organization:fatah

  • Leïla Shahid : « En reconnaissant l’État de Palestine, la France serait à la hauteur de ce qu’elle veut être »
    Le Journal des Activités Sociales de l’énergie - Pierre Barbancey - 5octobre 2018
    http://communication-ccas.fr/journal/leila-shahid-en-reconnaissant-letat-de-palestine-la-france-serait

    (...) Parallèlement, la situation mondiale relève du chaos. Vous avez des États arabes qui soudain deviennent les alliés d’Israël contre les Iraniens. Et l’Irak et la Syrie, qui étaient des piliers du monde arabe et sont maintenant décomposés. L’Union européenne se noie dans un verre d’eau – si je peux me permettre l’expression – pour quelques milliers de migrants, la guerre commerciale fait rage… Et la situation palestinienne intérieure est très grave avec une population qui ne se retrouve pas dans sa direction politique, qu’elle soit Hamas ou qu’elle soit Fatah. Tout cela fait que personne ne se préoccupe de notre problème et qu’il s’agit d’un feu vert pour Benjamin Nétanyahou. Cela ne signifie pas que les Palestiniens n’ont pas d’avenir. Mais ils se trouvent à un moment charnière où ils doivent redéfinir tous les critères de leur combat. (...)


  • Public Opinion Poll No (69) Press-Release | PCPSR
    12 September 2018
    http://www.pcpsr.org/en/node/733

    As Fatah and Hamas lose popular support and more than 60% demand the resignation of president Abbas, and as half of the public views the PA as a burden on the Palestinian people, two-thirds reject a Palestinian-Jordanian confederation, three-quarters view conditions today as worse than those prevailing before the Oslo agreement, and 90% view the Trump Administration as biased in favor of Israel; and despite the ending of US aid to UNRWA and the PA, 60% oppose resumption of contacts with the Administration and a majority expects US efforts to fail in shutting down UNRWA

    #Abbas


  • Islamic Jihad’s challenge to Hamas in Gaza

    https://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/indepth/2018/8/31/islamic-jihad-vs-hamas-in-gaza

    While Hamas has become synonymous with the Gaza Strip in the years since its 2006 election victory and subsequent routing of rival Fatah from the coastal enclave in internecine fighting a year later, one of Hamas’ lesser-known peers has largely escaped notice amid clashes between Hamas and Israel.

    Palestinian Islamic Jihad, or PIJ, shares with Hamas the fundamental objective of fighting Israel. PIJ, however, has felt freer to launch attacks responding to Israel’s ongoing blockade because, unlike Hamas, PIJ has no role in governing Gaza or rebuilding it in the event of the all-but-guaranteed Israeli counterattacks.

    As tensions between Hamas and Israel increase, PIJ may prove the wildcard that triggers yet another war in Gaza.

    At first glance, PIJ would appear a sideshow to Hamas. PIJ has only a few thousand fighters, compared with the tens of thousands in the Hamas ranks, and much of PIJ’s arsenal comprises cheap, simple rockets. Even so, these limitations have rarely prevented PIJ from striking Israel over the past two decades. In 2002, a PIJ car bomb in the Israeli city of Afula killed seventeen and injured thirty-eight. In 2012, PIJ rockets reached as far as Tel Aviv, Israel’s second-largest city and the heart of its economy.

    In fact, PIJ’s smaller size may allow it to act without attracting the public scrutiny that greets Hamas attacks on Israel.

    “Since Hamas is the primary ’culprit’ - in the eyes of Israel - there is less attention, media and otherwise, on PIJ and PIJ might feel more free to initiate a conflict,” Mia Swart, a nonresident fellow at the Brookings Doha Center, told The New Arab.


  • The U.S. is wrong about the Muslim Brotherhood — and the Arab world is suffering for it - The Washington Post

    By Jamal Khashoggi
    August 28 at 3:26 PM

    https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/global-opinions/wp/2018/08/28/the-u-s-is-wrong-about-the-muslim-brotherhood-and-the-arab-world-is-

    During the Obama presidency, the U.S. administration was wary of the Muslim Brotherhood, which had come to power in Egypt after the country’s first-ever free elections. Despite his declared support for democracy and change in the Arab world in the wake of the Arab Spring, then-President Barack Obama did not take a strong position and reject the coup against President-elect Mohamed Morsi. The coup, as we know, led to the military’s return to power in the largest Arab country — along with tyranny, repression, corruption and mismanagement.

    That is the conclusion that David D. Kirkpatrick arrives at in his excellent book “Into the Hands of the Soldiers,” which was released this month. A former Cairo bureau chief for the New York Times, Kirkpatrick gives a sad account of Egypt’s 2013 coup that led to the loss of a great opportunity to reform the entire Arab world and allow a historic change that might have freed the region from a thousand years of tyranny.

    • During the Obama presidency, the U.S. administration was wary of the Muslim Brotherhood, which had come to power in Egypt after the country’s first-ever free elections. Despite his declared support for democracy and change in the Arab world in the wake of the Arab Spring, then-President Barack Obama did not take a strong position and reject the coup against President-elect Mohamed Morsi. The coup, as we know, led to the military’s return to power in the largest Arab country — along with tyranny, repression, corruption and mismanagement.

      That is the conclusion that David D. Kirkpatrick arrives at in his excellent book “Into the Hands of the Soldiers,” which was released this month. A former Cairo bureau chief for the New York Times, Kirkpatrick gives a sad account of Egypt’s 2013 coup that led to the loss of a great opportunity to reform the entire Arab world and allow a historic change that might have freed the region from a thousand years of tyranny.

      The United States’s aversion to the Muslim Brotherhood, which is more apparent in the current Trump administration, is the root of a predicament across the entire Arab world. The eradication of the Muslim Brotherhood is nothing less than an abolition of democracy and a guarantee that Arabs will continue living under authoritarian and corrupt regimes. In turn, this will mean the continuation of the causes behind revolution, extremism and refugees — all of which have affected the security of Europe and the rest of the world. Terrorism and the refugee crisis have changed the political mood in the West and brought the extreme right to prominence there.

      There can be no political reform and democracy in any Arab country without accepting that political Islam is a part of it. A significant number of citizens in any given Arab country will give their vote to Islamic political parties if some form of democracy is allowed. It seems clear then that the only way to prevent political Islam from playing a role in Arab politics is to abolish democracy, which essentially deprives citizens of their basic right to choose their political representatives.

      Shafeeq Ghabra, a professor of political science at Kuwait University, explains the problem in this way: “The Arab regimes’ war on the Brotherhood does not target the movement alone, but rather targets those who practice politics, who demand freedom and accountability, and all who have a popular base in society.” A quick look at the political degradation that has taken place in Egypt since the military’s return to power confirms what Ghabra says. President Abdel Fatah al-Sissi’s regime has cracked down on the Islamists and arrested some 60,000 of them. Now it has extended its heavy hand against both secular and military figures, even those who supported him in the coup. In today’s Egypt, political life is totally dead.

      It is wrong to dwell on political Islam, conservatism and identity issues when the choice is between having a free society tolerant of all viewpoints and having an oppressive regime. Five years of Sissi’s rule in Egypt makes this point clear.

      There are efforts here in Washington, encouraged by some Arab states that do not support freedom and democracy, to persuade Congress to designate the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization. If they succeed, the designation will weaken the fragile steps toward democracy and political reform that have already been curbed in the Arab world. It will also push backward the Arab countries that have made progress in creating a tolerant environment and allowing political participation by various components of society, including the Islamists.

      Islamists today participate in the parliaments of various Arab countries such as Kuwait, Jordan, Bahrain, Tunisia and Morocco. This has led to the emergence of Islamic democracy, such as the Ennahda movement in Tunisia, and the maturing of democratic transformation in the other countries.

      The coup in Egypt led to the loss of a precious opportunity for Egypt and the entire Arab world. If the democratic process had continued there, the Muslim Brotherhood’s political practices could have matured and become more inclusive, and the unimaginable peaceful rotation of power could have become a reality and a precedent to be followed.

      The Trump administration always says it wants to correct Obama’s mistakes. It should add his mishandling of Arab democracy to its list. Obama erred when he wasted the precious opportunity that could have changed the history of the Arab world, and when he caved to pressure from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, as well as from members of his own administration. They all missed the big picture and were governed by their intolerant hatred for any form of political Islam, a hatred that has destroyed Arabs’ choice for democracy and good governance.

      #Frères_musulmans #USA #Egypte


  • EXCLUSIF : Israël propose d’accorder un passage maritime au Hamas si les attaques cessent
    Correspondant de MEE - 17 août 2018
    https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/reportages/exclusif-isra-l-propose-d-accorder-un-passage-maritime-au-hamas-si-le

    Israël a proposé d’ouvrir tous les postes frontaliers vers la bande de Gaza et d’accorder au Hamas l’accès à un passage maritime vers Chypre en échange de l’arrêt de toutes formes d’attaques depuis l’enclave, indique un haut responsable du Hamas à Middle East Eye.

    Dans le même temps, depuis Ramallah, dont le chef des services de renseignement égyptiens Abbas Kamel est parti ce jeudi sans avoir rencontré le président palestinien Mahmoud Abbas, qui aurait eu d’autres obligations, le responsable du Fatah chargé de la réconciliation intrapalestinienne a indiqué que le Hamas se livrait à un « stratagème hostile » qui briserait l’unité palestinienne.

    « En négociant avec Israël un cessez-le-feu et une trêve à Gaza ainsi que des arrangements séparés pour Gaza, le Hamas s’engage dans le stratagème hostile qui vise à séparer Gaza de l’État de Palestine internationalement reconnu selon la ligne de 1967 », a déclaré Azzam al-Ahmad, responsable du Fatah chargé de la réconciliation, ce jeudi à MEE.

    « Nous avons accepté que ce passage soit sous le contrôle [de l’Autorité palestinienne], comme le poste frontalier de Rafah, et sous surveillance internationale »

    - Source du Hamas

    La découverte des détails de l’accord intervient alors que la source a précisé que le Hamas et Israël avaient réalisé « des progrès significatifs » vers une trêve à long terme autour de la situation à Gaza, tandis que les négociations engagées avec la médiation de l’Égypte, largement considérées comme faisant partie de l’« accord du siècle » américain, se poursuivent.

    « Nous avons accepté que ce passage soit sous le contrôle [de l’Autorité palestinienne], comme le poste frontalier de Rafah, et sous surveillance internationale », a indiqué la source.

    Selon la source, Israël a abandonné ses revendications historiques, notamment le désarmement du Hamas, l’arrêt du creusement de tunnels et la libération d’Israéliens captifs ou disparus à Gaza. Dans le même temps, le Hamas a fait pression en faveur du déploiement de projets humanitaires à Gaza, portant notamment sur l’eau, l’électricité et les eaux usées.

    Toutefois, jusqu’à présent, le plus grand obstacle rencontré au cours des négociations s’est avéré être le choix du moment où le Hamas aurait accès au passage qui relierait Gaza au port chypriote de Spyros. (...)


  • In nearing deal with Israel on Gaza, Hamas wins achievements through military resistance

    Netanyahu, who has no clear goal on Gaza, prefers to be weak on terror and not find himself in an endless war in the Strip

    Amos Harel
    Aug 15, 2018

    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-netanyahu-government-warming-to-prospective-cease-fire-with-hamas-

    The two sides clashing in the Gaza Strip, Israel and Hamas, seemed to be closer on Tuesday evening than anytime during the past few months to “the small arrangement” – a full cease-fire that includes a halt to all acts of violence, alongside the first easing of the blockade on Gaza.
    To really understand Israel and the Palestinians - subscribe to Haaretz
    If the efforts to broker the deal by the United Nations and Egyptian intelligence work out, and optimism in Israeli defense circles could be heard for the first time on the matter Tuesday evening, then it is possible that quiet could return to the border between Israel and Gaza for at least a few months.
    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has examined the possibility of calling early elections over the past few days, because of the coalition crisis over the law on drafting the ultra-Orthodox, along with other considerations. A stable cease-fire in Gaza would allow Netanyahu to conduct the election campaign from a position of relative stability, without having to continually fight back against the accusations that he has abandoned the residents of the south to rockets and incendiary kites.
    >> Hamas is exploiting Netanyahu’s unwillingness to go to war | Analysis

    Minister of Defense Lieberman, Prime Minister Netanyahu and Chief of Staff Eisenkot at the graduation ceremony for officers’ course at Training Base 1.Ariel Hermoni / Ministry of Defense
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    The negative side of the understandings with Hamas for Netanyahu is that he is in practice negotiating with Hamas. His denials haven’t convinced anyone. Netanyahu knows exactly to whom the mediators are delivering his answers. It has happened in the past too, under Ehud Olmert’s government after Operation Cast Lead, and on Netanyahu’s watch too, after both Pillar of Defense and Protective Edge. But it seems that this time it is even clearer and more unforgiving.
    It will also be a victory from Hamas’ point of view. The organization began escalating the tensions along the border with mass protests on March 30, from a position of deep distress. The understandings are expected to ease the Israeli pressure on the Gaza Strip and give Hamas breathing room. At the same time, the understandings promise Hamas another achievement: being identified as an important and legitimate partner for regional agreements. And Hamas achieved all this through military resistance, in complete opposition to the line taken by its rival Palestinian camp, Fatah and the Palestinian Authority.

    The step that is now coming together was woven by the United Nations special envoy for the Middle East peace process, Nickolay Mladenov, with the active help of Egyptian intelligence. The latest round of violence, which came last week, sped up the renewal of contacts and may have even advanced the willingness of the two sides to reach an agreement.
    It seems that Netanyahu has chosen the least bad option. It is very possible he will spare the lives of dozens of Israeli soldiers and civilians, who could very well have died in a wide-scale military conflict in Gaza in the next few months. Because Netanyahu never set a clear and attainable goal for himself for an attack on Gaza, he is willing to endure criticism from both the left and right on his demonstration of weakness in the face of terrorism, and not find himself in the middle of a war whose end, the how and why of it, would be a riddle to him.


  • L’ombre du Mossad plane sur Paris

    https://www.lemonde.fr/series-d-ete-2018-long-format/article/2018/07/24/l-ombre-du-mossad-sur-paris_5335390_5325928.html

    De la fenêtre de l’hôtel, on voit le métro aérien parisien franchir la Seine sur le pont de Bercy. Grâce aux wagons illuminés, on distingue même les passagers. Sur l’autre rive se dessinent les formes imposantes du Palais omnisports. Il est bientôt 17 h 30, ce 19 janvier 2010, et la nuit est déjà là. Mais les personnes présentes dans cette chambre transformée en « QG » opérationnel, avec écrans d’ordinateur et téléphones cryptés, ne sont pas d’humeur à contempler la ville : leur attention est tout entière concentrée sur un autre hôtel, à 7 000 kilomètres de là, l’Al Bustan Rotana de Dubaï, où se joue un scénario digne d’un film d’espionnage.

    Les tueurs attendent le feu vert pour franchir le couloir, pénétrer dans sa chambre et lui injecter un produit mortel
    Là-bas, dans la chambre 237, leurs collègues du Mossad, le service secret israélien, se tiennent prêts à passer à l’action. Deux équipes de deux tueurs sont mobilisées, soutenues par trois autres agents, dont une femme, chargés de la sécurisation des lieux et de la logistique. Dans la chambre 230, située juste en face, leur cible vient de rentrer de son shopping. Enregistré à son arrivée à Dubaï sous le nom de Mahmoud Abdul Raouf, il s’agit en réalité de Mahmoud Al-Mabhouh, responsable de l’achat des armes pour le Hamas, mouvement islamiste palestinien. Les tueurs attendent le feu vert pour franchir le couloir, pénétrer dans sa chambre et lui injecter un produit mortel.

    Leur tâche accomplie, ils quittent l’Hôtel Al Bustan Rotana à 17 h 46, heure de Paris. Le cadavre de la chambre 230 ne sera découvert que dix-sept heures plus tard. Même si les premières conclusions évoquent une mort naturelle, le doute s’installe. Grâce à l’intense réseau de surveillance du pays, les autorités émiraties parviennent à repérer les membres du commando, au total une trentaine de personnes. Juste après l’assassinat, on voit ainsi, sur les images de vidéosurveillance de l’hôtel, deux des tueurs patienter devant l’ascenseur. Par rapport aux images de leur arrivée, le premier a remonté les manches de sa chemise, désormais froissée. Le second a le poignet et la moitié de la main gauche entourés d’un bandage ; sans doute le signe du recours à la force.

    Agents identifiés à Dubaï

    Aucun agent israélien n’est arrêté – ils ont tous eu le temps de quitter Dubaï –, mais les enquêteurs établissent qu’ils ont appelé à plusieurs reprises un même standard en Autriche. En réalité, selon une information inédite révélée ici par Le Monde, l’essentiel des appels avait pour destination finale Paris, et la fameuse chambre d’hôtel du quartier du pont de Bercy. C’est de ce centre opérationnel qu’a été coordonnée l’exécution. D’après le contre-espionnage français, des agents identifiés à Dubaï étaient venus dans la capitale préparer l’opération.

    « Même si nous savons tout, nous ne ferons pas comme les Irlandais ou les Britanniques. Nous resterons amis, mais ce ne sera pas gratuit »
    En découvrant le dispositif mis en place à leur insu par le Mossad, les autorités françaises mesurent les risques encourus : aux yeux du Hamas et d’autres groupes radicaux, elles peuvent apparaître comme complices de l’Etat hébreu. Pour ne rien arranger, il apparaît que le Mossad a subtilisé des identités de citoyens français afin de fabriquer quatre passeports pour ses agents. La justice française se saisit de cette fraude aux documents d’identité, comme d’ailleurs ses homologues britannique, autrichienne et irlandaise, concernées par vingt-deux autres passeports falsifiés, mais sans grand espoir de remonter aux auteurs. « Au moins, c’était un moyen de faire passer un message, se souvient un chef de la police judiciaire parisienne de l’époque. En judiciarisant l’affaire, nous disions qu’il s’agissait d’une atteinte inacceptable à notre souveraineté. »

    Contrairement aux autres pays, la France ne fait aucun commentaire public condamnant la manœuvre des autorités israéliennes. Paris préfère dépêcher sur place deux cadres du renseignement, des hommes solides et peu causants : Patrick Calvar, alors directeur du renseignement à la direction générale de la sécurité extérieure (DGSE), et Frédéric Veaux, numéro deux de la direction centrale du renseignement intérieur (DCRI, devenue depuis la DGSI). A charge pour eux de se plaindre au patron du Mossad, Meir Dagan, en lui disant en substance, selon une personne familière du dossier : « Même si nous savons tout, nous ne ferons pas comme les Irlandais ou les Britanniques. Nous resterons amis, mais ce ne sera pas gratuit. » Il est impossible de savoir ce que le Mossad a offert, ce jour-là, en échange du silence de la France, mais la seule monnaie qui compte, dans le monde de l’espionnage, est celle du « renseignement », autrement dit des informations.

    Ville ouverte aux espions

    Cette affaire rappelle à quel point Paris est une ville ouverte aux espions. Elle s’y prête avec ses congrès internationaux, le fréquent passage de personnalités arabes et africaines. C’est aussi le carrefour idéal pour rencontrer des sources œuvrant dans la région. Ainsi, le Mossad fait venir à Paris ses contacts en Suisse. Bien d’autres services étrangers y ont établi des postes régionaux permettant de rayonner dans toute l’Europe, mais aussi en Afrique ou au Maghreb. A elle seule, la CIA compterait une cinquantaine d’espions déclarés à Paris, ainsi qu’une centaine de clandestins.

    Il faut dire que, côté français, l’essentiel des moyens en matière de renseignement est consacré à la lutte contre le terrorisme. Le contre-espionnage, qui nécessite du temps, passe quelque peu au second plan
    Au ministère de l’intérieur, les anciens ont une explication à l’attrait qu’exerce la capitale : les agents étrangers s’y sentent plutôt à leur aise, sans trop de risques d’être dérangés. Il faut dire que, côté français, l’essentiel des moyens en matière de renseignement est consacré à la lutte contre le terrorisme. Le contre-espionnage, qui nécessite du temps, passe quelque peu au second plan. « C’est un choix politique, il faut savoir ce que l’on privilégie entre sécurité et souveraineté, malheureusement, on a négligé le travail à long terme », regrette un ancien poids lourd du renseignement intérieur. Résultat : en 2014, par exemple, le service chargé, à la DGSI, de surveiller les espions américains sur le sol national dépassait à peine quatre personnes et limitait son activité à la mise sur écoute du téléphone du chef de poste de la CIA.

    Le Mossad, on l’a vu, occupe une place particulière dans ce théâtre d’ombres. Avec, parfois, un rôle de partenaire. Ainsi, en 2010, alors que la France envoie deux émissaires à Tel-Aviv pour dire sa colère, la DGSE et la DCRI s’associent, dans le même temps, au service israélien dans une délicate opération de lutte contre la prolifération des armes chimiques, baptisée « Ratafia ». L’objectif ? Piéger un responsable syrien du programme secret du régime de Bachar Al-Assad. En réalité, tout a débuté deux ans plus tôt, à Damas, par une longue approche de l’homme en question. Ses interlocuteurs ont fini par le convaincre qu’il devait suivre en France une formation pour lancer sa propre société d’import-export.

    Manœuvre d’infiltration

    Une fois à Paris, en 2010, le piège consiste à le mettre en confiance et à le faire parler sur ses activités. Lors de ses séjours dans la capitale, il est « traité » par un faux homme d’affaires qui devient peu à peu son mentor et lui présente divers contacts qui sont, en réalité, des agents israéliens. La DCRI agit en protection et assure une partie de la logistique. Lorsque le Syrien commence à émettre des doutes sur son protecteur, en 2011, il est trop tard : l’argent et les cadeaux reçus lui interdisent toute reculade ; le piège s’est refermé sur lui. Entre-temps, le Mossad a acquis des informations de premier choix.

    Les amis n’existent pas dans le monde de l’espionnage. Les agents français en ont eu justement confirmation au cours de cette opération conjointe. En 2011, la sécurité interne de la DCRI soupçonne les Israéliens de profiter de ce travail en commun sur l’opération « Ratafia » pour tenter une manœuvre d’infiltration, en nouant des liens jugés suspects avec des agents français. L’un d’eux a fait shabbat avec le chef de poste du Mossad à Paris, David Keidar. Le même est également parti faire du tir à Dubaï avant de rejoindre en famille ses nouveaux amis à Jérusalem.

    Les accusations visent en outre des proches du Mossad qui auraient tenté de vendre du matériel de surveillance aux services français de police judiciaire, de renseignement ainsi qu’aux gendarmes du GIGN. Préalablement équipé de dispositifs espions, ce matériel aurait pu leur offrir un accès direct aux enquêtes menées par la France.

    Une balle dans la tête

    De nouveau, la DCRI fait part de ses griefs aux autorités israéliennes. En 2012, deux membres de l’ambassade d’Israël à Paris, dont le chef de poste du Mossad, sont priés de quitter le territoire. On les retrouvera, de passage à Paris, en 2016, reconvertis dans le privé… « Cette ville, c’est la cour de récréation du Mossad, se plaint un ancien du service « H » de la DGSI, chargé de surveiller ses agissements en France. Si les Chinois et les Russes sont nos ennemis, il ne faut pas oublier que les Israéliens et les Américains demeurent offensifs. » Selon lui, d’autres éléments compliquent la relation avec le Mossad : « Notre capacité de réaction est limitée, car ils jouent vite la carte politique en se plaignant à l’Elysée ou à Matignon. De plus, on dépend d’eux sur des sujets sensibles. Enfin, notre marge est restreinte pour empêcher certains membres de la communauté juive de leur apporter une aide logistique. »

    « Si les Chinois et les Russes sont nos ennemis, il ne faut pas oublier que les Israéliens et les Américains demeurent offensifs »
    Au ministère des affaires étrangères, on préfère nuancer : « Les Israéliens font quand même un peu plus attention qu’avant. » « Avant », c’est surtout le 8 juin 1992. Ce jour-là, un haut responsable du Fatah (mouvement palestinien), Atef Bseiso, est assassiné devant son hôtel du quartier de Montparnasse, à Paris. Les deux tueurs, en tenue de sport, l’ont achevé, à terre, d’une balle dans la tête. Il venait tout juste de rencontrer, pour le compte de Yasser Arafat, des responsables de la DST (l’ancêtre de la DGSI). Les services français ont peu apprécié cette mauvaise manière.

    Selon le contre-espionnage français, le Mossad évite désormais les opérations létales en France et ferait moins appel à certains membres de la communauté juive de Paris. Par ailleurs, il déléguerait davantage de tâches à des sociétés privées de sécurité. L’une d’elles, baptisée « Nice », a été soupçonnée, en 2010, par le Parlement belge, d’avoir sonorisé, en 2003, les locaux du Conseil européen, à Bruxelles. Des faits jamais démontrés judiciairement. Cette entreprise, dont le capital est détenu, en partie, par des entités publiques israéliennes, a décroché plusieurs contrats en France et nie toute ambiguïté dans ses activités. Une autre société, l’agence Black Cube, attire les regards à Paris. Fondée à Tel-Aviv, en 2010, et disposant de bureaux place Vendôme, elle fait du recrutement de vétérans des services de renseignement israéliens un argument commercial, mais dément avec vigueur toute déloyauté vis-à-vis de ses clients. Signe particulier : elle a eu comme président d’honneur Meir Dagan, l’ex-directeur du Mossad (2002-2011), jusqu’à son décès, en 2016. L’homme qui, en 2010, avait autorisé l’installation du « QG » parisien de l’opération de Dubaï.


  • Sissi détient la clé du programme envisagé par Trump dans le Sinaï pour tuer l’État palestinien | Middle East Eye
    http://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/opinions/sissi-d-tient-la-cl-du-programme-envisag-par-trump-dans-le-sina-pour-

    Il est important de comprendre que le programme pour le Sinaï n’est pas simplement la preuve du caractère chimérique des idées d’une administration Trump inexpérimentée ou induite en erreur. Tout indique qu’il bénéficie d’un soutien prolongé et vigoureux de la part de l’establishment politique américain depuis plus d’une décennie.

    En réalité, il y a quatre ans, alors que Barack Obama était solidement installé à la Maison-Blanche, Middle East Eye avait dressé la liste des tentatives de coercition d’Israël et des États-Unis, qui souhaitent pousser toute une série de dirigeants égyptiens à ouvrir le Sinaï aux Palestiniens de Gaza. 

    Il s’agit là d’une des principales ambitions d’Israël depuis qu’il a évacué plusieurs milliers de colons de Gaza lors du dénommé « désengagement » de 2005 et déclaré – trompeusement – que l’occupation de l’enclave était terminée.

    Washington aurait adhéré à cette initiative depuis 2007, date à laquelle la faction islamiste du Hamas a pris le contrôle de Gaza, évinçant le Fatah du président palestinien Mahmoud Abbas. C’est à ce moment qu’Israël, soutenu par les États-Unis, a intensifié son blocus strict qui a détruit l’économie de Gaza et empêché l’entrée de marchandises essentielles.


  • Hamas-Fatah feud heats up as talk of Abbas successor intensifies
    https://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2018/06/palestine-plo-plc-hamas-fatah-abbas-successor.html

    A new legal controversy and political feud has erupted between the Palestinian Hamas and Fatah movements. On June 25, Ahmad Bahar, the first deputy speaker of the Hamas-controlled Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), accused the PLO of setting up a scheme to strip the PLC of its powers and confer them to the PLO’s Palestinian Central Council (PCC).

    Bahar said in a statement distributed by the PLC media office, “Turning the PCC into a substitute for the PLC is tantamount to passing the ’deal of the century,’" in reference to the forthcoming Mideast peace plan from US President Donald Trump. He pointed out that the PLC will hold a meeting next week to discuss this “dangerous plan” and to set the controls and mechanisms to stop it.

    Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2018/06/palestine-plo-plc-hamas-fatah-abbas-successor.html#ixzz5KHHLyN25


  • 70 ans de photographie pour la Palestine :

    Depuis l’invention de la photographie, l’impérialisme a fait des films pour empêcher ceux qu’il opprimait d’en faire
    Jean-Luc Godard, El Fatah, juillet 1970
    https://seenthis.net/messages/700867

    Robert Capa au service des mythes fondateurs de l’état d’Israël
    Lunettes Rouges, Le Monde, le 13 octobre 2015
    https://seenthis.net/messages/699822

    Looted and Hidden – Palestinian Archives in Israel (46 minutes)
    Rona Sela, 2017
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0tBP-63unME

    Que font de vieilles photos et de vieux films de Palestiniens dans les archives de l’armée israélienne ?
    Ofer Aderet, Haaretz, le 1er juillet 2017
    https://seenthis.net/messages/612498

    « Saison France Israël »
    Lunettes Rouges, Le Monde, le 4 juin 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/699822

    Retrait de Bernard Plossu de la « Saison France Israël »
    Lunettes Rouges, Le Monde, le 9 juin 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/699822

    #Palestine #Nakba #Photographie #Vol #Invisibilisation #Histoire #Falsification #Mythologie #Boycott_Culturel #BDS


  • ’We die anyway, so let it be in front of the cameras’: Conversations with Gazans - Israel News - Haaretz.com

    My friends in Gaza are outraged by Israel’s claim that Hamas rules everything. ’You people always looked down at us, so it’s hard for you to understand that no one demonstrates in anyone else’s name’

    Amira Hass May 20, 2018

    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-we-die-anyway-so-let-it-be-in-front-of-the-camera-talking-to-gazan

    “Our ability, the Palestinians, to be killed is greater than your ability, the Israelis, to kill,” a resident of the Deheisheh refugee camp near Bethlehem told me at the beginning of the second intifada. Ever an optimist, he meant that because of this difference, in the end the two sides would reach a fair agreement.
    On Tuesday this week, alongside the border fence and across from Beit Hanun in the northern Gaza Strip, his mistake once again became clear. There’s a limit to the Palestinians’ ability to be killed. In the morning after the Monday of bloodshed, the protesters took a break. Sixty fresh mourning tents and hundreds of newly wounded justified the lull they asked for. The next day, Nakba Day, which was supposed to be the peak, was actually the day they gave up on the symbolic mass March of Return to the border fence.
    >> Israel’s Gaza Killings: War Crimes or Self-defense? Experts Weigh In ■ The bloodstained first act of the Trump Intifada || Opinion ■ If you call the Gaza death toll ’disproportionate,’ how many Israelis have to die for the sake of symmetry? || Opinion

    Between the sunflower and potato fields of the kibbutzim, I was jealous of my colleagues who were forwarding the statements by the army and Israeli politicians with such great self-persuasion. According to Israeli spokespeople, both military and civilian, the respite along the border fence is unequivocal proof that Hamas’ leaders control everything, and everyone is under their authority; they’re the ones who sent the people to their deaths a day earlier, they’re the ones who prevented that scenario the next day. So simple.

    According to those reports, Egypt handed down instructions to stop the process – after receiving an Israeli request – and Hamas obeyed. Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh was humiliated, and it worked. All this is received in Israel as established facts, investigative journalism and another Israeli victory. There’s no need to be in Gaza to know, and it doesn’t matter that the army forbids Israeli journalists to enter the Strip.

    All our bionic powers do the work: balloons for taking photographs, drones, eavesdropping, collaborators, an off-the-record statement by a senior Fatah official in Ramallah. All this appears to provide what we interpret as the gospel truth. In comparison, an abundance of details, explanations, assumptions, denials, hesitations and contradictions that we receive from the Palestinian side are considered failed journalism that doesn’t provide a bottom line.  

    Near the sprinklers blithely spraying water in the Israeli fields, I wondered: If you knew that Hamas planned to cynically send people to their deaths so as to once again gain attention and portray Israel as evil, why do you do what they wanted? Why do you, who didn’t use nonlethal means, obey Hamas too?  

    There’s an interior fence, a security fence, and a berm that was built with earth removed from the digging of Israel’s new underground barrier. And there’s a security road and then another one. And then the fields. Around it all are lookout posts and above are surveillance balloons and drones. And all you could do was prove Israel’s ability to kill and maim?


  • ’We die anyway, so let it be in front of the cameras’: Conversations with Gazans
    Haaretz.com | Amira Hass May 19, 2018 11:45 AM
    My friends in Gaza are outraged by Israel’s claim that Hamas rules everything. ’You people always looked down at us, so it’s hard for you to understand that no one demonstrates in anyone else’s name’
    Amira Hass May 19, 2018 11:45 AM
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/we-die-anyway-so-let-it-be-in-front-of-the-camera-talking-to-gazans-1.60980

    “Our ability, the Palestinians, to be killed is greater than your ability, the Israelis, to kill,” a resident of the Deheisheh refugee camp near Bethlehem told me at the beginning of the second intifada. Ever an optimist, he meant that because of this difference, in the end the two sides would reach a fair agreement.

    On Tuesday this week, alongside the border fence and across from Beit Hanun in the northern Gaza Strip, his mistake once again became clear. There’s a limit to the Palestinians’ ability to be killed. In the morning after the Monday of bloodshed, the protesters took a break. Sixty fresh mourning tents and hundreds of newly wounded justified the lull they asked for. The next day, Nakba Day, which was supposed to be the peak, was actually the day they gave up on the symbolic mass March of Return to the border fence.

    Between the sunflower and potato fields of the kibbutzim, I was jealous of my colleagues who were forwarding the statements by the army and Israeli politicians with such great self-persuasion. According to Israeli spokespeople, both military and civilian, the respite along the border fence is unequivocal proof that Hamas’ leaders control everything, and everyone is under their authority; they’re the ones who sent the people to their deaths a day earlier, they’re the ones who prevented that scenario the next day. So simple.

    According to those reports, Egypt handed down instructions to stop the process – after receiving an Israeli request – and Hamas obeyed. Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh was humiliated, and it worked. All this is received in Israel as established facts, investigative journalism and another Israeli victory. There’s no need to be in Gaza to know, and it doesn’t matter that the army forbids Israeli journalists to enter the Strip.

    All our bionic powers do the work: balloons for taking photographs, drones, eavesdropping, collaborators, an off-the-record statement by a senior Fatah official in Ramallah. All this appears to provide what we interpret as the gospel truth. In comparison, an abundance of details, explanations, assumptions, denials, hesitations and contradictions that we receive from the Palestinian side are considered failed journalism that doesn’t provide a bottom line.

    Near the sprinklers blithely spraying water in the Israeli fields, I wondered: If you knew that Hamas planned to cynically send people to their deaths so as to once again gain attention and portray Israel as evil, why do you do what they wanted? Why do you, who didn’t use nonlethal means, obey Hamas too?

    There’s an interior fence, a security fence, and a berm that was built with earth removed from the digging of Israel’s new underground barrier. And there’s a security road and then another one. And then the fields. Around it all are lookout posts and above are surveillance balloons and drones. And all you could do was prove Israel’s ability to kill and maim?

    Silent proximity

    From a hill in the fields of Kibbutz Nir Am, you could clearly see Beit Hanun, Izbet Abed Rabo and the edges of Shujaiyeh in northern Gaza. The tall apartment blocks too, rising high. The continuous built-up area from Beit Lahia to the southern end of Gaza City seems very close. A single white pickup truck drove along the seam line between the farmed Palestinian fields and the wide strip of land where Israel forbids farming, and to the north a horse-drawn cart set off.

    This silent proximity, without any contact, demonstrated the state of imprisonment – from the opposite side. After all, I once lived there, I went to all those places that I now see through binoculars and remember the events I covered and the people I wrote about, between the wars, during the wars, during the uprisings and so-to-speak lulls.

    Now these places are a film, to see and not touch. A kilometer or two away are my friends, dear to me, and we’re not allowed to see each other anymore. One of them joked that he’d come to the March of Return camp and wave a large Palestinian flag to say hello to me. But WhatsApp is more convenient.

    On the phone my friends are outraged and everyone says it in their own way: To say Hamas controls all this is to take from every Palestinian in Gaza not only their right to freedom of movement and a respectable livelihood but also the right to deep frustration and despair – and their right to express it.

    “The Israelis look look down on us and have always looked down on us. In your eyes, a good Arab is a collaborator or dead,” one said. “Therefore it’s hard for you to understand that no one demonstrates in the name of someone else’s. Everyone goes there for themselves. We’re a people without resources and now without a vision and without a plan, and at the lowest point in terms of international support and internal organization. But we went out to demonstrate in order to disrupt something in the celebrations of the transfer of the embassy. Jerusalem is dear to us. We go so as not to die in silence. Because we’re sick and tired of dying quietly, in our homes,” he added.

    “If you die, be in front of the cameras. Loudly. I’m going to the mosque. There hasn’t been any order from above to go to the demonstration. I hear young people saying that tomorrow they’ll go die at the fence, like someone who’s talking about a picnic or candy. I went to the [March of] Return camp two or three times, and I didn’t like it. Too much confusion. If Hamas was controlling the entire event there wouldn’t be a mess there. After all, you know how Hamas events are always orderly, organized, disciplined.”

    True, there were Hamas security people in civilian clothes; they weren’t there as Hamas but as law and order for the acting government, as at every mass event – to prevent armed people from approaching the fence, provocations by collaborators, to intervene if there was a dispute or sexual harassment.

    Hamas has lost its popularity in Gaza because of the failures and disasters of the past 10 years, a friend promised me after he reminded me that he “doesn’t like them at all.” At the beginning, they weren’t enthused by the idea of the March of Return, after young activists brought the idea to all political factions’ leaders, he says.

    After that Hamas adopted the idea too. As an organization, Hamas is capable of offering what other groups can’t: rides to the March of Return camps, maybe a sandwich and a bottle of cola and tents. “But they can’t force us to come and endanger ourselves. After all, it’s dangerous to be even 300 or 400 meters away, because the soldiers shoot at us.”

    A foreigner in Gaza had the impression: “Hamas can’t order people to go to demonstrations and endanger their lives, but they can stop them from nearing the fence.” One of the ways is statements in the media.

    The many non-Hamas dead

    On Wednesday, a uniform report landed at a number of Israeli media outlets, that a Hamas leader, Salah al-Bardawil, “admitted in an interview with Palestinian television that 50 of the 60 killed in the past two days were Hamas members.” A great sigh of relief was heard in Israel. Hamas? In other words, terrorists by definition, in other words, you’re allowed to kill them. There’s even a commandment to do so.

    The source of the report was an Arabic-language tweet by Avichay Adraee of the IDF Spokesman’s Office. He attached to the tweet, a short fragment from the hour-long-plus interview with Bardawil on the Facebook-transmitted news channel Baladna.

    The interviewer, Ahmed Sa’id, asked difficult questions he was hearing on the street, mostly from Fatah supporters: What about the humiliation you suffered in Egypt, and why is Hamas sending people to the fence to die – and you are reaping the (political) fruit?

    Bardawil had to defend his organization and say this wasn’t true, there was no humiliation and Hamas members were demonstrating like anybody else, with everybody else.

    “Unfortunately, this is the organization today that nurtures the motivation and awareness among young people the most,” one of my friends explained to me earlier.

    Let’s return to Bardawil. So he said that 50 of the 60 killed were Hamas members. I checked and was told that the official figure Hamas has is that from the beginning of the March of Return on March 30, 42 people linked to Hamas were among the 120 people killed: members of the movement, well-known activists, members of Hamas families.

    It seems that about 20 members of Hamas’ military wing were killed, and they were killed not near the protests but under circumstances that still must be clarified. But the rest were unarmed rank-and-file protesters. And they demonstrated because they were Gazans. But once Bardawil said what he said it’s hard to deny his words in public. “This (figure of 50) is another typical exaggeration of ours,” said my friend who didn’t come to wave his flag to me to say hello.

    As for exaggerations, “the idea of the March of Return to break the standstill and stop Gaza’s slow descent – we all liked that, me too,” said someone else. “But the details I don’t like. What’s this foolishness of the March of Return and lifting the blockade?’ They haven’t even thought through the slogans properly. Because if the goal is to return to the villages, the blockade is an irrelevant issue.”

    Between the sunflowers and the few fires that broke out Tuesday, soldiers were at their posts on alert. They moved on the continuum between hyperactive self-importance and the idleness of a picnic. They were posted within the perimeters of the kibbutzim, a very short distance from the houses. The armored personnel carriers were also within the distance of a morning walk.

    This is what’s called a military presence in the heart of a civilian population. I remembered the reverse circumstance, of Hamas positions in the Gaza Strip, which served as justification for Israel to besmirch the group as hiding behind civilians, and for the IDF to bomb anyone near them.


  • Egypt and Qatar working on long-term ceasefire, Hamas disarmament plans for Gaza - Israel News - Haaretz.com

    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-egypt-qatar-working-on-long-term-ceasefire-hamas-disarmament-in-ga

    According to diplomatic sources in Israel, Egypt seeks to promote reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah, expand the Palestinian Authority’s role in the Gaza Strip, initiate economic relief and arrange for the gradual dismantling of the Hamas military wing. Qatar is proposing that an unaffiliated council of experts manage the Gaza Strip, a halt to Hamas arming itself with offensive weapons and getting international organizations involved to monitor the process. Nickolay Mladenov, the United Nations’ special coordinator for the Mideast Peace Process, is trying to organize a new regional forum that will include Israel, Egypt, the PA and the UN to create and operate a long-term aid mechanism for the Strip.

    From Israel’s perspective, the gaps with Hamas are too great to bridge at the moment. Israel is concerned that a “Hezbollah model” could emerge in the Gaza Strip, in which Hamas keeps its weapons while the PA takes responsibility for managing civilian issues. It is also skeptical about international monitoring mechanisms to prevent arms smuggling, which failed in an agreement brokered by the Bush administration after the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza in 2005.
    Yahya Sinwar, the Hamas leader in the Gaza Strip and the organization’s current strongman, gave a rare interview Wednesday to the Al Jazeera network. Sinwar, who spent more than 20 years in Israeli prisons for murdering Palestinians who cooperated with Israel, was singing a new tune. He announced that Hamas had reached an understanding with Egypt that the demonstrations along the border with Israel would continue but would not deteriorate into a military confrontation. He then praised the “popular nonviolent struggle,” a new position coming from a man who for years headed Hamas’ military wing, which fired rockets at and dug tunnels into Israeli territory.


  • It’s not a ’Hamas march’ in Gaza. It’s tens of thousands willing to die - Palestinians - Haaretz.com
    Amira Hass May 15, 2018 9:53 AM
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-to-call-gaza-protests-hamas-march-understates-their-significance-1

    “ The Israeli army’s characterization of the demonstrations diminishes their gravity, but also unwittingly cast Hamas as a responsible, sophisticated political organization

    We’re pleased our Hamas brethren understood that the proper way was through a popular, unarmed struggle,” Fatah representatives have said on several occasions recently regarding the Gaza March of Return. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said something similar during his address to the Palestinian National Council last week.

    This expressed both cynicism and envy. Cynicism because Fatah’s official stance is that the armed struggle led by Hamas has harmed the Palestinian cause in general and the Gaza Strip in particular. And envy because the implication, which the Israeli army’s statements have reinforced, is that a call from Hamas is enough to get tens of thousands of unarmed demonstrators to face Israeli snipers along the border.

    In contrast, calls by Fatah and the PLO in the West Bank, including Jerusalem, don’t bring more than a few thousand people to the streets and flash points with the police and the army. It happened again Monday, when the U.S. Embassy moved to Jerusalem. The number of Palestinian protesters in Gaza was far greater than the number in the West Bank.

    The decisions on the March of Return events was made jointly by all the groups in Gaza, including Fatah. But the most organized group — the one that can work out the required logistics, equip the “return camps” (points of assembly and activity that were set up a few hundred meters from the Gaza border), control the information, maintain contact with the demonstrators and declare a general strike to protest the embassy move — is Hamas. Even a Fatah member sadly admitted this to Haaretz.

    This doesn’t mean that all the demonstrators are Hamas supporters or fans of the movement who are obeying its orders. Not at all. The demonstrators come from all sectors of the population, people who identify politically and those who don’t.

    “Whoever is afraid stays home, because the army shoots at everyone. The crazy ones are those who go close to the border, and they are from all the organizations or from none of them,” said a participant in the demonstration.

    The army’s claims to journalists that this is a “Hamas march” are diminishing the weight of these events and the significance of tens of thousands of Gazans who are willing to get hurt, while ironically strengthening Hamas’ status as a responsible political organization that knows how to change the tactics of its struggle, while also knowing how to play down its role.

    On Monday, with the killing of no fewer than 53 Gaza residents as of 7 P.M., there was no place for cynicism or envy. Abbas declared a period of mourning and ordered flags lowered for three days, along with a general strike Tuesday. This is the same Abbas who was planning a series of economic sanctions against the Strip in another attempt to quash Hamas.

    The residents of the Gaza Strip, with their dead and wounded, are influencing internal Palestinian politics, whether they know it or not, whether intentionally or not. No one would dare impose such sanctions now. Time will tell whether anyone will come to the conclusion that if Israel is killing so many during unarmed demonstrations, they might as well return to individual armed attacks — as revenge or as a tactic that will lead to fewer Palestinian victims.

    In the early hours of Monday morning, army bulldozers entered the Gaza Strip and leveled the sand banks built by Palestinians to protect them from snipers, according to fieldworkers from the Al Mezan Center for Human Rights.

    At around 6:30 A.M., the army also fired at tents in the return camps, and several of the tents went up in flames. Some of the burned tents were used by first-aid teams, Al Mezan reported.

    The Samaa news website reported that police dogs were sent into the return camps and that the army sprayed “skunk” water in the border area. The frantic summons of senior Hamas figures in the Gaza Strip to meet with Egyptian intelligence in Cairo was understood even before it was reported that the Egyptians passed on threatening Israeli messages to Ismail Haniyeh and Khalil al-Hayya, deputy to the Hamas leader in the Gaza Strip, Yahya Sinwar.

    Everyone in the Gaza Strip knows the hospitals are way over capacity and that the medical teams are unable to treat all the wounded. Al Mezan reported on a medical delegation that was supposed to arrive from the West Bank but was prevented from entering by Israel.

    Everyone knows that wounded people who were operated on are being discharged too soon and that there’s a shortage of essential drugs for the wounded, including antibiotics. Even when there are drugs, many of the wounded cannot pay even the minimum required to obtain them, and so they return a few days later to the doctor with an infection. This is all based on reports from international medical sources.

    All the signals, warnings, the many fatalities in the past few weeks and the disturbing reports from the hospitals did not deter the tens of thousands of demonstrators Monday. The right of return and opposition to the relocation of the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem are worthy goals or reasons, acceptable to all.

    But not to the extent that masses of West Bank and East Jerusalem residents would join their brothers in the Gaza Strip. There, the most desirable goal for which to demonstrate is the obvious demand and the easiest to implement immediately — to give Gazans back their freedom of movement and their right to connect with the outside world, especially with members of their own people beyond the barbed wire surrounding them. This is a demand of the “ordinary” public and not a private Hamas matter, since both its leaders and rank-and-file members know very well that once they enter the Erez crossing between Israel and the Strip, they will be arrested.
    #marcheduretour


  • Un relent d’antisémitisme dans le discours d’Abbas ne modifie pas son soutien à la solution à deux États -
    Par Amira Hass – 2 mai 2018 - Haaretz. Traduction SF (relue par J. Ch.) [UJFP]
    http://www.ujfp.org/spip.php?article6368

    L’histoire des juifs a été imposée aux Palestiniens et par conséquent ces derniers l‘abordent à chaque occasion. Tous les Palestiniens se voient comme autorisés, et ils sont bien sûr vraiment autorisés, à présenter l’historiographie de leur terre et de leur peuple comme un contrepoids au récit sioniste.

    C’est ce que fait aussi le président palestinien, Mahmoud Abbas, dans des discours lors d’événements publics et c’est ce qu’il a fait une fois de plus lundi soir à l’ouverture de la 23ème session, très retardée, du Conseil National Palestinien, qui est censé être le Parlement de tous les Palestiniens.

    Le résumé par Abbas de l’historiographie d’Israël est que l’établissement d’un État pour les Juifs était un projet colonialiste émanant de nations chrétiennes, et que les promoteurs du projet étaient des gens qui détestaient les Juifs et n’en voulaient pas dans leurs pays. Mais l’analyse légitime du président palestinien contient des erreurs embarrassantes, des omissions importantes et aussi une allégation assortie d’un lourd relent d’antisémitisme : en Europe, ils haïssaient les Juifs, non pas à cause de leur religion, mais à cause de leurs professions de prêteurs d’argent et de banquiers.

    Son insistance à tomber dans le piège de déclarations qui vont aider la hasbara israélienne (la diplomatie publique), qui ignore aussi complètement ses messages pertinents à propos du chemin vers la paix, révèle quelque chose de l’homme et de son style de gouvernance : il est constant dans ses positions, n’écoute pas les critiques et ne consulte pas les autres – ou il choisit des conseillers qui ne lui diront rien qu’il ne veuille entendre. Il choisit aussi d’être tenu à jour uniquement de ce qui lui convient.

    Voilà quelques unes des caractéristiques qu’Abbas a dû acquérir pour devenir le leader autoritaire du Fatah, de l’OLP et de l’Autorité Palestinienne (AP), avec son contrôle des finances et le soutien qu’il continue d’avoir de pays européens à cause de sa fidélité aux accords d’Oslo. Ces caractéristiques lui ont permis de poursuivre ce qu’avait commencé Arafat : vider l’OLP de son contenu embrassant tout ce qui est palestinien et, en pratique, le soumettre à l’AP. (...)


  • Chrétiens de Gaza : le rêve d’exil
    RFI - Par Marine Vlahovic - Diffusion : mercredi 18 avril 2018

    http://www.rfi.fr/emission/20180418-chretiens-gaza-reve-exil

    Depuis des semaines, la bande de Gaza est sous tension. Plus de 30 morts, des milliers de blessés par des balles israéliennes, c’est le bilan de la marche du retour qui réunit depuis le 30 mars dernier des milliers de manifestants le long de la barrière de séparation entre la bande de Gaza et Israël. Un mouvement populaire inédit dans l’enclave palestinienne gouvernée par le Hamas depuis 2007. L’enclave de 360km2 à peine est soumise à un sévère blocus et traverse une crise humanitaire et économique sans précédent alors que le processus de réconciliation entre le mouvement islamiste et le Fatah est voué à l’échec. Face à cet avenir incertain, la population cherche une porte de sortie. Pour la communauté oubliée des chrétiens de Gaza est venu le temps de l’exode. Ils ne seraient plus qu’un millier aujourd’hui. Objectif : s’exiler à tout prix malgré les restrictions de circulation.

    #GAZA


  • The biography of the founder of the Palestinian Popular Front makes it clear: The leftist leader was right -

    Israelis considered George Habash a cruel airline hijacker, but Eli Galia’s new Hebrew-language book shows that the PFLP chief’s views would have been better for the Palestinians than Arafat’s compromises

    Gideon Levy Apr 13, 2018

    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-biography-makes-it-clear-this-palestinian-leftist-leader-was-right

    George Habash was Israel’s absolute enemy for decades, the embodiment of evil, the devil incarnate. Even the title “Dr.” before his name — he was a pediatrician — was considered blasphemous.
    Habash was plane hijackings, Habash was terror and terror alone. In a country that doesn’t recognize the existence of Palestinian political parties (have you ever heard of a Palestinian political party? — there are only terror groups) knowledge about the man who headed the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine was close to zero.
    What’s there to know about him? A terrorist. Subhuman. Should be killed. Enemy. The fact that he was an ideologue and a revolutionary, that his life was shaped by the expulsion from Lod, changed nothing. He remains the plane hijacker from Damascus, the man from the Rejectionist Front who was no different from all the rest of the “terrorists” from Yasser Arafat to Wadie Haddad to Nayef Hawatmeh.
    Now along comes Eli Galia’s Hebrew-language book “George Habash: A Political Biography." It outlines the reality, far from the noise of propaganda, ignorance and brainwashing, for the Israeli reader who agrees to read a biography of the enemy.
    Presumably only few will read it, but this work by Galia, a Middle East affairs expert, is very deserving of praise. It’s a political biography, as noted in its subtitle, so it almost entirely lacks the personal, spiritual and psychological dimension; there’s not even any gossip. So reading it requires a lot of stamina and specialized tastes. Still, it’s fascinating.
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    Galia has written a nonjudgmental and certainly non-propagandistic biography. Taking into consideration the Israeli mind today, this isn’t to be taken for granted.
    Galia presents a wealth of information, with nearly a thousand footnotes, about the political path of Habash, a man who was considered dogmatic even though he underwent a number of ideological reversals in his life. If that’s dogmatism, what’s pragmatism? The dogmatic Habash went through more ideological changes than any Israeli who sticks to the Zionist narrative and doesn’t budge an inch — and who of course isn’t considered dogmatic.

    The exodus from Lod following an operation by the Palmach, 1948.Palmach Archive / Yitzhak Sadeh Estate
    In the book, Habash is revealed as a person of many contradictions: a member of the Christian minority who was active in the midst of a large Muslim majority, a bourgeois who became a Marxist, a tough and inflexible leader who was once seen weeping in his room as he wrote an article about Israel’s crimes against his people. He had to wander and flee for his life from place to place, sometimes more for fear of Arab regimes than of Israel.

    He was imprisoned in Syria and fled Jordan, he devoted his life to a revolution that never happened. It’s impossible not to admire a person who devoted his life to his ideas, just as you have to admire the scholar who has devoted so much research for so few readers who will take an interest in the dead Habash, in an Israel that has lost any interest in the occupation and the Palestinian struggle.
    The book gives rise to the bleak conclusion that Habash was right. For most of his life he was a bitter enemy of compromises, and Arafat, the man of compromise, won the fascinating historical struggle between the two. They had a love-hate relationship, alternately admiring and scorning each other, and never completely breaking off their connection until Arafat won his Pyrrhic victory.
    What good have all of Arafat’s compromises done for the Palestinian people? What came out of the recognition of Israel, of the settling for a Palestinian state on 22 percent of the territory, of the negotiations with Zionism and the United States? Nothing but the entrenchment of the Israeli occupation and the strengthening and massive development of the settlement project.
    In retrospect, it makes sense to think that if that’s how things were, maybe it would have been better to follow the uncompromising path taken by Habash, who for most of his life didn’t agree to any negotiations with Israel, who believed that with Israel it was only possible to negotiate by force, who thought Israel would only change its positions if it paid a price, who dreamed of a single, democratic and secular state of equal rights and refused to discuss anything but that.
    Unfortunately, Habash was right. It’s hard to know what would have happened had the Palestinians followed his path, but it’s impossible not to admit that the alternative has been a resounding failure.

    Members of the Palestinian National Council in Algiers, 1987, including Yasser Arafat, left, and George Habash, second from right. Mike Nelson-Nabil Ismail / AFP
    The Palestinian Che Guevara
    Habash, who was born in 1926, wrote about his childhood: “Our enemies are not the Jews but rather the British .... The Jews’ relations with the Palestinians were natural and sometimes even good” (p. 16). He went to study medicine at the American University in Beirut; his worried mother and father wrote him that he should stay there; a war was on.
    But Habash returned to volunteer at a clinic in Lod; he returned and he saw. The sight of the Israeli soldiers who invaded the clinic in 1948 ignited in him the flame of violent resistance: “I was gripped by an urge to shoot them with a pistol and kill them, and in the situation of having no weapons I used mute words. I watched them from the sidelines and said to myself: This is our land, you dogs, this is our land and not your land. We will stay here to kill you. You will not win this battle” (p.22).
    On July 14 he was expelled from his home with the rest of his family. He never returned to the city he loved. He never forgot the scenes of Lod in 1948, nor did he forget the idea of violent resistance. Can the Israeli reader understand how he felt?
    Now based in Beirut, he took part in terror operations against Jewish and Western targets in Beirut, Amman and Damascus: “I personally lobbed grenades and I participated in assassination attempts. I had endless enthusiasm when I was doing that. At the time, I considered my life worthless relative to what was happening in Palestine.”
    “The Palestinian Che Guevara” — both of them were doctors — made up his mind to wreak vengeance for the Nakba upon the West and the leaders of the Arab regimes that had abandoned his people, even before taking vengeance on the Jews. He even planned to assassinate King Abdullah of Jordan. He founded a new student organization in Beirut called the Commune, completed his specialization in pediatrics and wrote: “I took the diploma and said: Congratulations, Mother, your son is a doctor, so now let me do what I really want to do. And indeed, that’s what happened” (p. 41).
    Habash was once asked whether he was the Che Guevara of the Middle East and he replied that he would prefer to be the Mao Zedong of the Arab masses. He was the first to raise the banner of return and in the meantime he opened clinics for Palestinian refugees in Amman. For him, the road back to Lod passed through Amman, Beirut and Damascus. The idea of Pan-Arabism stayed with him for many years, until he despaired of that as well.
    He also had to leave medicine: “I am a pediatrician, I have enjoyed this greatly. I believed that I had the best job in the world but I had to make the decision I have taken and I don’t regret it .... A person cannot split his emotions in that way: to heal on the one hand and kill on the other. This is the time when he must say to himself: one or the other.”

    Militants from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Jordan, 1969.1969Thomas R. Koeniges / Look Magazine Photograph Collection / Library of Congress
    The only remaining weapon
    This book isn’t arrogant and it isn’t Orientalist; it is respectful of the Palestinian national ideology and those who articulated and lived it, even if the author doesn’t necessarily agree with that ideology or identify with it. This is something quite rare in the Israeli landscape when it comes to Arabs in general and Palestinians in particular. Nor does the author venerate what’s not worthy of veneration, and he doesn’t have any erroneous romantic or other illusions. Galia presents a bitter, tough, uncompromising, very much failed and sometimes exceedingly cruel struggle for freedom, self-respect and liberation.
    And this is what is said in the founding document of the PFLP, which Habash established in December 1967 after having despaired of Palestinian unity: “The only weapon left to the masses in order to restore history and progress and truly defeat enemies and potential enemies in the long run is revolutionary violence .... The only language that the enemy understands is the language of revolutionary violence” (p.125).
    But this path too met with failure. “The essential aim of hijacking airplanes,” wrote Habash, “was to bring the Palestinian question out of anonymity and expose it to Western public opinion, because at that time it was unknown in Europe and in the United States. We wanted to undertake actions that would make an impression on the senses of the entire world .... There was international ignorance regarding our suffering, in part due to the Zionist movement’s monopoly on the mass media in the West” (p. 151).
    The PFLP plane hijackings in the early 1970s indeed achieved international recognition of the existence of the Palestinian problem, but so far this recognition hasn’t led anywhere. The only practical outcome has been the security screenings at airports everywhere around the world — and thank you, George Habash. I read Galia’s book on a number of flights, even though this isn’t an airplane book, and I kept thinking that were it not for Habash my wanderings at airports would have been a lot shorter. In my heart I forgave him for that, for what other path was open to him and his defeated, humiliated and bleeding people?
    Not much is left of his ideas. What has come of the scientific idealism and the politicization of the masses, the class struggle and the anti-imperialism, the Maoism and of course the transformation of the struggle against Israel into an armed struggle, which according to the plans was supposed to develop from guerrilla warfare into a national war of liberation? Fifty years after the founding of the PFLP and 10 years after the death of its founder, what remains?
    Habash’s successor, Abu Ali Mustafa, was assassinated by Israel in 2001; his successor’s successor, Ahmad Saadat, has been in an Israeli prison since 2006 and very little remains of the PFLP.
    During all my decades covering the Israeli occupation, the most impressive figures I met belonged to the PFLP, but now not much remains except fragments of dreams. The PFLP is a negligible minority in intra-Palestinian politics, a movement that once thought to demand equal power with Fatah and its leader, Arafat. And the occupation? It’s strong and thriving and its end looks further off than ever. If that isn’t failure, what is?

    A mourning procession for George Habash, Nablus, January 2008. Nasser Ishtayeh / AP
    To where is Israel galloping?
    Yet Habash always knew how to draw lessons from failure after failure. How resonant today is his conclusion following the Naksa, the defeat in 1967 that broke his spirit, to the effect that “the enemy of the Palestinians is colonialism, capitalism and the global monopolies .... This is the enemy that gave rise to the Zionist movement, made a covenant with it, nurtured it, protected it and accompanied it until it brought about the establishment of the aggressive and fascistic State of Israel” (p. 179).
    From the Palestinian perspective, not much has changed. It used to be that this was read in Israel as hostile and shallow propaganda. Today it could be read otherwise.
    After the failure of 1967, Habash redefined the goal: the establishment of a democratic state in Palestine in which Arabs and Jews would live as citizens with equal rights. Today this idea, too, sounds a bit less strange and threatening than it did when Habash articulated it.
    On the 40th anniversary of Israel’s founding, Habash wrote that Israel was galloping toward the Greater Land of Israel and that the differences between the right and left in the country were becoming meaningless. How right he was about that, too. At the same time, he acknowledged Israel’s success and the failure of the Palestinian national movement. And he was right about that, too.
    And one last correct prophecy, though a bitter one, that he made in 1981: “The combination of a loss of lives and economic damage has considerable influence on Israeli society, and when that happens there will be a political, social and ideological schism on the Israeli street and in the Zionist establishment between the moderate side that demands withdrawal from the occupied territories and the extremist side that continues to cling to Talmudic ideas and dreams. Given the hostility between these two sides, the Zionist entity will experience a real internal split” (p. 329).
    This has yet to happen.
    Imad Saba, a dear friend who was active in the PFLP and is in exile in Europe, urged me for years to try to meet with Habash and interview him for Haaretz. As far as is known, Habash never met with Israelis, except during the days of the Nakba.
    Many years ago in Amman I interviewed Hawatmeh, Habash’s partner at the start and the leader of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which split off from the PFLP in 1969. At the time of the interview, Habash was also living in Amman and was old and sick. I kept postponing my approach — until he died. When reading the book, I felt very sorry that I had not met this man.


  • Gaza footage shows protester shot in the back while running away from Israeli border wall

    According to the committee organizing the march, the Palestinian in the video is Abed el-Fatah Abed e-Nabi, 18, and was killed as a result of the shooting ■ IDF claims Hamas distributes many videos, some of which are partial and fabricated

    Jack Khoury and Yaniv Kubovich Mar 31, 2018 12:38 PM

    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-gaza-video-shows-protestor-shot-while-running-away-from-border-1.5

    A Palestinian taking part in Friday’s “March of Return” near the Gaza border was shot with his back to Israeli army soldiers while moving away from the border fence, so appears to show a video published on Palestinian media Saturday.
    According to the committee organizing the march, the Palestinian in the video is Abed el-Fatah Abed e-Nabi, 18, and was killed as a result of the shooting, which occurred east of Jabaliya in the northern Gaza strip.
    The video shows two Palestinians running away from the border towards a large group of protesters. When they are several feet away from the group, a shot is heard, and one of the Palestinians, reporedtly e-Nabi, drops to the ground. A small group gathers around to assist him. According to the committee behind the march, the video “clearly shows e-Nabi poses no threat.”
    skip - Video shown on Palestinian media
    Video shown on Palestinian media - דלג

    Israeli Defense Forces spokesperson has issued a reply, saying that Hamas distributes many vidoes, among which are those that show partial events that have been edited and fabricated.
    “IDF acted Friday against violent protests and terrorists activities which included live fire towards its soldiers, attempts to inflitrate Israel ... stone throwing, bottle boms,” read the statement. “The forces acted according to open-fire protocols and in a reasonable manner as they avoided harming civilians posted there by Hamas, who wish to embarrass Israel while risking those civilians ... anyone who partakes in violent protests puts themselves at risk.”
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    E-Nabi is one of a 15 Palestinians killed in Friday’s demonstrations, in which 758 were wounded from live fire, 148 from rubber-tipped bullets, 422 from inhaling tear gas and 88 from other causes.
    The UN Security Council convened Friday night to discuss the events on the Gaza border, despite the United States’ and Israel’s request to postpone deliberations for Saturday, due to Passover holiday eve. No Israeli envoy was present during discussions.

    In a statement released Saturday, Israel’s envoy to the UN Danny Danon said “This disgraceful abuse of the holiday will not prevent us from presenting the truth regarding Hamas’ violent protests, whose only purpose is to ignite the sector and incite provocations.”
    An Israeli Arab human rights organization condemned Israel’s action on the Gaza border as ’unlawful’ on Saturday, alerting Attorney General Avichay Mendelblit that Israel was in breach of international law.


  • Israeli forces shoot dead 16 Palestinians in one day during protests in Gaza
    March 31, 2018 12:22 P.M.
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=779990

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — By Friday evening, 16 Palestinians had been declared dead in Gaza as a result of Israeli fire. Fifteen of the dead were killed during massive demonstrations on the border with Israel, and one, a farmer, was killed before dawn on Friday while on his land near the border fence.

    The Gaza Ministry of Health confirmed the death of 16 Palestinians and the injury of 1,416 civilians, which ranged from live bullet wounds to severe tear gas inhalation.

    The slain Palestinians were identified as:

    Naji Abu Hijir

    Mohammed Kamal Najjar

    Wahid Nasrallah Abu Samou