not excluded from violence – children “, said Tea Vidović on behalf of the Welcome! Initiative.

      The report submitted to the Government by the organizations provides testimonies of children and their families and unaccompanied children on violent and illegal methods that they had to experience at the hands of police authorities. This illegal and inhuman behavior violates national laws, international law and human rights, prevents access to international protection and, most importantly, marks children’s lives. Although the Government of the Republic of Croatia and the Ministry of the Interior should take into account the special vulnerability of children, respect their rights and best interests, children experience police brutality and limitation of their freedom for hours without access to water and food.

      “While the government uses every opportunity to emphasize the importance of border protection, we wonder in which way is police protecting Croatian borders? By beating children, confiscating their personal belongings, locking children in police vans for several hours in which they are exposed to extremely high or extremely low temperatures, shooting and using electric shocks, is this how the police protect Croatian borders? ”, points out Ana Ćuća.

      The exact number of children who are victims of police brutality remains unknown. BVMN has reported 209 cases of violent and illegal expulsions of children from Croatia since 2017, while Save the Children recorded 2969 expulsions of children at the borders in the Western Balkans during the first 9 months of last year.

      Two cases are currently pending at the European Court of Human Rights against Croatia, both involving violence and pushback. The first is the case of the family of the tragically late six-year-old girl Madina Hussiny, who was killed at the Croatian-Serbian border. The second includes pushbacks, illegal detention and inhumane treatment of a 17-year-old Syrian boy by Croatian police, who was pushed back to Bosnia and Herzegovina despite seeking asylum in Croatia.

      The latest report presented is the sixth report on violent and illegal expulsions published in the last four years, and it is the collective work of the Centre for Peace Studies, the Society for Psychological Assistance, the Welcome! Initiative and the Border Violence Monitoring Network. It also brings a short graphic novel based on the story of little #Madina, a young girl killed in transit, for whose death no one has yet been held accountable.

      Therefore, the organisations ask the Government and the Ministry of the Interior to finally take responsibility and for those who sanction and carry out systematic violence. Responsible institutions are obliged to investigate those who commit violence and push back children in need of protection. All children deserve justice and protection.

      https://www.borderviolence.eu/report-from-centre-for-peace-studies-on-the-pushback-of-children
      #enfants #enfance #mineurs

      Pour télécharger le #rapport:
      https://www.cms.hr/system/article_document/doc/647/Pushback_report_on_children_and_unaccompanied_children_in_Croatia.pdf

    • Policiers croates accusés de violences contre des migrants : l’UE réclame une "enquête approfondie’’

      Après avoir été interpellée par Amnesty International sur la « violence » des policiers croates à l’égard des migrants, la Commission européenne a réclamé à Zagreb une « enquête approfondie ». L’institution prévoit d’envoyer une mission sur place, quand la situation sanitaire le permettra.

      L’Union européenne est sortie de son ’’silence’’ au sujet des accusations de violences contre des migrants perpétrées par la police croate. Vendredi 12 juin, la Commission européenne a réclamé à Zagreb une "#enquête_approfondie'' à la suite de la publication d’un rapport à charge de l’ONG Amnesty International dénonçant des #passages_à_tabac, des #tortures et des tentatives d’#humiliation de la part de policiers croates (https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/25339/on-les-suppliait-d-arreter-de-nous-frapper-ils-chantaient-et-riaient-l).

      « Nous sommes très préoccupés par ces allégations », a déclaré un porte-parole de l’exécutif européen, Adalbert Jahnz. « La #violence, l’humiliation et les #traitements_dégradants des demandeurs d’asile et migrants n’ont pas leur place dans l’Union européenne et doivent être condamnés », a-t-il assuré.

      L’Union européenne avait été directement interpellée par Amnesty International dans son rapport. Ce document affirme que 16 migrants, qui tentaient d’entrer illégalement en Croatie, ont été « ligotés, brutalement battus et torturés » pendant plusieurs heures par des forces de l’ordre, dans la nuit du 26 au 27 mai. « L’Union européenne ne peut plus rester silencieuse et ignorer délibérément les violences et les abus commis par la police croate à la frontière », avait déclaré Massimo Moratti, directeur adjoint de l’antenne européenne de l’ONG.

      https://twitter.com/Jelena_Sesar/status/1271044353629335553?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

      Une mission sur place quand la situation sanitaire le permettra

      L’exécutif européen a également indiqué être « en contact étroit » avec les autorités croates qui « se sont engagées à enquêter » sur ces accusations de mauvais traitements à leur frontière avec la Bosnie (https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/18721/plusieurs-migrants-retrouves-blesses-a-la-frontiere-entre-la-bosnie-et). « Nous attendons que ces accusations fassent l’objet d’une enquête approfondie et que toutes les actions nécessaires soient prises », a poursuivi le porte-parole.

      La Commission prévoit aussi d’envoyer, quand la situation sanitaire le permettra, une mission sur place, dans le cadre d’un mécanisme de surveillance du respect des droits fondamentaux par les autorités aux frontières lié à l’allocation de fonds européens.

      Le ministère croate de l’Intérieur a, de son côté, immédiatement démenti ces accusations, en ajoutant cependant qu’une enquête serait ouverte.

      Des milliers de migrants empruntent chaque année la « route des Balkans » pour essayer de rejoindre l’Europe occidentale. La plupart passent par la Croatie, pays membre de l’UE, le plus souvent en provenance de la Bosnie.


      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/25354/policiers-croates-accuses-de-violences-contre-des-migrants-l-ue-reclam

    • Croatia: Fresh evidence of police abuse and torture of migrants and asylum-seekers

      In a horrifying escalation of police human rights violations at the Croatian border with Bosnia, a group of migrants and asylum seekers was recently bound, brutally beaten and tortured by officers who mocked their injuries and smeared food on their bleeding heads to humiliate them, Amnesty International has revealed today.

      Amnesty International spoke to six men among a group of 16 Pakistani and Afghan asylum-seekers who were apprehended by the Croatian police on the night between 26 and 27 May near Lake Plitvice, as they tried to cross the country to reach Western Europe.

      Between eight and ten people wearing black uniforms and balaclavas identical to those used by Croatia’s Special Police, fired their weapons in the air, kicked and repeatedly hit the restrained men with metal sticks, batons and pistol grips. They then rubbed ketchup, mayonnaise and sugar that they found in one of the backpacks on migrants’ bleeding heads and hair and their trousers. Amnesty International also spoke to doctors who treated the men and NGOs who witnessed their injuries.

      “The European Union can no longer remain silent and wilfully ignore the violence and abuses by Croatian police on its external borders. Their silence is allowing, and even encouraging, the perpetrators of this abuse to continue without consequences. The European Commission must investigate the latest reports of horrifying police violence against migrants and asylum-seekers.” said Massimo Moratti, Deputy Director of the Europe Office, following the latest incident on the Croatian border.

      Physical and psychological abuse

      Amir from Pakistan told Amnesty: “We were pleading with them to stop and show mercy. We were already tied, unable to move and humiliated; there was no reason to keep hitting us and torturing us.” He said the armed men showed no sympathy. “They were taking photos of us with their phones, and were singing and laughing.” Amir had a broken arm and nose, stiches on the back of his head, and visible bruising all over his face and arms.

      Ten men suffered serious injuries that night. Thirty-year-old Tariq now has both of his arms and a leg in a cast, visible cuts and bruises on his head and face and is suffering from severe chest pain.

      “They did not give us a chance to say anything at all when they caught us. They just started hitting us. While I was lying on the ground, they hit my head with the back of a gun and I started bleeding. I tried to protect my head from the blows, but they started kicking me and hitting my arms with metal sticks. I was passing in and out of consciousness the rest of the night.” Tariq is now forced to use a wheelchair to move around and it will take months before he is able to move on his own again.

      The men told Amnesty International how they felt humiliated as militia rubbed mayonnaise and ketchup on to their bloody heads and faces. One masked man squirted mayonnaise on an asylum-seeker’s trousers between his legs, while others laughed and sang “Happy Birthday” around them.

      After almost five hours of continuous abuse, the migrants were handed over to the Croatian Border Police who transported them close to the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina in two vans before ordering them to walk. “They were taken aback by our condition. We were drenched in blood and very shook up. We could barely stand, much less walk for hours to Bosnia. But they told us to go. They told us to carry the guys who couldn’t walk and just go.” Faisal told Amnesty.

      Some of the men eventually reached Miral, a reception centre run by the International Organization for Migration in Velika Kladusa in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but five, who were too weak to walk, stayed behind and were eventually picked up by an NGO operating in the camp.

      An emergency doctor at the medical clinic in Velika Kladusa who treated the men told Amnesty International that they all had injuries on the back of their heads which were consistent with a blow by a blunt object and required stiches. Most had multiple fractures, joint injuries, collapsed lungs, cuts and bruises and several were traumatized. Their recovery could take months.

      Routine violent pushbacks and torture by the Croatian police remain unpunished

      While only the latest in the series, the incident points to a new level of brutality and abuse by the Croatian police. In early May, the Guardian reported about a group of men who were forced across the Croatian border after being beaten and having orange crosses spray-painted on their heads. The Croatian Ministry of Interior dismissed the allegations, but the testimonies of violence and intimidation fit the trend of unlawful pushbacks taking place not only on the Croatian, but also on other external borders of the European Union.

      Numerous reports over the past three years have revealed how the Croatian border police routinely assault men, women and teenagers trying to enter the country, destroy their belongings and smash their phones before pushing them back to Bosnia. People are sometimes stripped of their clothes and shoes, and forced to walk for hours through snow and freezing cold rivers.

      A physician in the Velika Kladusa clinic told Amnesty International that approximately 60 per cent of migrants and asylum-seekers who required medical treatment reported that their injuries were inflicted by the Croatian police, while they were trying to cross the border. “Many injuries involve fractures of long bones and joints. These bones take longer to heal and their fractures render the patient incapacitated for extended periods of time. This appears to be a deliberate strategy – to cause injuries and trauma that take time to heal and would make people more reluctant to try to cross the border again or any time soon,” the physician told Amnesty International.

      The Croatian Ministry of Interior has so far dismissed these allegations, refusing to carry out independent and effective investigations into reported abuses or hold its officers to account. In a climate of pervasive impunity, unlawful returns and violence at the border have only escalated. Amnesty International has shared the details of this incident with the Ministry of Interior, but has not received an official response.

      The EU’s failure to hold Croatia to account

      The European Commission has remained silent in the face of multiple, credible reports of gross human rights abuses at the Croatian border and repeated calls by the European Parliament to investigate the allegations. Furthermore, Croatia remains a beneficiary of nearly EURO 7 million of EU assistance for border security, the vast majority of which is spent on infrastructure, equipping border police and even paying police salaries. Even the small proportion (EURO 300,000) that the Commission had earmarked for a mechanism to monitor that the border measures comply with fundamental rights and EU asylum laws, has been no more than a fig leaf. Last year, the Commission recommended Croatia’s full accession to the Schengen Area despite human rights abuses already being commonplace there.

      “The European Commission cannot continue to turn a blind eye to blatant breaches of EU law as people are being branded with crosses on their heads or brutally tortured and humiliated by Croatian police. We expect nothing less than the condemnation of these acts and an independent investigation into reported abuses, as well as the establishment of an effective mechanism to ensure that EU funds are not used to commit torture and unlawful returns. Failing urgent action, Croatia’s inhumane migration practices will turn the EU into an accomplice in major human rights violations taking place at its doorstep,” said Massimo Moratti.

      Violent pushbacks from Croatian border have been a regular occurrence since late 2017. The Danish Refugee Council recorded close to 7,000 cases of forcible deportations and unlawful returns to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2019, most of which were accompanied by reported violence and intimidation by Croatian police. Despite the brief respite during the lockdown due to COVID-19 pandemic, pushbacks continue with 1600 cases reported only in April. The figures are increasing daily, as the restrictions across the region are being lifted and the weather is turning milder.

      Amnesty International has interviewed over 160 people who have been pushed back or returned to Bosnia and Herzegovina since July 2018. Nearly one third reported being beaten, having their documents and telephones stolen, and verbally abused in what appears to be a deliberate policy designed to deter future attempts to enter the country.

      https://www.amnesty.eu/news/croatia-fresh-evidence-of-police-abuse-and-torture-of-migrants-and-asylum-se
      #rapport #Amnesty_international

    • Croatia, police abuse is systemic

      While the world is outraged and protests after George Floyd’s death to denounce institutionalised violence, migrants have been beaten and tortured on the Balkan route for years. A brutal practice often covered up, even by the EU itself.

      George Floyd’s death on May 25th sparked protests around the world against police violence and institutional racism. In the Balkans as elsewhere, sit-ins have been held in support of #BlackLivesMatter , followed by calls to report abuses committed locally by the police. And in the region there is no lack of such abuses. In fact, police violence is routine on the “Balkan route”, the flow of migrants and refugees that has crossed the peninsula since 2015 in the hope of reaching the European Union. The events of the past few weeks have unfortunately confirmed once again the link between police brutality and immigration, bringing us back to the Croatian-Bosnian border. It is a story of systemic abuse, both proven and covered up, which involves a member state of the EU, candidate for accession to the Schengen area and, according to the latest revelations of The Guardian, the European Commission itself.
      Torture in Croatia

      When it comes to police abuse on the Croatian-Bosnian border, one does not really know where to start. The accidents recorded in recent years are so many that we can no longer even speak of “accidents”, or unexpected events. On the contrary, violence is rather a common practice, the only news being the increase in brutality by the agents, who have gone from illegal pushbacks to outright torture.

      “We rarely use the word ’torture’ in Europe, but in this case we had to”, explains Massimo Moratti, deputy director of the Europe office of Amnesty International (AI). Last week, AI published yet another report of the mistreatment of migrants by the Croatian police along the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina. Mistreatment is an understatement. The testimonies collected no longer speak of broken mobile phones, or – as has happened more recently – destroyed with a screwdriver to prevent recharging, but instead contain “actual sadism”, as Moratti puts it.

      The case in question is that of 16 Pakistani and Afghan asylum seekers arrested by the Croatian police near the Plitvice lakes between May 26th and 27th. Their testimony is chilling. “We asked them to stop and show mercy. We were already tied up, there was no reason to continue hitting and torturing us", Amir told Amnesty International. Singing and filming on mobile phones, the agents continued to beat the 16 unfortunate men hard, finally smearing their wounds with ketchup and mayonnaise found in the backpack of one of the migrants. Eventually, the group was brought back to the border and forced to walk to Bosnia. Those who were unable to walk, because they are now in a wheelchair, had to be transported by others.

      “It is a pattern, a trend. These are the same practices that we have already seen in Hungary in 2015, 2016, and 2017. Dogs, sticks, broken bones... The goal is to intimidate and frighten so that no one tries to cross the border anymore", resumes Massimo Moratti, who adds: “the fractures we saw in the latter case will take months to heal”. The Amnesty International report and the attached photos tell the rest.
      Four years of violence

      How did we get to this? It is useful to make a brief summary of recent years to understand the evolution of violence. First, the “Balkan route” became a media phenomenon in the summer of 2015, when hundreds of thousands of Syrians, Iraqis, and Afghans began to travel up the Balkan peninsula to reach the European Union. At the beginning, the destination of the route was Hungary, then, with the closure of the Hungarian wall, it became Croatia, which leads to Slovenia and then to the Schengen area. In 2015, Croatian policemen showed themselves to be tolerant and benevolent, as reminded by this cover of Jutarnji List .

      In the spring of 2016, the agreement between the EU and Turkey led to the closure of the Balkan route and a change of pace. “The first case of pushback is registered in 2016 on the Serbo-Croatian border. In 2017, we have the first cases of violence", says Antonia Pindulić, legal advisor to the Centre for Peace Studies (CMS) in Zagreb. At the end of 2017, Madina Hussiny, 6, died hit by a train while returning from Croatia to Serbia following the tracks. Together with her family, she had been illegally pushed back by the Croatian policemen.

      In the summer of 2018, the Croatian police fired on a van that carried 29 migrants and refused to stop. Nine people were injured and two minors ended up in hospital in serious conditions. Since then, it has been a crescendo of accidents, especially on the Croatian-Bosnian border, where what remains of the Balkan route passes. Here, the testimonies collected by NGOs speak of beatings, theft, destruction of mobile phones and, as always, illegal pushbacks. Then, the situation has deteriorated up to the torture of the last few weeks. All in the silence of the authorities.
      The silence of the institutions

      How could the Zagreb government not complete an investigation in four years, address the police abuse, punish the guilty? It just didn’t. In fact, Andrej Plenković’s government has just “denied everything” for four years, while “no investigation has produced results”, as Antonia Pindulić of CMS summarises. And this despite the fact that there have been complaints from NGOs and also the actions of the institutions themselves in Croatia.

      “In 2019, a group of policement wrote an anonymous letter to the Croatian Ombudswoman asking to be protected from having to carry out illegal orders”, recalls Pindulić. The agents then revealed the pushback technique: GPS off, communications only on Whatsapp or Viber, no official report. Also in 2019, then President Kolinda Grabar Kitarović had let slip , during an interview on Swiss television, that “of course, a little strength is needed when making pushbacks”. Later, she said she had been misunderstood.

      After dozens of complaints have fallen on deaf ears and after in 2018 the Ombudswoman, in her investigations, had been denied access to video surveillance videos with the excuse that they were lost, the CMS decided a couple of weeks ago to file a complaint “against unknown police officers” guilty of “degrading treatment and torture against 33 people” and “violent and illegal expulsion [of these people, ed.] from the territory of the Republic of Croatia to Bosnia and Herzegovina”. “We hope that the prosecutor will open an investigation and that people who have violated the law are identified. But since the institutions themselves have violated the law for four years, I don’t know what we can expect”, says Antonia Pindulić.

      The complaint filed brings together four cases, all of which occurred at the beginning of May 2020. “We suspect that the cases are linked to each other, as all the migrants and refugees involved have reported beatings, theft of their belongings, being stripped and, above all, having a cross drawn on their head with orange spray”, says Antonia Pindulić. This very detail had brought the story on the Guardian and sparked controversy in Croatia.
      Towards a turning point?

      In their brutality, the cases seem to repeat themselves without any change in sight. But the Croatian government may soon be forced to answer for what appears to be institutionalised violence. Not only the legal action taken by the CMS “could likely end in Strasbourg”, as Massimo Moratti of Amnesty International speculates, but a lawsuit filed by three Syrian refugees against Croatia reached the European Court of Human Rights at the end of the May . And last week, after the publication of the AI ​​report, the European Commission announced that an observation mission will be sent to Croatia.

      And there is more. This week, the Guardian also revealed that communications between officials of the European Commission show how the European body “covered up Croatia’s failure to protect migrants from brutality on the border”. In question are the European funding received from Zagreb for border security: 7 million Euros, of which 300,000 for the implementation of an independent control mechanism that should have supervised the work of the police. Not only has the mechanism never been implemented, but there have been contradictory communications in this regard, with the Commission declaring that UNHCR was part of the mechanism and the latter publicly denying at the end of 2019 .

      In short, although Brussels allocated a (small) budget for the control of the brutality of Croatian agents, the mechanism that was to be activated with those funds was never created. And the Commission is aware of this. How long, then, will the Plenković government manage to hide its system of violence on the Bosnian border?

      https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Croatia/Croatia-police-abuse-is-systemic-202952

      #violence_systémique

    • Croatia: Police brutality in migrant pushback operations must be investigated and sanctioned – UN Special Rapporteurs

      Croatia must immediately investigate reports of excessive use of force by law enforcement personnel against migrants, including acts amounting to torture and ill-treatment, and sanction those responsible, UN human rights experts said today.

      “We are deeply concerned about the repeated and ongoing disproportionate use of force by Croatian police against migrants in pushback operations. Victims, including children, suffered physical abuse and humiliation simply because of their migration status,” Felipe González Morales, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants, and Nils Melzer, Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, said in a joint statement.

      They said physical violence and degrading treatment against migrants have been reported in more than 60 percent of all recorded pushback cases from Croatia between January and May 2020, and recent reports indicate the number of forced returns is rising.

      Abusive treatment of migrants has included physical beatings, the use of electric shocks, forced river crossings and stripping of clothes despite adverse weather conditions, forced stress positions, gender insensitive body searches and spray-painting the heads of migrants with crosses.

      “The violent pushback of migrants without going through any official procedure, individual assessment or other due process safeguards constitutes a violation of the prohibition of collective expulsions and the principle of non-refoulement,” González Morales said.

      “Such treatment appears specifically designed to subject migrants to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment as prohibited under international law. Croatia must investigate all reported cases of violence against migrants, hold the perpetrators and their superiors accountable and provide compensation for victims,” Melzer added.

      The UN Special Rapporteurs are also concerned that in several cases, Croatian police officers reportedly ignored requests from migrants to seek asylum or other protection under international human rights and refugee law.

      “Croatia must ensure that all border management measures, including those aimed at addressing irregular migration, are in line with international human rights law and standards, particularly, non-discrimination, the prohibition of torture and ill-treatment, the principle of non-refoulement and the prohibition of arbitrary or collective expulsions,” they said.

      During his official visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina in September 2019, González Morales received information on violent pushback of migrants by Croatian police to Bosnia and Herzegovina. He has exchanged views with relevant Croatian authorities on this issue on several occasions. Already during his official visit to Serbia and Kosovo* in 2017, Melzer had received similar information from migrants reporting violent ill-treatment during pushback operations by the Croatian police.

      * All references to Kosovo should be understood to be in compliance with Security Council resolution 1244 (1999).

      https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=25976&LangID=E

      #OHCHR

    • Dva policajca u pritvoru u Karlovcu zbog ozljeđivanja migranta - protiv njih pokrenut i disciplinski postupak

      Zbog sumnje u počinjenje kaznenih djela obojica su, uz kaznenu prijavu, dovedeni pritvorskom nadzorniku Policijske uprave karlovačke. Također, obojica su udaljeni iz službe, odgovoreno je na upit KAportala

      Dva policajca PU karlovačke nalaze se u pritvoru i to zbog sumnje u ozljeđivanje ilegalnog migranta, stranog državljanina.

      Na naš upit iz policije su nam rekli da je u četvrtak, 11. lipnja, u večernjim satima, tijekom utvrđivanja okolnosti nezakonitog ulaska u Republiku Hrvatsku, u policijsku postaju Slunj doveden strani državljanin na kojem su policijski službenici uočili da je ozlijeđen.

      https://kaportal.net.hr/aktualno/vijesti/crna-kronika/3836334/dva-policajca-u-karlovackom-pritvoru-zbog-ozljedjivanja-migranta-protiv

      Commentaire reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa Dobrodosli, mail du 23.06.2020

      two police officers were arrested this week for injuring migrants. This is a big step for the Ministry of the Interior, but small for all cases that have not yet been investigated. However, it is important to emphasize that the violence we are witnessing is not the result of isolated incidents, but of systemic violence for which those who issue and those who carry out these illegal orders should be prosecuted.

    • Il linguaggio dell’odio è stato ‘normalizzato’ e la manifestazione dell’odio è divenuta accettabile, secondo l’ultimo rapporto dell’#Ohchr

      Che la diffusione del linguaggio dell’odio sia un problema per l’Italia e dell’Italia ce lo dice l’ultimo Rapporto sulla missione dell’Alto commissario per i diritti umani delle Nazioni Unite nel nostro Paese, da poco pubblicato. Una missione incentrata proprio sulle questioni della discriminazione razziale e sull’incitamento all’odio. Il documento traccia un quadro preoccupante di un Paese, segnato nel 2018 da un forte incremento degli episodi di discriminazione e tuttora da una persistente mancanza di attenzione e di analisi del fenomeno nel suo complesso da parte delle istituzioni. A colpire è soprattutto il capitolo sull’incitamento all’odio razziale alla discriminazione e alla violenza. Nel Rapporto, l’Alto Commissariato delle Nazioni Unite evidenzia l’emergere di discorsi razzisti basati su stereotipi negativi contro i migranti, i musulmani, le persone di origine africana, le comunità rom, sinti e caminanti. E ciò avviene – si legge nel documento – soprattutto nei discorsi politici e nei media: a incoraggiare la crescita dell’intolleranza, dell’odio religioso e della xenofobia sono alcuni leader politici e talvolta gli stessi membri del Governo. Sicurezza e difesa dell’identità nazionale, sono le parole chiave di tali discorsi, che si fondano sulla criminalizzazione della migrazione e sul principio “prima gli italiani” di fronte alla crisi economica. Un modo – si legge nel Rapporto – per rendere la discriminazione razziale socialmente più accettabile. Le conseguenze sono evidenti: una escalation di «hate incidents» contro singoli o gruppi per motivi etnici, del colore della pelle, della razza o dello status di immigrato.

      Le stesse leggi, in alcuni casi – secondo il Rapporto dell’Alto Commissario ONU – contribuiscono a rafforzare tale clima, come nel caso del ‘decreto sicurezza’ che stabilisce una relazione tra immigrazione e sicurezza, «rafforzando in tale modo una percezione discriminante che stigmatizza e associa i migranti e le minoranze alla criminalità». Così come preoccupa la campagna contro le associazioni della società civile impegnate nelle operazioni di soccorso nel mare Mediterraneo, campagna che il documento definisce diffamatoria. Tutto ciò non può essere ricondotto a singoli casi. Il linguaggio dell’odio, riporta il documento, è stato ‘normalizzato’ e la manifestazione dell’odio è divenuta accettabile. Perché questo linguaggio è nello stesso tempo espressione ed elemento costruttore di culture diffuse. Ed è proprio sul piano culturale che occorre agire, restituendo significato alle parole, rimettendo al centro le persone, ognuna nella sua singolarità, ricordando che i diritti non sono mai dati una volta per tutte, ma vanno tutelati e rafforzati, va fatta memoria della sofferenza e delle battaglie che sono dietro alla loro conquista. La diffusione di una cultura dei diritti è uno dei terreni su cui si gioca la sfida della prevenzione e della tutela delle persone più vulnerabili. Un terreno su cui sono chiamati a contribuire tutti: le istituzioni pubbliche, le organizzazioni della società civile, il mondo della cultura e dei media. A cominciare dal linguaggio.

      https://www.cartadiroma.org/news/in-evidenza/lincitamento-allodio-razziale-e-un-problema-per-litalia-il-rapporto-onu
      #médias #presse

  • Fuir une dictature et mourir de faim en Italie, après avoir traversé la Méditerranée et passé des mois dans des centres en Libye.
    10 personnes à ses funérailles.
    Et l’Europe n’a pas honte.

    Ragusa, il funerale dell’eritreo morto di fame dopo la traversata verso l’Italia

    Il parroco di Modica: «Di lui sappiamo solo che è un nostro fratello»


    http://palermo.repubblica.it/cronaca/2018/03/20/news/ragusa_il_funerale_dell_eritreo_morto_di_fame_dopo_la_traversata_
    #mourir_de_faim #faim #Libye #torture #asile #migrations #fermeture_des_frontières #Méditerranée

    • Nawal Sos a décidé de faire un travail de récolte de témoignage de personnes qui ont vécu l’#enfer libyen, suite à la saisie du bateau de l’ONG Open Arms en Méditerranée.

      Pour celles et ceux qui ne connaissent pas Nawal :
      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nawal_Soufi

      Voici le premier témoignage qu’elle a publié sur FB, que je copie-colle de la page web de Nawal :

      Questa e’ la testimonianza del primo rifugiato che ha dato la disponibilita’ a comparire davanti a qualsiasi corte italiana per raccontare i suoi giorni passati tra gli scafisti in Libia.

      Il 9 aprile del 2015 sono arrivato a casa dello scafista. Da casa sua sono partito via mare il 4 maggio del 2015. Erano le due di notte. In questo periodo le mie condizioni di salute erano particolari ed ero con uno/due ragazzi. Gli altri stavano peggio di me, dentro delle stanze dove la capienza era di dieci persone e in cui venivano rinchiuse settanta/ottanta/cento persone. Ci veniva dato solamente un pasto a giornata ed esso era composto da pane e acqua. L’acqua non bastava per tutti. Non c’erano servizi igienici per fare i propri bisogni. Prima dell’arrivo alla casa dello scafista viene raccontato che la situazione sarà perfetta e la casa grande in modo da garantire le migliori condizioni e che esiste un accordo con la guardia costiera. Appena si arriva a casa dello scafista si trovano altre condizioni. Una delle promesse che erano state fatte era quella di partire in poche ore, al massimo ventiquattro via mare. La verità è però che è necessario aspettare in base agli accordi con la guardia costiera: se vengono raggiunti dopo una settimana si parte dopo una settimana altrimenti è necessario aspettare fino a un mese, come è stato per me. Se una persona paga molto gli verrà fornito un salvagente altrimenti bisognerà affrontare il viaggio senza. Qualcuno portava con sé il salvagente mentre altri credevano alle parole dello scafista e non lo portavano. Anche sul salvagente cominciavano le false promesse: «Domani vi porteremo i salvagenti..». A seguito di queste promesse iniziavano a farsi strada delle tensioni con lo scafista. Le barche di legno su cui avremmo dovuto viaggiare erano a due piani: nel piano di sotto vi era la sala motore dov’è lo spazio per ogni essere umano non supera 30 x 30 cm massimo 40. Mettevano le persone una sopra l’altra. Le persone che venivano messe sotto erano le persone che pagavano di meno. Ovviamente lo scafista aveva tutto l’interesse di mettere in questo spazio il maggior numero di persone possibili per guadagnare sempre più con la scusante di usare questo guadagno per pagare la guardia costiera libica, la manutenzione della barca e altre persone necessarie per partire. Proprio nella sala motore ci sono stati vari casi di morti. La maggior parte della barche veniva comprata da Ras Agedir e Ben Gerdan, in Tunisia. Le barche arrivavano dalla Tunisia in pieno giorno, passando dalla dogana senza essere tassate né controllate. Le barche venivano portate al porto e ristrutturate davanti agli occhi di tutti. Una volta riempite le barche venivano fatte partire in pieno giorno (dalle prime ore del mattino fino alle due del pomeriggio) senza essere fermate dalla guardia costiera libica. Le uniche a essere fermate erano quelle degli scafisti che non pagavano mazzette ed esse venivano riportate indietro e i migranti arrestati. La guardia costiera chiedeva poi un riscatto allo scafista per liberare le persone. Così facendo lo obbligavano la volta dopo a pagare una mazzetta prima di far partire le sue imbarcazioni.
      In un caso molti siriani erano saliti su quella che chiamavamo «l’imbarcazione dei medici». Questi medici avevano comprato la barca per partire senza pagare gli scafisti ed erano partiti. A bordo c’erano 80/100 persone. Sono stati seguiti da individui non identificati che gli hanno sparato contro causando la morte di tutte le persone a bordo. Non si sa se siano stati degli scafisti o la guardia costiera.
      I contatti tra la guardia costiera libica e gli scafisti risultano evidenti nel momento in cui le persone fermate in mare e riportate a terra vengono liberate tramite pagamento di un riscatto da parte degli scafisti. Queste stesse persone riescono poi a partire con lo stesso scafista via mare senza essere fermate.
      In Libia, dove ho vissuto due anni, le condizioni di vita sono molto difficili. Gli stessi libici hanno iniziato a lottare per ottenere qualcosa da mangiare e per me, in quanto siriano senza possibilità di andare da qualsiasi altra parte, l’unica cosa importante era poter lavorare e vivere. Conosco molti ingegneri e molti professionisti che hanno lasciato la loro vita per venire in Libia a fare qualsiasi tipo di lavoro pur di sopravvivere. Non avevo quindi altra soluzione se non quella di partire via mare verso l’Europa. Sono partito e sono arrivato a Lampedusa e da lì ho raggiunto Catania.

      https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=580561452301350&id=100010425011901
      J’espère voir les autres témoignages aussi... mais elle les publie sur FB, du coup, je pense que je vais certainement ne pas tout voir.

    • Deuxième témoignage :

      Questa e’ la seconda persona che ha dato la sua disponibilita’ a comparire di fronte a qualsiasi Corte italiana per raccontare il suo viaggio e forse altri compagni di viaggio che erane nella stessa barca si uniranno a lui.
      Testimonianza di: Ragazzo Palestinese di Gaza
      (Per ovvi motivi non posso citare in nome qui)

      Traduzione in italiano:

      Per quanto riguarda il traffico degli esseri umani avviene tra Zebrata e Zuara in Libia. Tra i trafficanti e la guardia costiera libica c’è un accordo di pagamento per far partire le imbarcazioni. Al trafficante che non paga la guardia costiera gli viene affondata l’imbarcazione. La squadra della guardia costiera che fa questi accordi e’ quella di Al Anqaa’ العنقاء appartenente alla zona di Ezzawi. Otto mesi fa siamo partiti da Zebrata e siamo stati rapiti dalla guardia costiera libica. Dopo il rapimento abbiamo detto loro che siamo partiti tramite lo scafista che si chiama Ahmed Dabbashi. E la risposta della guardia costiera è stata: se solo ci aveste detto che eravate partiti tramite lo scafista Ahmed Debbash tutto ciò non sarebbe successo.

      Je n’arrive pas à copier-coller le link FB (arrghhh)

    • Time to Investigate European Agents for Crimes against Migrants in Libya

      In March 2011, the ICC Office of the Prosecutor of the international criminal court opened its investigation into the situation in Libya, following a referral by the UN Security Council. The investigation concerns crimes against humanity in Libya starting 15 February 2011, including the crimes against humanity of murder and persecution, allegedly committed by Libyan agents. As the ICC Prosecutor explained to the UN Security Council in her statement of 8 May 2017, the investigation also concerns “serious and widespread crimes against migrants attempting to transit through Libya.” Fatou Bensouda labels Libya as a “marketplace for the trafficking of human beings.” As she says, “thousands of vulnerable migrants, including women and children, are being held in detention centres across Libya in often inhumane condition.” The findings are corroborated by the UN Support Mission in Libya (UNMSIL) and the Panel of Experts established pursuant to Resolution 1973 (2011). Both report on the atrocities to which migrants are subjected, not only by armed militias, smugglers and traffickers, but also by the new Libyan Coast Guard and the Department for Combatting Illegal Migration of the UN-backed Al Sarraj’s Government of National Accord – established with EU and Italian support.

      https://www.ejiltalk.org/time-to-investigate-european-agents-for-crimes-against-migrants-in-libya

    • UN report details scale and horror of detention in Libya

      Armed groups in Libya, including those affiliated with the State, hold thousands of people in prolonged arbitrary and unlawful detention, and submit them to torture and other human rights violations and abuses, according to a UN report published on Tuesday.

      “Men, women and children across Libya are arbitrarily detained or unlawfully deprived of their liberty based on their tribal or family links and perceived political affiliations,” the report by the UN Human Rights Office says. “Victims have little or no recourse to judicial remedy or reparations, while members of armed groups enjoy total impunity.”

      “This report lays bare not only the appalling abuses and violations experienced by Libyans deprived of their liberty, but the sheer horror and arbitrariness of such detentions, both for the victims and their families,” said UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein. “These violations and abuses need to stop – and those responsible for such crimes should be held fully to account.”

      Since renewed hostilities broke out in 2014, armed groups on all sides have rounded up suspected opponents, critics, activists, medical professionals, journalists and politicians, the report says. Hostage-taking for prisoner exchanges or ransom is also common. Those detained arbitrarily or unlawfully also include people held in relation to the 2011 armed conflict - many without charge, trial or sentence for over six years.

      The report, published in cooperation with the UN Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), summarizes the main human rights concerns regarding detention in Libya since the signing of the Libyan Political Agreement (LPA) on 17 December 2015 until 1 January 2018. The implementation of provisions in the LPA to address the situation of people detained arbitrarily for prolonged periods of time has stalled, it notes.

      “Rather than reining in armed groups and integrating their members under State command and control structures, successive Libyan governments have increasingly relied on them for law enforcement, including arrests and detention; paid them salaries; and provided them with equipment and uniforms,” the report says. As a result, their power has grown unchecked and they have remained free of effective government oversight.

      Some 6,500 people were estimated to be held in official prisons overseen by the Judicial Police of the Ministry of Justice, as of October 2017. There are no available statistics for facilities nominally under the Ministries of Interior and Defence, nor for those run directly by armed groups.

      “These facilities are notorious for endemic torture and other human rights violations or abuses,” the report says. For example, the detention facility at Mitiga airbase in Tripoli holds an estimated 2,600 men, women and children, most without access to judicial authorities. In Kuweifiya prison, the largest detention facility in eastern Libya, some 1,800 people are believed to be held.

      Armed groups routinely deny people any contact with the outside world when they are first detained. “Distraught families search for their detained family members, travel to known detention facilities, plead for the help of acquaintances with connections to armed groups, security or intelligence bodies, and exchange information with other families of detainees or missing persons,” the report highlights.

      There have also been consistent allegations of deaths in custody. The bodies of hundreds of individuals taken and held by armed groups have been uncovered in streets, hospitals, and rubbish dumps, many with bound limbs and marks of torture and gunshot wounds.

      “The widespread prolonged arbitrary and unlawful detention and endemic human rights abuses in custody in Libya require urgent action by the Libyan authorities, with support from the international community,” the report says. Such action needs to provide redress to victims and their families, and to prevent the repetition of such crimes.

      “As a first step, the State and non-State actors that effectively control territory and exercise government-like functions must release those detained arbitrarily or otherwise unlawfully deprived of their liberty. All those lawfully detained must be transferred to official prisons under effective and exclusive State control,” it says.

      The report calls on the authorities to publicly and unequivocally condemn torture, ill-treatment and summary executions of those detained, and ensure accountability for such crimes.

      “Failure to act will not only inflict additional suffering on thousands of detainees and their families and lead to further loss of life. It will also be detrimental to any stabilization, peacebuilding and reconciliation efforts,” it concludes.

      http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=22931&LangID=E

      Lien vers le #rapport du #OHCHR :


      http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/LY/AbuseBehindBarsArbitraryUnlawful_EN.pdf
      #détention_arbitraire #torture #décès #morts #détention

    • L’inferno libico nelle poesie di #Segen

      #Tesfalidet_Tesfom è il vero nome del migrante eritreo morto il giorno dopo il suo sbarco a Pozzallo del 12 marzo dalla nave Proactiva della ong spagnola Open Arms. Dopo aver lottato tra la vita e la morte all’ospedale maggiore di Modica nel suo portafogli sono state ritrovate delle bellissime e strazianti poesie. In esclusiva su Vita.it la sua storia e le sue poesie


      http://www.vita.it/it/story/2018/04/10/linferno-libico-nelle-poesie-di-segen/210
      #poésie

      Les poésies de Segen :

      Non ti allarmare fratello mio
      Non ti allarmare fratello mio,
dimmi, non sono forse tuo fratello?

      Perché non chiedi notizie di me?
      
È davvero così bello vivere da soli,

      se dimentichi tuo fratello al momento del bisogno?
      Cerco vostre notizie e mi sento soffocare
      
non riesco a fare neanche chiamate perse,

      chiedo aiuto,
      
la vita con i suoi problemi provvisori
      
mi pesa troppo.
      Ti prego fratello, prova a comprendermi,
      
chiedo a te perché sei mio fratello,
      
ti prego aiutami,
      
perché non chiedi notizie di me, non sono forse tuo fratello?
      Nessuno mi aiuta,
      
e neanche mi consola,

      si può essere provati dalla difficoltà,
      
ma dimenticarsi del proprio fratello non fa onore,
      
il tempo vola con i suoi rimpianti,

      io non ti odio,

      ma è sempre meglio avere un fratello.
      No, non dirmi che hai scelto la solitudine,

      se esisti e perché ci sei
 con le tue false promesse,

      mentre io ti cerco sempre,
      saresti stato così crudele se fossimo stati figli dello stesso sangue?
      

Ora non ho nulla,
      
perché in questa vita nulla ho trovato,

      se porto pazienza non significa che sono sazio
      
perché chiunque avrà la sua ricompensa,
      
io e te fratello ne usciremo vittoriosi 
affidandoci a Dio.

      Tempo sei maestro
      Tempo sei maestro
      per chi ti ama e per chi ti è nemico,
      sai distiunguere il bene dal male,
      chi ti rispetta
      e chi non ti dà valore.
      Senza stancarti mi rendi forte,
      mi insegni il coraggio,
      quante salite e discese abbiamo affrontato,
      hai conquistato la vittoria
      ne hai fatto un capolavoro.
      Sei come un libro, l’archivio infinito del passato
      solo tu dirai chi aveva ragione e chi torto,
      perché conosci i caratteri di ognuno,
      chi sono i furbi, chi trama alle tue spalle,
      chi cerca una scusa,
      pensando che tu non li conosci.
      Vorrei dirti ciò che non rende l’uomo
      un uomo
      finché si sta insieme tutto va bene,
      ti dice di essere il tuo compagno d’infanzia
      ma nel momento del bisogno ti tradisce.
      Ogni giorno che passa, gli errori dell’uomo sono sempre di più,
      lontani dalla Pace,
      presi da Satana,
      esseri umani che non provano pietà
      o un po’ di pena,
      perché rinnegano la Pace
      e hanno scelto il male.
      Si considerano superiori, fanno finta di non sentire,
      gli piace soltanto apparire agli occhi del mondo.
      Quando ti avvicini per chiedere aiuto
      non ottieni nulla da loro,
      non provano neanche un minimo dispiacere,
      però gente mia, miei fratelli,
      una sola cosa posso dirvi:
      nulla è irragiungibile,
      sia che si ha tanto o niente,
      tutto si può risolvere
      con la fede in Dio.
      Ciao, ciao
      Vittoria agli oppressi

    • Vidéo : des migrants échappent à l’enfer libyen en lançant un appel sur #WhatsApp

      Un groupe de migrants nigérians enfermés dans un centre de détention à #Zaouïa, en Libye, est parvenu à filmer une vidéo montrant leurs conditions de vie et appelant à l’aide leur gouvernement en juillet 2018. Envoyée à un ami sur WhatsApp, elle est devenue virale et a été transmise aux Observateurs de France 24. L’organisation internationale pour les migrations a ensuite pu organiser un vol pour les rapatrier au Nigéria. Aujourd’hui sains et saufs, ils racontent ce qu’ils ont vécu.


      http://observers.france24.com/fr/20180928-libye-nigeria-migrants-appel-whatsapp-secours-oim-video
      #réseaux_sociaux #téléphone_portable #smartphone

      Commentaire de Emmanuel Blanchard via la mailing-list Migreurop :

      Au-delà du caractère exceptionnel et « spectaculaire » de cette vidéo, l’article montre bien en creux que les Etats européens et l’#OIM cautionnent et financent de véritables #geôles, sinon des centre de tortures. Le #centre_de_détention #Al_Nasr n’est en effet pas une de ces prisons clandestines tenues par des trafiquant d’êtres humains. Si les institutions et le droit ont un sens en Libye, ce centre est en effet « chapeauté par le gouvernement d’entente nationale libyen – soutenu par l’Occident – via son service de combat contre l’immigration illégale (#DCIM) ». L’OIM y effectue d’ailleurs régulièrement des actions humanitaires et semble y organiser des opérations de retour, telles qu’elles sont préconisées par les Etats européens voulant rendre hermétiques leurs frontières sud.
      Quant au DCIM, je ne sais pas si son budget est précisément connu mais il ne serait pas étonnant qu’il soit abondé par des fonds (d’Etats) européens.

      #IOM

    • ’He died two times’: African migrants face death in Libyan detention centres

      Most of those held in indefinite detention were intercepted in the Mediterranean by EU-funded Libyan coastguard.

      Four young refugees have died in Libya’s Zintan migrant detention centre since mid-September, according to other detainees, who say extremely poor conditions, including a lack of food and medical treatment, led to the deaths.

      The fatalities included a 22-year-old Eritrean man, who died last weekend, according to two people who knew him.

      Most of the refugees detained in centres run by Libya’s #Department_for-Combatting_Illegal_Immigration (#DCIM) were returned to Libya by the EU-backed coastguard, after trying to reach Europe this year.

      The centre in #Zintan, 180 km southwest of Tripoli, was one of the locations the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) moved refugees and migrants to after clashes broke out in the capital in August. Nearly 1,400 refugees and migrants were being held there in mid-September, according to UNHCR.

      “At this detention centre, we are almost forgotten,” detainee there said on Wednesday.

      Other aid organisations, including Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), criticised the decision to move detainees out of Tripoli at the time.

      “Transferring detainees from one detention centre to another within the same conflict zone cannot be described as an evacuation and it is certainly not a solution,” MSF Libya head of mission Ibrahim Younis said. “The resources and mechanisms exist to bring these people to third countries where their claims for asylum or repatriation can be duly processed. That’s what needs to happen right now, without delay. This is about saving lives.”

      UNHCR couldn’t confirm the reports, but Special Envoy for the Central Mediterranean, Vincent Cochetel, said: “I am saddened by the news of the alleged death of migrants and refugees in detention. Renewed efforts must be made by the Libyan authorities to provide alternatives to detention, to ensure that people are not detained arbitrarily and benefit from the legal safeguards and standards of treatment contained in the Libyan legislation and relevant international instruments Libya is party to.”

      The International Organisation for Migration (IOM), which also works in Libya, did not respond to a request for confirmation or comment. DCIM was not reachable.

      Tens of thousands of refugees and migrants have been locked in indefinite detention by Libyan authorities since Italy and Libya entered into a deal in February 2017, aimed at stopping Africans from reaching Europe across the Mediterranean.

      People in the centres are consistently deprived of food and water, according to more than a dozen detainees in touch with The National from centres across Tripoli. One centre holding more than 200 people has gone the last eight days without food, according to a man being held there.

      Sanitation facilities are poor and severe overcrowding is common. Though the majority of detainees are teenagers or in their twenties, many suffer from ongoing health problems caused or exacerbated by the conditions.

      Aid agencies and researchers in Libya say the lack of a centralised registration system for detainees makes it impossible to track the number of deaths that are happening across “official” Libyan detention centres.

      Earlier this month, a man in his twenties died in Triq al Sikka detention centre in Tripoli, Libya, from an illness that was either caused or exacerbated by the harsh conditions in the centre, as well as a lack of medical attention, according to two fellow detainees.

      One detainee in Triq al Sikka told The National that six others have died there this year, two after being taken to hospital and the rest inside the centre. Four were Eritrean, and three, including a woman, were from Somalia.

      Another former detainee from the same centre told The National he believes the death toll is much higher than that. Earlier this year, the Eritrean man said he tried to tell a UNHCR staff member about the deaths through the bars of the cell he was being held in, but he wasn’t sure if she was listening. The National received no response after contacting the staff member he named.


      https://www.thenational.ae/world/mena/he-died-two-times-african-migrants-face-death-in-libyan-detention-centre

    • Migranti torturati, violentati e lasciati morire in un centro di detenzione della polizia in Libia, tre fermi a Messina

      A riconoscere e denunciare i carcerieri sono state alcune delle vittime, arrivate in Italia con la nave Alex di Mediterranea. Per la prima volta viene contestato il reato di tortura. Patronaggio: «Crimini contro l’umanità, agire a livello internazionale». Gli orrori a #Zawiya, in una struttura ufficiale gestita dalle forze dell’ordine di Tripoli

      https://www.repubblica.it/cronaca/2019/09/16/news/migranti_torture_sui_profughi_in_libia_tre_fermi_a_messina-236123857
      #crimes_contre_l'humanité #viols #justice

    • Torture, rape and murder: inside Tripoli’s refugee detention camps

      Europe poured in aid to help migrants in Libya – but for thousands, life is still hellish and many prefer to risk staying on the streets

      Men press anxious faces against the chicken-wire fence of Triq-al-Sikka migrant detention camp in downtown Tripoli as I enter. “Welcome to hell,” says a Moroccan man, without a smile.

      Triq-al-Sikka is home to 300 men penned into nightmare conditions. Several who are sick lie motionless on dirty mattresses in the yard, left to die or recover in their own time. Three of the six toilets are blocked with sewage, and for many detainees, escape is out of the question as they have no shoes.

      It wasn’t supposed to be this way. After reports of torture and abuse in detention centres, and wanting to stop the flow of people across the Mediterranean, the European Union has since 2016 poured more than £110m into improving conditions for migrants in Libya. But things are now worse than before.

      Among the inmates is Mohammed, from Ghana. In July, he survived an air strike on another centre, in Tajoura on the capital’s south-western outskirts, that killed 53 of his fellow migrants. After surviving on the streets, last month he got a place on a rickety smuggler boat heading for Europe. But it was intercepted by the coastguard. Mohammed fell into the sea and was brought back to this camp. His blue jumper is still stained by sea salt. He is desperate to get word to his wife. “The last time we spoke was the night I tried to cross the sea,” he says. “The soldiers took my money and phone. My wife does not know where I am, whether I am alive or dead.”

      Triq-al-Sikka’s conditions are harsh, but other centres are worse. Inmates tell of camps where militias storm in at night, dragging migrants away to be ransomed back to their families. Tens of thousands of migrants are spread across this city, many sleeping in the streets. Dozens bed down each night under the arches of the city centre’s freeway. Since April, in a sharp escalation of the civil war, eastern warlord Khalifa Haftar has been trying to batter his way into the city in fighting that has left more than 1,000 dead and left tens of thousands of citizens homeless.

      Libya has known nothing but chaos since the 2011 revolution that overthrew Muammar Gaddafi. In 2014, a multi-sided civil war broke out. Taking advantage of this chaos, smugglers transformed Libya into a hub for migrants from three continents trying to reach Europe. But after more than half a million arrivals, European governments have tightened the rules.

      This clampdown is obvious at the gates of a nondescript fenced compound holding white shipping containers in the city centre. It is the UN’s refugee Gathering and Departure Facility, nicknamed Hotel GDF by the migrants. From here, a select few who qualify for asylum get flights via Niger and Rwanda to Europe. But there are 45,000 registered migrants, and in the past year only 2,300 seats on flights for migrants – which have now stopped altogether, with Europe offering no more places. Yet dozens line up outside each day hoping for that magical plane ticket.

      Among those clustered at the fence is Nafisa Saed Musa, 44, who has been a refugee for more than half her life: In 2003, her village in Sudan’s Darfur region was burned down. Her husband and two of her three sons were killed and she fled. After years spent in a series of African refugee camps with her son Abdullah, 27, she joined last year with 14 other Sudanese families, pooling their money, and headed for Libya.

      In southern Libya, Abdullah was arrested by a militia who demanded 5,000 dinars (£2,700) to release him. It took two months to raise the cash, and Abdullah shows marks of torture inflicted on him, some with a branding iron, some with cigarettes. They all left a charity shelter after local residents complained about the presence of migrants, and now Nafisa and her son sleep on the street on dirty mattresses, scrounging cardboard to protect from the autumnal rains, across the street from Hotel GDF. “I have only one dream: a dignified life. I dream of Europe for my son.”

      Nearby is Namia, from Sudan, cradling her six-month-old baby daughter, clad in a pink and white babygrow. Her husband was kidnapped by a militia in February and never seen again and she makes frequent trips here asking the UN to look for him. “I hope he is in a detention centre, I hope he is alive.”

      Last week, 200 migrants, kicked out of a detention camp in the south of Tripoli, marched on Hotel GDF and forced their way inside, joining 800 already camped there, in a base designed to hold a maximum of 600.

      The UN High Commissioner for Refugees, which administers the centre, says it has no more flights, unless outside states offer asylum places: “We cannot reinforce the asylum systems there because it is a country at war,” says UNHCR official Filippo Grandi.

      Meanwhile, escape by sea is being closed off, thanks to a controversial deal Italy made with Libya two years ago, in which Rome has paid €90m to train the coastguard. The deal has drastically cut arrivals in Italy from 181,000 in 2016 to 9,300 so far this year, with the coastguard intercepting most smuggling craft and sending migrants on board to detention camps.

      “We have collected testimonies of torture, rape and murder in detention camps,” says Oxfam’s Paolo Pezzati. “The agreement the Italian government signed with Libya in February 2017 has allowed these untold violations.”

      Rome has faced criticism because among the coastguard leaders whose units it funds is Abd al-Rahman Milad, despite his being accused by the UN of being involved in sinking migrant boats and collaborating with people-smugglers. Tripoli says it issued an arrest warrant against him in April, but this is news to Milad. Bearded, well-built and uniformed, he tells me he is back at work and is innocent: “I have nothing to do with trafficking, I am one of the best coastguards in Libya.”

      For migrants and Libyans alike, the outside world’s attitude is a puzzle: it sends aid and scolds Libya for mistreatment, yet offers no way out for migrants. “You see [UN officials] on television, shouting that they no longer want to see people die at sea. I wonder what is the difference between seeing them dying in the sea and letting them die in the middle of a street?” says Libyan Red Crescent worker Assad al-Jafeer, who tours the streets offering aid to migrants. “The men risk being kidnapped and forced to fight by militias, the women risk being taken away and sexually abused.”

      Recent weeks have seen nightly bombing in an air war waged with drones. Women, fearing rape, often sleep on the streets close to police stations for safety, but this brings new danger. “They think 50 metres from a police base is close enough to protect themselves,” says al-Jafeer. “But they are the first targets to be bombed.”

      Interior ministry official Mabrouk Abdelahfid was appointed six months ago and tasked with closing or improving detention centres, but admits reform is slow. He says many camps are outside government control and that the UN has provided no alternative housing for migrants when camps close: “We have already closed three [detention] centres. We believe that in the nine centres under our formal control there are more or less 6,000 people.”

      A common theme among migrants here is a crushing sense of being unwanted and of no value, seen even by aid agencies as an inconvenience. For now, migrants can only endure, with no end in sight for the war. Haftar and Tripoli’s defenders continue slugging it out along a front line snaking through the southern suburbs and few diplomats expect a breakthrough at peace talks being hosted in Berlin later this month.

      Outside Hotel GDF, dusk signals the end of another day with no news of flights and the migrants trudge away to sleep on the streets. To the south, the flashes from the night’s bombardment light up the sky.

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/nov/03/libya-migrants-tripoli-refugees-detention-camps?CMP=share_btn_tw

    • Torture nei campi di detenzione: le nuove immagini choc

      Donna appesa a testa in giù e presa a bastonate: le cronache dell’orrore dal lager di #Bani_Walid, in Libia. Sei morti in due mesi. Spuntano i nomi degli schiavisti: «Ci stuprano e ci uccidono»

      Una giovane eritrea appesa a testa in giù urla mentre viene bastonata ripetutamente nella «#black_room», la sala delle torture presente in molti centri libici per migranti. Il video choc - di cui riportiamo solo alcuni fermo immagine - è stato spedito via smartphone ai familiari della sventurata che devono trovare i soldi per riscattarla e salvarle la vita.
      È quello che accade a Bani Walid, centro di detenzione informale, in mano alle milizie libiche. Ma anche nei centri ufficiali di detenzione, dove i detenuti sono sotto la «protezione» delle autorità di Tripoli pagata dall’Ue e dall’Italia: la situazione sta precipitando con cibo scarso, nessuna assistenza medica, corruzione. In Libia l’Unhcr ha registrato 40mila rifugiati e richiedenti asilo, 6mila dei quali sono rinchiusi nel sistema formato dai 12 centri di detenzione ufficiali, il resto in centri come Bani Walid o in strada. In tutto, stima il «Global detention project», vi sarebbero 33 galere. Vi sono anche detenuti soprattutto africani non registrati la cui stima è impossibile.

      La vita della ragazza del Corno d’Africa appesa, lo abbiamo scritto sette giorni fa, vale 12.500 dollari. Ma nessuno interviene e continuano le cronache dell’orrore da Bani Walid, unanimente considerato il più crudele luogo di tortura della Libia. Un altro detenuto eritreo è morto qui negli ultimi giorni per le torture inferte con bastone, coltello e scariche elettriche perché non poteva pagare. In tutto fanno sei morti in due mesi. Stavolta non siamo riusciti a conoscere le sue generalità e a dargli almeno dignità nella morte. Quando si apre la connessione con l’inferno vicino a noi, arrivano sullo smartphone con il ronzio di un messaggio foto disumane e disperate richieste di aiuto, parole di angoscia e terrore che in Italia e nella Ue abbiamo ignorato girando la testa o incolpando addirittura le vittime.

      «Mangiamo un pane al giorno e uno alla sera, beviamo un bicchiere d’acqua sporca a testa. Non ci sono bagni», scrive uno di loro in un inglese stentato. «Fate in fretta, aiutateci, siamo allo stremo», prosegue. Il gruppo dei 66 prigionieri eritrei che da oltre due mesi è nelle mani dei trafficanti libici si è ridotto a 60 persone stipate nel gruppo di capannoni che formano il mega centro di detenzione in campagna nel quartiere di Tasni al Harbi, alla periferia della città della tribù dei Warfalla, situata nel distretto di Misurata, circa 150 chilometri a sud-est di Tripoli. Lager di proprietà dei trafficanti, inaccessibile all’Unhcr in un crocevia delle rotte migratorie da sud (Sebha) ed est (Kufra) per raggiungere la costa, dove quasi tutti i migranti in Libia si sono fermati e hanno pagato un riscatto per imbarcarsi. Lo conferma lo studio sulla politica economica dei centri di detenzione in Libia commissionato dall’Ue e condotto da «Global Initiative against transnational organized crime» con l’unico mezzo per ora disponibile, le testimonianze dei migranti arrivati in Europa.

      I sequestratori, ci hanno più volte confermato i rifugiati di Eritrea democratica contattati per primi dai connazionali prigionieri, li hanno comperati dal trafficante eritreo Abuselam «Ferensawi», il francese, uno dei maggiori mercanti di carne umana in Libia oggi sparito probabilmente in Qatar per godersi i proventi dei suoi crimini. Bani Walid, in base alle testimonianze raccolte anche dall’avvocato italiano stanziato a Londra Giulia Tranchina, è un grande serbatoio di carne umana proveniente da ogni parte dell’Africa, dove i prigionieri vengono separati per nazionalità. Il prezzo del riscatto varia per provenienza e sta salendo in vista del conflitto. Gli africani del Corno valgono di più per i trafficanti perché somali ed eritrei hanno spesso parenti in occidente che sentono molto i vincoli familiari e pagano. Tre mesi fa, i prigionieri eritrei valevano 10mila dollari, oggi 2.500 dollari in più perché alla borsa della morte la quotazione di chi fugge e viene catturato o di chi prolunga la permanenza per insolvenza e viene più volte rivenduto, sale. Il pagamento va effettuato via money transfer in Sudan o in Egitto.

      Dunque quello che accade in questo bazar di esseri umani è noto alle autorità libiche, ai governi europei e all’Unhcr. Ma nessuno può o vuole fare niente. Secondo le testimonianze di alcuni prigionieri addirittura i poliziotti libici in divisa entrano in alcune costruzioni a comprare detenuti africani per farli lavorare nei campi o nei cantieri come schiavi.
      «Le otto ragazze che sono con noi – prosegue il messaggio inviato dall’inferno da uno dei 60 prigionieri eritrei – vengono picchiate e violentate. Noi non usciamo per lavorare. I carcerieri sono tre e sono libici. Il capo si chiama Hamza, l’altro si chiama Ashetaol e del terzo conosciamo solo il soprannome: Satana». Da altre testimonianze risulta che il boia sia in realtà egiziano e abbia anche un altro nome, Abdellah. Avrebbe assassinato molti detenuti.

      Ma anche nei centri di detenzione pubblici in Libia, la situazione resta perlomeno difficile. Persino nel centro Gdf di Tripoli dell’Acnur per i migranti in fase di ricollocamento gestito dal Ministero dell’Interno libico e dal partner LibAid dove i migranti lasciati liberi da altri centri per le strade della capitale libica a dicembre hanno provato invano a chiedere cibo e rifugio. Il 31 dicembre l’Associated Press ha denunciato con un’inchiesta che almeno sette milioni di euro stanziati dall’Ue per la sicurezza, sono stati intascati dal capo di una milizia e vice direttore del dipartimento libico per il contrasto all’immigrazione. Si tratta di Mohammed Kachlaf, boss del famigerato Abd Al-Rahman Al-Milad detto Bija, che avrebbe accompagnato in Italia nel viaggio documentato da Nello Scavo su Avvenire. È finito sulla lista nera dei trafficanti del consiglio di sicurezza Onu che in effetti gli ha congelato i conti.

      Ma non è servito a nulla. L’agenzia ha scoperto che metà dei dipendenti di LibAid sono prestanome a libro paga delle milizie e dei 50 dinari (35 dollari) al giorno stanziati dall’Unhcr per forniture di cibo a ciascun migrante, ne venivano spesi solamente 2 dinari mentre i pasti cucinati venìvano redistribuiti tra le guardie o immessi nel mercato nero. Secondo l’inchiesta i danari inoltre venivano erogati a società di subappalto libiche gestite dai miliziani con conti correnti in Tunisia, dove venivano cambiati in valuta locale e riciclati. Una email interna dell’agenzia delle Nazioni Unite rivela come tutti ne fossero al corrente, ma non potessero intervenire. L’Acnur ha detto di aver eliminato dal primo gennaio il sistema dei subappalti.

      https://www.avvenire.it/attualita/pagine/torture-libia

  • Private ships play big role in Europe’s migrant crisis

    Two years ago, a small, privately-run ship set out to lend a hand to military operations in the Mediterranean rescuing migrants on boats near capsizing off Libya.

    http://www.thelocal.it/20160806/small-aid-ships-play-big-role-in-europes-migrant-crisis
    #privatisation #asile #migrations #secours #naufrages #mer #Méditerranée #mourir_en_mer #réfugiés #sauvetages #MOAS #SOS_Méditerranée #ONG #sauvetage