organization:german police

  • German police use neo-Nazi codename amid Erdoğan visit - World News
    http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/german-police-use-neo-nazi-codename-amid-erdogan-visit-137353

    A Neo-nazi scandal has shaken German police on Sept. 28 during Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s state visit to Berlin.

    Special forces officers, deployed in Berlin to protect the Turkish president, used the codename of a prominent neo-Nazi figure “Uwe Bohnhardt” during their assignment, the police confirmed on Sept. 28.

    Uwe Boehnhardt was one of the three members of Neo-nazi terorist organization National Socialist Underground (NSU), which killed eight Turkish immigrants, a Greek citizen and a German police officer between 2000 and 2007.

    The police deportment of the eastern federal state of Saxony said in a statement that two officers from its special forces were immediately recalled and an internal investigation was launched on the incident.

    They could be suspended according to the result of the investigation, it said.

  • Gregory Klimov. The Terror Machine. Chapter 18
    http://g-klimov.info/klimov-pp-e/ETM18.htm

    The Wings of a Slave

    At the beginning of 1947, Mikoyan, member of the Politburo and plenipotentiary extraordinary of the Soviet Council of Ministers for the economic assimilation of the occupied areas and the satellite countries, made an exhaustive inspection tour of the Soviet zone. Afterwards he had a long conference with Marshal Sokolovsky and his deputy for economic questions, Comrade Koval.

    This conference discussed the results of the economic reorganization of the Soviet zone. The land reform, which had been accomplished shortly after the capitulation, had not achieved any decisive economic effect. This fact did not disturb or even surprise either Mikoyan or Marshal Sokolovsky. With its aid certain necessary tactical results had been achieved; in particular, a basis had been laid for an offensive against the peasants, as well as the prerequisites for the final collectivization of agriculture.

    In the industrial sphere, after the mass dismantling process and the socialization of the small enterprises as landeseigener Betrieb (district-owned works), the S. M. A.’s biggest measure was the practical unification of all the Soviet zone basic industry in an enormous industrial concern known as ’Soviet Joint Stock Companies’. This measure, which had been dictated by Moscow, came under special consideration at the Mikoyan-Sokolovsky conference.

    Late in the summer of 1946, Comrade Koval, the commander-in-chief’s deputy for economic questions, had returned from a visit to Moscow, bringing with him new secret instructions. Shortly after, mysterious documents began to circulate between the Administration for Industry, the Administration for Reparations, and Koval’s office.

    These documents were referred to in whispers as ’List of or ’List of 235’. The figure changed continually; it indicated the list of enterprises, which it was proposed to transform into Soviet Joint Stock Companies. The lists were sent to Moscow for confirmation, and they returned in the form of appendices to an official decree concerning the organization of an ’Administration for Soviet Joint Stock Companies in Germany’.

    This administration, which took over the former Askania Company’s building in Berlin-Weissensee for its headquarters, controlled thirteen Soviet joint stock companies in the more important industrial spheres, and these thirteen included some 250 of the larger industrial works in the Soviet zone. By the statutes of the new concern 51 per cent of the shares of the works thus included were to be Soviet-owned. Thus practically the entire industry in the Soviet zone came into Soviet hands, not only by right of conquest and for the duration of the occupation, but also for all future time.

    At the 1945 Potsdam Conference, in which Stalin had taken an active part, great attention had been paid to the question of de-cartellizing German economy, and it had been decided to liquidate the big German industrial concerns, which were regarded not only as an important economic factor, but also as a political factor frequently aggressive in its nature. As a result, one of the first items on the agenda of the Allied Control Commission was this question of the liquidation of the German concerns, and in his time General Shabalin was active in pressing for the matter to be tackled.

    But now, again on orders from Moscow, the largest industrial concern not only of Germany, but perhaps of the whole world was founded. Its economic and also political importance surpasses anything of the kind existing hitherto in Germany or in Europe. And this super-concern is no longer in German but in Soviet hands. In the present struggle for Germany and Europe the S. A. G. (Sowjet Aktienge-sellschaften) will be a strong weapon in Kremlin hands.

    All the economic measures taken by the S. M. A. in Germany, like the Kremlin’s economic policy generally pursue far-reaching political aims. The object of this transformation of the Soviet zone is to fetter it with powerful economic chains. It provides a necessary economic basis for a further political advance.

    Mikoyan was not the only member of the Politburo to visit: Germany about this time. Beria, the Soviet Minister for Home Affairs, made a similar tour of inspection through the lands of Eastern Europe and eastern Germany. He, too, had a long conference with Sokolovsky and the head of the S. M. A. Administration for Internal Affairs, Colonel-General Serov. This conference discussed measures to strengthen the internal political front. The sequence of events was logical enough: the master for extermination affairs followed the master for economic exploitation.

    One of the results of Beria’s visit to Karlshorst was a further purge of the S. M. A. personnel. A growing number of the officers who had been with the S. M. A. from the beginning were recalled to the Soviet Union. Their place was taken by new men from Moscow; they were recognizable at first glance as the purest of Party-men. The change of personnel in Karlshorst was in full accord with the Kremlin’s post-war policy, which was directed towards placing all the key-points in Party hands. Once more one could not help being struck by the difference between ’nominal Party-men’ and ’pure Party-men’. Almost every Soviet officer was a Party-member, but the Party was far from regarding them all as ’pure Party-men’.

    More than eighteen months had passed since Karlshorst had been transformed into the Berlin Kremlin. Since then both the world and Karlshorst had been subjected to many changes. Many of these changes had been the result of Karlshorst’s own activities as an advanced post of Soviet foreign policy. Parallel with this there had been a change in the international atmosphere, and the people in Karlshorst had been the first to become conscious of it.

    We were left with only the memory of the time when Russians had been welcomed everywhere as liberators and allies. The Kremlin’s post-war policy had left not a trace of the sympathy which Russian soldiers had won in the world. The Russian people’s heroism and self-sacrifice in the fight for their native country had assured the Soviet Union a leading place among the world powers, and had led to unexpected results.

    The Kremlin had decided to exploit this situation for the aims of their foreign policy. Instead of the breathing space, which the Russian people had hoped for and expected, they now had to carry all the burdens involved in the Kremlin’s risky political game. Menacing clouds were again beginning to gather on the horizon. It was the people in the Karlshorst outpost who saw those clouds most clearly. We were not fond of talking about the danger of a new war, but we thought of it, and our hearts sank.

    As events developed, we were more and more forced to think about this danger. It seemed stupid and unnatural, but the facts spoke for themselves. Many people tried to convince themselves that the Allies’ post-war dissensions were simply in the nature of disputes over the division of the spoils. But that was a poor pretext. We Soviet officers were too well grounded in the Marxist-Leninist theory of world revolution to believe it.

    We, the Soviet men who stood on the bounds of the two worlds, and who had lived through all the development of relations between the Allies since the capitulation, we who had been personally convinced that the West was genuinely striving, and still is striving, for peace, and who had seen the sabotage of every attempt to achieve friendly cooperation with the Soviets - we knew a great deal that our people at home did not and could not know.

    We well remembered the first few months after Germany’s capitulation. The Western Allies demobilized their armies as swiftly as transport conditions allowed. Meanwhile the Soviet command as swiftly brought up its shattered divisions to fighting strength, completing their complement of men and officers, and supplying new tanks and aeroplanes. We racked our brains over the question: what for?

    Perhaps it was necessary to have an armed fist when negotiating at the diplomatic table? Subsequent events showed what it was all for. The Kremlin regarded the will to peace as a mark of weakness, and democracy’s demobilization as providing an opportunity for further aggression. What else could the democracies do but re-arm? That meant a new armaments race instead of Russia’s peaceful economic restoration; it meant all that we had known so well before the war. And where would it all lead to?

    When political passions begin to play on national sentiments - something the Kremlin particularly desires - when the armaments race is at its height, it will be difficult to determine who began it all and who is to blame. And then, quite naturally, each side will accuse the other.

    But this time, we members of the Soviet occupation forces know one thing perfectly: no matter what comes, all the blame for the consequences will lie solely and simply on the shoulders of the men in the Kremlin. This time we know who started to play with the gunpowder barrel. This time we have no doubt of the prime and original cause of the new war danger.

    II

    The more the atmosphere darkened, the more monotonous grew life in Karlshorst. The days dragged past, gray and boring. On one of these gray days I went to do my usual twenty-four-hour tour of duty on the staff, which I had to perform once a month.

    The officer on duty in the S. M. A. staff headquarters had to spend the daytime in the commander-in-chief’s waiting room, and during this time he acted as assistant adjutant to the marshal. During the night he was alone on duty in the marshal’s office, and acted as adjutant.

    At six o’clock in the evening I took my place as usual in the waiting room. Marshal Sokolovsky was in Potsdam, so the place was empty. The adjutant left at half-past seven, leaving me in charge, alone. To inform myself on current matters I glanced through the files on the desk and all the documents. The time passed imperceptibly, my only interruption being telephone calls.

    At midnight, in accordance with regulations, I took the marshal’s seat at the desk in his room, in order to be ready if direct calls came through. It was quite common for the Kremlin to ring up in the middle of the night, and then the telephonogram had to be taken down and passed on to its destination.

    As I sat at the desk I began to order the papers littered over it. Among them was a duplicated Information Bulletin. This bulletin was intended only for the higher staff, and was a top-secret document, with every copy numbered. I began to look through it.

    The contents were very illuminating: they were a detailed collection of all the things that the Soviet press carefully ignores or even flatly denies. If a Soviet citizen dared to speak of such things aloud, he would be accused of being a counter-revolutionary, with all its con-sequences. But this was an official information bulletin for the use of the S. M. A. commander.

    It is a serious mistake to attempt to justify the Soviet leaders’ conduct by arguing that they are not acquainted with a particular problem, or lack information on it. At one time peasant representatives made a habit of traveling from remote villages on a pilgrimage to the Kremlin gates. They naively thought that behind the Kremlin walls Stalin did not see what was happening all around him, that they had only to tell him the truth and everything would be altered. The peasants’ representatives sacrificed their lives, and everything continued as before. The Soviet leaders are fully informed, and are entirely responsible for anything that occurs.

    In the middle of the night I resolved to ring up Genia. I made contact with the Moscow exchange, and waited a long time for an answer. At last a sleepy voice sounded: “Well?”

    “Genia,” I said, “this is Berlin speaking. What’s the news in Moscow?”

    “Ah, so it’s you!” I heard a distant sigh. “I thought you’d dropped out completely.”

    “Oh no... not completely. What’s the news?” "Nothing. Life’s a bore..." “How’s your father?” "Gone off again." “Where to this time?”

    “He sent me a silk gown recently. So I expect it’s somewhere there... But how are things with you?”

    “I’m sitting in the marshal’s chair.” "Are you intending to come to Moscow soon?" “When I’m sent.”

    “I’m so bored here alone,” she said. “Do come soon!”

    We had a long talk, and dreamed of our future meeting, thought of all we would do, discussed plans for the future. It was a dream to which we resorted in order to avoid the present. At that moment I regretted that I was not in Moscow, and sincerely wanted to go back.

    The sleepless night passed. The day arrived, and with it generals from the provinces fussed around, German representatives of the new democracy lurked timidly in corners. Just before six o’clock in the evening, when my turn of duty ended, an engineer named Sykov came in to talk over a proposed hunting expedition with me. We were interrupted by the telephone. I picked up the receiver and replied with the usual formula: “Officer on duty in the staff.” It was Koval, the commander’s deputy on economic questions, and my immediate superior.

    “Comrade Klimov?”

    “Yes.”

    “Come and see me for a moment.”

    ’He asked for me personally,’ I thought as I went to his room. ’What’s the hurry?’

    He greeted me with the question: “I suppose you don’t happen to know what this is all about?” He held out a sheet of paper bearing an order from the S. M. A. staff headquarters. I took it and read:

    ’The directing engineer, G. P. Klimov, being a highly qualified specialist in Soviet economy, is to be demobilized from the Soviet Army and freed from duty in the Soviet Military Administration to return to the Soviet Union for further utilization in accordance with his special qualifications.’

    For a moment I could not grasp its import. It left me with a decidedly unpleasant feeling. There was something not quite in order here. A certain formal courtesy was always observed towards responsible personnel; in such cases there was a preliminary personal talk.

    “You haven’t yourself applied to be transferred to Moscow?” Koval asked.

    “No,” I answered, still rather preoccupied.

    “It’s signed by the chief of staff, and there was no prior agreement with me.” Koval shrugged his shoulders.

    Five minutes later I walked into the office of the head of the Personnel Department. I had had frequent opportunities to meet Colonel Utkin, so he knew me personally. Without waiting for my question, he said:

    “Well, may I congratulate you? You’re going home...”

    “Comrade Colonel, what’s at the back of it?” I asked.

    I was interested to discover what was at the bottom of the unexpected order. Workers in Karlshorst were not recalled to Moscow without good reason. As a rule, when members of the S. M. A. applied to be returned home the staff turned down the request.

    “I’m disturbed not so much by what the order says, as by its form,” I continued. “What does it mean?”

    Utkin was silent for a moment or two, then he said with some reluctance: “The Political Administration is involved. Between ourselves, I’m surprised you’ve held out here so long as you’re a non-Party man.”

    I shook hands with him gratefully. As I turned to leave he advised me: “Bear in mind that after your frontier pass has been issued you must leave in three days. If there’s any necessity, hang out the transfer of your work.”

    I left his room with a feeling of relief. Now everything was clear. As I went along the dimly lighted corridor I was gradually possessed by strange feeling; I felt that my body was receiving an influx of strength; my soul was mastered by an inexplicable feeling of freedom. I had had exactly that same feeling when I first heard of the outbreak of war. And I had had it when I first put on my military uniform. It was the presentiment of great changes to come. It was the breath of the unknown in my face.

    Now, as I walked along the corridors of the S. M. A. headquarters I again felt the breath of this unknown. It slightly intoxicated me

    I went home through the empty streets of Karlshorst. Behind the fences the trees were swinging their bare branches. The harsh German winter was in possession - darkness and stillness. A passer-by saluted me - I answered automatically. I was in no hurry. My step was slow and thoughtful. It was as though I were not taking the well-known road home, but standing at the beginning of a long road. I looked about me, I took in deep breaths of air, and I felt the ground beneath my feet as I had not felt it for a long time. Strange, inexplicable feelings swept over me.

    Hardly had I shut the door of my apartment when Sykov came in. By my face he saw at once that something had happened. “Where are you being sent to?” he asked. “Moscow,” I answered briefly. “What for?”

    Without taking off my greatcoat I went to my desk and silently drummed on it with my fingers. “But why?” he asked again.

    “I haven’t provided myself with the red book soon enough,” I answered reluctantly.

    He stared at me commiserately. Then he put his hand in a pocket, took out a long piece of red cardboard and turned it over in his fingers.

    “What would it have cost you?” he asked, gazing at his Party-ticket. “You shout your ’Hail!’ once a week at the Party meeting, and afterward you can go to the toilet and rinse your mouth.”

    His words made an unpleasant impression on me. I instinctively reflected that that piece of cardboard must still be warm with the warmth of his body. As though he had guessed my thoughts, he went on: “I myself remained at the candidate stage for six years. Until I couldn’t keep it up any longer.”

    His presence and his remarks began to irritate me. I wanted to be left to myself. He invited me to go with him to the club. I refused.

    “I’m going to have a game of billiards,” he remarked as he went to the door. “A cannon off two cushions, and no ideology about it.”

    I remained standing by my desk. I was still wearing my greatcoat. The coat round my shoulders strengthened my feeling that I was on my way. I tried sitting down, but jumped up again at once. I couldn’t sit quietly. Something was burning inside me. I wandered about the room with my hands in my pockets.

    I switched on the radio. The cheerful music plucked at my nerves, and I switched it off. The telephone bell rang. I did not bother to answer it. The German maid had prepared my supper; it was waiting on the table for me. I didn’t even look at it, but paced from corner to corner, my head sunk on my chest.

    The order had burst the dam, which had long been holding me back. I felt that inside me everything was shattered, everything was in turmoil. And at the same time something was slowly crawling towards me from afar. Something inexorable and joyless.

    Today I must cast up accounts.

    Today only one thing was clear: I did not believe in that which I had at the back of me. But if I returned to Moscow - I must at once join the Party, a Party - in which I did not believe. There was no other way. I would have to do it in order to save my life, to have the right to exist. All my life thenceforth I would lie and pretend, simply for the sake of the bare possibility of existence. Of that I had no doubt. I had examples before my eyes. Andrei Kovtun, a man in a blind alley. Mikhail Belyavsky, a man beyond the pale. Major Dubov, a man in a vacuum. But wasn’t I a man in a vacuum too? How long could that continue?

    I would have a home, and wait for the nocturnal knock at the door. I would get married, only to distrust my own wife. I would have children, who might at any time betray me or become orphans ashamed of their father.

    At these thoughts the blood rushed to my head. My collar choked me. A hot wave of fury rose in my throat. I felt so hot that my greatcoat seemed too heavy for me. At the moment I still had my greatcoat round my shoulders and a weapon in my hand. I didn’t want to part from that coat, or from that weapon. Why not?

    If I returned, sooner or later I would go under. Why? I had no belief in the future. But what had I had in the past? I tried to recall that past. When I first saw the light of this world the flames of revolution were playing in my eyes. I grew up to be a restless wolf-cub, and those flames continually flickered in my eyes. I was a wolf-cub of the Stalin generation; I fought with teeth and claws for my life and thrust my way forward. Now the Stalin wolf-cub was at the height of his powers, surveying the point he had reached.

    Today I had to confess to myself: all my life I had forced myself to believe in something I could not believe in, even from the day of my birth. All my life I had only sought a compromise with life. And if any one of my contemporaries were to say that he believed, I would call him a liar, a coward. Did such men, as Sykov really believe?

    I strode about my room, my eyes on my boots. They had trodden the earth from Moscow to Berlin. I remembered the flaming and smoking years of the war, the fiery font in which my feeling of responsibility to my native land was awakened. Once more I saw the Red Square and the walls of the Kremlin lit up with the fiery salutes of victory. Days of pride and glory, when one cried aloud with excess of emotion. In my ears sounded once more the words that had throbbed in my breast: ’Among the first of the first, among the finest of the finest you are marching today across the Red Square.’

    Now I was marching from one corner of my room to the other, like a caged wolf. Yes, the war had knocked us off our balance. Blinded by the struggle for our native land, we forgot a great deal in those days. At that time it could not be otherwise, there was no other way.

    Those who took another way.... With a bitter pang I recalled the early days of the war. I am deeply grateful to Fate that I was saved the necessity of making a very difficult decision. By the time it came to my turn to put on the soldier’s greatcoat I knew clearly that the way of the Russians was not with the Germans. And I fought to the end. I fought for something in which I did not believe. I fought, consoling myself with hopes.

    Now I no longer had those hopes. Now I felt that we had gone wrong, we had not accomplished our task, but had trusted to promises. That was why I did not want to take off the greatcoat. It wasn’t too late yet!

    Now menacing clouds were again gathering on the horizon. If I returned to Moscow, I would once more be confronted with the same bitter decision as in June 1941. Once more I would have to defend something I had no wish to defend.

    Still more, now I was convinced that the men in the Kremlin were leading my country along a road to perdition. Nobody was threatening us. On the contrary, we were threatening the entire world. That was an unnecessary and dangerous game. If we won, what good would it do us? If we were defeated, who would bear the guilt, and who would pay the Kremlin’s accounts? Every one of us!

    I had passed through days of anxiety for my country, through battles and through victory. And in addition I had seen with my own eyes all the bitterness of defeat. Germany in the dust was a good example of that. Germany was writhing in the convulsions of hunger and shame - but where were the guilty ones? Were only leaders guilty, or the entire nation?

    If the war broke out, it would be too late then. War has its own laws. Those whom the Kremlin had turned into enemies would regard us as enemies. They did not want war, but if war was inevitable they would wage it to defend their own interests. So what was left for us to do: be again a chip in the hands of criminal gamesters?

    Hour after hour I walked about my room, with my greatcoat round my shoulders. It was long past midnight, but I had no thought of sleep. There was a void behind me and a void before me. I had only one conscious and definite realization: I could not go back. One thought hammered continually in my head: what was I to do?

    Not until early in the morning did I feel tired. Then I lay down on my bed without undressing. And I fell asleep with my greatcoat drawn over my head.

    III

    During the next few days I began to hand over my work, bit by bit. Following Colonel Utkin’s advice I deliberately dragged out the process. Without yet knowing why, I sought to gain time. And continually I was oppressed with the same tormenting thoughts and the one inexorable question: what was I to do?

    On one of these days I stepped out of the Underground station on Kurfurstendamm, in the British sector. I was wearing civilian clothes; my boots squelched in the damp ooze of melting snow. The familiar streets seemed strange and unfriendly. I walked along aimlessly, running my eyes over the nameplates at the entrances to the houses. My finger played with the trigger of the pistol in my coat pocket.

    Finally I made my choice of nameplate and went into the house. It had been a luxurious place - it still had a broad marble staircase. Now the stairs were unlit, a chilly wind blew through the unglazed windows. After some difficulty I found the door I was seeking, and rang the bell. A girl with a coat flung round her shoulders opened to me.

    “Can I see Herr Diels?” I asked.

    “What about?” she asked pleasantly. “A private matter,” I curtly answered.

    She showed me in and asked me to wait a moment. I sat in the lawyer’s cold, dark reception room, while the girl disappeared. A few moments later she returned and said: “The Herr Doctor will see you.”

    I entered an enormous, unheated office. An elderly gentleman in gold-rimmed spectacles rose from his desk to meet me. “What can I do for you?” he asked, offering me a seat. He rubbed his frozen hands, probably expecting some ordinary case of divorce.

    “My request is rather unusual, Doctor,” I said. For the first lime in my intercourse with Germans I felt a little awkward.

    “Oh, you needn’t feel any constraint with me,” he said with a professional smile.

    “I am a Russian officer,” I said slowly, instinctively lowering my voice.

    The lawyer smiled genially, to indicate that he felt highly honored by my visit. “Only the other day another Soviet officer called on me with a German girl,” he said, obviously seeking to encourage me.

    I hardly listened to his explanation of why the other Russian officer had visited him. I was thinking with chagrin: ’I’ve made a bad start...’ But it was too late to retreat, and I decided to speak out.

    “You see, I’m being demobilized and sent back to Russia. I shan’t burden you with explanations as to the why and wherefore. To put it briefly, I want to go to Western Germany.”

    The smile vanished from his face. For a moment or two he did not know what to say. Then he prudently asked: “Ah... and what can I do about that?”

    “I must get into contact with the Allies,” I said. “I wish to ask for political asylum. I can’t do that myself. If I’m seen with any Allied official or if I’m observed coming out of an Allied office... that’s too great a risk for me to run. So I’d like to ask you to help me.”

    The silence lasted some minutes. Then I noticed that Herr Diels was behaving in a queer manner. He fidgeted restlessly on his chair, searched for something in his pocket, turned over the papers on his desk.

    “Yes, yes... I understand,” he murmured. “I, too, am a victim of the Nazi regime.”

    He took out a letter-case and hurriedly ran through innumerable letters. At last he found what he was seeking, and with a trembling hand held out a paper to me. It had been carefully reinforced at the folds and obviously was in frequent use.

    “You see, I’ve even got a certificate testifying to that fact,” he said.

    I glanced through the document. It stated that the possessor was a victim of Nazism, and almost a communist. I again had the unpleasant feeling that I had come to the wrong address. I realized that the lawyer was afraid of something and was trying to secure himself.

    “Herr Doctor, to be frank I’d rather deal with the most rabid of Nazis at this moment,” I said as I handed back his document.

    “Who recommended you to come to me?” he asked irresolutely.

    “No one. I took a chance. I have to act in the knowledge that I cannot trust anybody in my immediate surroundings. I hoped you’d be in a position to help me. But if you can’t for any reason, at any rate there’s no reason why you should do me any harm.”

    Herr Diels sat sunken in thought. Finally he appeared to come to some decision. He turned to me again. “But tell me, what surety can I have that you...” He concentratedly turned the pencil over and over in his hand and avoided looking me in the face. Then, as though making up his mind, he raised his eyes and said a little hesitantly: “... that you’re not an agent of that... of the G. P. U?”

    The former name of that well-known organization jarred in my ears. Apparently the Germans didn’t know its present name yet. Despite the seriousness of my position, his question made me smile. The very thing I feared in others I was myself suspected of. I simply shrugged my shoulders and said: “I haven’t had an opportunity to think that one out as yet, Herr Doctor. All I’m concerned with at the moment is with saving my own head from that... G. P. U.”

    He sat very still, thinking aloud: “You speak German well... too well... And besides, this is all so abnormal...” He stared at me fixedly, as though trying to read my thoughts, and said: “Good! I’m an old man and I have experience of men. I believe you’re speaking the truth. Where do you want to go?”

    “To the American zone.”

    “But why the American zone?” He raised his eyebrows in astonishment.

    “Herr Doctor, when a man takes such a step from political considerations it’s natural for him to seek refuge with the strongest enemies of the people he’s escaping from.”

    “Yes, but this is the British sector. I have no contact with the Americans.”

    I realized that this was tantamount to a refusal, and I made one last attempt:

    “Perhaps you could recommend me to one of your colleagues who has got contact with the Americans?”

    “Oh yes, I can do that,” he answered, reaching for his telephone book. He turned up a name in the book, then rose heavily from his desk and went to the door, remarking: “Excuse me a moment. I’ll write out the address for you.”

    He went into the reception room. I heard him speaking to his secretary. Then he exchanged a few words with another visitor. The telephone bell rang more than once. Somebody came and went.

    The minutes dragged past. It was very cold in that unheated room and I began to shiver. I felt a perfectly stupid feeling of utter dependence on the decency of someone who was a complete stranger. I settled deeper in the armchair, drew my coat closer round me and put my right hand in my pocket. I slipped back the safety catch of my pistol, and turned the barrel to cover the door. If a Soviet military patrol came in I would open fire without taking my hand out of my pocket.

    At last the lawyer came back, and held out a slip of paper to me. On it was an address, typewritten. I could not help wondering: ’Is that from prudence, or simply the German habit of always using the typewriter?’

    Suppressing a sigh of relief, I left the house. The streetcars and automobiles were noisy in the gray dusk of the winter evening. People were hurrying along on their way home; each one had somewhere to go. I felt a wretched feeling of loneliness. I drew my cap down over my eyes and plunged into the Underground.

    After a long journey and long wandering through unknown streets at night I found the address Herr Diels had given me: a villa on the outskirts of the city. Dr. von Scheer occupied quite a high position, and it was not easy for me to get a personal interview with him. When at last I was alone with him in his study and explained the reason for my visit he at once got down to business. He took a photocopy of a document from his desk drawer, and showed it to me. It stated that he had official relations with the Soviet central commandatura. I was confronted with all the familiar seals and signatures. I pulled such a face that he could not help smiling.

    “What surety have I that you’re not an agent of this... well, you know!” he asked. He winked and gave me a friendly slap on the knee.

    I could only shrug my shoulders.

    Dr. von Scheer proved to be a businesslike man. After a brief talk he agreed to have a chat with some Americans he knew, and asked me to call again in two days’ time. I went home wondering whether he was at that moment telephoning to the Soviet commandatura to inform them of my visit.

    Two days later I went to keep the appointment. I had very mixed feelings: hopes of success, and expectations of an ambush. He curtly informed me that his talks had been fruitless. The Americans didn’t wish to have anything to do with the matter. Evidently for the same reason: ’What surety have we...?’

    I thanked the doctor for his kindness, groped my way down the steps of his house, and strode through the darkness of Berlin. I could not use my automobile with its Soviet registration number, and I had to go home by streetcar. So once more I stood on the rear platform, surrounded by bustling people on their way home from work.

    At one of the stops close to the Control Commission a Soviet officer got on, and stood beside me. He was an elderly, benevolent-looking man, with a document-case. Evidently he had been detained in the Control Commission and so had missed the service omnibuses. At the sight of the familiar uniform I felt a touch of anxiety.

    Suddenly he turned to me and asked me some question in German. I answered in German. As I did so I felt a clutching at my heart. Here was the beginning of it all! I no longer trusted anybody; I did not even dare to admit that I was a Russian.

    As I changed from one streetcar to another I noticed a German policeman not far off. With no clear idea of what I had in mind I went up to him and asked where I could find the American consulate. He evidently guessed I was not a German, and shone his lantern over me from head to foot.

    In post-war Germany foreigners who were not wearing Allied uniform or did not possess an allied passport were beyond the legal pale. I had often seen such people wandering aimlessly about Berlin. The policeman evidently took me for one of these, and stared at me suspiciously. He was used to such individuals avoiding the police like the plague. “We don’t give such information,” he answered at last, and shone the lantern at me again, evidently half minded to ask me for my documents. It was well that he didn’t, for I would have been in an awkward predicament: German police were under orders to salute Soviet officers.

    The policeman walked away. I had a feeling of breathlessness in my chest. This incident marked the beginning of the road I had decided to follow. Where I was going I would have neither a pistol nor a valid document assuring me a place in life.

    As I opened the door of my Karlshorst apartment I heard the telephone ringing. I did not bother to answer. I didn’t want to see or speak to anybody. I felt that I must have time to think over all that had happened, and to consider the future.

    Once more I began my restless wandering from corner to corner. So my attempts to make contact with the Allies had been futile. It wasn’t so simple as I had thought. It had had one result: now I saw clearly that I had got to act at my own risk.

    In thus attempting to make contact with the Allies I had been concerned not so much with the formal aspect of the matter, as with its principle. I knew there was a secret agreement between the American military governor and the Soviet command, under which both parties bound themselves to hand over deserters. The British had been more far-sighted; they hadn’t made such an agreement. But this foresight was not much of a guarantee to a man who was familiar with the ways of the military secret service. Although I had been demobilized, and so could not be regarded as a deserter, I had nothing to show that I was a political émigré.

    The Soviet military authorities had ways of dealing with the situation in which I was placed. They simply made serious criminal charges against any Soviet citizen who attempted to flee, and demanded his extradition on the ground that it was international practice to hand over criminals. Close acquaintance with Lieutenant-Colonel Orlov, the S. M. A. chief military prosecutor, had enabled me to know a great deal about such matters.

    This explains why I attempted to make contact with the West before going over. It was a point that would occur to anyone. But this was only a superficial aspect of the problem, which confronted me. There was another, deeper aspect, which had not occurred to me until now.

    As I walked from corner to corner, reviewing my conduct during the past two or three days, what I had done began to seem an unpardonable stupidity. I simply must not lose all sense of reality. The powerful thought of my break with the past had dominated my mind too much. I had cut myself loose from my past life, and now I was like a blind kitten in a new world. My rejection of half the world had engendered the erroneous idea that the other half was immaculate. I must look the facts soberly in the face.

    I regarded myself as an engineer, and I had forgotten that I was an officer on the Soviet General Staff, one who had been trained in the highest of Kremlin schools. Even at this stage I could still make a triumphal return to Moscow, and travel abroad a month or so later to take a post in a military attaché’s office, to command a whole staff of secret agents, buying and selling those with whom I had just been seeking refuge. And I, who trusted nobody, was demanding trust in myself. Who would believe me, when I myself didn’t know what was going on within me? I was conscious of only one thing: a spring had snapped, and the former mechanism was useless. Had I any right to expect trust? I, an erring Stalin wolf-cub?

    As I strode about my room I heard the words: “An unforgivable stupidity, Comrade Klimov!” I started as I realized that I was talking aloud.

    To think of making contact with the Allies! It was just as well that nothing had come of it! I should know, better than most, the generally accepted rules of the secret war. The other side welcomed only those who had gained its confidence. I knew exactly how that confidence was to be won. A man was of interest to them so long as he brought some benefit. If he were regarded as stupid enough, he was used for propaganda purposes, and finally was flung on the rubbish heap. At times refugees are exchanged against agents who have been caught. It is all done quietly and without fuss. Was that the road I wanted to take?

    “You haven’t learnt my teaching well, Comrade Klimov!” I heard General Biyasi’s voice in my ears.

    I knew that the Soviet intelligence service often sends agents to the West in the guise of refugees. They are covered so well that they remain undiscovered for years. The West is fully aware of this trick. It is true that a Soviet instruction had laid down that, as a rule, people of Russian nationality were not recommended for such activities. On the one hand, Russians arouse suspicion at once; on the other hand, the Soviet regime trusts its own people least of all. But that was a detail the West did not know.

    My inward break with the world of lies had quickened a terrible longing for the truth. I sought trust. But what did I need their trust for? I wanted only one thing: to be left in peace. I had no idea what I should do next. All I had achieved so far was renunciation of the past. In my soul there was now a vacuum. I must have a breathing space in which to find new sense in life. I was slowly but surely coming to the decision that I must disappear, must lose my identity - until I had found a new identity.

    I had drawn a line beneath the past. But I had not thought of the future. My first attempt to make contact with the other world had compelled me to think of it. Now I tried to systematize all the possibilities open to me.

    As I was demobilized, I was freed from my oath, and by the rules of international etiquette I was free to go where I liked. I wanted to renounce my Soviet passport and become a stateless political émigré. Let me say that I would never advise any of my comrades to take such a step. If you wish to become a political émigré, you must renounce your Soviet passport, but not your country.

    That means that you renounce all legal support from a powerful state. You stand naked and disarmed in this imperfect world, which reckons only with him, who is strong, whether his strength consists in firearms, or money, or tanks. Today the Kremlin has raised the entire world against it. Concealing their distrust and fear, the people of the outside world will smile hypocritically and shake the hands of those who possess Soviet passports, but will vent their impotent feelings on you, the political émigré, because you haven’t one. That is one aspect political emigration.

    Life in a strange land is not easy. I have seen living examples In Berlin I frequently came across certain people who deserved the (utmost commiseration. They spoke Russian, but they were afraid to talk to me. Sometimes they minded my car while I was at the theater and were grateful when I gave them a packet of cigarettes. That is another aspect of political emigration.

    Until long after midnight I wandered about my room. The house was as still as the grave; Karlshorst was asleep. All around me was the infinite sea of an alien world. I felt its cold, indifferent breath. At last I lay down on my bed without undressing, thrust my pistol under the pillow, and fell asleep.

    IV

    Several more days passed. All this time I was living a double life. I spent the first part of the day in Karlshorst, handing over my work, putting my papers in order ready for the return to Moscow, receiving the congratulations and good wishes of my acquaintances. I had to give the impression that I was glad to be going home. I exchanged addresses, I promised to write from Moscow. During the second part of the day I wandered about wintry Berlin, visiting my German friends and cautiously sounding the ground. I must find out the road by which people went to the West.

    Day after day went by without result. The normal period of preparation for departure to Moscow was three days. I had already taken two weeks.

    As time passed it became increasingly difficult for me to play this double game. With every day my stay in Karlshorst grew more dangerous. I must reckon with the possibility of a showdown, and take pre-cautionary measures. Like many of the Soviet officers in Germany, I had quite a collection of trophy weapons. Now I thought of them, and took out a German automatic pistol from behind the cupboard. After loading it I hung it on the hat-rack at the door, and covered it with my greatcoat. Then I put several spare clips and a box of cartridges close at hand. This, in case there was an attempt to arrest me in my rooms. Next I loaded my large-caliber parabellum, my officer’s pistol, which I had kept from the front-line days.

    Next day I drove out of Berlin, stopped my car in a dense wood, and began to test my weapons methodically, as though engaging in firing practice. The brief bursts of the automatic shattered the frosty silence of the winter evening. The heavy bullets of the parabellum tore into the young pines. There must be no letdown! Anything you like, except being left helpless. I did not think much - I feared only one thing: a letdown.

    Each night, after my long and fruitless wanderings about Berlin, I would return home tired and depressed. I was sunk in apathy. Evidently there was nothing else for it but to go off on my own to the West, and hope to be lost in the flood of German refugees.

    I sat down at my desk. I had no desire for food or drink. But I terribly longed to have some living creature with whom I could share my thoughts. I felt utterly weary and exhausted. Suddenly I remembered that I had not cleaned my weapons after my drive to the woods. To escape from my thoughts I began to oil the pistol. That gave me some measure of relief.

    The night peered in at the window. My room was half in darkness. My only light was the desk-lamp, burning brightly beneath its shade. In the yellow light the oily pistol gleamed coldly. I stared without thinking at the lifeless metal. That gleam drew me, held my eyes.

    I tried to tear my gaze away, and looked about me. I caught sight of a dark, hunched figure standing on one corner of my desk. Just where light and darkness met a black monkey was crouching. Crouching and gazing at me.

    This large bronze statuette had been given me by one of my acquaintances. On a square pedestal of black marble were scattered rolls of parchment, books, retorts, the material symbols of human intellect. Over them crouched a repulsive black ape, squatting with an important air. It held a human skull in its hairy paws, and was staring at it with doltish curiosity. The sculptor had conveyed in bronze all the vanity of human wishes. I set the statuette on my desk, and took little notice of it as a rule.

    But now as I looked at the figure it seemed to stir. I felt mad with myself: was I beginning to suffer from hallucinations? I tried to think of other things, of the past. Once more I recalled the years of war, the Red Square, the Kremlin. Once more the intoxicated cry of inflamed emotion roared in my ears: “First of the first, among the finest of the finest.”

    “Tomorrow you will be last among the last, defeated among the defeated,” I heard a voice.

    Now I tried to think of the future. But before me opened a gray void. I saw that I had to renounce all my past life; I must lose my identity and vanish into the nothingness.

    Into the nothingness.... Perhaps there was an even simpler way of doing that. I looked at the shining barrel of my pistol, reached for it, and played automatically with the safety catch.... It was so simple....

    The emptiness of these days I was passing through pressed me down. All my life I had done my duty, even when I had doubted that it was my duty. I had regarded duty as being the result of faith in the infallibility of the fundamental principle, and had searched obstinately for that central core of rational existence. Today I was convinced that the principle was false. So what?

    Yet again my thoughts turned back to the past: I thought of the impatience with which I had looked to the end of the war, of the passion with which I had dreamed of peaceful life. And now, just when I could return to that peaceful life, just when my dreams would come true, I was throwing it all behind me and going off in the opposite direction. Why? I felt instinctively that the reason sprang out of the danger of a new war. I felt that otherwise I would have returned home despite everything and would have continued to share my joys and sorrows with my country. The possibility of a new war aroused deep and conflicting feelings in me. But where was the connection?

    There are feelings buried so deep in the heart that one cannot trust oneself to speak them out. I had the fate of Germany before my eyes. Now I felt convinced that a similar fate awaited my own country. I knew the criminals who were leading my country to perdition, and I did not wish to share in their crime. I was going out today in order to fight them tomorrow. I didn’t want to admit to these thoughts: they seemed like treachery. And yet to betray a traitor is to be faithful to the fundamental principle. To kill a killer is a praiseworthy deed.

    I lit another cigarette from the dying butt and flung myself back in my chair. I felt an unpleasant, bitter taste in the mouth. In the chilly silence the words beat through my head monotonously:

    ’It is not enough to love your country and freedom, you have to fight for them. Now you see no other possibility of fighting than to go over to the other camp and fight from there. That is your way back to your fatherland.’

    V

    On the seventeenth day I was issued my frontier pass. It was valid for three days, and before the end of the third day I must cross the Soviet frontier at Brest-Litovsk. Whatever happened, I could not remain more than another three days in Karlshorst.

    The dusk was settling in Berlin when, after another day of fruitless wandering, I decided to call on a German acquaintance, the director of a factory, which I had visited from time to time on official business. During these visits I had had many quite frank political conversations with him. That evening, too, we quickly turned to discussion of the future of Germany. I gave expression to my view that the Germans were too optimistic about it.

    “You underestimate the internal danger,” I said. “You’re blindly waiting for the end of the occupation. But even if the Soviet forces are withdrawn from Germany, there will be very little change in the situation. Before that time comes Germany will have been bound hand and foot, she will have been sold wholesale and on a long-term lease!”

    “By whom?” the director asked.

    “That’s what the Socialist Unity Party (S. E. D.) and the People’s Police are for.”

    I knew he had recently joined the S. E. D., and so my words could not be very pleasant for him to hear. He looked at me sidelong, was silent for a moment, then said slowly: “Many of the members of the S. E. D. and the People’s Police have different thoughts from what the occupation authorities would desire.”

    “So much the worse, if they think one thing and do another.”

    “At present we have no other way out. But when the decisive moment comes, believe me, the S. E. D. and the People’s Police will not do as Moscow hopes.”

    “I wish you success!” I smiled.

    After a momentary silence the director turned the conversation into another channel:

    “Well, and how are things going with you?”

    Weary and cold, I only waved my hand hopelessly and sighed:

    “I’m going back to Moscow....”

    He evidently caught the disillusionment in my tone, and stared at me in astonishment. “Aren’t you glad to be going back home? In your place I...”

    “I’m quite prepared to change places with you,” I retorted.

    He threw me another swift glance and interpreted my words to his own satisfaction. “So you like Germany more than Russia?” he asked.

    “I could do, if I were not a Soviet officer,” I replied evasively.

    “The victors are envious of the vanquished!” He shook his head thoughtfully. He rose and began to walk about the room.

    Suddenly he halted in front of me and asked:

    “Then why don’t you remain here?”

    “Where’s here?” I asked indifferently.

    “Why, go to one of the other zones!” he exclaimed. He made a vague gesture, surprised that I had not myself thought of such a simple idea.

    “But is that so simple?” I asked, pricking up my mental ears, but remaining outwardly unconcerned.

    For some time he said nothing. Then, apparently coming to a decision, he turned and said in a rather lower voice: “If you wish to remain in Germany there’s nothing simpler than to get across the green frontier.” (’Green frontier’ - a common phrase for crossing frontiers illegally. - Tr )

    I listened still more closely, and asked:

    “Maybe, but what is the American attitude to you if you do?”

    He made a contemptuous gesture. “Oh, spit on the swines! They’re no better than....” He bit his lip.

    I smiled involuntarily. I had the impression that this director, this member of the Socialist Unity Party, was prepared to go to any lengths to reduce the Soviet Army by just one fighting unit! I knew him well; I had no reason to suspect that he was acting as a provocateur. I sat silent. If he was so anxious to win me, let him talk a little more!

    “I have many acquaintances in Thuringia,” he went on. “If you like, I can give you letters of recommendation to people of trust. They’ll willingly help you to get to the other side.” "But how about documents?"

    He shrugged his shoulders: “Today every third man in Germany has false papers.”

    “Where can you get hold of them?”

    “I know a man who’ll be very glad to help you in that direction.” He smiled a little smile, and added: “And by the way, he’s an officer in the People’s Police.”

    Now I decided to show my hand. I changed my tone; my words sounded strong, almost harsh. “Herr Director, you must pardon my reserve. The question we’re discussing has been decided long since. If I hadn’t met you I’d have had no other choice but to make my own way to the West.”

    He was silent for a moment; then he said:

    “Even when I had only business relations with you I noticed that you were different from the others. They have only one word: ’Hand over! Hand over!’” (He used the Russian word: ’Davai! Davai!’)

    We got down to discussion of the details. He promised to provide me with documents in case I found it necessary to remain in Berlin and against the possibility of my being stopped on the road. After we had arranged to meet next day, I left his house and went into the street. It was still as dark and as bitterly cold as two hours before. But now I did not feel the cold; the air seemed to have a vital freshness to it.

    Next day I met him again. With true German reliability he set a German identity card on the desk in front of me. At the window a young, fair-haired German with a military carriage was standing. The director introduced us to each other. Two men in civilian dress shook each other’s hands, and clicked their heels from sheer habit. We filled in the identity card. A bitter smile crossed my face as I read my new name: my German sheepdog had had the same name. For the first time in my life I had my fingerprints taken. A German police seal was stamped over my photograph. I had a feeling that after stamping it the German looked at me with different eyes.

    The officer of the People’s Police went so far in his kindness as to say he would himself accompany me to the frontier. He had already obtained a few days’ leave, and would take the opportunity to visit relations in Thuringia.

    To provide against all contingencies I decided to take with me one of my old official authorizations for a visit to Thuringia, stating that I was traveling on a special commission for Marshal Sokolovsky. If the German police checked my papers on the road they would see Soviet documents and these had the same effect on them as a snake on a rabbit. If a Soviet patrol made a check, in the car would be a man who had lost his identity.

    We arranged that the police officer was to drive to a street just outside Karlshorst at one o’clock the next afternoon, and then would ring me up.

    As I was saying goodbye to the director, he asked me:

    “But tell me! Why, in reality, have you, a Soviet officer, decided to turn your back on the Soviet Union?”

    “On the same ground that you, a member of the S. E. D., have decided to help this Soviet officer,” I replied, warmly shaking his hand.

    VI

    Next day I sprang out of bed before daylight had fully come. I felt an unusual influx of strength and energy. Today, whatever happened, I had got to leave Karlshorst. Twenty days had passed since I had been given the fateful order. My frontier pass expired today, and before its close I must be in Brest-Litovsk. If I were found in Karlshorst, I would have great difficulty in explaining my presence. Every unnecessary minute that I remained here increased the danger.

    I had ordered a ticket and reserved a seat in the Moscow train. Be-fore I left Berlin I would call on the military commandant at the Schlesische station and register my departure. Now I must leave my apartment in a state indicating that I had gone back to Moscow. I made my final preparations. Lighting the stove, I destroyed the contents of my desk. An inexplicable feeling of freedom possessed me. Packets of documents, authorizations bearing the S. M. A. seal, flew into the stove. Photographs of myself were melted in flame: myself against the ruined Reichstag, among the marble statues of the Siegesallee, in the Tiergarten, with Marshal Zhukov and General Eisenhower on the Tempelhof airfield.

    Letters from dear and loved friends were consumed to ash. My last spiritual bonds with the past went up in smoke. I was seized with a passion for destruction. The feeling that I was cutting myself off from all my past life, together with the absolute emptiness of the future, left only one gnawing desire alive within me: to destroy everything with my own hands. It did not even occur to me that these documents and papers might be of use to me some time or other, that it might be better to put them somewhere in safe keeping. I was quite indifferent to what might happen to me in the future. Today I was a man who had lost his identity, a man without a past, without a name, without a native land.

    I sat down at my desk and wrote letters, which I intended to post in the Karlshorst post-box. In all probability I would never have another opportunity of writing to these people. Every letter consisted of only one brief sentence: ’Today I am traveling to Moscow’, together with a last greeting, and my signature. In all my personal letters my signature always clearly revealed the mood in which I had written. Today the signature was clear, firm, and sure, like a judicial sentence. It would tell the recipients everything.

    My mind went over all the possibilities of a failure in my plans, and all that must be done in each instance. I had enough weapons and cartridges. The one thing I knew for certain was that I would not be taken alive.

    I shaved and dressed with unusual care; I even scented my handkerchief. At that moment I realized why sailors have the custom of putting on their best underwear and uniform when going into battle. The long days of inner conflict, of tormenting search for a way out, the consciousness of continual danger, had left their traces. Now I felt that my nerves were strained to breaking point. I knew that sooner or later there would come a reaction, a discharge î tension. I must get to the frontier and across, and then I could lie down and close my eyes. There I would be indifferent to the entire world. One way or another, at that point I would be only a corpse, living or dead.

    I looked at the clock, and suddenly had the alarming thought; supposing my guide should change his mind, or was afraid to drive right up to the Berlin Kremlin? Then there would be nothing for it but to go out, thrust my hands in my pockets, and make my way westward with the aid of a map. But again I thought that it would all be settled today, and that comforted me.

    With my greatcoat flung round my shoulders I began to wander once more from corner to corner. The room was cold and empty. My footfalls sounded very loud on the bare floor. The clock struck twelve. Still another hour. I was emptied of all thought. I only waited for that ring.

    There was a sharp ring at the doorbell; the sound cut through the tense silence. I stood listening. For days I had not answered any telephone calls and had not opened the door to callers. The bell rang again: long, insistently. I put my right hand in my coat pocket and listened. The bell rang still more imperatively. With a deliberately unhurried step, my hand still in my pocket, I went to open it. I opened it with my left hand.

    In the gray twilight of the wintry day I saw a man in M. V. D. uniform. I stared at him with unseeing eyes, and felt my pistol barrel slowly lifting the lining of my pocket. The man stood silent and motionless. I made an effort and looked into his face. Then I realized that he was Andrei Kovtun. He did not enter as was his usual habit, but stood stock-still, as though he could not make up his mind.

    “May I come in?” he said at last.

    I did not answer. How had he known that I was still here? What had he come for? I did not want anybody to see my apartment at this moment; there was much in it that contradicted the impression of a man about to leave for Moscow. I looked at him again. All his face expressed an unusual, mute question.

    “Come in!” I said curtly. I placed myself so that he could go only to my study. He went ahead of me and tried not to look about him. His step was listless and irresolute. I glanced out at the staircase, then closed the door. My heavy pistol knocked against my thigh, so I shifted it to my tunic pocket.

    He dropped heavily into his usual chair. I had no idea what to say to him, and switched on the electric fire, simply for the sake of doing something. As I did so I glanced through the window, and noticed that his car was empty.

    “So you’re off?” he said in a peculiar tone.

    “Yes.”

    “When?”

    “Today.”

    “And so you didn’t want to say goodbye to me?”

    There was a painful silence. He did not expect any answer. He leaned his head against the back of his chair, stared up at the ceiling, then closed his eyes. He sat in his greatcoat and cap, not even drawing off his gloves. Only now did it occur to me that we hadn’t shaken hands.

    I glanced at the clock, at the telephone, then again at Andrei. I had not seen him often since our journey to Moscow. I had the impression that he was avoiding me. Now I realized how much he had changed since that time. His face was haggard, aged; the shining skin was drawn tightly across his forehead. His features were set in the expression common to people incurably ill. All his bearing expressed hopeless weariness.

    The minutes passed. He sat without stirring, his eyes closed. I stared through the window into the street, and aimlessly tapped my foot on the floor.

    “Am I in your way?” he asked quietly. For the first time I caught a tone of uncertainty, almost helplessness, in his voice. I felt a wave of pity for him. He was only the empty husk of a man. But I did not trust him; his M. V. D. uniform forbade that. I glanced out into the street again. If they were to come for me now, Andrei would get my first bullet.

    At that moment the doorbell sounded again. A short, uncertain ring. Only a stranger would ring like that. I went out and opened the door. Two small, mute figures were standing outside. I saw their white, childish faces, their hands blue with the cold. Refugee children.

    “Khlepa!” - the Russian word for bread sounded queerly distorted in the mouths of these German children. “Khlepa!” The word was quietly repeated. In their eyes was neither entreaty nor expectation, only childish helplessness. I felt a lump in my throat. These wretched figures seemed like a spectral premonition of that which awaited me.

    Without speaking I beckoned to them to enter, found my old military kitbag in the kitchen, and filled it with everything I could. They had difficulty in dragging it to the door. I saw them out.

    As I closed the door I heard a vague muttering behind me: “That wasn’t just chance.... That’s a sign....” I stared at Andrei in amazement. He drooped his head, avoiding my gaze, and whispered:

    “God sent them.”

    He dropped back into his chair. The clock said half-past twelve.

    I realized that I had not had anything to eat all the morning. I must have strength for whatever lay ahead. I cut some bread and butter, and forced myself to eat. I put a second plate in front of Andrei. As I leaned over the table I saw that his eyes were fixed on my coat. The greatcoat had swung open, and the butt of my pistol was poking out from my tunic pocket. I felt my mouth go dry.

    Before returning to the U. S. S. R. Soviet officers had to hand over all their weapons. Any attempt to smuggle a weapon across the frontier was sternly punished. A major in the State Security Service would know that best of all. I drew my greatcoat round me as casually as possible and gave him a sidelong look. There was no astonishment in his eyes; his face was quite tranquil. The hands of the clock crept nearer to the appointed hour.

    “In all probability we shall never see each other again.” Andrei broke the oppressive silence. His words were not said in a questioning tone, but rather as an answer to his own thought. “... And you didn’t want to say goodbye,” he added sorrowfully.

    I was silent; I pretended I had not heard his remark.

    “All my life I’ve never trusted you.” His words came slowly and quietly. “When I did begin to believe in you, you did not believe or trust me....”

    His words cut me to the heart, but I could not say anything in answer. I knew only one thing: in a moment the telephone would be ringing, and if anybody got in my way I would shoot.

    Again I caught myself wondering: how had he known I was still here, and that I was going today? During these latter days there had been many possibilities... Perhaps he had learnt the news in the course of his official duties? Perhaps in his pocket he had an order for my arrest? I forced that thought away from me, and got up and walked about the room.

    Andrei’s voice, the voice of a major in the State Security Service, came as an answer to my thoughts:

    “Don’t be angry at my coming here...”

    The clock ticked like falling drops of water.

    Quietly, almost inaudibly, he went on:

    “If I hadn’t come, others would have...”

    I wandered about the room, glancing from time to time at the clock.

    “Perhaps you’d like to borrow my car?” he asked.

    “No, thanks...”

    “So you’re going, and I remain.” He spoke again. “I can be of more use if I remain at my post... If you ever think of me, Grisha, then remember... I do what I can.”

    Once more the silence filled the chilly room-broken only by the clock ticking.

    “Won’t you give me something as a keepsake?” He spoke again. His voice sounded strangely unsure, almost unhappy.

    I looked round my empty room. My gaze rested on the black monkey crouching on the desk. I stared at it fixedly, as though expecting it to move.

    “Take that.” I nodded at the bronze statuette.

    “A black ape is sitting on the world,” he muttered. “And a man strives after the good, the pure... and then you see that it’s all filth...”

    The telephone bell rang out like a pistol shot. Unhurriedly I picked up the receiver. I heard the words in German:

    “The car is here.”

    “Very good!” I answered, also in German.

    “Well... now I’ve got to go.” I turned to Andrei.

    He rose heavily from his chair and went with a wooden step to the door. I followed him. With a forced movement, as though he was mortally weary, he drew his greatcoat down. The collar caught in the gold epaulette of his tunic. He stared at his shoulder, then pulled on his greatcoat so violently that the epaulette was ripped away.

    “The wings... of a slave!” the words sounded heavy and slow in the silence. They were uttered with such a depth of bitterness that involuntarily I shivered.

    “I wish you a good journey!” he said, and held out his hand. I took his hand and shook it. He stared into my eyes, tried to say some-thing, but only gave me another firm handshake and went down the stairs. I gazed after him, but he did not turn round.

    I stood listening until the sound of his car died away. Several minutes had passed. It was time I was going.

    I had already handed in the keys of my apartment, and now I had only to shut the door. For a moment I hesitated on the threshold, then slammed the door hard behind me. The lock clicked home. Now there was no way back.

    I turned and walked out of the house: to face the future.

    Sommaire https://seenthis.net/messages/683905
    #anticommunisme #histoire #Berlin #occupation #guerre_froide

  • Gregory Klimov. The Terror Machine. Chapter 18
    http://g-klimov.info/klimov-pp-e/ETM18.htm

    The Wings of a Slave
    At the beginning of 1947, Mikoyan, member of the Politburo and plenipotentiary extraordinary of the Soviet Council of Ministers for the economic assimilation of the occupied areas and the satellite countries, made an exhaustive inspection tour of the Soviet zone. Afterwards he had a long conference with Marshal Sokolovsky and his deputy for economic questions, Comrade Koval.

    This conference discussed the results of the economic reorganization of the Soviet zone. The land reform, which had been accomplished shortly after the capitulation, had not achieved any decisive economic effect. This fact did not disturb or even surprise either Mikoyan or Marshal Sokolovsky. With its aid certain necessary tactical results had been achieved; in particular, a basis had been laid for an offensive against the peasants, as well as the prerequisites for the final collectivization of agriculture.

    In the industrial sphere, after the mass dismantling process and the socialization of the small enterprises as landeseigener Betrieb (district-owned works), the S. M. A.’s biggest measure was the practical unification of all the Soviet zone basic industry in an enormous industrial concern known as ’Soviet Joint Stock Companies’. This measure, which had been dictated by Moscow, came under special consideration at the Mikoyan-Sokolovsky conference.

    Late in the summer of 1946, Comrade Koval, the commander-in-chief’s deputy for economic questions, had returned from a visit to Moscow, bringing with him new secret instructions. Shortly after, mysterious documents began to circulate between the Administration for Industry, the Administration for Reparations, and Koval’s office.

    These documents were referred to in whispers as ’List of or ’List of 235’. The figure changed continually; it indicated the list of enterprises, which it was proposed to transform into Soviet Joint Stock Companies. The lists were sent to Moscow for confirmation, and they returned in the form of appendices to an official decree concerning the organization of an ’Administration for Soviet Joint Stock Companies in Germany’.

    This administration, which took over the former Askania Company’s building in Berlin-Weissensee for its headquarters, controlled thirteen Soviet joint stock companies in the more important industrial spheres, and these thirteen included some 250 of the larger industrial works in the Soviet zone. By the statutes of the new concern 51 per cent of the shares of the works thus included were to be Soviet-owned. Thus practically the entire industry in the Soviet zone came into Soviet hands, not only by right of conquest and for the duration of the occupation, but also for all future time.

    At the 1945 Potsdam Conference, in which Stalin had taken an active part, great attention had been paid to the question of de-cartellizing German economy, and it had been decided to liquidate the big German industrial concerns, which were regarded not only as an important economic factor, but also as a political factor frequently aggressive in its nature. As a result, one of the first items on the agenda of the Allied Control Commission was this question of the liquidation of the German concerns, and in his time General Shabalin was active in pressing for the matter to be tackled.

    But now, again on orders from Moscow, the largest industrial concern not only of Germany, but perhaps of the whole world was founded. Its economic and also political importance surpasses anything of the kind existing hitherto in Germany or in Europe. And this super-concern is no longer in German but in Soviet hands. In the present struggle for Germany and Europe the S. A. G. (Sowjet Aktienge-sellschaften) will be a strong weapon in Kremlin hands.

    All the economic measures taken by the S. M. A. in Germany, like the Kremlin’s economic policy generally pursue far-reaching political aims. The object of this transformation of the Soviet zone is to fetter it with powerful economic chains. It provides a necessary economic basis for a further political advance.

    Mikoyan was not the only member of the Politburo to visit: Germany about this time. Beria, the Soviet Minister for Home Affairs, made a similar tour of inspection through the lands of Eastern Europe and eastern Germany. He, too, had a long conference with Sokolovsky and the head of the S. M. A. Administration for Internal Affairs, Colonel-General Serov. This conference discussed measures to strengthen the internal political front. The sequence of events was logical enough: the master for extermination affairs followed the master for economic exploitation.

    One of the results of Beria’s visit to Karlshorst was a further purge of the S. M. A. personnel. A growing number of the officers who had been with the S. M. A. from the beginning were recalled to the Soviet Union. Their place was taken by new men from Moscow; they were recognizable at first glance as the purest of Party-men. The change of personnel in Karlshorst was in full accord with the Kremlin’s post-war policy, which was directed towards placing all the key-points in Party hands. Once more one could not help being struck by the difference between ’nominal Party-men’ and ’pure Party-men’. Almost every Soviet officer was a Party-member, but the Party was far from regarding them all as ’pure Party-men’.

    More than eighteen months had passed since Karlshorst had been transformed into the Berlin Kremlin. Since then both the world and Karlshorst had been subjected to many changes. Many of these changes had been the result of Karlshorst’s own activities as an advanced post of Soviet foreign policy. Parallel with this there had been a change in the international atmosphere, and the people in Karlshorst had been the first to become conscious of it.

    We were left with only the memory of the time when Russians had been welcomed everywhere as liberators and allies. The Kremlin’s post-war policy had left not a trace of the sympathy which Russian soldiers had won in the world. The Russian people’s heroism and self-sacrifice in the fight for their native country had assured the Soviet Union a leading place among the world powers, and had led to unexpected results.

    The Kremlin had decided to exploit this situation for the aims of their foreign policy. Instead of the breathing space, which the Russian people had hoped for and expected, they now had to carry all the burdens involved in the Kremlin’s risky political game. Menacing clouds were again beginning to gather on the horizon. It was the people in the Karlshorst outpost who saw those clouds most clearly. We were not fond of talking about the danger of a new war, but we thought of it, and our hearts sank.

    As events developed, we were more and more forced to think about this danger. It seemed stupid and unnatural, but the facts spoke for themselves. Many people tried to convince themselves that the Allies’ post-war dissensions were simply in the nature of disputes over the division of the spoils. But that was a poor pretext. We Soviet officers were too well grounded in the Marxist-Leninist theory of world revolution to believe it.

    We, the Soviet men who stood on the bounds of the two worlds, and who had lived through all the development of relations between the Allies since the capitulation, we who had been personally convinced that the West was genuinely striving, and still is striving, for peace, and who had seen the sabotage of every attempt to achieve friendly cooperation with the Soviets - we knew a great deal that our people at home did not and could not know.

    We well remembered the first few months after Germany’s capitulation. The Western Allies demobilized their armies as swiftly as transport conditions allowed. Meanwhile the Soviet command as swiftly brought up its shattered divisions to fighting strength, completing their complement of men and officers, and supplying new tanks and aeroplanes. We racked our brains over the question: what for?

    Perhaps it was necessary to have an armed fist when negotiating at the diplomatic table? Subsequent events showed what it was all for. The Kremlin regarded the will to peace as a mark of weakness, and democracy’s demobilization as providing an opportunity for further aggression. What else could the democracies do but re-arm? That meant a new armaments race instead of Russia’s peaceful economic restoration; it meant all that we had known so well before the war. And where would it all lead to?

    When political passions begin to play on national sentiments - something the Kremlin particularly desires - when the armaments race is at its height, it will be difficult to determine who began it all and who is to blame. And then, quite naturally, each side will accuse the other.

    But this time, we members of the Soviet occupation forces know one thing perfectly: no matter what comes, all the blame for the consequences will lie solely and simply on the shoulders of the men in the Kremlin. This time we know who started to play with the gunpowder barrel. This time we have no doubt of the prime and original cause of the new war danger.

    II

    The more the atmosphere darkened, the more monotonous grew life in Karlshorst. The days dragged past, gray and boring. On one of these gray days I went to do my usual twenty-four-hour tour of duty on the staff, which I had to perform once a month.

    The officer on duty in the S. M. A. staff headquarters had to spend the daytime in the commander-in-chief’s waiting room, and during this time he acted as assistant adjutant to the marshal. During the night he was alone on duty in the marshal’s office, and acted as adjutant.

    At six o’clock in the evening I took my place as usual in the waiting room. Marshal Sokolovsky was in Potsdam, so the place was empty. The adjutant left at half-past seven, leaving me in charge, alone. To inform myself on current matters I glanced through the files on the desk and all the documents. The time passed imperceptibly, my only interruption being telephone calls.

    At midnight, in accordance with regulations, I took the marshal’s seat at the desk in his room, in order to be ready if direct calls came through. It was quite common for the Kremlin to ring up in the middle of the night, and then the telephonogram had to be taken down and passed on to its destination.

    As I sat at the desk I began to order the papers littered over it. Among them was a duplicated Information Bulletin. This bulletin was intended only for the higher staff, and was a top-secret document, with every copy numbered. I began to look through it.

    The contents were very illuminating: they were a detailed collection of all the things that the Soviet press carefully ignores or even flatly denies. If a Soviet citizen dared to speak of such things aloud, he would be accused of being a counter-revolutionary, with all its con-sequences. But this was an official information bulletin for the use of the S. M. A. commander.

    It is a serious mistake to attempt to justify the Soviet leaders’ conduct by arguing that they are not acquainted with a particular problem, or lack information on it. At one time peasant representatives made a habit of traveling from remote villages on a pilgrimage to the Kremlin gates. They naively thought that behind the Kremlin walls Stalin did not see what was happening all around him, that they had only to tell him the truth and everything would be altered. The peasants’ representatives sacrificed their lives, and everything continued as before. The Soviet leaders are fully informed, and are entirely responsible for anything that occurs.

    In the middle of the night I resolved to ring up Genia. I made contact with the Moscow exchange, and waited a long time for an answer. At last a sleepy voice sounded: “Well?”

    “Genia,” I said, “this is Berlin speaking. What’s the news in Moscow?”

    “Ah, so it’s you!” I heard a distant sigh. “I thought you’d dropped out completely.”

    “Oh no... not completely. What’s the news?” "Nothing. Life’s a bore..." “How’s your father?” "Gone off again." “Where to this time?”

    “He sent me a silk gown recently. So I expect it’s somewhere there... But how are things with you?”

    “I’m sitting in the marshal’s chair.” "Are you intending to come to Moscow soon?" “When I’m sent.”

    “I’m so bored here alone,” she said. “Do come soon!”

    We had a long talk, and dreamed of our future meeting, thought of all we would do, discussed plans for the future. It was a dream to which we resorted in order to avoid the present. At that moment I regretted that I was not in Moscow, and sincerely wanted to go back.

    The sleepless night passed. The day arrived, and with it generals from the provinces fussed around, German representatives of the new democracy lurked timidly in corners. Just before six o’clock in the evening, when my turn of duty ended, an engineer named Sykov came in to talk over a proposed hunting expedition with me. We were interrupted by the telephone. I picked up the receiver and replied with the usual formula: “Officer on duty in the staff.” It was Koval, the commander’s deputy on economic questions, and my immediate superior.

    “Comrade Klimov?”

    “Yes.”

    “Come and see me for a moment.”

    ’He asked for me personally,’ I thought as I went to his room. ’What’s the hurry?’

    He greeted me with the question: “I suppose you don’t happen to know what this is all about?” He held out a sheet of paper bearing an order from the S. M. A. staff headquarters. I took it and read:

    ’The directing engineer, G. P. Klimov, being a highly qualified specialist in Soviet economy, is to be demobilized from the Soviet Army and freed from duty in the Soviet Military Administration to return to the Soviet Union for further utilization in accordance with his special qualifications.’

    For a moment I could not grasp its import. It left me with a decidedly unpleasant feeling. There was something not quite in order here. A certain formal courtesy was always observed towards responsible personnel; in such cases there was a preliminary personal talk.

    “You haven’t yourself applied to be transferred to Moscow?” Koval asked.

    “No,” I answered, still rather preoccupied.

    “It’s signed by the chief of staff, and there was no prior agreement with me.” Koval shrugged his shoulders.

    Five minutes later I walked into the office of the head of the Personnel Department. I had had frequent opportunities to meet Colonel Utkin, so he knew me personally. Without waiting for my question, he said:

    “Well, may I congratulate you? You’re going home...”

    “Comrade Colonel, what’s at the back of it?” I asked.

    I was interested to discover what was at the bottom of the unexpected order. Workers in Karlshorst were not recalled to Moscow without good reason. As a rule, when members of the S. M. A. applied to be returned home the staff turned down the request.

    “I’m disturbed not so much by what the order says, as by its form,” I continued. “What does it mean?”

    Utkin was silent for a moment or two, then he said with some reluctance: “The Political Administration is involved. Between ourselves, I’m surprised you’ve held out here so long as you’re a non-Party man.”

    I shook hands with him gratefully. As I turned to leave he advised me: “Bear in mind that after your frontier pass has been issued you must leave in three days. If there’s any necessity, hang out the transfer of your work.”

    I left his room with a feeling of relief. Now everything was clear. As I went along the dimly lighted corridor I was gradually possessed by strange feeling; I felt that my body was receiving an influx of strength; my soul was mastered by an inexplicable feeling of freedom. I had had exactly that same feeling when I first heard of the outbreak of war. And I had had it when I first put on my military uniform. It was the presentiment of great changes to come. It was the breath of the unknown in my face.

    Now, as I walked along the corridors of the S. M. A. headquarters I again felt the breath of this unknown. It slightly intoxicated me

    I went home through the empty streets of Karlshorst. Behind the fences the trees were swinging their bare branches. The harsh German winter was in possession - darkness and stillness. A passer-by saluted me - I answered automatically. I was in no hurry. My step was slow and thoughtful. It was as though I were not taking the well-known road home, but standing at the beginning of a long road. I looked about me, I took in deep breaths of air, and I felt the ground beneath my feet as I had not felt it for a long time. Strange, inexplicable feelings swept over me.

    Hardly had I shut the door of my apartment when Sykov came in. By my face he saw at once that something had happened. “Where are you being sent to?” he asked. “Moscow,” I answered briefly. “What for?”

    Without taking off my greatcoat I went to my desk and silently drummed on it with my fingers. “But why?” he asked again.

    “I haven’t provided myself with the red book soon enough,” I answered reluctantly.

    He stared at me commiserately. Then he put his hand in a pocket, took out a long piece of red cardboard and turned it over in his fingers.

    “What would it have cost you?” he asked, gazing at his Party-ticket. “You shout your ’Hail!’ once a week at the Party meeting, and afterward you can go to the toilet and rinse your mouth.”

    His words made an unpleasant impression on me. I instinctively reflected that that piece of cardboard must still be warm with the warmth of his body. As though he had guessed my thoughts, he went on: “I myself remained at the candidate stage for six years. Until I couldn’t keep it up any longer.”

    His presence and his remarks began to irritate me. I wanted to be left to myself. He invited me to go with him to the club. I refused.

    “I’m going to have a game of billiards,” he remarked as he went to the door. “A cannon off two cushions, and no ideology about it.”

    I remained standing by my desk. I was still wearing my greatcoat. The coat round my shoulders strengthened my feeling that I was on my way. I tried sitting down, but jumped up again at once. I couldn’t sit quietly. Something was burning inside me. I wandered about the room with my hands in my pockets.

    I switched on the radio. The cheerful music plucked at my nerves, and I switched it off. The telephone bell rang. I did not bother to answer it. The German maid had prepared my supper; it was waiting on the table for me. I didn’t even look at it, but paced from corner to corner, my head sunk on my chest.

    The order had burst the dam, which had long been holding me back. I felt that inside me everything was shattered, everything was in turmoil. And at the same time something was slowly crawling towards me from afar. Something inexorable and joyless.

    Today I must cast up accounts.

    Today only one thing was clear: I did not believe in that which I had at the back of me. But if I returned to Moscow - I must at once join the Party, a Party - in which I did not believe. There was no other way. I would have to do it in order to save my life, to have the right to exist. All my life thenceforth I would lie and pretend, simply for the sake of the bare possibility of existence. Of that I had no doubt. I had examples before my eyes. Andrei Kovtun, a man in a blind alley. Mikhail Belyavsky, a man beyond the pale. Major Dubov, a man in a vacuum. But wasn’t I a man in a vacuum too? How long could that continue?

    I would have a home, and wait for the nocturnal knock at the door. I would get married, only to distrust my own wife. I would have children, who might at any time betray me or become orphans ashamed of their father.

    At these thoughts the blood rushed to my head. My collar choked me. A hot wave of fury rose in my throat. I felt so hot that my greatcoat seemed too heavy for me. At the moment I still had my greatcoat round my shoulders and a weapon in my hand. I didn’t want to part from that coat, or from that weapon. Why not?

    If I returned, sooner or later I would go under. Why? I had no belief in the future. But what had I had in the past? I tried to recall that past. When I first saw the light of this world the flames of revolution were playing in my eyes. I grew up to be a restless wolf-cub, and those flames continually flickered in my eyes. I was a wolf-cub of the Stalin generation; I fought with teeth and claws for my life and thrust my way forward. Now the Stalin wolf-cub was at the height of his powers, surveying the point he had reached.

    Today I had to confess to myself: all my life I had forced myself to believe in something I could not believe in, even from the day of my birth. All my life I had only sought a compromise with life. And if any one of my contemporaries were to say that he believed, I would call him a liar, a coward. Did such men, as Sykov really believe?

    I strode about my room, my eyes on my boots. They had trodden the earth from Moscow to Berlin. I remembered the flaming and smoking years of the war, the fiery font in which my feeling of responsibility to my native land was awakened. Once more I saw the Red Square and the walls of the Kremlin lit up with the fiery salutes of victory. Days of pride and glory, when one cried aloud with excess of emotion. In my ears sounded once more the words that had throbbed in my breast: ’Among the first of the first, among the finest of the finest you are marching today across the Red Square.’

    Now I was marching from one corner of my room to the other, like a caged wolf. Yes, the war had knocked us off our balance. Blinded by the struggle for our native land, we forgot a great deal in those days. At that time it could not be otherwise, there was no other way.

    Those who took another way.... With a bitter pang I recalled the early days of the war. I am deeply grateful to Fate that I was saved the necessity of making a very difficult decision. By the time it came to my turn to put on the soldier’s greatcoat I knew clearly that the way of the Russians was not with the Germans. And I fought to the end. I fought for something in which I did not believe. I fought, consoling myself with hopes.

    Now I no longer had those hopes. Now I felt that we had gone wrong, we had not accomplished our task, but had trusted to promises. That was why I did not want to take off the greatcoat. It wasn’t too late yet!

    Now menacing clouds were again gathering on the horizon. If I returned to Moscow, I would once more be confronted with the same bitter decision as in June 1941. Once more I would have to defend something I had no wish to defend.

    Still more, now I was convinced that the men in the Kremlin were leading my country along a road to perdition. Nobody was threatening us. On the contrary, we were threatening the entire world. That was an unnecessary and dangerous game. If we won, what good would it do us? If we were defeated, who would bear the guilt, and who would pay the Kremlin’s accounts? Every one of us!

    I had passed through days of anxiety for my country, through battles and through victory. And in addition I had seen with my own eyes all the bitterness of defeat. Germany in the dust was a good example of that. Germany was writhing in the convulsions of hunger and shame - but where were the guilty ones? Were only leaders guilty, or the entire nation?

    If the war broke out, it would be too late then. War has its own laws. Those whom the Kremlin had turned into enemies would regard us as enemies. They did not want war, but if war was inevitable they would wage it to defend their own interests. So what was left for us to do: be again a chip in the hands of criminal gamesters?

    Hour after hour I walked about my room, with my greatcoat round my shoulders. It was long past midnight, but I had no thought of sleep. There was a void behind me and a void before me. I had only one conscious and definite realization: I could not go back. One thought hammered continually in my head: what was I to do?

    Not until early in the morning did I feel tired. Then I lay down on my bed without undressing. And I fell asleep with my greatcoat drawn over my head.

    III

    During the next few days I began to hand over my work, bit by bit. Following Colonel Utkin’s advice I deliberately dragged out the process. Without yet knowing why, I sought to gain time. And continually I was oppressed with the same tormenting thoughts and the one inexorable question: what was I to do?

    On one of these days I stepped out of the Underground station on Kurfurstendamm, in the British sector. I was wearing civilian clothes; my boots squelched in the damp ooze of melting snow. The familiar streets seemed strange and unfriendly. I walked along aimlessly, running my eyes over the nameplates at the entrances to the houses. My finger played with the trigger of the pistol in my coat pocket.

    Finally I made my choice of nameplate and went into the house. It had been a luxurious place - it still had a broad marble staircase. Now the stairs were unlit, a chilly wind blew through the unglazed windows. After some difficulty I found the door I was seeking, and rang the bell. A girl with a coat flung round her shoulders opened to me.

    “Can I see Herr Diels?” I asked.

    “What about?” she asked pleasantly. “A private matter,” I curtly answered.

    She showed me in and asked me to wait a moment. I sat in the lawyer’s cold, dark reception room, while the girl disappeared. A few moments later she returned and said: “The Herr Doctor will see you.”

    I entered an enormous, unheated office. An elderly gentleman in gold-rimmed spectacles rose from his desk to meet me. “What can I do for you?” he asked, offering me a seat. He rubbed his frozen hands, probably expecting some ordinary case of divorce.

    “My request is rather unusual, Doctor,” I said. For the first lime in my intercourse with Germans I felt a little awkward.

    “Oh, you needn’t feel any constraint with me,” he said with a professional smile.

    “I am a Russian officer,” I said slowly, instinctively lowering my voice.

    The lawyer smiled genially, to indicate that he felt highly honored by my visit. “Only the other day another Soviet officer called on me with a German girl,” he said, obviously seeking to encourage me.

    I hardly listened to his explanation of why the other Russian officer had visited him. I was thinking with chagrin: ’I’ve made a bad start...’ But it was too late to retreat, and I decided to speak out.

    “You see, I’m being demobilized and sent back to Russia. I shan’t burden you with explanations as to the why and wherefore. To put it briefly, I want to go to Western Germany.”

    The smile vanished from his face. For a moment or two he did not know what to say. Then he prudently asked: “Ah... and what can I do about that?”

    “I must get into contact with the Allies,” I said. “I wish to ask for political asylum. I can’t do that myself. If I’m seen with any Allied official or if I’m observed coming out of an Allied office... that’s too great a risk for me to run. So I’d like to ask you to help me.”

    The silence lasted some minutes. Then I noticed that Herr Diels was behaving in a queer manner. He fidgeted restlessly on his chair, searched for something in his pocket, turned over the papers on his desk.

    “Yes, yes... I understand,” he murmured. “I, too, am a victim of the Nazi regime.”

    He took out a letter-case and hurriedly ran through innumerable letters. At last he found what he was seeking, and with a trembling hand held out a paper to me. It had been carefully reinforced at the folds and obviously was in frequent use.

    “You see, I’ve even got a certificate testifying to that fact,” he said.

    I glanced through the document. It stated that the possessor was a victim of Nazism, and almost a communist. I again had the unpleasant feeling that I had come to the wrong address. I realized that the lawyer was afraid of something and was trying to secure himself.

    “Herr Doctor, to be frank I’d rather deal with the most rabid of Nazis at this moment,” I said as I handed back his document.

    “Who recommended you to come to me?” he asked irresolutely.

    “No one. I took a chance. I have to act in the knowledge that I cannot trust anybody in my immediate surroundings. I hoped you’d be in a position to help me. But if you can’t for any reason, at any rate there’s no reason why you should do me any harm.”

    Herr Diels sat sunken in thought. Finally he appeared to come to some decision. He turned to me again. “But tell me, what surety can I have that you...” He concentratedly turned the pencil over and over in his hand and avoided looking me in the face. Then, as though making up his mind, he raised his eyes and said a little hesitantly: “... that you’re not an agent of that... of the G. P. U?”

    The former name of that well-known organization jarred in my ears. Apparently the Germans didn’t know its present name yet. Despite the seriousness of my position, his question made me smile. The very thing I feared in others I was myself suspected of. I simply shrugged my shoulders and said: “I haven’t had an opportunity to think that one out as yet, Herr Doctor. All I’m concerned with at the moment is with saving my own head from that... G. P. U.”

    He sat very still, thinking aloud: “You speak German well... too well... And besides, this is all so abnormal...” He stared at me fixedly, as though trying to read my thoughts, and said: “Good! I’m an old man and I have experience of men. I believe you’re speaking the truth. Where do you want to go?”

    “To the American zone.”

    “But why the American zone?” He raised his eyebrows in astonishment.

    “Herr Doctor, when a man takes such a step from political considerations it’s natural for him to seek refuge with the strongest enemies of the people he’s escaping from.”

    “Yes, but this is the British sector. I have no contact with the Americans.”

    I realized that this was tantamount to a refusal, and I made one last attempt:

    “Perhaps you could recommend me to one of your colleagues who has got contact with the Americans?”

    “Oh yes, I can do that,” he answered, reaching for his telephone book. He turned up a name in the book, then rose heavily from his desk and went to the door, remarking: “Excuse me a moment. I’ll write out the address for you.”

    He went into the reception room. I heard him speaking to his secretary. Then he exchanged a few words with another visitor. The telephone bell rang more than once. Somebody came and went.

    The minutes dragged past. It was very cold in that unheated room and I began to shiver. I felt a perfectly stupid feeling of utter dependence on the decency of someone who was a complete stranger. I settled deeper in the armchair, drew my coat closer round me and put my right hand in my pocket. I slipped back the safety catch of my pistol, and turned the barrel to cover the door. If a Soviet military patrol came in I would open fire without taking my hand out of my pocket.

    At last the lawyer came back, and held out a slip of paper to me. On it was an address, typewritten. I could not help wondering: ’Is that from prudence, or simply the German habit of always using the typewriter?’

    Suppressing a sigh of relief, I left the house. The streetcars and automobiles were noisy in the gray dusk of the winter evening. People were hurrying along on their way home; each one had somewhere to go. I felt a wretched feeling of loneliness. I drew my cap down over my eyes and plunged into the Underground.

    After a long journey and long wandering through unknown streets at night I found the address Herr Diels had given me: a villa on the outskirts of the city. Dr. von Scheer occupied quite a high position, and it was not easy for me to get a personal interview with him. When at last I was alone with him in his study and explained the reason for my visit he at once got down to business. He took a photocopy of a document from his desk drawer, and showed it to me. It stated that he had official relations with the Soviet central commandatura. I was confronted with all the familiar seals and signatures. I pulled such a face that he could not help smiling.

    “What surety have I that you’re not an agent of this... well, you know!” he asked. He winked and gave me a friendly slap on the knee.

    I could only shrug my shoulders.

    Dr. von Scheer proved to be a businesslike man. After a brief talk he agreed to have a chat with some Americans he knew, and asked me to call again in two days’ time. I went home wondering whether he was at that moment telephoning to the Soviet commandatura to inform them of my visit.

    Two days later I went to keep the appointment. I had very mixed feelings: hopes of success, and expectations of an ambush. He curtly informed me that his talks had been fruitless. The Americans didn’t wish to have anything to do with the matter. Evidently for the same reason: ’What surety have we...?’

    I thanked the doctor for his kindness, groped my way down the steps of his house, and strode through the darkness of Berlin. I could not use my automobile with its Soviet registration number, and I had to go home by streetcar. So once more I stood on the rear platform, surrounded by bustling people on their way home from work.

    At one of the stops close to the Control Commission a Soviet officer got on, and stood beside me. He was an elderly, benevolent-looking man, with a document-case. Evidently he had been detained in the Control Commission and so had missed the service omnibuses. At the sight of the familiar uniform I felt a touch of anxiety.

    Suddenly he turned to me and asked me some question in German. I answered in German. As I did so I felt a clutching at my heart. Here was the beginning of it all! I no longer trusted anybody; I did not even dare to admit that I was a Russian.

    As I changed from one streetcar to another I noticed a German policeman not far off. With no clear idea of what I had in mind I went up to him and asked where I could find the American consulate. He evidently guessed I was not a German, and shone his lantern over me from head to foot.

    In post-war Germany foreigners who were not wearing Allied uniform or did not possess an allied passport were beyond the legal pale. I had often seen such people wandering aimlessly about Berlin. The policeman evidently took me for one of these, and stared at me suspiciously. He was used to such individuals avoiding the police like the plague. “We don’t give such information,” he answered at last, and shone the lantern at me again, evidently half minded to ask me for my documents. It was well that he didn’t, for I would have been in an awkward predicament: German police were under orders to salute Soviet officers.

    The policeman walked away. I had a feeling of breathlessness in my chest. This incident marked the beginning of the road I had decided to follow. Where I was going I would have neither a pistol nor a valid document assuring me a place in life.

    As I opened the door of my Karlshorst apartment I heard the telephone ringing. I did not bother to answer. I didn’t want to see or speak to anybody. I felt that I must have time to think over all that had happened, and to consider the future.

    Once more I began my restless wandering from corner to corner. So my attempts to make contact with the Allies had been futile. It wasn’t so simple as I had thought. It had had one result: now I saw clearly that I had got to act at my own risk.

    In thus attempting to make contact with the Allies I had been concerned not so much with the formal aspect of the matter, as with its principle. I knew there was a secret agreement between the American military governor and the Soviet command, under which both parties bound themselves to hand over deserters. The British had been more far-sighted; they hadn’t made such an agreement. But this foresight was not much of a guarantee to a man who was familiar with the ways of the military secret service. Although I had been demobilized, and so could not be regarded as a deserter, I had nothing to show that I was a political émigré.

    The Soviet military authorities had ways of dealing with the situation in which I was placed. They simply made serious criminal charges against any Soviet citizen who attempted to flee, and demanded his extradition on the ground that it was international practice to hand over criminals. Close acquaintance with Lieutenant-Colonel Orlov, the S. M. A. chief military prosecutor, had enabled me to know a great deal about such matters.

    This explains why I attempted to make contact with the West before going over. It was a point that would occur to anyone. But this was only a superficial aspect of the problem, which confronted me. There was another, deeper aspect, which had not occurred to me until now.

    As I walked from corner to corner, reviewing my conduct during the past two or three days, what I had done began to seem an unpardonable stupidity. I simply must not lose all sense of reality. The powerful thought of my break with the past had dominated my mind too much. I had cut myself loose from my past life, and now I was like a blind kitten in a new world. My rejection of half the world had engendered the erroneous idea that the other half was immaculate. I must look the facts soberly in the face.

    I regarded myself as an engineer, and I had forgotten that I was an officer on the Soviet General Staff, one who had been trained in the highest of Kremlin schools. Even at this stage I could still make a triumphal return to Moscow, and travel abroad a month or so later to take a post in a military attaché’s office, to command a whole staff of secret agents, buying and selling those with whom I had just been seeking refuge. And I, who trusted nobody, was demanding trust in myself. Who would believe me, when I myself didn’t know what was going on within me? I was conscious of only one thing: a spring had snapped, and the former mechanism was useless. Had I any right to expect trust? I, an erring Stalin wolf-cub?

    As I strode about my room I heard the words: “An unforgivable stupidity, Comrade Klimov!” I started as I realized that I was talking aloud.

    To think of making contact with the Allies! It was just as well that nothing had come of it! I should know, better than most, the generally accepted rules of the secret war. The other side welcomed only those who had gained its confidence. I knew exactly how that confidence was to be won. A man was of interest to them so long as he brought some benefit. If he were regarded as stupid enough, he was used for propaganda purposes, and finally was flung on the rubbish heap. At times refugees are exchanged against agents who have been caught. It is all done quietly and without fuss. Was that the road I wanted to take?

    “You haven’t learnt my teaching well, Comrade Klimov!” I heard General Biyasi’s voice in my ears.

    I knew that the Soviet intelligence service often sends agents to the West in the guise of refugees. They are covered so well that they remain undiscovered for years. The West is fully aware of this trick. It is true that a Soviet instruction had laid down that, as a rule, people of Russian nationality were not recommended for such activities. On the one hand, Russians arouse suspicion at once; on the other hand, the Soviet regime trusts its own people least of all. But that was a detail the West did not know.

    My inward break with the world of lies had quickened a terrible longing for the truth. I sought trust. But what did I need their trust for? I wanted only one thing: to be left in peace. I had no idea what I should do next. All I had achieved so far was renunciation of the past. In my soul there was now a vacuum. I must have a breathing space in which to find new sense in life. I was slowly but surely coming to the decision that I must disappear, must lose my identity - until I had found a new identity.

    I had drawn a line beneath the past. But I had not thought of the future. My first attempt to make contact with the other world had compelled me to think of it. Now I tried to systematize all the possibilities open to me.

    As I was demobilized, I was freed from my oath, and by the rules of international etiquette I was free to go where I liked. I wanted to renounce my Soviet passport and become a stateless political émigré. Let me say that I would never advise any of my comrades to take such a step. If you wish to become a political émigré, you must renounce your Soviet passport, but not your country.

    That means that you renounce all legal support from a powerful state. You stand naked and disarmed in this imperfect world, which reckons only with him, who is strong, whether his strength consists in firearms, or money, or tanks. Today the Kremlin has raised the entire world against it. Concealing their distrust and fear, the people of the outside world will smile hypocritically and shake the hands of those who possess Soviet passports, but will vent their impotent feelings on you, the political émigré, because you haven’t one. That is one aspect political emigration.

    Life in a strange land is not easy. I have seen living examples In Berlin I frequently came across certain people who deserved the (utmost commiseration. They spoke Russian, but they were afraid to talk to me. Sometimes they minded my car while I was at the theater and were grateful when I gave them a packet of cigarettes. That is another aspect of political emigration.

    Until long after midnight I wandered about my room. The house was as still as the grave; Karlshorst was asleep. All around me was the infinite sea of an alien world. I felt its cold, indifferent breath. At last I lay down on my bed without undressing, thrust my pistol under the pillow, and fell asleep.

    IV

    Several more days passed. All this time I was living a double life. I spent the first part of the day in Karlshorst, handing over my work, putting my papers in order ready for the return to Moscow, receiving the congratulations and good wishes of my acquaintances. I had to give the impression that I was glad to be going home. I exchanged addresses, I promised to write from Moscow. During the second part of the day I wandered about wintry Berlin, visiting my German friends and cautiously sounding the ground. I must find out the road by which people went to the West.

    Day after day went by without result. The normal period of preparation for departure to Moscow was three days. I had already taken two weeks.

    As time passed it became increasingly difficult for me to play this double game. With every day my stay in Karlshorst grew more dangerous. I must reckon with the possibility of a showdown, and take pre-cautionary measures. Like many of the Soviet officers in Germany, I had quite a collection of trophy weapons. Now I thought of them, and took out a German automatic pistol from behind the cupboard. After loading it I hung it on the hat-rack at the door, and covered it with my greatcoat. Then I put several spare clips and a box of cartridges close at hand. This, in case there was an attempt to arrest me in my rooms. Next I loaded my large-caliber parabellum, my officer’s pistol, which I had kept from the front-line days.

    Next day I drove out of Berlin, stopped my car in a dense wood, and began to test my weapons methodically, as though engaging in firing practice. The brief bursts of the automatic shattered the frosty silence of the winter evening. The heavy bullets of the parabellum tore into the young pines. There must be no letdown! Anything you like, except being left helpless. I did not think much - I feared only one thing: a letdown.

    Each night, after my long and fruitless wanderings about Berlin, I would return home tired and depressed. I was sunk in apathy. Evidently there was nothing else for it but to go off on my own to the West, and hope to be lost in the flood of German refugees.

    I sat down at my desk. I had no desire for food or drink. But I terribly longed to have some living creature with whom I could share my thoughts. I felt utterly weary and exhausted. Suddenly I remembered that I had not cleaned my weapons after my drive to the woods. To escape from my thoughts I began to oil the pistol. That gave me some measure of relief.

    The night peered in at the window. My room was half in darkness. My only light was the desk-lamp, burning brightly beneath its shade. In the yellow light the oily pistol gleamed coldly. I stared without thinking at the lifeless metal. That gleam drew me, held my eyes.

    I tried to tear my gaze away, and looked about me. I caught sight of a dark, hunched figure standing on one corner of my desk. Just where light and darkness met a black monkey was crouching. Crouching and gazing at me.

    This large bronze statuette had been given me by one of my acquaintances. On a square pedestal of black marble were scattered rolls of parchment, books, retorts, the material symbols of human intellect. Over them crouched a repulsive black ape, squatting with an important air. It held a human skull in its hairy paws, and was staring at it with doltish curiosity. The sculptor had conveyed in bronze all the vanity of human wishes. I set the statuette on my desk, and took little notice of it as a rule.

    But now as I looked at the figure it seemed to stir. I felt mad with myself: was I beginning to suffer from hallucinations? I tried to think of other things, of the past. Once more I recalled the years of war, the Red Square, the Kremlin. Once more the intoxicated cry of inflamed emotion roared in my ears: “First of the first, among the finest of the finest.”

    “Tomorrow you will be last among the last, defeated among the defeated,” I heard a voice.

    Now I tried to think of the future. But before me opened a gray void. I saw that I had to renounce all my past life; I must lose my identity and vanish into the nothingness.

    Into the nothingness.... Perhaps there was an even simpler way of doing that. I looked at the shining barrel of my pistol, reached for it, and played automatically with the safety catch.... It was so simple....

    The emptiness of these days I was passing through pressed me down. All my life I had done my duty, even when I had doubted that it was my duty. I had regarded duty as being the result of faith in the infallibility of the fundamental principle, and had searched obstinately for that central core of rational existence. Today I was convinced that the principle was false. So what?

    Yet again my thoughts turned back to the past: I thought of the impatience with which I had looked to the end of the war, of the passion with which I had dreamed of peaceful life. And now, just when I could return to that peaceful life, just when my dreams would come true, I was throwing it all behind me and going off in the opposite direction. Why? I felt instinctively that the reason sprang out of the danger of a new war. I felt that otherwise I would have returned home despite everything and would have continued to share my joys and sorrows with my country. The possibility of a new war aroused deep and conflicting feelings in me. But where was the connection?

    There are feelings buried so deep in the heart that one cannot trust oneself to speak them out. I had the fate of Germany before my eyes. Now I felt convinced that a similar fate awaited my own country. I knew the criminals who were leading my country to perdition, and I did not wish to share in their crime. I was going out today in order to fight them tomorrow. I didn’t want to admit to these thoughts: they seemed like treachery. And yet to betray a traitor is to be faithful to the fundamental principle. To kill a killer is a praiseworthy deed.

    I lit another cigarette from the dying butt and flung myself back in my chair. I felt an unpleasant, bitter taste in the mouth. In the chilly silence the words beat through my head monotonously:

    ’It is not enough to love your country and freedom, you have to fight for them. Now you see no other possibility of fighting than to go over to the other camp and fight from there. That is your way back to your fatherland.’

    V

    On the seventeenth day I was issued my frontier pass. It was valid for three days, and before the end of the third day I must cross the Soviet frontier at Brest-Litovsk. Whatever happened, I could not remain more than another three days in Karlshorst.

    The dusk was settling in Berlin when, after another day of fruitless wandering, I decided to call on a German acquaintance, the director of a factory, which I had visited from time to time on official business. During these visits I had had many quite frank political conversations with him. That evening, too, we quickly turned to discussion of the future of Germany. I gave expression to my view that the Germans were too optimistic about it.

    “You underestimate the internal danger,” I said. “You’re blindly waiting for the end of the occupation. But even if the Soviet forces are withdrawn from Germany, there will be very little change in the situation. Before that time comes Germany will have been bound hand and foot, she will have been sold wholesale and on a long-term lease!”

    “By whom?” the director asked.

    “That’s what the Socialist Unity Party (S. E. D.) and the People’s Police are for.”

    I knew he had recently joined the S. E. D., and so my words could not be very pleasant for him to hear. He looked at me sidelong, was silent for a moment, then said slowly: “Many of the members of the S. E. D. and the People’s Police have different thoughts from what the occupation authorities would desire.”

    “So much the worse, if they think one thing and do another.”

    “At present we have no other way out. But when the decisive moment comes, believe me, the S. E. D. and the People’s Police will not do as Moscow hopes.”

    “I wish you success!” I smiled.

    After a momentary silence the director turned the conversation into another channel:

    “Well, and how are things going with you?”

    Weary and cold, I only waved my hand hopelessly and sighed:

    “I’m going back to Moscow....”

    He evidently caught the disillusionment in my tone, and stared at me in astonishment. “Aren’t you glad to be going back home? In your place I...”

    “I’m quite prepared to change places with you,” I retorted.

    He threw me another swift glance and interpreted my words to his own satisfaction. “So you like Germany more than Russia?” he asked.

    “I could do, if I were not a Soviet officer,” I replied evasively.

    “The victors are envious of the vanquished!” He shook his head thoughtfully. He rose and began to walk about the room.

    Suddenly he halted in front of me and asked:

    “Then why don’t you remain here?”

    “Where’s here?” I asked indifferently.

    “Why, go to one of the other zones!” he exclaimed. He made a vague gesture, surprised that I had not myself thought of such a simple idea.

    “But is that so simple?” I asked, pricking up my mental ears, but remaining outwardly unconcerned.

    For some time he said nothing. Then, apparently coming to a decision, he turned and said in a rather lower voice: “If you wish to remain in Germany there’s nothing simpler than to get across the green frontier.” (’Green frontier’ - a common phrase for crossing frontiers illegally. - Tr )

    I listened still more closely, and asked:

    “Maybe, but what is the American attitude to you if you do?”

    He made a contemptuous gesture. “Oh, spit on the swines! They’re no better than....” He bit his lip.

    I smiled involuntarily. I had the impression that this director, this member of the Socialist Unity Party, was prepared to go to any lengths to reduce the Soviet Army by just one fighting unit! I knew him well; I had no reason to suspect that he was acting as a provocateur. I sat silent. If he was so anxious to win me, let him talk a little more!

    “I have many acquaintances in Thuringia,” he went on. “If you like, I can give you letters of recommendation to people of trust. They’ll willingly help you to get to the other side.” "But how about documents?"

    He shrugged his shoulders: “Today every third man in Germany has false papers.”

    “Where can you get hold of them?”

    “I know a man who’ll be very glad to help you in that direction.” He smiled a little smile, and added: “And by the way, he’s an officer in the People’s Police.”

    Now I decided to show my hand. I changed my tone; my words sounded strong, almost harsh. “Herr Director, you must pardon my reserve. The question we’re discussing has been decided long since. If I hadn’t met you I’d have had no other choice but to make my own way to the West.”

    He was silent for a moment; then he said:

    “Even when I had only business relations with you I noticed that you were different from the others. They have only one word: ’Hand over! Hand over!’” (He used the Russian word: ’Davai! Davai!’)

    We got down to discussion of the details. He promised to provide me with documents in case I found it necessary to remain in Berlin and against the possibility of my being stopped on the road. After we had arranged to meet next day, I left his house and went into the street. It was still as dark and as bitterly cold as two hours before. But now I did not feel the cold; the air seemed to have a vital freshness to it.

    Next day I met him again. With true German reliability he set a German identity card on the desk in front of me. At the window a young, fair-haired German with a military carriage was standing. The director introduced us to each other. Two men in civilian dress shook each other’s hands, and clicked their heels from sheer habit. We filled in the identity card. A bitter smile crossed my face as I read my new name: my German sheepdog had had the same name. For the first time in my life I had my fingerprints taken. A German police seal was stamped over my photograph. I had a feeling that after stamping it the German looked at me with different eyes.

    The officer of the People’s Police went so far in his kindness as to say he would himself accompany me to the frontier. He had already obtained a few days’ leave, and would take the opportunity to visit relations in Thuringia.

    To provide against all contingencies I decided to take with me one of my old official authorizations for a visit to Thuringia, stating that I was traveling on a special commission for Marshal Sokolovsky. If the German police checked my papers on the road they would see Soviet documents and these had the same effect on them as a snake on a rabbit. If a Soviet patrol made a check, in the car would be a man who had lost his identity.

    We arranged that the police officer was to drive to a street just outside Karlshorst at one o’clock the next afternoon, and then would ring me up.

    As I was saying goodbye to the director, he asked me:

    “But tell me! Why, in reality, have you, a Soviet officer, decided to turn your back on the Soviet Union?”

    “On the same ground that you, a member of the S. E. D., have decided to help this Soviet officer,” I replied, warmly shaking his hand.

    VI

    Next day I sprang out of bed before daylight had fully come. I felt an unusual influx of strength and energy. Today, whatever happened, I had got to leave Karlshorst. Twenty days had passed since I had been given the fateful order. My frontier pass expired today, and before its close I must be in Brest-Litovsk. If I were found in Karlshorst, I would have great difficulty in explaining my presence. Every unnecessary minute that I remained here increased the danger.

    I had ordered a ticket and reserved a seat in the Moscow train. Be-fore I left Berlin I would call on the military commandant at the Schlesische station and register my departure. Now I must leave my apartment in a state indicating that I had gone back to Moscow. I made my final preparations. Lighting the stove, I destroyed the contents of my desk. An inexplicable feeling of freedom possessed me. Packets of documents, authorizations bearing the S. M. A. seal, flew into the stove. Photographs of myself were melted in flame: myself against the ruined Reichstag, among the marble statues of the Siegesallee, in the Tiergarten, with Marshal Zhukov and General Eisenhower on the Tempelhof airfield.

    Letters from dear and loved friends were consumed to ash. My last spiritual bonds with the past went up in smoke. I was seized with a passion for destruction. The feeling that I was cutting myself off from all my past life, together with the absolute emptiness of the future, left only one gnawing desire alive within me: to destroy everything with my own hands. It did not even occur to me that these documents and papers might be of use to me some time or other, that it might be better to put them somewhere in safe keeping. I was quite indifferent to what might happen to me in the future. Today I was a man who had lost his identity, a man without a past, without a name, without a native land.

    I sat down at my desk and wrote letters, which I intended to post in the Karlshorst post-box. In all probability I would never have another opportunity of writing to these people. Every letter consisted of only one brief sentence: ’Today I am traveling to Moscow’, together with a last greeting, and my signature. In all my personal letters my signature always clearly revealed the mood in which I had written. Today the signature was clear, firm, and sure, like a judicial sentence. It would tell the recipients everything.

    My mind went over all the possibilities of a failure in my plans, and all that must be done in each instance. I had enough weapons and cartridges. The one thing I knew for certain was that I would not be taken alive.

    I shaved and dressed with unusual care; I even scented my handkerchief. At that moment I realized why sailors have the custom of putting on their best underwear and uniform when going into battle. The long days of inner conflict, of tormenting search for a way out, the consciousness of continual danger, had left their traces. Now I felt that my nerves were strained to breaking point. I knew that sooner or later there would come a reaction, a discharge î tension. I must get to the frontier and across, and then I could lie down and close my eyes. There I would be indifferent to the entire world. One way or another, at that point I would be only a corpse, living or dead.

    I looked at the clock, and suddenly had the alarming thought; supposing my guide should change his mind, or was afraid to drive right up to the Berlin Kremlin? Then there would be nothing for it but to go out, thrust my hands in my pockets, and make my way westward with the aid of a map. But again I thought that it would all be settled today, and that comforted me.

    With my greatcoat flung round my shoulders I began to wander once more from corner to corner. The room was cold and empty. My footfalls sounded very loud on the bare floor. The clock struck twelve. Still another hour. I was emptied of all thought. I only waited for that ring.

    There was a sharp ring at the doorbell; the sound cut through the tense silence. I stood listening. For days I had not answered any telephone calls and had not opened the door to callers. The bell rang again: long, insistently. I put my right hand in my coat pocket and listened. The bell rang still more imperatively. With a deliberately unhurried step, my hand still in my pocket, I went to open it. I opened it with my left hand.

    In the gray twilight of the wintry day I saw a man in M. V. D. uniform. I stared at him with unseeing eyes, and felt my pistol barrel slowly lifting the lining of my pocket. The man stood silent and motionless. I made an effort and looked into his face. Then I realized that he was Andrei Kovtun. He did not enter as was his usual habit, but stood stock-still, as though he could not make up his mind.

    “May I come in?” he said at last.

    I did not answer. How had he known that I was still here? What had he come for? I did not want anybody to see my apartment at this moment; there was much in it that contradicted the impression of a man about to leave for Moscow. I looked at him again. All his face expressed an unusual, mute question.

    “Come in!” I said curtly. I placed myself so that he could go only to my study. He went ahead of me and tried not to look about him. His step was listless and irresolute. I glanced out at the staircase, then closed the door. My heavy pistol knocked against my thigh, so I shifted it to my tunic pocket.

    He dropped heavily into his usual chair. I had no idea what to say to him, and switched on the electric fire, simply for the sake of doing something. As I did so I glanced through the window, and noticed that his car was empty.

    “So you’re off?” he said in a peculiar tone.

    “Yes.”

    “When?”

    “Today.”

    “And so you didn’t want to say goodbye to me?”

    There was a painful silence. He did not expect any answer. He leaned his head against the back of his chair, stared up at the ceiling, then closed his eyes. He sat in his greatcoat and cap, not even drawing off his gloves. Only now did it occur to me that we hadn’t shaken hands.

    I glanced at the clock, at the telephone, then again at Andrei. I had not seen him often since our journey to Moscow. I had the impression that he was avoiding me. Now I realized how much he had changed since that time. His face was haggard, aged; the shining skin was drawn tightly across his forehead. His features were set in the expression common to people incurably ill. All his bearing expressed hopeless weariness.

    The minutes passed. He sat without stirring, his eyes closed. I stared through the window into the street, and aimlessly tapped my foot on the floor.

    “Am I in your way?” he asked quietly. For the first time I caught a tone of uncertainty, almost helplessness, in his voice. I felt a wave of pity for him. He was only the empty husk of a man. But I did not trust him; his M. V. D. uniform forbade that. I glanced out into the street again. If they were to come for me now, Andrei would get my first bullet.

    At that moment the doorbell sounded again. A short, uncertain ring. Only a stranger would ring like that. I went out and opened the door. Two small, mute figures were standing outside. I saw their white, childish faces, their hands blue with the cold. Refugee children.

    “Khlepa!” - the Russian word for bread sounded queerly distorted in the mouths of these German children. “Khlepa!” The word was quietly repeated. In their eyes was neither entreaty nor expectation, only childish helplessness. I felt a lump in my throat. These wretched figures seemed like a spectral premonition of that which awaited me.

    Without speaking I beckoned to them to enter, found my old military kitbag in the kitchen, and filled it with everything I could. They had difficulty in dragging it to the door. I saw them out.

    As I closed the door I heard a vague muttering behind me: “That wasn’t just chance.... That’s a sign....” I stared at Andrei in amazement. He drooped his head, avoiding my gaze, and whispered:

    “God sent them.”

    He dropped back into his chair. The clock said half-past twelve.

    I realized that I had not had anything to eat all the morning. I must have strength for whatever lay ahead. I cut some bread and butter, and forced myself to eat. I put a second plate in front of Andrei. As I leaned over the table I saw that his eyes were fixed on my coat. The greatcoat had swung open, and the butt of my pistol was poking out from my tunic pocket. I felt my mouth go dry.

    Before returning to the U. S. S. R. Soviet officers had to hand over all their weapons. Any attempt to smuggle a weapon across the frontier was sternly punished. A major in the State Security Service would know that best of all. I drew my greatcoat round me as casually as possible and gave him a sidelong look. There was no astonishment in his eyes; his face was quite tranquil. The hands of the clock crept nearer to the appointed hour.

    “In all probability we shall never see each other again.” Andrei broke the oppressive silence. His words were not said in a questioning tone, but rather as an answer to his own thought. “... And you didn’t want to say goodbye,” he added sorrowfully.

    I was silent; I pretended I had not heard his remark.

    “All my life I’ve never trusted you.” His words came slowly and quietly. “When I did begin to believe in you, you did not believe or trust me....”

    His words cut me to the heart, but I could not say anything in answer. I knew only one thing: in a moment the telephone would be ringing, and if anybody got in my way I would shoot.

    Again I caught myself wondering: how had he known I was still here, and that I was going today? During these latter days there had been many possibilities... Perhaps he had learnt the news in the course of his official duties? Perhaps in his pocket he had an order for my arrest? I forced that thought away from me, and got up and walked about the room.

    Andrei’s voice, the voice of a major in the State Security Service, came as an answer to my thoughts:

    “Don’t be angry at my coming here...”

    The clock ticked like falling drops of water.

    Quietly, almost inaudibly, he went on:

    “If I hadn’t come, others would have...”

    I wandered about the room, glancing from time to time at the clock.

    “Perhaps you’d like to borrow my car?” he asked.

    “No, thanks...”

    “So you’re going, and I remain.” He spoke again. “I can be of more use if I remain at my post... If you ever think of me, Grisha, then remember... I do what I can.”

    Once more the silence filled the chilly room-broken only by the clock ticking.

    “Won’t you give me something as a keepsake?” He spoke again. His voice sounded strangely unsure, almost unhappy.

    I looked round my empty room. My gaze rested on the black monkey crouching on the desk. I stared at it fixedly, as though expecting it to move.

    “Take that.” I nodded at the bronze statuette.

    “A black ape is sitting on the world,” he muttered. “And a man strives after the good, the pure... and then you see that it’s all filth...”

    The telephone bell rang out like a pistol shot. Unhurriedly I picked up the receiver. I heard the words in German:

    “The car is here.”

    “Very good!” I answered, also in German.

    “Well... now I’ve got to go.” I turned to Andrei.

    He rose heavily from his chair and went with a wooden step to the door. I followed him. With a forced movement, as though he was mortally weary, he drew his greatcoat down. The collar caught in the gold epaulette of his tunic. He stared at his shoulder, then pulled on his greatcoat so violently that the epaulette was ripped away.

    “The wings... of a slave!” the words sounded heavy and slow in the silence. They were uttered with such a depth of bitterness that involuntarily I shivered.

    “I wish you a good journey!” he said, and held out his hand. I took his hand and shook it. He stared into my eyes, tried to say some-thing, but only gave me another firm handshake and went down the stairs. I gazed after him, but he did not turn round.

    I stood listening until the sound of his car died away. Several minutes had passed. It was time I was going.

    I had already handed in the keys of my apartment, and now I had only to shut the door. For a moment I hesitated on the threshold, then slammed the door hard behind me. The lock clicked home. Now there was no way back.

    I turned and walked out of the house: to face the future.

  • Gregory Klimov. The Terror Machine. Chapter 16
    http://g-klimov.info/klimov-pp-e/ETM16.htm

    Stalin’s Party

    The days passed into weeks, the weeks into months. An incessant lapse of time in which there was no purpose, in which one only looked back and felt a great emptiness in the soul.

    Winter had come. The New Year of 1947 was approaching. In us Soviet men, who stood on the bound between two worlds, this aroused few cheerful memories and still fewer cheerful expectations. We had recently witnessed two noteworthy events: in the October there had been the first post-war elections to the Berlin municipal council, and in November the regular election of candidates to the Supreme Soviet of the U. S. S. R.

    The German elections aroused far greater interest among the Soviet residents in Berlin than one would have expected. Perhaps it was because they differed fundamentally from those to which we were accustomed. It was strange to see the pre-election slogans of the various parties. We were struck by the powerful and intelligent propaganda of the Socialist Unity Party. Here one sensed the long experience of Soviet propaganda; it was self-confident and shameless. We, who were the masters of the S. E. D. and knew what was behind it all, were particularly struck by this latter aspect.

    I well remember one incident that occurred during the Berlin elections. One Sunday morning I and two other officers decided to take advantage of the fine weather to go for a motorcycle ride. We borrowed three heavy military motorcycles from the Auto Battalion and tore out of Karlshorst along the Frankfurter-Allee.

    On our way to the Alexanderplatz we overtook a slowly marching column of men with crimson banners and flags in their hands. The demonstrators made an exceptionally depressing and joyless impression. Men in Thaelmann caps and red armbands were bustling backward and forward along its sides. We accelerated to drive past. It had been organized by the trade unions of the Soviet sector to express the wishes and desires of the German people. Attendance was compulsory. Any man who didn’t turn up was in danger of losing his job. It was pitiful and absurd to see this flock of sheep moving along under the supervision of the herdsmen in Thaelmann caps.

    I don’t know how it came about, but all the three of us Soviet officers began to ride our powerful military motorcycles round and round that column. The demonstrators looked at one another anxiously, assuming that we were a military patrol sent to ensure that the procession didn’t melt away. The herdsmen stared at us in astonishment, and as we drove close to the edge of the column they had to jump aside to avoid being knocked down. For our part, we were sickened at the sight of this shameful comedy, and on the other hand we enjoyed not having to take part in it ourselves for once.

    On that same day a Soviet patrol shot an American who was attempting to photograph a similar demonstration in the Soviet sector of Berlin. Evidently someone was of the opinion that such photographs might have the same effect on the close observer that that procession had made on us.

    The elections were held on 21 October. I have never known people in the Soviet Union to take any interest in the results of elections to the Soviet elected authorities. But on that election day in Berlin I doubt whether there was one man in Karlshorst who was not interested in the results. Most interesting of all was the fact that the S. E. D. came last but one of the parties. Not much was said about this eloquent circumstance.

    In the S. M. A. Administration for Industry the Berlin elections led to the following conversation between Captain Bagdassarian and Major Zhdanov:

    “You know,” Captain Bagdassarian said, as he pointed to the results printed in one of the newspapers, “when I think of these elections I get a queer thought. All the parties are voting. Supposing the Communist Party gets a majority. Does it mean that the others will let it take over the power?”

    “Yes, it looks like it,” Major Zhdanov answered uncertainly.

    “That’s funny! If the Communist Party comes to power, its first step will be to wring the necks of all the other parties. Yet these other parties are ready to give the power into the Communist Party’s hands without making any resistance. That doesn’t make sense!”

    “You can’t make sense of this democracy business all at once!” the major sighed.

    “It’s utter idiocy!” the captain agreed.

    “Perhaps it isn’t so stupid after all.” The major knitted his brows in the attempt to get to the bottom of it all. “Democracy as a political form is the will of the majority. If the majority votes for communism, there will be communism. True, very few are voting for it at the moment!” he ended on a different note.

    “All the same, it’s queer.” Captain Bagdassarian ran his fingers through his curly hair. “They all sling abuse at one another, but nobody puts anybody else into prison. But we do just the reverse: one says nothing and is put in prison. A man doesn’t even think, and still he’s put in prison...”

    In December 1946 the Officers’ Club in Karlshorst was the scene of electoral meetings at which candidates were nominated for the U. S. S. R. Supreme Soviet. On the day set apart for the Administration for Industry all the workers in the Administration had to be present in the Club, which had been decorated for the occasion with additional portraits of the leaders, and red bunting.

    We sat for some time in the hall, utterly bored. At last the chairman called on a speaker, who had been previously arranged. With a paper in his hand the speaker went to the platform and, speaking in a monotonous tone, began to explain how happy we all were that we ourselves could elect the representatives to our country’s supreme governmental authority. Then a further speaker went to the platform to propose our candidate from the Special Electoral District formed by the Soviet Occupation Zone.

    Then the candidate himself came out from the wings and told us his life story. He was a general, but I doubt whether he had ever spoken in such a humble and lackadaisical manner in his entire previous military career. The second candidate was someone quite unknown to all of us. We knew such a person existed only when he went to the platform not from the wings, but from the body of the hall. He was chosen to play the role of candidate ’from the very heart of the people’. Both candidates had been put forward in advance by the S. M. A. Political Administration and had been approved by Moscow.

    We all waited impatiently for this boring procedure to finish, especially as it was to be followed by a film show. When the chairman announced that he proposed to take the vote the hall sighed with relief, and everybody hurriedly raised their hands without waiting to be invited. Armed with pencils and paper, the tellers hurried through the hall. The audience began to murmur with impatience. At last the votes were counted, and the chairman asked in a drowsy tone: “Those against?”

    There was a dead silence. Nobody stirred.

    The chairman waited for a moment or two, then looked round the hall. Then, to intensify the effect of the unanimous decision, he asked in a tone of assumed surprise: “Nobody against?”

    And thus we elected two men ’chosen of the people’ to the U. S. S. R. Supreme Soviet.

    The turn of the year brought several innovations that made one take yet another glance back over the eighteen months that had passed since the capitulation of Germany.

    In the early autumn of 1946 the United States Secretary of State, Byrnes, had made a speech in Stuttgart, soberly surveying events since the end of the war and indicating the main features of American foreign policy. Only now, after eighteen months, were the Americans beginning to suspect that it was hard to sup out of the same bowl as good old Uncle Joe.

    Byrne’s’ speech was not to the Kremlin’s liking, and it was given a sharp answer in Molotov’s speech on the occasion of the revolutionary celebrations on 7 November. So much importance was attached to this speech that it was made the subject of compulsory study in all the political study circles throughout the S. M. A.

    There was no attempt to conceal the connection between the Byrnes and Molotov speeches from the senior officials of the S. M. A.; the two speeches were studied simultaneously, and those taking part in the discussion had to unmask the American’s imperialist intrigues and to stress Molotov’s peace-loving policy. But Byrne’s’ speech was regarded as too dangerous for the less politically educated workers, and they were allowed to discuss only their own leader’s speech.

    These two political speeches can be regarded as marking the beginning of the cold war. In the Control Commission Allied relations cooled off still more and went no further than diplomatic courtesy required. Decisions affecting the future of Germany were more and more removed from the Control Commission meetings to the private offices of the Kremlin and the White House.

    This situation also served as a signal for a final tightening of the screw on the Soviet post-war front. The S. M. A. Political Administration issued an instruction accusing minor Party authorities of having lost contact with the masses and neglecting political educational work. This was the crack of the whip. One could guess what would follow. In fact the first consequence was a change of Party organizers in all the S. M. A. departments. This was followed by measures to tighten things up all through the Soviet machinery.

    Hitherto the Soviet residents of Karlshorst had lived and worked without engaging in political study. Anybody who knows anything about Soviet life will know what that meant. The higher authorities were secretly astonished, the smaller fry quietly rejoiced; but one and all held their tongues, on the principle of not mentioning the devil in case he appeared. But now political studies were started, including study of the Short History of the C. P. S. U. And it had to be carried through in shock tempo at that. Evidently to make up for lost time.

    The next step was a campaign to raise labor discipline. It was decided to remind Soviet citizens abroad that there was such a thing as the Soviet labor code. Brand-new boards with hooks and numbers were hung up in all the departments, and every worker in each department had to take off and re-hang his own allotted number four times a day. In the Soviet Union these boards are the object of fear, but their effect on us was rather to get our backs up.

    The head of the Administration for Industry, Alexandrov, entrusted his number to his chauffeur, who very quickly lost it. We officers regarded the boards as an insult and took it in turn to remove several numbers at a time. But once more Soviet law with all its consequences hung as a threat over the head of every one of us.

    Then a hysterical ’vigilance’ campaign was inaugurated. Personnel Departments were instituted in all the S. M. A. offices with the obvious job of keeping closer watch on the workers. Once more extensive questionnaires were drawn up ’for Soviet citizens abroad’. These with their endless list of questions had to be filled afresh every three months. Many of us kept a copy of the questionnaire and our answers, and next time simply copied the old answers on to the new form.

    A demobilized lieutenant of the N. K. V. D. forces was appointed head of the Personnel Department in the Administration for Industry. From the very beginning he behaved with such rudeness and insolence that many of the officers, who were of higher rank, were infuriated. His room was in the basement, and he would ring someone up: “Comrade Colonel, come down to me and fill in your questionnaire.” But as often as not he got the answer: “If you need it filled in, bring it up to me. At the moment I’m still a colonel, I believe.”

    An order issued by General Dratvin, chief of staff of the S. M. A., was circulated for the information of all members of the S. M. A. In it, without actually mentioning names, he stated that the wives of quite a number of highly placed Soviet officials were going to the Berlin western sector while their husbands were at work, and were forming impermissible acquaintances among officers of the western powers. The order spoke in very sharp terms; it referred to fashionable restaurants, expensive furs, and, to crown all, agents of foreign intelligence services. All the accused women were returned to the Soviet Union at twenty-four hours’ notice, and the husbands were sternly reprimanded for their lack of Bolshevik vigilance.

    The secret purpose of this unusually frank order was revealed in its second paragraph, in which all members of the S. M. A. were strictly forbidden to visit the western sector, and were reminded of the necessity to be particularly vigilant in the circumstances of residence abroad. The women were chastised in order to serve as a warning to others.

    In conclusion General Dratvin threatened the application of sterner measures to all who violated the order... down to and including return to the Soviet Union. In saying so much, the general went too far. For thus officially, in the words of the S. M. A. chief of staff, return to one’s native land was recognized as serious punishment for Soviet citizens abroad.

    None of this was anything new to us. We had experienced it all before, at home. But coming after we had won the war, after we had looked forward hopefully to changes in the Soviet system, and above all after our comparatively free life in occupied Germany, this abrupt return to former practices gave us furiously to think. Or rather, to avoid thinking if possible. That was the only hope.

    II

    I had made Major Dubov’s acquaintance during the war. Even a brief comradeship at the front binds men together more strongly than many years of acquaintance in normal conditions. That may have been the reason why we greeted each other as old acquaintances when we met again as fellow workers in the S. M. A

    He was over forty. Outwardly stern and incommunicative, he had few friends, and avoided society. At first I regarded his reserve simply as a trait of his character. But after a time I noticed that he had a morbid antipathy to anybody who began to talk politics in his hearing. I assumed that he had good reasons for his attitude, and never bothered him with unnecessary questions.

    It so happened that I was the only person Dubov introduced to his family. He had a charming, well-educated wife, and two children. When I came to know his family, I realized that he was not only a good husband and father, but also a rarely decent fellow morally.

    His one great passion was hunting. That brought us still closer together. We often drove out of Berlin on a Saturday and spent all day and all night hunting, cut off from Karlshorst and the entire world.

    On one occasion, tired out after hours of wandering through the dense growth of thickets and innumerable little lakes, we flung ourselves down to have a rest. The conversation happened to turn to discussion of an officer we both knew, and I casually remarked: “He’s still young and stupid...”

    The major gave me a close look and asked with a queer smile:

    “And are you so old and wise?”

    “Well, not quite,” I answered. “But I’ve learned to keep a still tongue in my head.”

    He again looked at me fixedly. “Tell me, has anything ever happened to you... of... you know what?”

    “Absolutely nothing,” I replied, realizing what he was hinting at.

    “Then why aren’t you in the Party?” he asked almost roughly.

    “I’ve simply not had the time,” I answered shortly, for I had no wish to go further into details.

    ’Now listen, Gregory Petrovich, it’s not a joking matter," he said slowly, and I caught an almost fatherly note in his voice. “For a man in your position it smacks almost of a deliberate demonstration. It might even have serious consequences for you.”

    “I’m doing my job as well as any Party man!” I retorted.

    He smiled, rather sadly. “That’s how I argued once,” he said with bitter irony.

    Then, without my prompting him, in an objective sort of tone he told me his story: how he had come to join the Party, and why he avoided people who talked politics.

    In 1938 Dubov was an engineer working in a Leningrad factory producing precision instruments. He was a capable engineer, and held a responsible post connected with the construction of instruments for the air force and the navy. He liked his job, devoted all his free time to research, and bothered little about politics. Despite his responsible post he remained a non-Party man.

    One day he was summoned to the director’s room. From that moment he was not seen in the works again. Nor did he return home. His wife found out what had happened to him when the N. K. V. D. men turned up at their apartment in the middle of the night, made a thorough search, and confiscated all her husband’s personal property. Next day she went to the N. K. V. D. to ask for news of him. She was told they knew nothing about him, and was advised not to worry, nor to worry others. If there were any need, she would be informed.

    Dubov spent more than a year in the investigation cells of the N. K. V. D. He was charged with sabotage and counter-revolutionary activity. The sentence was the standard one: ten years’ imprisonment, to be spent in one of the camps in Central Siberia, where new war factories were being built. There he continued to work as an engineer.

    He discovered the real reason for his arrest only two years later. Among a fresh batch of prisoners he recognized the former chief engineer at the Leningrad factory for precision instruments. Dubov was delighted to see him, but the man seemed restrained and avoided Dubov as much as possible. But as the months passed the two engineers struck up a friendship based on their common memories of freedom. One day the conversation turned to the reasons why they had been sent to the camp.

    “Someone denounced me,” Dubov said.

    The chief engineer looked away, then sighed, and laughed bitterly. “Would you like to know who it was?” he asked.

    Dubov stared at him distrustfully.

    “I did it,” the other man said, and hurried on without giving Dubov a chance to comment: “We regularly received orders from the N. K. V. D. to provide them with so many persons possessing such and such qualifications. The lists had to be drawn up by the Party organizer and confirmed by the chief engineer and the director. What could I do? I too had a wife and children....”

    “But why was I put on the list?” Dubov asked.

    “Because you were not a Party member,” the former chief engineer said. “The Party organizer put you down.”

    Dubov said nothing for some time, then he looked wearily at the other man and asked: “But how did you get here?”

    The engineer only shrugged his shoulders helplessly.

    Dubov spent four years in the camp. But during all those years he did not suffer as much as his wife and children. Under Soviet law a political prisoner’s guilt extends to include his family. His wife was morally and physically shattered. Their children grew up in the knowledge that their father was ’an enemy of the people’, and felt always that they were not like other children.

    In 1948 he was released before the expiration of his term. With no explanation given, he was completely rehabilitated and the conviction quashed. He was called up straight from the camp into the army. That was the real reason for his premature discharge. Without seeing his family he went as an officer directly to the front.

    At the front he was an exemplary officer, just as he had been an exemplary engineer in Leningrad and an exemplary prisoner in the Siberian camp. He was just to his men and ruthless to the enemy. And he was devoted to his native land, with all its Party organizers and prison camps.

    Shortly before the end of the war he received another battle decoration, and in addition was singled out for the honor of being invited to join the Communist Party. This time he did not hesitate. Without a word he filled in the questionnaires. And without a word he accepted the Party ticket, which the corps commander’s political deputy presented to him.

    In the S. M. A. Major Dubov was regarded as one of their most reliable and knowledgeable engineers. He was given the responsible task of transferring the German industry in the Soviet zone to new lines, but his rank and position remained unchanged. Why? Because, although he had been completely rehabilitated and the conviction had been quashed, in his personal file was a curt note: ’Conviction under article 58.’ That was enough to cast a shadow over all his future life.

    III

    During my stay in Karlshorst I formed a close friendship with Captain Belyavsky. Little by little I came to know his story too, though he talked about himself very reluctantly, and only dropped hints. In 1936 Belyavsky was in Spain, where he was a lieutenant in the staff of the Republican forces. This was about the time that the Yezhov terror was at its height in the Soviet Union, and one night his father was arrested, to vanish without trace. Belyavsky was immediately recalled from Spain and demobilized. Until 1941 he shared the fate of other relatives of ’enemies of the people’; in other words, he was outside the pale.

    All those spheres of Soviet life in which the first requirement is a completed questionnaire were closed to him. Only a Soviet citizen can understand all the significance of such a situation. When war broke out in 1941 he was not called up for the army, since he was ’politically unreliable’. But when the German forces began to lay siege to his native city, Leningrad, he went to the military commander and volunteered for service. His request was granted, and that same day, as an ordinary private, he was flung into the fight - in a punitive battalion. In other words, straight to his death. But fate was more merciful to him than the Soviet regime, and he escaped with a wound.

    He spent the next three years as an ordinary soldier, going right through the siege of Leningrad. His service was exemplary, and he was recommended again and again for officer’s rank, but each time the questionnaire put an end to the story. In 1944, when the Soviet armies were suffering from a very serious shortage of officers, he was summoned to the staff once more.

    The colonel who interviewed him pointed to the entry: ’article 58’ on his questionnaire and asked: “Why do you always mention that?”

    Belyavsky did not reply.

    “Is it that you don’t want to fight?” the colonel asked sharply; he avoided looking at the decorations on Belyavsky’s chest. Belyavsky only shrugged his shoulders. The decorations rattled a little, as though answering the colonel’s question.

    “If you continue to make such entries, I must regard it as an attempt to avoid military service,” the colonel said. “Take a new form and fill it in properly. Leave a space for your service rank.”

    Private Mikhail Belyavsky did not return to his company. But next day First-Lieutenant Belyavsky was on his way to Moscow. In his pocket he had an order to proceed to the Military-Diplomatic College of the Red Army General Staff. Men were needed in wartime, and there was no bothering about a thorough examination of questionnaires. There would be plenty of opportunity for that after the war. And so Mikhail Belyavsky entered one of the most privileged military colleges in the Soviet Union.

    He was discharged from the college in the autumn of 1945 with the rank of captain, and was sent to work in the Soviet Military Administration. That was nothing extraordinary. Many of the students were freed from further study even in the middle of their second-year course, in order to take up a post.

    Captain Belyavsky’s personal file, which was kept in the S. M. A. Personnel Department, was in spotless order. All through his documents the phrase occurred again and again: ’Devoted to the Lenin-Stalin Party’. That was a stereotyped remark and was to be found in almost every officer’s personal file, but it was truer of him than of the majority.

    Certain days were set apart for political instruction, and on one of these days Belyavsky went to his office two hours earlier, as was his custom, and unfolded his papers. The educational circle to which he belonged was of a rather higher level, for it consisted exclusively of men with advanced education. With earnest faces they pored over the pages of the Short Course, though they must have known that the book was full of lies and falsifications.

    The leader of the circle, who normally was one of themselves, began proceedings by asking:

    “Well, who’s prepared to open on the third chapter? Any volunteers?”

    They all bowed their heads even lower over their books. Some of them began to turn over their papers hurriedly; others fixed their eyes on the table as though collecting their thoughts with a view to speaking later. There was no volunteer.

    “All right, then we’ll follow the list,” the leader proposed. There was a sigh of relief.

    The majority of the circle leaders kept alphabetical lists of their circle members. Each member knew whom he followed. And so the question was settled quite simply. The first on the list began to deliver a summary of the chapter, while the one who was to follow him read farther, underlining passages with red pencil. In this way the majority of circles got through their course without difficulty.

    All the members of Belyavsky’s circle had worked through the Short Course several times already. They were all bored to tears. When each had done his duty he sat gazing out of the window, smoking, or sharpening his pencil.

    Everything went off as usual. The speakers droned away monotonously. The leader sat with his eyes on his notebook, not even listening. It was a hot day, and everybody felt sleepy. And in that drowsy kingdom something happened to Captain Belyavsky that he himself would have had difficulty in explaining.

    When his turn was reached he had to expatiate on the passage which deals with the Entente’s three anti-Soviet campaigns. The theme had a heroic quality and there were parallels to the experiences of the war just ended. As soon as Belyavsky began to speak the leader raised his sleepy eyes and stared at him in astonishment. And one by one all the others began to gaze at him in bewilderment.

    For he spoke as though addressing a meeting. His voice had a note of unusual conviction. It sounded a note of faith, of challenge. He depicted the three foreign interventions in Soviet Russia after the 1917 revolution, and cleverly linked them up with the invasion and destruction of the Nazi armies in 1941-1945. He did not summarize the Short Course; he spoke extemporaneously, from a heart burning with conviction. The bewildered looks of his fellows expressed the mute question: ’Has he gone mad? Why all this unnecessary bother?’

    It happened that the circle that day included the Instructor from the S. M. A. Political Administration, who was there as observer. Belyavsky’s speech attracted his notice; obviously he had not often heard anyone speak with conviction in these circles for political education. He made a note of the name. Next day Belyavsky was summoned to the Political Administration.

    “Listen, Comrade Captain,” the instructor said to him. "I’m amazed at you. I’ve been looking through your personal file. An exemplary officer, the finest of testimonials, and yet you’re not a Party member. That simply won’t do. The Party must interest itself in men like you...

    “No, no, no...” he raised his hand, as though afraid Belyavsky might make some objection. “You made a very remarkable speech in the political circle yesterday... And yet you’ve never been drawn into Party work. We shall assign you to the task of giving political instruction to the officers’ wives. That to begin with. And secondly, you must put in your application for Party membership at once. No objections! Get that?”

    Belyavsky had no thought of objecting. Membership of the Party connoted a full and valid position in Soviet society. His heart was filled with joy; he shook the instructor’s hand with genuine gratitude.

    The November revolutionary celebrations were drawing near. In addition to having charge of a political education circle, Belyavsky was entrusted with the preparations for the festival. He plunged headlong into social and political activity and devoted all his free time to it. Spiritually he was born again. But above all he rejoiced because the Party had forgotten his past, because he was no longer a lone wolf. Only now did he fully realize how bitterly he had felt his alienation from society.

    Just about then an insignificant incident occurred which had unexpected consequences.

    Belyavsky was a keen motorcyclist. While working in the S. M. A. he had had innumerable specimens of motorcycles pass through his hands, and in the end he had picked on a very fine BMW sports model for himself. All Karlshorst knew that machine, and many a young officer stood to admire it as it flashed by.

    One evening, as he was riding past the house where Valia Grinchuk lived, he saw a light in her rooms, and decided to drop in and see her. He leaned the motorcycle against the railings, but did not lock it up, as was his habit, for he did not intend to stay long.

    Valia had guests, the company was a merry one, and he stayed longer than he thought. He left about ten o’clock. When he got outside his motorcycle had disappeared. He looked about him, thinking someone must be playing a practical joke. But there was no sign of it anywhere.

    He broke into a string of curses. Obviously someone had stolen the machine. But what infuriated him most was the knowledge that the thief must be one of his own, Soviet, people. No Berlin thief would ever have dared to take anything from Karlshorst, least of all a motorcycle.

    The Karlshorst commandatura was only a few paces away. He went and reported the theft to the officer on duty. The lieutenant sympathized with him and promised to find out whether the theft had been committed by one of the commandatura guards. He knew well enough who were responsible for the majority of the thefts that took place in Karlshorst.

    Belyavsky had no great faith in the commandatura, and he decided to go straight to a German police station situated just outside the sealed-off Soviet area. He returned accompanied by a German policeman and a police dog. At the spot where the motorcycle had been left the policeman put the dog on the scent. It made directly for the next wicket gate and began to paw at it.

    Belyavsky knew that the Party organizer for the Administration of Justice, Major Yeroma, and his deputy, Major Nikolayev, lived there, and he thought the dog was completely on the wrong trail. But each time they tried out the animal it persistently led them to that wicket gate. In the end Belyavsky shrugged his shoulders hopelessly and let the German policeman go.

    Next day he happened to be passing the gate at which the dog had pawed, and he decided to go in and make inquiries. He found four young women sitting in the sitting room. One of them was the wife of Major Nikolayev; another was the wife of the head of the S. M. A. Political Administration, General Makarov.

    All the women were rather problematic wives, wives only within the bounds of Karlshorst. Almost all the high S. M. A. officials had exceptionally young wives. Marshal Sokolovsky’s wife was several years younger than his daughter was. Such things were the result of the war.

    Belyavsky apologized for troubling them, explained why he had called, and inquired whether they had noticed anything suspicious the previous evening. They exchanged embarrassed glances and expressed their indignation at the theft. They seemed bored, and they invited him to stay awhile. Quite an animated conversation followed, a conversation, which played a large part in the further developments, chiefly because he made a very good impression on those young women.

    After searching fruitlessly for a week he had resigned himself to | the loss of his favorite machine, when one evening he was called | to the telephone. He was astonished to hear a woman’s voice

    “Is that Comrade Captain Belyavsky?” the unknown asked, and went on hurriedly: “You mustn’t mind my not mentioning my name. I I’m one of the ladies who... you remember, you called to inquire | about the motorcycle.... I phoned up to let you know that your machine is in the cellar of the house you called at. Go at once and you’ll find it. You can guess who took it.... Please don’t tell anybody how you found out. I wouldn’t like...”

    He hurriedly thanked her and put down the receiver. He sat for a moment considering what he should do next. For the thief could be no other than the S. M. A. Party organizer for the Administration of Justice, Yeroma himself. Finally he decided to ask a Lieutenant-Colonel Potapov and Major Berko to go with him as witnesses. On their way to Major Yeroma’s house they picked up the officer on duty at the commandatura.

    Major Yeroma was not at home. At the commandatura officer’s request the cellar was opened. There they found the missing motorcycle. The commandatura officer drew up an official report on the theft and discovery of the machine. In his simplicity he wrote: ’The thief is Major Yeroma, of the Administration of Justice, and Party organizer to the Administration of Justice.’ The report was signed by all the witnesses, including Major Yeroma’s wife.

    As the four officers struggled to haul the heavy machine up the stairs, between their groans and pants the officer could not help remarking: “One man couldn’t have got it down there by himself. He must have had at least two others to help him.”

    It transpired that the day the machine was stolen Major Yeroma was returning late in the evening from the Political Administration, accompanied by two other officers of the Administration of Justice. As he approached his house the Major noticed the machine and, without stopping to think, persuaded the other two officers to help him put it in his cellar. Probably it would not have been found if Belyavsky hadn’t chanced to call on the young women.

    They knew that Major Yeroma had got hold of a motorcycle the previous evening, but they had no idea where he had obtained it. When Belyavsky told his story they put two and two together, but they did not tell him what they were thinking, for obvious reasons. After he had gone they quarreled among themselves. The young wife of the head of the Political Administration took Belyavsky’s side and declared that the machine must be returned to him.

    In his indignation he decided to take steps to bring the culprits to justice. He wrote reports of the affair to General Dratvin, the S. M. A. chief of staff, to the Political Administration, and the S. M. A. Military Prosecutor. If justice were done, Major Yeroma should be expelled from the Party, stripped of his officer’s rank and sentenced to imprisonment for theft. So the law prescribed.

    When Major Berko heard what Belyavsky intended to do he advised him not to be in any hurry. A charge against Yeroma involved much else besides him, and in such cases it was advisable to be prudent. He suggested that Belyavsky should first go and see Yeroma personally, and they decided to call on him during lunchtime.

    They found him at home. He was sitting at the table, with his tunic unbuttoned and unbelted. Before him was an aluminum dish of steaming beetroot soup. He did not even look up when the visitors were shown in, but went on spooning up his soup.

    “Well, Yeroma,” Belyavsky said, “how did my motor-cycle get into your cellar?”

    “I found it,” the major answered with his mouth full of food, and not batting an eyelid.

    “I shall send a report to the Political Administration.” Belyavsky was so taken aback by the Party organizer’s impudence that he didn’t know what else to say.

    Yeroma went on eating, or rather guzzling his soup; the sweat rolled down his face. When he had finished the dish he picked it up and poured the last few drops into his spoon. Then he licked the spoon and smacked his lips.

    “You’ll never make any impression on him with a report,” Berko said in a rage. “Spit in his plate and let’s go!” They went, slamming the door behind them. The same evening Belyavsky went to the office of the head of the Political Administration and handed the adjutant on duty his report. While the adjutant was reading it with some interest General Makarov himself came out of his room.

    “Another case relating to Yeroma, Comrade General,” the adjutant reported with a smile.

    “Ah! That’s good!” the general observed. “He’s already on our list for bigamy...”

    The adjutant afterwards explained to Belyavsky that, following his superiors’ example; Yeroma had taken a new wife to himself. But in doing so he had made one tactical error: unlike others, he had registered his marriage at the Soviet register office in Karlshorst. But he had not taken the trouble to obtain a divorce from his first wife, who was in Russia.

    Belyavsky then went to the S. M. A. military prosecutor, Lieutenant-Colonel Orlov. Orlov knew Belyavsky personally, and he told him frankly: “We can’t take him to court. In this case it all depends on the Political Administration. You know yourself it’s a Party matter.”

    If Belyavsky had had more experience in Party matters, he would probably have avoided measuring his strength against the Party. Meanwhile, the Political Administration had received a resolution from a local Party group recommending Captain Belyavsky’s acceptance as a Party member. His application was accompanied by brilliant testimonials to his conduct during the war. But now the affair of the stolen motorcycle was beginning to be talked about all over Karlshorst. In order to smother the scandal the Political Administration decided that it must close the mouth of one of the two antagonists, and the choice fell on Belyavsky.

    Quite unexpectedly he received the order that he was to be demobilized and returned to the Soviet Union. He knew at once what was behind that order. What he did not know was that on his return he was to be brought to trial. The explanation was quite simple. Not long before the motorcycle incident he had filled up one of the regular questionnaires. This time, in accordance with new, strict instructions, it was sent to the local M. V. D. departments in all his previous places of residence, to be checked. It was returned from Leningrad with the comment: ’father sentenced under article 58.’ So he was demobilized and sent back to the U. S. S. R., where he was tried for making a false statement which he had been forced into making under threat of court-martial.

    Belyavsky’s collision with the Party in the person of Major Yeroma was not a decisive factor in his recall to the Soviet Union. He belonged to a category of people whose fate was predetermined. That was shown by the fact that almost at the same time Major Dubov also was demobilized and recalled. Only the S. M. A. Personnel Department and Major Dubov himself knew what was behind that order. He, too, had to take his postwar place in life.

    IV

    Two men in my close circle of acquaintances had been cut out of life and thrown overboard. I respected them as men and liked them as colleagues. Others, too, thought of them as fine exemplars of the new Soviet society. Neither of them had anything in common with the old classes, which, according to Marxism, were destined to be eliminated. They had both been created by the Soviet world and were, in the best sense of the words, true citizens of Soviet society. Yet they were condemned, irrevocably condemned to death. To spiritual death at the least. And there are millions of similar cases.

    That can easily be proved. During the thirty years of the Soviet regime at least thirty million people have been subjected to repressive measures on political grounds. As the families of all such people are automatically classified as politically unreliable, if we assume that each of them had only two relatives at least sixty million people must be on the black list.

    If ten million out of the thirty million died in prison camps, and at least another ten million are still in the camps, while ten million have served their time and been released, we get a figure of eighty million people whom the Soviet State has turned into its enemies, or, at least, regards as its enemies. That explains why in every section of the Soviet state apparatus there are personnel departments charged with the scrutiny and check of questionnaires. Today it is indubitable that the main class of the new Soviet society consists of millions of automatic enemies of the Soviet State.

    This invisible class of enemies who are also slaves permeates all society from top to bottom. Is it necessary to cite examples? One could mention the names of many marshals of the Soviet Union, as well as Stalin prize-winners, who have been in N. K. V. D. prisons; and these would be names known all over the world. Of the millions of petty collisions between State and individual who can speak?

    State and individual! Involuntarily I think of Valia Grinchuk, an undersized girl, and a partisan fighter who in the fight for her freedom took up arms. She fought bravely. She not only defended her freedom against the foreign enemy; she climbed the ladder of Soviet society. She raised herself out of the gray mass and became an individual. And hardly had she achieved this when she felt the heavy hand of the State.

    Her duties often took her to the Allied Control Commission. There she came to know a young Allied officer. There could be no outward objection to this acquaintance, as she visited the Control Commission in the course of her work. After some time the acquaintance developed into a personal friendship.

    One day she was summoned to the Party organization. She was given to understand quite amiably that the Party knew of her acquaintance with an Allied officer. To her astonishment, that was all that was said, and it seemed that the Party leaders were quite sympathetic in regard to the friendship. Some time later this incident was repeated, and she had the impression that they were even encouraging the acquaintance.

    Time passed and this friendship between a Soviet girl and an Allied officer developed into a genuine attachment. But now she was once more summoned to the Party organization, and, as a Party member, was confronted with the demand to harness her love to State interests.

    Next day she was taken to hospital. The doctors found she had a very high temperature and blood pressure, but could find no visible reason for her condition. Weeks passed without any change for the better.

    One day an elderly, experienced neuro-pathologist came to her ward, studied her case history, and shook his head as he asked her: “Have you met with any great unpleasantness... in your personal life?”

    “No!” she curtly replied.

    She spent more than two months in hospital. When she was discharged she applied on health grounds to be transferred to work which did not bring her into contact with the Control Commission. Through acquaintances she informed her lover that she had been recalled to Russia. Valia had the heart of a soldier.

    Only very few people knew the connection between these incidents. Everybody continued to regard her as a fine officer who was assiduously doing her duty in Soviet society. And only a few noticed that she began to leave off wearing her officer’s tunic with its decorations, and took to ordinary feminine clothes.

    All these things happened to people who were close acquaintances of mine. They affected me personally because sooner or later I, too, would have to join the Party. There was no other choice, except to face up to a future, which for Major Dubov and Captain Belyavsky had become the present.

    Today there is no Communist Party in the Soviet Union. There is only Stalin’s Party with its obsolete facade. The aim and end of that Party is power, indivisible power. The ideal Party member should not have any independent thought; he must be only a dumb executive of the higher will. A striking example is provided by Party organizer Major Yeroma, a bestial brute and an ideal Bolshevik of the Stalin school.

    I was wearing Soviet officer’s uniform and I was a child of the October Revolution. If I had been born twenty years earlier, I would perhaps have been a convinced Marxist and revolutionary, active in the October Revolution. Today, despite everything, I was still not a member of the Communist Party. If I had not been faced with the necessity, the indubitable necessity, it would never even have entered my head to join the Party, which was called the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

    Sommaire https://seenthis.net/messages/683905
    #anticommunisme #histoire #Berlin #occupation #guerre_froide

  • Two weeks till #g20 #hamburg – some updates
    https://nantes.indymedia.org/articles/38019

    There will be a camp for protesters, more infos : here. You should come to Hamburg at least on 5th July. German Police is in high alert, they will check the borders to prevend protesters from coming.

    #Guerre #Contre-sommets #Répression #/ #actions #directes #immigration #sans-papieres #frontieres #Guerre,Contre-sommets,Répression,/,actions,directes,immigration,sans-papieres,frontieres,g20

    • Le manifeste du parti communiste - K. Marx, F. Engels (I)
      https://www.marxists.org/francais/marx/works/1847/00/kmfe18470000a.htm

      Un spectre hante l’Europe : le spectre du communisme. Toutes les puissances de la vieille Europe se sont unies en une Sainte-Alliance pour traquer ce spectre : le pape et le tsar, Metternich et Guizot [1] , les radicaux de France et les policiers d’Allemagne.

      Quelle est l’opposition qui n’a pas été accusée de communisme par ses adversaires au pouvoir ? Quelle est l’opposition qui, à son tour, n’a pas renvoyé à ses adversaires de droite ou de gauche l’épithète infamante de communiste ?

      Il en résulte un double enseignement.

      – Déjà le communisme est reconnu comme une puissance par toutes les puissances d’Europe.
      – Il est grand temps que les communistes exposent à la face du monde entier, leurs conceptions, leurs buts et leurs tendances ; qu’ils opposent au conte du spectre communiste un manifeste du Parti lui-même.

      C’est à cette fin que des communistes de diverses nationalités se sont réunis à Londres et ont rédigé le Manifeste suivant, qui est publié en anglais, français, allemand, italien, flamand et danois.

      Communist Manifesto (Chapter 1)
      https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch01.htm

      A spectre is haunting Europe — the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies.

      Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?

      Two things result from this fact:

      I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself a power.
      II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of Communism with a manifesto of the party itself.

      To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages.

      Karl Marx u. Friedrich Engels: Manifest d. Kommunistischen Partei (Einleitung)
      https://www.marxists.org/deutsch/archiv/marx-engels/1848/manifest/0-einleit.htm

      Ein Gespenst geht um in Europa – das Gespenst des Kommunismus. Alle Mächte des alten Europa haben sich zu einer heiligen Hetzjagd gegen dies Gespenst verbündet, der Papst und der Zar, Metternich und Guizot, französische Radikale und deutsche Polizisten.

      Wo ist die Oppositionspartei, die nicht von ihren regierenden Gegnern als kommunistisch verschrien worden wäre, wo die Oppositionspartei, die den fortgeschritteneren Oppositionsleuten sowohl wie ihren reaktionären Gegnern den brandmarkenden Vorwurf des Kommunismus nicht zurückgeschleudert hätte?

      Zweierlei geht aus dieser Tatsache hervor.

      Der Kommunismus wird bereits von allen europäischen Mächten als eine Macht anerkannt.

      Es ist hohe Zeit, daß die Kommunisten ihre Anschauungsweise, ihre Zwecke, ihre Tendenzen vor der ganzen Welt offen darlegen und dem Märchen vom Gespenst des Kommunismus ein Manifest der Partei selbst entgegenstellen.

      Zu diesem Zweck haben sich Kommunisten der verschiedensten Nationalität in London versammelt und das folgende Manifest entworfen, das in englischer, französischer, deutscher, italienischer, flämischer und dänischer Sprache veröffentlicht wird.

      #marxisme #communisme #histoire

  • Israel lobby fails to block screening of Palestinian film at Cannes | The Electronic Intifada
    https://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/israel-lobby-fails-block-screening-palestinian-film-cannes

    A Palestinian work was screened at the Cannes Film Festival’s Marché du Film as planned on Monday, despite an intense campaign by Israel lobby groups to have it canceled.

    Nasri Hajjaj’s Munich: A Palestinian Story was one of four films excerpts of which were screened to industry professionals in collaboration with the Dubai International Film Festival.

    Hajjaj told The Electronic Intifada from Cannes that the screening of a 14-minute segment passed without incident and he received a positive response from those present.

    As The Electronic Intifada reported last week, France’s main pro-Israel lobby group CRIF had been exerting intense pressure on authorities to ban the film, even enlisting the support of the mayor of Cannes.

    CRIF claimed that the film engages in “historical revisionism” about the 1972 raid on the Munich Olympics by the Palestinian group Black September, in which 11 Israeli athletes, a German police officer and five hostage takers died.

    But CRIF could not know this since the unfinished documentary had never been publicly screened.

    Hajjaj said that CRIF and other critics have made a number of false claims about his film, which they have not seen.

    CRIF boss Roger Cukierman even claimed on Twitter that he had been personally assured by Cannes Film Festival president Pierre Lescure that Hajjaj’s film would not be shown.

  • Alternative for Germany: Party behind Germany’s ’shoot at migrants’ politician is attracting unprecedented support

    A German politician has called for police to be allowed to shoot at migrants. While her demand was widely condemned, Tony Paterson reports from Berlin that the right-wing, xenophobic party she leads is attracting unprecedented support

    http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/frauke-petry-and-alternative-for-germany-party-behind-germanys-shoot-
    #it_has_begun #2039-2045 #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Allemagne #tirer_sur_les_réfugiés #xénophobie #extrême-droite #Frauke_Petry #AfP
    cc @reka

  • German police fire water cannons to disperse protesters amid clashes in Cologne | News | DW.COM | 09.01.2016
    http://www.dw.com/en/german-police-fire-water-cannons-to-disperse-protesters-amid-clashes-in-cologne/a-18969142

    The North Rhine-Westphalian chapter of the anti-migration PEGIDA group and far-right organizations called the demonstration in the wake of a series of sexual assaults and robberies targeting women in the inner city of Cologne on New Year’s Eve. Police said on Saturday they had received 379 complaints so far, with some 40 percent having to do with some form of sexual harassment.

    Growing tensions in German society

    Eyewitnesses said most of the offenders looked to be of North African or Arab origin. The incidents have fueled xenophobic sentiment in some quarters of German society, as the country struggles to cope with a huge influx of refugees and migrants, most of them coming from the Middle East and Africa.

    The demonstrators protesting against Germany’s current refugee policies, who numbered some 1,700 people according to police estimates, were confronted by an estimated 1,300 counter-demonstrators, who also gathered near the train station.

    More than 2,000 state and federal police were tasked with keeping the two groups apart.

    Several PEGIDA supporters were ushered out of the area by police after the protest was dispersed, according to Dana Regev.

    Police in #Cologne escorted #PEGIDA demonstrators out of the area, hoping they will independently return home pic.twitter.com/2jV3F2C1ld
    — Dana Regev (@Dana_Regev) January 9, 2016

    There were reports of several arrests, and a number of people were injured, including with cuts to their faces, according to DPA news agency.

    Police said three officers and a reporter were injured in clashes with the PEGIDA supporters.

    Police said half of those attending the PEGIDA rally were football hooligans and right-wing extremists. A spokeswoman said some of the hooligans were known to police and came from the eastern city of Dresden..

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mnqv03joThQ


    Cologne-based organization HoGeSa, short for Hooligans against Salafists, mobilised their members on social networks to join Cologne’s Pegida (Koegida) rally, Wednesday.
    HoGeSa hit headlines when they injured 50 police officers in clashes during a demonstration in October 2014.
    Pegida’s popularity has continued to rise since they were formed in late 2014. The organisation’s last demonstration in Dresden drew around 18,000 - 19,000 people. That’s compared to 500 people at an October rally in the same city.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WTcIsD7ctug


    Diffusé en direct le 9 janv. 2016

    Supporters of the Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the West (PEGIDA) are rallying outside Cologne’s main train station. A counter-protest is taking place at the same location. The demonstrations come in the wake of mass assaults against women that took place during New Year’s Eve celebrations

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PEPFzEFoXmk

  • A #Cologne, l’#agression de dizaines de #femmes au #Nouvel_An suscite l’indignation

    A Cologne, en Rhénanie-du-Nord-Westphalie, la nuit de la Saint-Sylvestre s’est transformée en cauchemar pour des dizaines de femmes, agressées aux abords de la gare centrale.

    http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2016/01/05/forte-emotion-en-allemagne-apres-l-agression-d-au-moins-90-femmes-dans-la-nu
    #culture_du_viol
    cc @odilon

    • Berlin condamne une vague d’agressions sexuelles lors du Nouvel An

      Le gouvernement allemand a condamné mardi une centaine d’agressions sexuelles commises à Cologne (ouest) la nuit de la Saint-Sylvestre et attribuées par la police à des hommes d’origine nord-africaine, mais s’est refusé à toute « instrumentalisation » visant les réfugiés.

      http://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/berlin-condamne-une-vague-dagressions-sexuelles-lors-du-nouve

    • Voici un bel exemple d’#amalgame... La conclusion de ce bref reportage est particulièrement préoccupante...

      Journaliste: «Decine di donne sono state aggredite sessualmente da gruppi di uomini, fino a 30 stando alle testimonianze, di apparenze medio-orientale o nord-africana»

      –-> « Des dizaines de femmes ont été agressées sexuellement par des groupes d’hommes, jusqu’à 30 selon les témoignages, avec une apparence moyen-orientale ou maghrébine »

      Ralf Jaeger, ministre de l’intérieur Rhénanie-du-Nord-Westphalie: «Abbiamo identificato 3 sospetti, spero che capirete che, visto che non abbiamo ancora effettuato nessun arresto, non posso rivelare di più»

      –-> "Nous avons identifié 3 suspects, j’espère que vous comprenez que, vu qu’aucune arrestation

      Conclusion :

      Journaliste: «Per il momento nessuno sa dire se gli autori delle aggressioni siano persone che da tempo vivono in Germania o se si tratti di rifugiati arrivati negli ultimi mesi dal Medio-Oriente. Un’ondata a cui i tedeschi hanno aperto le porte affermando di essere in grado di gestirla. Il dibattito è più che mai aperto, chiunque siano gli autori dei fatti di capodanno»

      –-> « pour le moment personne ne peut dire si les auteurs des agressions soient des personnes qui vivent depuis longtemps en Allemagne ou s’il s’agit de réfugiés arrivés il y a peu du Moyen-Orient. Une vague à laquelle les Allemands ont ouvert les portes en affirmant être en mesure de la gérer. Le débat est plus que jamais ouvert, indépendamment de l’identité des auteurs »

      Source : http://www.rsi.ch/la1/programmi/informazione/telegiornale/Telegiornale-6626707.html
      C’est le reportage intitulé « Aggressioni in Germania, 90 denunce »
      #réfugiés #asile #migrations #préjugés #médias #journalisme

    • Et l’analyse d’un collaborateur de la RSI depuis Berlin... dans l’interview qui suit le reportage dont j’ai relaté ci-dessus.

      Introduction de la journaliste :

      «Una vicenda che capita in un momento particolare, con la Germania che si ritrova a dover far fronte a questo massiccio afflusso di profughi. Ti chiedo come reagisce il paese a questa notizia»

      –-> « Un événement qui tombe dans un moment particulier, avec l’Allemagne qui se retrouve à devoir faire face à un afflux massif de réfugiés. Je te demande comment le pays réagit à cet événement... »

      Regardez l’image :


      le mot en dessus de Rassismus est tellement caché qu’on ne le voit pas...

    • La maire de Cologne moquée pour ses conseils aux femmes après une vague d’agressions

      La maire de la ville allemande de Cologne, théâtre à la Saint-Sylvestre d’une vague d’agressions sexuelles, faisait mercredi l’objet de critiques et quolibets, particulièrement sur Twitter, pour son #conseil donné aux femmes de se tenir à bonne #distance des inconnus.

      http://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/la-maire-de-cologne-moquee-pour-ses-conseils-aux-femmes-apres

    • Des policiers attribuent les agressions de Cologne à des réfugiés « tout juste arrivés en Allemagne »
      http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2016/01/07/la-police-de-cologne-reconnait-avoir-ete-depassee-lors-des-agressions-du-nou

      Les événements de la Saint-Sylvestre à la gare de Cologne sont en passe de devenir un véritable scandale en Allemagne. Selon les informations publiées par le journal Welt am Sonntag, la police de Cologne, contrairement à ce qu’avait au départ déclaré sa direction, dispose d’informations très précises sur les auteurs des agressions sexuelles commises ce soir-là. Les forces de l’ordre auraient en effet contrôlé dans la soirée une centaine de personnes à la suite de ces actes de violence. Quelques-unes d’entre elles auraient été interpellées et placées en garde à vue peu après les faits. « Seule une petite minorité de ces personnes étaient des Nord-Africains, la plus grosse partie était des Syriens », précise le journal.

      Welt am Sonntag, classé à droite dans la presse allemande, s’appuie sur le témoignage anonyme de policiers présents place de la Gare au moment des faits. Blessés par les critiques exprimées par le ministre de l’intérieur, Thomas de Maizière, à leur endroit, les fonctionnaires ont révélé que les informations données par le chef de la police locale, Wolfgang Albers, n’étaient pas justes. Ce dernier avait dit que la police ne disposait d’aucune information sur l’identité des agresseurs. La maire de Cologne, Henriette Reker, avait même ajouté que « rien ne permettait de dire qu’il s’agissait de réfugiés ». (...)

      Jeudi, la presse allemande avait déjà publié des extraits d’un autre rapport de police, celui de l’intervention des forces de l’ordre place de la Gare, le soir de la Saint-Sylvestre. Un récit accablant, qui montre que les violences commises ce soir-là sont bien plus graves que les autorités ne l’avaient reconnu jusqu’à présent.

      Selon ce document qu’ont pu se procurer Bild et le Spiegel Online, la place de la Gare de Cologne s’est transformée ce soir-là en un lieu de violence et de peur, où la police, totalement dépassée, était incapable de contrôler les diverses agressions, vols et attaques aux bouteilles et feux d’artifice contre les passants.(...)

      ...les agressions de groupes d’hommes consistant à encercler des jeunes femmes pour les agresser sexuellement et les voler étaient un phénomène nouveau.

    • En #Suisse et en #Finlande aussi

      Des agressions sexuelles contre des femmes, comparables à ce qui s’est passé à Cologne (Allemagne), ont eu lieu à Zurich la nuit de la Saint-Sylvestre, a annoncé jeudi la police de la ville. « Plusieurs plaintes pour agressions sexuelles et vols ont été déposées », a précisé la police, qui fait le parallèle dans son communiqué avec les événements signalés dans plusieurs villes allemandes. La police, qui a ouvert une enquête, a lancé un appel à témoin et demandé à d’éventuelles autres victimes de venir porter plainte. Environ 25 vols ont été signalés durant la nuit du 31 décembre à Zürich, alors que quelque 120.000 personnes se pressaient autour du lac de la ville. La police, en enquêtant sur ces vols, a découvert que plusieurs victimes ont aussi fait état d’agressions et violences sexuelles. Une demi-douzaine de femmes ont indiqué avoir été encerclées et soumises à des #attouchements par « plusieurs hommes à la #peau_sombre », qui s’étaient mêlés à la foule. La police a précisé que la plupart des plaintes ont été déposées dans les dernières 24 heures.

      En Finlande, la nuit de la Saint-Sylvestre a donné lieu à un niveau inhabituel de harcèlement sexuel à #Helsinki, a annoncé jeudi la police finlandaise. Des forces de sécurité en patrouille la nuit du 31 décembre ont constaté de « nombreux faits de #harcèlement_sexuel » sur une place centrale de la capitale finlandaise, où 20.000 fêtards s’étaient réunis, sans toutefois qu’aucune plainte n’ait été déposée. Trois cas d’agressions sexuelles ont en revanche été rapportés, dont deux ont donné lieu à des plaintes, dans la plus grande gare d’Helsinki, où s’étaient rassemblés quelque 1.000 #demandeurs_d'asile, pour la plupart irakiens, selon un communiqué de la police. Les suspects, trois demandeurs d’asile, ont été placés en détention. « Il n’y a pas eu de tels cas de harcèlement lors de la nuit du Nouvel An de l’an dernier, ni en d’autres occasions... C’est un phénomène totalement nouveau à Helsinki », a déclaré Ilkka Koskimaki, le chef adjoint de la police de la ville. La police a indiqué dans un communiqué qu’elle s’était préparée « de manière exceptionnelle » après avoir reçu des informations selon lesquelles « des demandeurs d’asile auraient eu des projets similaires à ceux concernant la gare de Cologne.

      http://m.leparisien.fr/international/agressions-sexuelles-en-allemagne-seize-suspects-pour-plus-de-120-plain

    • Agressions sexuelles à Cologne : une trentaine de suspects, dont des demandeurs d’asile

      L’enquête sur les violences physiques et les vols dont ont été victimes des femmes le soir du Nouvel An à Cologne continue. Selon le ministère de l’intérieur, la police a établi une liste de « trente et un suspects, dont les noms sont désormais identifiés », de vol et d’agressions, mais pas à caractère sexuel.

      http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2016/01/08/violences-a-cologne-berlin-annonce-que-sur-31-suspects-18-sont-demandeurs-d-

    • Les femmes suisses et la crainte du migrant musulman

      Des agressions similaires à celles de Cologne ont aussi été constatées à Hambourg, à Helsinki en Finlande, mais aussi à Zurich. De fortes craintes sont exprimées, notamment par la population féminine, face à l’arrivée en grand nombre de réfugiés originaires du monde musulman. Débat entre Myret Zaki, rédactrice en chef de Bilan, et Cesla Amarelle, conseillère nationale socialiste vaudoise

      http://www.rts.ch/audio/la-1ere/programmes/forum/7377093-les-femmes-suisses-et-la-crainte-du-migrant-musulman-08-01-2016.html

      A noter que le journaliste début avec « attention à ne pas faire d’amalgames »... mais... lisez le titre de cette émission :
      « Les femmes suisses et la crainte du migrant musulman »
       :-(

    • Le aggressioni contro le donne a Colonia, in Germania

      Un branco di maschi è un branco di maschi. A qualunque latitudine e di qualunque colore (anzi: “colore presunto”) essi siano. Con rara onestà intellettuale e morale, l’ha ricordato ieri su Repubblica Gabriele Romagnoli, a partire dalla sua propria esperienza di studente universitario bolognese, nonché di “maschio sessualmente arretrato”, che quarant’anni fa partecipava, o assisteva, ai riti goliardici di carnevale che ogni anno contemplavano caccia, molestie e palpeggiamento delle ragazze. E lo si potrebbe ricordare con svariati altri esempi presi dal mondo occidentale, bianco e libero, dove stupri di gruppo, molestie di varia natura, femminicidi di varia efferatezza non smettono di accadere. Oppure con altri esempi tratti dal circuito militare, occidentale e orientale, settentrionale e meridionale, dato che sempre nelle guerre, e in qualunque guerra, le donne continuano a essere la preda succulenta che gli eserciti di maschi si contendono, o il marchio etnico che cercano di conquistare, o la presunta altrui proprietà che cercano di rapinare.


      http://www.internazionale.it/opinione/ida-dominijanni/2016/01/08/colonia-capodanno-molestie
      #patriarcat

    • I fatti di Colonia riguardano tutti noi maschi (non solo i migranti)

      Gli episodi di Colonia hanno squarciato un velo. Nell’Europa multietnica c’è un problema che riguarda il rapporto fra i generi. Un gruppo di uomini ha attaccato un gruppo di donne in un luogo pubblico e le ha sottoposte a violenze, molestie, palpeggiamenti. Sono fatti inaccettabili e non possiamo sottovalutarli. Così come non può essere sottovalutato un dato culturale, e cioè che protagonisti di queste azioni sono migranti provenienti da una specifica regione del mondo, con uno specifico background culturale-religioso.

      In estrema sintesi, i fatti di Colonia ci indicano due errori da evitare: da un lato non si possono negare le insidie del multiculturalismo e il problema di certi ambienti culturali verso la libertà delle donne e delle minoranze, dall’altro la violenza maschile non può essere problematizzata come fatto essenzialmente culturale che riguarda solo gli islamici. Occorre, piuttosto, ribellarsi all’inciviltà in maniera aperta coinvolgendo tutti, a partire dalla comunità di migranti. Ma soprattutto è importante coinvolgere in questo discorso tutti i maschi: la violenza maschile è un nostro problema, una nostra colpa. E non è detto che gli uomini che hanno assalito le donne di Colonia la notte di Capodanno non abbiano agito sotto un arcaico fantasma maschile che riguarda ancora tutti, cristiani, musulmani e atei, occidentali e no, migranti e nativi.

      http://www.huffingtonpost.it/marco-palillo/i-fatti-di-colonia-riguardano-tutti-noi-maschi-non-solo-i-migranti_b_
      #multiculturalisme #masculinité #masculinities

    • Per le strade di Colonia

      E sono sicura di non essere stata sfortunata. Anzi, forse sono stata “fortunata” che in questi dieci e più anni di vita e viaggi in giro per il mondo non mi sia accaduto niente di più grave. Perciò non mi venite a raccontare che è Colonia, che sono gli immigrati nordafricani. Le aggressioni sessuali, più o meno violente, sono tutte figlie di una cultura maschilista di cui sono imbevuti uomini e donne, in Europa e altrove. In cui le donne sono a disposizione, sono di proprietà di un uomo e se non lo sono, se hanno l’ardire di andare in giro da sole, con altre donne, magari pure vestite come pare a loro, allora sono un piatto da buffet per tutti quelli che vogliono ficcarci le mani.
      Se c’è una cosa che Colonia deve insegnare è che il rischio di aggressioni sessuali contro le donne è una cosa quotidiana, che può manifestarsi in ogni momento, in ogni città, e che limita di fatto la nostra libertà di persone di muoverci, di lavorare, di divertirci. Se possiamo trovare una cosa positiva nel post-Colonia è che la società europea potrà a causa di questi eventi rendersi conto di cosa vivano le donne tutti i giorni, e fare di tutto per cambiarlo.


      https://ledonnevisibili.wordpress.com/2016/01/08/per-le-strade-di-colonia
      #sexisme_quotidien

    • Vu le sujet et le contexte, Je reproduis exceptionnellement la lettre hebdomadaire de Léosthène :

      31 décembre, nuit barbare en Europe

      « Je suis Syrien. Vous devez me traiter avec courtoisie. Mme Merkel m’a invité ».
      Témoignage d’un policier allemand de Cologne (voir note 5).

      « Ils voulaient surtout commettre des agressions sexuelles, ou, pour le dire dans leur logique, s’amuser sexuellement ». Ce sont les mots d’un policier allemand rapportés par le journal Welt am Sonntag qui s’appuie sur un rapport de la police de Cologne du 2 janvier. Faits repris par le quotidien Die Welt le 7 janvier (1) et par Le Monde daté du même jour (2). Il aura donc fallu une semaine pour qu’émerge un début d’information fiable sur l’ampleur des « agressions sexuelles de masse » (selon les termes de la police de Cologne) commises simultanément et selon le même mode opératoire dans plusieurs pays européens pendant la nuit du nouvel an : en Allemagne, bien sûr, Cologne d’abord (121 plaintes à ce jour), Hambourg (plus de 50 plaintes), Berlin et Francfort (plaintes isolées pour l’instant), Stuttgart, Salzbourg en Autriche, mais aussi en Suisse, à Zurich (3) et dans la banlieue de Bâle et en Finlande (Helsinki). Le nombre de plaintes augmentant de jour en jour, aucune analyse d’ensemble n’est disponible, à notre connaissance, au moment où nous écrivons. Le recensement le plus complet étant celui du très sérieux Telegraph britannique (4) à la date du 8 janvier.

      Les journaux Bild et le Spiegel avaient, dès le 6 janvier, publié le témoignage d’un chef de patrouille de Cologne (« Un récit accablant, qui montre que les violences commises ce soir-là sont bien plus graves que les autorités ne l’avaient reconnu jusqu’à présent », constate le Monde) : on le trouve traduit en anglais (5) le 7 janvier, comme on trouve via Twitter une très courte vidéo de 51 secondes, depuis censurée mais que nous avons pu regarder (voir ci-dessous) d’une scène d’agression illustrant parfaitement le mode opératoire. Au milieu d’une foule dense d’hommes jeunes, une jeune femme est encerclée par une vingtaine d’agresseurs qui, ensemble, la pressent et se livrent avec violence à des attouchements obscènes. « En dépit des cris des victimes qui demandaient de l’aide », témoigne le chef de patrouille, « les officiers de police ont été dans de nombreux cas incapables de les atteindre parce que la foule se tenait tout autour en groupes importants et en cercles ». Le tout dans un désordre redoutable, la police étant intervenue dès 21H45 sur la place de la Gare (en face de la Cathédrale) où se multipliaient les incidents dans une foule d’hommes agités, « issus de l’immigration », alcoolisés et/ou drogués, jetant des bouteilles, pétards et feux d’artifice – y compris sur les voitures de police. La foule se densifie à ce point que les forces de l’ordre, vers 22H45 et « après consultation du centre de commandement de la police nationale » décident d’évacuer la place « entre la gare et les marches de la Cathédrale ».

      « L’évacuation a commencé à 23H30, des marches de la Cathédrale vers le square (…). Elle s’est achevée à 00H15. Pendant et après l’opération, nous avons eu à gérer de multiples confrontations physiques avec des individus comme avec des groupes de personnes, des vols divers, le tout survenant simultanément en des endroits différents. Après les assauts sévères de migrants masculins, de nombreuses femmes et jeunes filles choquées et en larmes sont venues au bureau de police, et des policiers ont été envoyés sur les lieux des attaques. L’identification des assaillants n’était plus possible. Les forces de l’ordre n’ont pas pu être présentes lors de toutes les attaques, assauts et crimes, qui étaient trop nombreux et menés simultanément ». Et encore : « Les victimes et témoins ont été menacés, et c’est seulement la présence continue de la police et de passants de bonne volonté qui ont empêché les viols » (une ou deux plaintes pour viol avéré avaient été déposées au 7 janvier). « Je n’ai jamais rencontré, en 29 ans de carrière, un tel manque de respect envers les forces de police » (5) concluait ce chef de patrouille courageux, qui démentait les déclarations du chef de la police de Cologne, Wolfgang Albers, qui après avoir nié toute violence (« nuit détendue »), prétendait n’avoir aucune information sur l’identité des agresseurs, comme le faisait Henriette Reker, maire de Cologne (« rien ne permet de dire qu’il s’agissait de réfugiés »), privilégiant la thèse de gangs Nord-Africains.

      Parce, nous dit le Monde, après les informations de son confrère Welt am Sonntag,, « la police de Cologne, contrairement à ce qu’avait au départ déclaré sa direction, dispose d’informations très précises sur les auteurs des agressions sexuelles commises ce soir-là. Les forces de l’ordre auraient en effet contrôlé dans la soirée une centaine de personnes à la suite de ces actes de violence. Quelques-unes d’entre elles auraient été interpelées et placées en garde à vue peu après les faits. « Seule une petite minorité de ces personnes étaient des Nord-Africains, la plus grosse partie était des Syriens » précise le journal » (2). On apprend du même coup qu’il n’y a pas mille mais deux milles personnes en cause, « réparties dans un rayon de deux kilomètres autour de la gare centrale » ou que le chef du syndicat de police en Rhénanie du Nord-Westphalie, Arnold Plickert, qui défend ses camarades (« Je peux comprendre que des collègues diffusent des informations de façon anonyme. Ils veulent se défendre contre les fausses accusations qui circulent »), affirme que « personne ne s’attendait à cela, et personne ne pouvait le prévoir ». Vraiment ? Parce que malgré le chef de la police d’Helsinki, Ilkka Koskimaki, qui a démenti d’abord tout lien ou comparaison avec les événements de Cologne (5), la police finlandaise a publié un communiqué par lequel elle faisait savoir s’être préparée « de manière exceptionnelle », ayant reçu des informations selon lesquelles « des demandeurs d’asile auraient eu des projets similaires à ceux concernant la gare de Cologne » (7).

      Nous lisons bien qu’il y avait bien un « projet » des demandeurs d’asile et que la police en était informée en Finlande ?

      Les modes opératoires sont bien semblables d’une ville à l’autre (le porte-parole de la police de Zurich, Margo Cortesi, confirme bien à l’AFP que ce qui s’y est passé « est un scénario un peu identique à ce qui s’est passé à Cologne et dans d’autres villes allemandes » (3)). Il s’agit bien d’autre part de migrants - pour ceux qui ont été arrêtés parmi les agresseurs de Cologne - si l’on en croit la déclaration de Tobias Plate, porte–parole du ministère de l’Intérieur allemand, le 8 janvier (8). Et le rapport publié par Bild (5) note bien que les policiers ont soupçonné que « les événements de la nuit avaient été planifiés par avance ». Faut-il comprendre que la question est si « politiquement sensible » que les médias ont préféré censurer d’abord les événements de Cologne pendant plusieurs jours (une chaîne publique de télévision allemande s’en est excusée, la presse française est à peu près muette) et ne rapportent les autres agressions qu’en ordre soigneusement dispersé ? Que nous tenons la raison de l’invraisemblable conduite du maire de Cologne, Henriette Reker, qui a nié d’abord toute relation avec les « réfugiés » avant de proposer aux femmes un « code de conduite » (se tenir, entre autre renoncement à sortir seules et à porter des jupes, surtout courtes, à plus d’une ‘distance d’un bras’ des hommes (sic), ce qui fait les délices – et provoque la colère - de Twitter) ? Ou celle des errances des dirigeants allemands, et de leurs déclarations très embarrassées ? Trop tard, souligne notre confrère De defensa (9), qui cite les rares réflexions qui ont suivi l’affaire (Zero Hedge a publié plusieurs papiers (10), Russia Today (RT) lui a consacré un ‘Live’ toujours actif (11) et publié en français une analyse du philosophe et historien britannique John Laughland le 6 janvier) (12). L’affaire est comprise pour ce qu’elle est, même inconsciemment, par tout le monde : « L’incompatibilité de l’immigration massive avec la stabilité des sociétés d’accueil ne peut plus être dissimulée derrière la relative rareté et les caractères spécifiques que cela engendre en temps normal ».

      Pour notre part, nous en resterons, parce qu’il y a « projet » et visiblement projet pensé et actions coordonnées, au constat que nous faisions dans notre dernière lettre. Les stratèges-théoriciens de l’Etat islamique (Abou Moussab al-Souri, ancien compagnon de Ben Laden et le corpus de ses textes (1600 pages), parus en décembre 2004, L’appel à la résistance islamique globale et Abou Bakr al-Naji, L’administration de la sauvagerie : l’étape la plus critique à franchir par la Oumma) ont défini leur objectif – comme l’EI avait annoncé sa volonté d’envoyer un million de migrants vers l’Europe : il s’agit bien de provoquer par la violence et la terreur une situation de chaos destinée à déconsidérer les dirigeants des pays concernés. Honnêtement, nous n’avions pas pensé à ce mode d’action – avec ce que signifie le viol, sa barbarie et sa symbolique. Mais les fanatiques islamistes ont une dangereuse imagination mortifère. Non, les violeurs de Cologne et d’ailleurs ne « s’amusaient pas sexuellement ». Ils propageaient chaos et violence. Et s’il faut avoir peur, c’est des commentaires imbéciles d’Henriette Reker (peut-on porter plainte contre elle pour complicité de terrorisme ?) et de ses émules, tous ceux qui confondent les agresseurs et les victimes désignées comme coupables.

      Quant à Angela Merkel ? Qu’elle se débrouille avec la catastrophe qu’elle a provoquée le nez sur ses besoins en bas salaires - et les conséquences politiques de cette nuit barbare, qui seront graves. Mais surtout qu’elle garde ses « réfugiés » (13% d’enfants, 15% de femmes, ce qui reste sont des hommes jeunes). Nous avons assez à faire avec nos propres affaires.

      Hélène Nouaille


      Vidéo :

      Le témoignage d’un videur de l’hôtel Excelcior de Cologne, face à la Cathédrale (sous-titré en français, 3 minutes 11)
      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-fOAcRzHgbg



      La vidéo supprimée de l’agression d’une jeune femme allemande à Cologne le 31 décembre (51 secondes)
      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P9uteaoPSJQ

      Restait, le 8 janvier, une photo, déjà éloquente :
      https://twitter.com/17Novembre1796/status/685196270701559809


      Notes :

      (1) Die Welt, le 7 janvier 2016, Wolfgang Büscher, Martin Lutz, Till-Reimer Stoldt, « Die meisten waren frisch eingereiste Asyleweber » (« La plupart d’entre eux étaient des demandeurs d’asile de fraîche date »)
      http://www.welt.de/politik/deutschland/article150735341/Die-meisten-waren-frisch-eingereiste-Asylbewerber.html

      (2) Le Monde, le 7 janvier 2016, Cécile Boutelet (Berlin, correspondance), Des policiers attribuent les agressions de Cologne à des policiers « tout juste arrivés en Allemagne »
      http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2016/01/07/la-police-de-cologne-reconnait-avoir-ete-depassee-lors-des-agressions-du-nou

      (3) Le Temps/AFP, le 7 janvier 2016, Agressions sexuelles à Zurich la nuit du 31 décembre
      http://www.letemps.ch/suisse/2016/01/07/agressions-sexuelles-zurich-nuit-31-decembre

      (4) The Telegraph, le 8 janvier 2016, Two teenage girls gang-raped by four ‘Syrian nationals’ in southern Germany
      http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/germany/12088341/Two-teenage-girls-gang-raped-by-four-Syrian-nationals-in-southern-Germa

      (5) The New Observer, le 7 janvier 2016, Cologne Sex Attack : Horror Police Report
      http://newobserveronline.com/cologne-sex-attack-horror-police-report-revealed

      (6) YLE, le 7 janvier 2016, NBI (National Board Investigation) : no German link in Helsinki train station incident
      http://yle.fi/uutiset/nbi_no_german_link_in_helsinki_train_station_incident/8577608

      (7) 20 Minutes avec AFP, le 8 janvier 2016, Finlande : comme à Cologne, hausse des agressions sexuelles pour la nuit du 31
      http://www.20minutes.fr/monde/1761927-20160108-finlande-comme-cologne-hausse-agressions-sexuelles-nuit-3

      (8) Sputnik en français, le 8 janvier 2016, Cologne : presque tous les agresseurs sont des migrants
      http://fr.sputniknews.com/international/20160108/1020796241/agressions-sexuelles-cologne.html

      (9) De defensa, le 7 janvier 2016, La nuit de Cologne, ou le crash des civilisations
      http://www.dedefensa.org/article/la-nuit-de-cologne-ou-le-crash-des-civilisations

      (10) Zero Hedge, le 7 janvier 2016, Tyler Duden, The « Monster » Unmasked : Cologne Police Admit « Most Of The Attackers Were Refugees »
      http://www.zerohedge.com/news/2016-01-07/monsters-revealed-cologne-cops-say-most-attackers-were-refugees

      (11) RT en continu (‘Live’), le 8 janvier 2016, Le chef de la police de Cologne suspendu suite à la vague d’agressions du 31
      https://francais.rt.com/international/13262-stuttgart-hambourg-ont-aussi-ete

      (12) RT (Russia Today), le 6 janvier 2016, John Laughland, Afflux migratoire en Allemagne : antiracisme et féminisme, des valeurs incompatibles ?
      https://francais.rt.com/opinions/13364-allemagne-immigres-peur-images

    • Allemagne : Merkel pour l’#expulsion des réfugiés condamnés, même avec sursis

      La chancelière allemande Angela Merkel s’est prononcée samedi en faveur d’un très net durcissement des règles d’expulsion de demandeurs d’asile condamnés par la justice en Allemagne, en l’autorisant même pour ceux condamnés à une peine avec sursis.

      http://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/allemagne-merkel-pour-lexpulsion-des-refugies-condamnes-meme-

      Le débat en Suisse autour de l’#initiative contre les #criminels_étrangers (dite initiative de #mise_en_oeuvre) va être bien bien dur... Et la campagne de votation bien difficile, hélas, vu les faits de Cologne et les prises de positions de l’Allemagne...
      Pour mémoire : http://seen.li/9gbx

    • @reka euh... on doit la prendre au sérieux cette lettre là ? C’est pas un peu exagéré ? Le texte de John Laughland sur RT est bourré de machin masculinistes qui m’ont semblé assez craignos et le commentaire dedefensa est à la limite de l’intelligible... Après bon c’est quand même grave ce qui s’est passé... Je crois qu’il y a eu des viols comme ça sur la place tahir pendant la révolution egyptienne (enfin j’ai vu ça dans un film)... bon. Quelle merde.

    • nan mais euh attends on est sérieux quand on parle d’un événement prévu et calculé là ? C’est ce qu’implique tes tags et j’avoue que... enfin j’arrive pas trop à y croire là

    • Il y a eu un commentaire très intéressant d’un prof allemand (d’un institut de l’immigration et de l’intégration, ou quelque chose comme cela d’une université dont je ne me rappelle plus le nom) qui est passé ce soir à ARTE Journal (09.01.2016), mais malheureusement ARTE n’archive pas online ses journal télé... donc impossible de récouter, re-regarder ou simplement en prendre des notes...
       :-(

    • ben... hystérie collective permise par une bonne vielle culture du viol ? Je disais ça aussi par rapport à la lettre de Léosthène qui parle d’une stratégie de l’EI en Europe et je n’arrive pas à croire à un truc concerté, prévu, décidé à l’avance... Je crois plus à un... truc délirant c’est-à-dire pas prévu. Chai pas...

    • Laideur, ignominie. Oui.
      Comment ça arrive ? Des inclues festives payeraient ici tribu pour toute l’inclusion d’Europe et pour la police et la ville. Leur joie de vivre affichée à cet instant feraient d’elles des trophées pour des mâles sans feu ni lieu. Un moment de revanche. Pour un célibataire endurci par des mois de trajet périlleux qui a dû rompre toute attache (si ce n’est un coup de fil de ci de là) un simple baiser est certainement un luxe inouï [ceci n’est pas une excuse !] .

      Sauf preuve contraire, il n’y a en principe, il me semble, pas besoin de plan et de chef d’orchestre pour que la misère sexuelle ajoutée à une culture machiste et à l’absence de famille et de proches disponibles - là où ont majoritairement lieu les agressions sexuelles et les viols - pour que cela ait lieu dans la rue, lorsque le contrôle qui y règne y est altéré. L’extranéité à une société qui se défend au moins autant qu’elle dit accueillir (cf les centaines d’attaques contre les lieux habités par des migrants en Allemagne ces derniers mois) aurait débouché sur un « carnaval » d’une cruauté injustifiable. Les proies se sont (re)faites prédateurs, se sont sauvées dans la prédation. Le rapport de forces s’inverse, là où c’est - terriblement - encore possible, là où « la femme » peut être vue et prise comme objet et objet d’abus, par des objets d’abus, « chez eux » et ici. Une femme devenue abstraite de ne correspondre, en nul visage, dans aucun bras, aucun sourire adressé, à aucun usage (ni tendresse ni toucher d’aucune sorte), à aucune relation .
      Le réfugié, c’est la figure du gueux, du non citoyen, hors de la fête de « la bonne année » qui vient, célébrée par tous. Et cette fois il en a pris sa part. L’année commence par le vol d’un #contact, voire d’une pénétration. C’est dégueulasse, parfaitement dégueulasse, mais il n’y a pas besoin de manager pour que de telles saloperies arrivent. Il suffit que la situation s’y prête.

      Une alternative à de telles saloperies existe (avec difficultés) lorsque de la barbarie de l’État et de ce « bonheur » que ces fêtes viennent dire, s’écartent des moments de côtoiement, (hautement contradictoires) où cela peut frotter avec des situations où le discours de la modèle (qui fait a postériori sa pub ?) : "Nous ne sommes pas du gibier" est présent en acte. Ensemble nous ne sommes pas le gibier de la police, par exemple, et si celle ci s’en prend à nous, c’est ensemble que nous cherchons à déjouer ce rapport.
      Des expulsions de La Chapelle aux occupations place de la République, il y à un type de rapport qui se cherche, pas harmonieux, pas simple, et bien trop faible, qui modifie l’équation, qui ne laisse que fort peu de temps propice à de telles abjections, qui ne structure pas l’espace en champ de foire où il faudrait rivaliser d’adresse pour montrer que l’on sait s’emparer de force de l’objet interdit (lafame). Et si des hommes migrants y rencontrent des femmes d’ici, c’est autrement.
      Rien d’idéal. Rien d’idéal. Et d’ailleurs, c’est très faible, bien trop faible.

    • Germany’s Post-Cologne Hysteria

      ON New Year’s Eve, hundreds of men gathered in the plaza at the main train station in Cologne, Germany, groping and robbing scores of women as they passed by. By the end of this week the police had received 170 complaints, including 120 related to sexual assault.

      http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/09/opinion/germanys-post-cologne-hysteria.html?smid=fb-share&_r=1
      signalé par @unagi sur seenthis : http://seenthis.net/messages/447751

    • Hemmungslos

      Betrunkene entblößen sich, fassen Frauen unters Dirndl und feuern sich gegenseitig an: Im Bierzelt auf dem Oktoberfest legen manche Männer sämtliche Hemmschwellen ab. Doch die meisten Übergriffe auf Frauen werden nie geahndet.

      http://www.sueddeutsche.de/muenchen/sexuelle-uebergriffe-auf-dem-oktoberfest-entbloessung-im-bierzelt-1.115

      #Oktoberfest
      Selon cet article :
      Une moyenne de 10 cas d’abus sexuels signalés chaque année à la fête de la bière de Munich. Et 200 cas qui ne sont pas signalés à la police.

      Et la question surgit assez spontanément : Combien de musulmans sont présents à la Fête de la bière ?

    • Rape Culture in Germany Is Not an Imported Phenomenon

      Sexual assaults and even rape happen every year at big events like Oktoberfest. “The way to the toilet alone is like running the gauntlet: within 50 feet, you can be sure to tally three hugs from drunken strangers, two pats on the ass, someone looking up your dirndl and some beer purposely splashed right down your cleavage,” wrote Karoline Beisel and Beate Wild in 2011, in the Süddeutsche Zeitung. An average of 10 reported rapes take place each year at Oktoberfest. The estimated number of unreported cases is 200.

      https://www.vice.com/en_uk/read/rape-culture-germany-cologne-new-years-2016-876

    • Studie: Lebenssituation, Sicherheit und Gesundheit von Frauen in Deutschland

      Bei der Studie „Lebenssituation, Sicherheit und Gesundheit von Frauen in Deutschland“ handelt sich um die erste repräsentative Befragung zu Gewalt gegen Frauen in Deutschland.

      Die Studie wertet Interviews von mehr als 10.000 Frauen im Alter zwischen 16 und 85 Jahren aus, die über ihre Gewalterfahrungen in verschiedenen Lebensphasen berichten. Parallel dazu haben weitere Teilerhebungen die Gewaltbetroffenheiten einiger schwer erreichbarer Bevölkerungsgruppen erfasst. Dazu gehörten insbesondere Frauen osteuropäischer und türkischer Herkunft sowie Prostituierte, Frauen in Asylbewerberheimen und Gefängnissen.

      Die Studie schließt damit bestehende Wissenslücken über das Ausmaß von Gewalt gegen Frauen in nahezu der gesamten Bevölkerung. Sie hat die Grundlage geschaffen, um gezielte Maßnahmen und Strategien zum Abbau von Gewalt im Geschlechterverhältnis und zur Verbesserung der Hilfe- und Unterstützungssituation für gewaltbetroffene Frauen zu entwickeln.

      http://www.bmfsfj.de/BMFSFJ/Service/publikationen,did=20560.html

      Avec un résumé en anglais:
      http://www.bmfsfj.de/RedaktionBMFSFJ/Abteilung4/Pdf-Anlagen/kurzfassung-gewalt-frauen-englisch,property=pdf,bereich=bmfsfj,sprache=de,rwb

    • Markus Gabriel: «Nessuno scontro fra culture sono solo criminali»

      «Parlare di culture, in casi come questo, è una sciocchezza. Quello che è successo a Colonia, ma anche ad Amburgo e Francoforte, è un crimine a sfondo sessuale organizzato da bande. Certo, in gran parte commesso da nordafricani o rifugiati, pare. Ma bande. Lo scontro tra culture non c’entra».

      "Il problema è sociale, non culturale. E cioè capire quale antagonismo sociale scatena comportamenti agghiaccianti come quelli di Capodanno e che non può essere risolto se il sindaco Heker consiglia di tenere «a distanza gli sconosciuti». Associarli alla cultura musulmana è un grave errore, perché, per esempio, cose del genere non sono mai accadute nei quartieri islamici in Germania. Si tratta di criminali, come i criminali tedeschi, vedi i neonazi".

      http://www.repubblica.it/esteri/2016/01/09/news/markus_gabriel_nessuno_scontro_fra_culture_sono_solo_criminali_-130884096/?ref=search

    • Planifiées ?
      Les violences de Cologne ont été probablement planifiées, selon le ministre de la justice allemand
      http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2016/01/10/les-violences-de-cologne-ont-ete-probablement-planifiees-selon-le-ministre-d

      Les violences sans précédent contre des femmes à Cologne qui ont scandalisé l’Allemagne ont très vraisemblablement été coordonnées et planifiées, a estimé dimanche 10 janvier le ministre de la justice, Heiko Maas, dans une interview au quotidien Bild :

      « Quand une telle horde se rassemble pour enfreindre la loi, cela paraît sous une forme ou une autre planifié. Personne ne me fera croire que cela n’a pas été coordonné ou préparé »
      Lire aussi : 5 questions sur les agressions massives de femmes lors du Nouvel An à Cologne

      Quelque 379 plaintes ont été déposées à ce jour, dont 40 % pour agressions sexuelles, selon la police. Cette nuit-là, des dizaines d’hommes agissant en bandes s’en étaient pris à des femmes en plein centre-ville, au milieu d’une foule masculine estimée au total à un millier de personnes.

      « Nous devons urgemment clarifier comment on a pu en arriver à de tels actes », a souligné le ministre. Quand bien même des demandeurs d’asile sont suspectés par la police, il a mis en garde contre les amalgames avec tous les réfugiés arrivant dans le pays.

      « Il est hasardeux de faire un lien entre l’origine d’une personne et sa propension à enfreindre la loi », a-t-il dit car les statistiques montrent que les réfugiés « commettent en proportion autant de délits que les Allemands ».

    • De mon point de vue, le véhicule de tout cela est avant tout une culture/éducation patriarcale. Ça vaut pour l’Allemagne et pour la Syrie. Même si on peut noter quelques différences entre les deux cultures, elles sont fondées sur le patriarcat et le sexisme. Sur le mode opératoire, des groupes d’hommes se regroupant autour d’une femme pour lui faire subir des agressions sexuelles, ce n’est pas seulement pour « compenser un manque », cela vise clairement à humilier ces femmes. Ce pourquoi j’ai tagué #viol_de_masse et #viol_comme_arme quelque soit l’origine des agresseurs et violeurs.

    • Vu sur facebook

      Traduction :
      Dans le cas des agressions en Allemagne, ils disent que les musulmans veulent colonisent l’Europe. Et moi je suis devenue, tout à coup, une de « nos femmes ».
      Mais quand j’ai été violée alors que j’étais jeune ils me disaient « tu l’as cherché »

      Tout est dit, je crois.

    • Colonia, violenza è: usare le donne per giustificare il razzismo

      In qualunque stazione – di bus e treni – sono frequenti gli scippi per mano di chi approfitta della confusione per derubarti. Il metodo è sempre lo stesso: due o tre persone si avvicinano. Quando tante persone premono sul tuo corpo non ti rendi conto del fatto che ti stanno derubando. Alla stazione di Palermo, Roma, Bologna, Napoli, Firenze, Milano, gli scippi avvengono per mano di persone del luogo o anche no. Quello che li lega è il fatto che commettono crimini per fare soldi. Il crimine non è di tipo etnico. Lo scippo è una spiacevole faccenda che riguarda il mondo intero. Sui mezzi pubblici poi non passa giorno in cui non sia tastata, spremuta, strofinata, molestata, una donna. Si tratta di molestie, e anche queste riguardano il mondo intero.

      Quando a molestare o a stuprare in branco sono persone di cultura “cristiana” non demonizziamo milioni di persone d’occidente. Se un molestatore è musulmano ciò non vuol dire che tutti i musulmani sono molestatori. Attribuire la violenza misogina solo a uomini di una particolare etnia fornisce l’alibi a chi mette in discussione il fatto che quella è una trasversale violenza di genere e non si fa altro che legittimare le politiche razziste di Paesi che farebbero di tutto pur di negare l’ingresso a chi ha bisogno di una speranza di futuro

      A chi dice che l’attacco a Colonia, e in altre città, sia una tecnica di guerra, scontro di civiltà, contro il nostro civilissimo (si, come no!) stile di vita, ricordo che quello di cui evitano di parlare si chiama violenza di genere. Le donne sono vittime di aggressioni, stupri, violenze, in tempi di pace e di guerra e non serve che paesi noti per aver colonizzato altre nazioni, usando lo stupro come arma di guerra, oggi attribuiscano ad altri quel che hanno commesso i propri eserciti. Parlare di guerra dell’Islam all’occidente, usando l’allarmismo all’insegna di un “salviamo le nostre donne”, è solo uno dei tanti modi in cui le donne vengono usate per realizzare politiche neocolonialiste e razziste. Un po’ come quando iniziò la guerra in Afghanistan per salvare le donne oppresse. Peccato che poi furono consegnate a un governo ancor più violentemente misogino. Ricordate poi che la stessa cosa si diceva degli italiani, un tempo, accusati di essere ladri e stupratori. Ma si sa che abbiamo la memoria corta.

      http://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2016/01/09/colonia-violenza-e-usare-le-donne-per-giustificare-il-razzismo/2359054

    • Hollaback

      Six years ago in 2010, our executive director Emily May sat down with Assemblymember Jim Brennan and asked, “what could New York State do to reduce harassment?” They were both determined that increasing criminalization wasn’t the answer, and the two batted around ideas for over an hour.

      One of the problems that concerned them both was how reports of sexual violence on the subway were swept under the rug. The data was difficult to find, and riders were kept in the dark about which trains were safest. This not only silenced survivors — it put riders at further risk, as they didn’t have the information they need to advocate for safer subways.

      Assemblymember Brennan put together a bill that would require the NYPD to submit a report to the City Council annually that detailed subway crimes including, “aggravated sexual abuse,” “sexual misconduct,” “rape,” use of abusive or obscene language or gestures,” and “following,” among other felonies.

      Bill A4310A was consistently shot down by Mayor Bloomberg’s team despite widespread support from New Yorkers for Safe Transit, a coalition of community based organizations. This year, it gained traction. Assemblymember Brennan worked with Senator Golden to push the bill. And we are proud to announce that six years after that first meeting…


      http://www.ihollaback.org
      #cartographie #visualisation #harcèlement_sexuel #harcèlement_dans_la_rue #témoignage #crowdsourcing

    • Statistics – Stop Street Harassment Studies

      Street harassment is an under-researched topic, but each existing study shows that street harassment is a significant and prevalent problem. Read the 2014 SSH national report on street harassment in the USA for the latest research.


      http://www.stopstreetharassment.org/resources/statistics/sshstudies
      #statistiques

      Pour télécharger le rapport :
      http://www.stopstreetharassment.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/National-Street-Harassment-Report-November-29-20151.pdf

    • Violences contre des femmes à Cologne : ce qui s’est vraiment passé

      Des heurts ont éclaté samedi en marge d’une manifestation de l’extrême droite dans la ville où les agressions de la Saint-Sylvestre ont déclenché le plus de plaintes. La contre-enquête du JDD met en avant la complexité des faits.

      Selon les informations du JDD, les enquêteurs y voient la main de la #mafia_marocaine, de plus en plus puissante dans la région. Une commission spéciale (Sonderkommission) dite « #Soko_Casablanca » a surveillé plus de 2.000 suspects l’an passé et a alerté en décembre sur l’infiltration de ce #gang de trafiquants et de pickpockets dans les foyers de réfugiés. « Il pourrait s’agir d’une démonstration de force, un fait d’armes pour lequel ils sont allés chercher du renfort parmi les réfugiés arabophones et désœuvrés de la ville », avance Sebastian Fiedler, représentant du syndicat de la police criminelle en Allemagne (Bund deutscher Kriminalbeamter). « On a assisté à une opération similaire à Francfort cet automne : la mafia locale de la drogue a recruté des Érythréens pour un gros coup aux abords de la gare. »

      http://www.lejdd.fr/International/Europe/Violences-contre-des-femmes-a-Cologne-ce-qui-s-est-vraiment-passe-767815

    • « Cologne » et les faits

      – Il s’agit principalement de vols à la tire et de vols par la ruse : des gens se sont fait piquer leur portefeuille, leur smarthpone, etc. On parle de cas d’agressions sexuelles parce que la ruse consiste à harceler les femmes pour les distraire et leur piquer leurs affaires. Ainsi à Cologne, 2 plaintes pour viol ont été enregistrées suite au 31 décembre et toutes les autres concernent des vols, dont 40% avec « harcelement »*.

      – Les voleurs sont recrutés un peu partout par la criminalité organisée. Celle-ci recrute bien entendu là où c’est le plus simple. Visiblement, les centres d’accueils surpeuplés par des personnes qui ont dû se débrouiller pour survivre sont une excellente cible. La police devrait donc protéger ces centres de cette criminalité qui y recrute ses exécutants. Toutefois, le ministre de l’intérieur, Heiko Maas, a précisé aujourd’hui qu’il « existait des données statistiques sur le taux de criminalité auprès des réfugiés.

      le ministre de l’intérieur, Heiko Maas, a précisé aujourd’hui qu’il « existait des données statistiques sur le taux de criminalité auprès des réfugiés. Elles démontrent que ce taux est égal à celui des allemands ». Cf. : http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/uebergriffe-in-koeln-justizminister-maas-vermutet-organisierte-aktion-a-1071

      https://annelowenthal.wordpress.com/2016/01/10/cologne-et-les-faits

    • Avec plaisir @tintin... C’est que j’ai aussi suivi un peu de près pour préparer mon intervention à la radio ce matin sur le sujet :
      Colonia off limits

      Più video-sorveglianza, più presenza delle forze dell’ordine nelle strade, una giustizia veloce e leggi più dure per i profughi che commettono reati: dopo gli attacchi a sfondo sessuale della notte di San Silvestro a Colonia il Governo di Angela Merkel tira il freno a mano. Pegida ha colto l’occasione per ribadire, attraverso manifestazioni e scontri, il rifiuto degli stranieri e qualcuno preannuncia la fine del multiculturalismo.

      Dopo le aggressioni alle donne a Colonia le denunce per aggressione sono nel frattempo salite a 379 e la società tedesca si interroga sulla gestione della crisi migratoria. La polizia tedesca ha finora individuato 32 persone, per la maggioranza immigrati. Tutti gli uomini identificati, 29 dei quali avevano un permesso di soggiorno in Germania, sono stati accusati di aggressione e furto. Quanto successo ha profondamente scioccato molti tedeschi e la Cancelliera Angela Merkel ha proposto di «togliere il diritto d’asilo, o il diritto alla procedura per ottenerlo, ai profughi che dovessero macchiarsi di reati, anche per quelli per i quali è prevista la sospensione condizionale».

      Per discutere di questa problematica in Germania, avendo anche un occhio di riguardo su quanto succede in Svizzera in materia di integrazione, a Modem intervengono:

      Cristina del Biaggio, Geografa e responsabile di Vivre ensemble, un servizo di informazione sul diritto di asilo;

      Tommaso Pedicini, Capored. redazione italiana di Funkhaus Europa (WDR) Colonia;

      Amina Sulser, Mediatrice interculturale in Ticino, di origine maghrebina.

      Registrato: il prof. Prof. Karl-Siegbert Rehberg, Sociologo dell’Università di Dresda.

      http://www.rsi.ch/rete-uno/programmi/informazione/modem/Colonia-off-limits-6623953.html

    • Sur Facebook, les réfugiés syriens dénoncent les agressions de Cologne

      Les violences de la nuit du réveillon ont fait réagir les Syriens fraîchement arrivés en Allemagne, fustigeant à coups de hashtag ces comportements qui jettent le discrédit sur leur communauté. Beaucoup redoutent l’amalgame et le rejet, certains imaginent un complot de l’extrême droite ou d’Assad.

      http://rue89.nouvelobs.com/2016/01/11/facebook-les-refugies-syriens-denoncent-les-agressions-cologne-2627

      Hashtag #SyrerGegenSexismus

    • Un court commentaire qui me semble bien faire le point. En 1’45 minute :
      Patrick Le Fort : migrants et violences sexuelles, briser les tabous
      A lire ici :

      A l’incompréhension et à la colère vient se rajouter un malaise profond. Les responsables de ces actes sont pour la plupart étrangers. A Cologne, certains d’entre eux sont des requérants d’asile arrivés l’an dernier, d’après les autorités allemandes.

      Peu à peu, la parole se libère. Selon la presse suédoise, des agressions sexuelles commises en 2014 et 2015 dans un festival pour adolescents à Stockholm ont été passées sous silence. Leurs auteurs seraient des demandeurs d’asile mineurs non accompagnés.

      Malgré les craintes de représailles anti-étrangers, malgré les arguments offerts en cadeau à l’extrême droite et à sa rhétorique d’exclusion, nos pays ont le devoir de s’engager dans la voie de la vérité. Ne serait-ce que parce que les mensonges par omission sont autant de bombes à retardement.

      Faire la vérité, puis apporter une réponse. Sanctionner pénalement les auteurs de délits et de crimes. Pour cela, nos Etats de droit disposent déjà des outils juridiques nécessaires.

      Le véritable défi concerne la dimension sexuelle des agressions du Nouvel-An. Les délinquants originaires de pays arabes ont été éduqués dans un autre rapport à la femme.

      Adressons un message sans ambiguïté : nos valeurs ne sont pas négociables. Il faut en finir avec le manichéisme : un migrant n’est pas meilleur ni plus mauvais qu’un homme ou une femme nés ici. En revanche, il pose un défi en matière d’intégration. Dans ce domaine, toutes les solutions devront être analysées, sans œillères et sans tabou cette fois-ci.

      A écouter ici :
      http://www.rts.ch/la-1ere/programmes/signature/7390757-patrick-le-fort-migrants-et-violences-sexuelles-briser-les-tabous-12-01-

    • Un texte qui revient sur le déroulement des événements et du silence de la police
      http://www.buzzfeed.com/rossalynwarren/ce-qui-sest-vraiment-passe-a-cologne
      Agressions sexuelles à Cologne : « C’était dégueulasse. Tout était dégueulasse »
      Je retiens en particulier ceci

      Selon elle, le nombre de femmes à avoir porté plainte pour agressions sexuelles est « extraordinaire » –pas seulement pour le nombre en tant que tel, mais parce que les femmes avec lesquelles elle travaille ont bien souvent trop peur pour aller porter plainte et signaler les violences dont elles sont victimes.

      « Elles se sentent tellement soutenues dans les médias et ailleurs, qu’il est plus facile pour elles d’en parler », déclare Armgard. Mais elle craint que ce niveau de bienveillance envers les victimes ne soit lié qu’à la nationalité des agresseurs. « Les femmes devraient toujours être soutenues de la sorte, mais malheureusement, elles ne le sont pas ».

    • Nouvelle année, nouvelles difficultés pour les réfugiés

      OXFORD, 12 janvier 2016 (IRIN) - Le début de l’année 2016 marque une nouvelle période difficile dans la réponse européenne à la crise des réfugiés. L’année qui commence va-t-elle s’écouler sous le signe d’un nivellement par le bas ? Ou bien les États membres vont-ils tirer les leçons de 2015 et parvenir au consensus nécessaire pour réagir avec humanité à l’arrivée de centaines de milliers de nouveaux réfugiés ?

      http://www.irinnews.org/fr/report/102354/nouvelle-ann%C3%A9e-nouvelles-difficult%C3%A9s-pour-les-r%C3%A9fugi%C3%A9s

    • Commentaire d’une collègue :

      Evidemment, ces actes doivent être jugés pour ce qu’ils sont - des délits et des crimes. En revanche, on ne peut que s’interroger sur le fait que quand un homme blanc agresse une femme, il est considéré comme atteint d’une pathologie et nullement représentatif de son groupe ou de sa culture, au contraire de ces agresseurs de la nuit du 31 décembre à Cologne « pour la plupart étrangers ». Depuis on entend tous les jours qu’il faut « éduquer » les étrangers à respecter les femmes (trois fois ce matin sur rts1). Alors je suis pour une telle éducation, à condition qu’elle commence à l’école et qu’elle soit destinée à tous et toutes - mais là je ne suis pas sûre qu’on atteigne un tel consensus !!!

    • Très bon éditorial du Courrier...

      Condamner ne suffira pas

      On n’a pas fini de parler de la nuit du 31 décembre à Cologne. Il faut dénoncer aussi bien les agressions sexuelles qui y ont eu lieu que la récupération politique et extrémiste dont celles-ci font l’objet. La police de Cologne fait état jusqu’ici du chiffre impressionnant de 516 plaintes ; 40% d’entre elles concernent des agressions sexuelles dont deux viols. La quasi-totalité des suspects sont d’origine étrangère, annoncent les autorités allemandes. Les agressions auraient même été concertées – mais peu d’informations sont disponibles à ce sujet.

      Les ratonnades contre des migrants, elles, ont bien été organisées, annoncées sur Facebook, et menées à Cologne, tandis que, à l’appel du mouvement islamophobe Pegida, des milliers de personnes se rassemblaient dans plusieurs villes pour protester contre l’arrivée massive de réfugiés. L’extrême droite se délecte de ce type de pensées essentialisantes – des étrangers impliqués dans des agressions démontrent la dangerosité de tous les étrangers, qui n’ont donc rien à faire chez nous – qu’elle propage dans la société. La Sontagszeitung tentait dimanche de mesurer le nombre d’agressions sexuelles commises en Suisse tant par des ressortissants suisses qu’étrangers afin de comparer les niveaux de dangerosité respectifs des diverses populations. Si ces comparaisons ne sont pas raison, c’est aussi, comme le rappelle du bout des lèvres le journal dominical, que les hommes jeunes et célibataires sont surreprésentés parmi les demandeurs d’asile – comme dans les statistiques de la criminalité. Et parce que la plupart des migrants vivent des contextes de fragilisation et d’isolement social qui peuvent servir de détonateur. La justice, quand elle fonctionne bien, permet d’apprécier ces éléments, au contraire des raccourcis stigmatisants.
      Depuis le 31 décembre, les nouveaux défenseurs des droits des femmes se nomment donc Pegida ou Marine Le Pen – qui n’a pas manqué de réagir. « La sécurité des femmes n’est plus assurée en Europe », clament-ils. Comme si elle l’avait été jusqu’ici. Ce n’est pas d’aujourd’hui que des femmes allemandes dénoncent les comportements sexistes, le harcèlement sexuel et les viols pendant l’Oktoberfest de Munich. Déplacer l’indignation que suscitent des faits scandaleux sur leurs auteurs permet de fermer les yeux sur la violence contre les femmes qui n’a pas attendu les brassages de population récents pour apparaître. Renvoyer chez eux tous les migrants, comme le réclament certains, ne règlera donc rien.
      Les actes commis le 31 décembre doivent être punis, quelle que soit la nationalité des auteurs. Reste que le travail de prévention est indispensable. Quand Angela Merkel a prononcé son célèbre « Wir schaffen es » (« Nous y arriverons »), elle n’a pas dit quand... A long terme, l’intégration ne doit pas être un vain mot.

      http://www.lecourrier.ch/135649/condamner_ne_suffira_pas

    • #Carnaval de Cologne

      Les autorités de Cologne ont déjà exprimé leurs craintes à la veille du prochain carnaval de la ville. On les comprend, mais peut-être est-ce là l’occasion de réfléchir sur la signification profonde du Carnaval. Cette fête marque au solstice d’hiver la fin d’un cycle et le recommencement d’un nouveau, passage qui se fait pendant quelques jours sur le mode d’un « renversement » généralisé : le temps s’inverse (on remonte aux origines et aux comportements les plus primitifs), les rôles sociaux et sexuels s’inversent selon des rites ancestraux eux aussi, un Roi de substitution prend temporairement le pouvoir, amenant avec lui la levée des interdits et encourageant le port du masque qui rend les transgressions encore plus faciles... Bien évidemment, à la fin de la fête, ce Roi de substitution est brûlé comme le Bonhomme Hiver et les règles de la vie « normale » sont rétablies.

      Cette façon des sociétés de libérer les pulsions pendant un temps limité est tellement « nécessaire » que les religions s’y sont pliées, des religions païennes au christianisme, dans un étonnant syncrétisme qui explique que le Carnaval puisse se dérouler de la Toussaint à l’Avent et de Noël au début du Carême.
      Les débordements de la Saint-Sylvestre peuvent-ils se déchiffrer comme une forme de carnaval improvisé avant le carnaval « officiel », comme un moment de défoulement et d’oubli pour de jeunes immigrés qui vivent dans des conditions particulièrement précaires après avoir évité la mort de justesse. Je ne veux rien excuser. J’essaie simplement de comprendre ce qui a pu se passer. Si des réfugiés ont participé à de tels agissements, il faut certes le dire ouvertement et éventuellement prendre des sanctions. Mais pas les renvoyer à une mort quasi certaine dans leurs pays d’origine et encore moins condamner tous les réfugiés et la politique d’ouverture au nom de telles dérives.

      http://www.lecourrier.ch/135664/carnaval_de_cologne

    • Amnesty condamne la violence sexuelle contre les femmes

      Amnesty International condamne les événements de la veille du Nouvel An à Cologne et dans d’autres villes allemandes comme une violation grave du droit à l’intégrité physique des femmes. Dans le même temps, Amnesty rejette la propagande raciste contre les réfugiés.

      https://www.amnesty.ch/fr/pays/europe-asie-centrale/allemagne/docs/2016/amnesty-condamne-la-violence-sexuelle-contre-les-femmes

    • La Misogynie orientale

      Les honteux événements de Cologne, mais aussi ceux de Zurich, lors de la célébration de la nouvelle année, où des dizaines de femmes se sont fait maltraiter, agressées dans leur intimité et sexuellement par des hommes réfugiés, soulèvent une controverse prenant de l’ampleur et de l’ingratitude envers l’État qui a ouvert ses portes à un million de réfugiés notamment syriens. Ces comportements arriérés et archaïques sont fort nuisibles car qu’ils créent des amalgames entre les familles de réfugiés innocents et les éléments criminels. Ils ont également une incidence significative sur l’affaiblissement de la position des forces progressistes de l’Ouest, ouvertes à la diversité et apportent de l’eau au moulin des populistes et xénophobes, comme le mouvement PEGIDA. Ce dernier utilise ces incidents comme prétexte pour mobiliser davantage le public contre la présence musulmane en Allemagne et continuer d’affaiblir les partis traditionnels et les valeurs d’une société ouverte sur lesquelles est construite l’Allemagne moderne.

      http://www.albinfo.ch/fr/la-misogynie-orientale

    • Publié sur facebook par une collègue spécialiste des migrations :

      Sur les réfugiés en Allemagne, mise au point par mon collègue Klaus-Gerd Giesen
      "Une mise au point au sujet des « événements de Cologne » s’impose : la publication, par les titres sérieux de la presse allemande (dont notamment le « Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung » et le « Süddeutsche Zeitung ») des premiers témoignages de migrants, et celle des rapports de police, fait apparaître que :
      1° les vols à la tire ont été commis, surtout à l’intérieur de la gare souterraine (que je connais très bien), par quelques dizaines de membres de bandes organisées, essentiellement d’origines marocaine et algérienne, qui y sévissent toute l’année et qui, en raison des arrivées et départs massifs de dizaines de milliers de voyageurs en train ou en RER pour participer aux festivités publiques du réveillon, étaient particulièrement mobilisés cette nuit-là. L’une de leurs tactiques consiste à procéder à plusieurs à des attouchements simultanés sur une femme pour détourner son attention le temps de lui dérober ses portable, sac, portefeuille, etc. Hélas !, il ne s’agit pas d’un fait nouveau.
      2° les autres nombreuses agressions sexuelles, parfois plus graves encore, sont pour la plupart le résultat d’une beuverie de Saint-Sylvestre par des hommes de nationalités très diverses (allemande, serbe, syrienne, turque, iranienne, marocaine, américaine, etc.) et agissant souvent la bouteille à la main. Ils n’étaient probablement pas plus d’une centaine, répartis en plusieurs groupes, soit dans la gare, soit mélangés sur la place entre la gare et la célèbre cathédrale à une foule de plus de 2000 personnes qui s’y était donné rendez-vous sur les réseaux sociaux pour assister aux feux d’artifice ou qui étaient simplement de passage vers les quais du Rhin tout proches.
      3° la thèse, largement véhiculée par de nombreux médias à l’échelle quasiment planétaire, d’un « fait culturel islamique », voire d’une incompatibilité des « valeurs islamiques » et des « valeurs allemandes » (sic !), ne tient donc pas du tout debout (islam et alcohol semblent de toute façon plutôt incompatibles).
      4° la thèse d’un crime prémédité et organisé par plusieurs milliers de réfugiés s’est également effondrée.
      5° vu la foule très compacte dans la gare pendant plusieurs heures et la structure quelque peu labyrinthique de celle-ci, la police fédérale, compétente à l’intérieur de la gare et jusque 30 mètres alentour, n’a pas pu faire son travail correctement, et la police municipale, compétente à l’extérieur, a trop tardé à évacuer la place.
      6° la presse locale (par exemple le « Kölner Stadtanzeiger ») avait relaté certains faits dès le lendemain. En revanche, plusieurs titres de la presse nationale, dont notamment le tabloïd « Bild » et le quotidien conservateur « Die Welt », ne se sont emparés des événements que plusieurs jours plus tard, en racontant parfois n’importe quoi, y voyant évidemment une occasion en or pour déstabiliser la politique d’ouverture de la chancelière allemande Merkel à l’égard des réfugiés. De par là, ils portent une grande responsabilité dans la montée en puissance très rapide des sentiments xénophobes et des mouvements d’extrême-droite, tel que Pediga, en Allemagne. De nombreux titres de la presse étrangère, dont même la BBC et « Le Monde », se sont contentés de simplement traduire des extraits de « Die Welt » ou de « Bild am Sonntag », sans chercher à procéder à des vérifications.
      7° les réfugiés et migrants interrogés récemment par la presse dans leurs foyers d’accueil se disent atterrés par, et avoir honte du comportement abject de quelques-uns de leurs compatriotes, et estiment que les lois allemandes en matière d’agression sexuelle sont beaucoup trop laxistes.

    • Colonia, la differenza fra quello che è successo e quello che ci hanno raccontato

      La gestione da parte delle istituzioni delle denunce dei casi di violenza sessuale e il racconto che ne è derivato sui media testimoniano un’impreparazione preoccupante nel comprendere e contrastare certi fenomeni. A partire dai numeri. Che vanno dati e interpretati nella loro interezza e complessità

      http://www.vita.it/it/article/2016/01/12/colonia-la-differenza-fra-quello-che-e-successo-e-quello-che-ci-hanno-/137888

      Ce paragraphe est intéressant :

      Secondo i dati forniti dalla polizia della Westfalia, sono oltre 11.000 i casi accertati di furto e violenza registrati nei dintorni della stazione centrale nel corso degli ultimi 3 anni: quanto accaduto la notte di Capodanno non è dunque un episodio isolato

      –-> 11’000 cas de violences et vols ont été enregistrés par la police de Cologne ces 3 dernières années... il ne s’agirait donc pas d’un cas isolé

      Et ça continue ainsi :

      Nella sola ultima edizione dell’Oktoberfest di Monaco di Baviera la polizia locale ha registrato oltre 40 denunce per molestie sessuali, nessuna delle quali a carico di “uomini di origine araba o africana”.

      –-> dans la dernière édition de l’Oktoberfest de Munich, la police de Bavière a enregistré plus de 40 cas d’harcèlements sexuels, aucune à charge d’un homme d’origine arabe ou africaine

    • Autriche. Cologne : les femmes, le sexe et le patriarcat

      Le journal autrichien Falter revient sur les agressions en masse de femmes à Cologne lors de la Saint-Sylvestre avec un dessin en noir et blanc montrant une foule d’hommes s’en prenant à quelques femmes isolées et à un policier. Pas de gros titre, mais sous le dessin une citation de Simone de Beauvoir : “Personne n’est plus arrogant envers les femmes, plus agressif ou plus méprisant qu’un homme inquiet pour sa virilité.”

      http://www.courrierinternational.com/une/autriche-cologne-les-femmes-le-sexe-et-le-patriarcat

    • New Charlie Hebdo cartoon suggests dead 3-year-old refugee Alan Kurdi would have become sexual attacker

      In hindsight, the death of Alan Kurdi, a 3-year-old Syrian refugee who washed up on a Turkish shore after the boat he was in sank, may mark the high point in European public sympathy for refugees. The widespread reports that refugees and migrants were involved in mass sexual assaults in Cologne and other European cities on New Year’s Eve could well be its nadir.

      https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/01/13/a-new-charlie-hebdo-cartoon-portrays-dead-3-year-old-refugee-aylan-k

    • Derrière les agressions de femmes à Cologne, un choc des cultures ?

      L’agression de centaines d’Allemandes par des groupes de dizaines d’hommes officiellement « originaires d’Afrique du Nord et du monde arabe » a scandalisé l’Europe. Comment l’expliquer ? Par un mépris de la femme propre à certaines sociétés musulmanes ?
      L’idée d’un choc des cultures est d’autant plus abusive que ces immigrants ont un rapport à l’islam très variable. Nombre de jeunes Afghans arrivés récemment en Suisse fuient par exemple le fondamentalisme et apprécient la possibilité de vivre à l’occidentale, sans être contraint de faire leurs prières ou de cacher leur femme.

      http://www.letemps.ch/monde/2016/01/13/derriere-agressions-femmes-cologne-un-choc-cultures

    • Agressions sexuelles en Allemagne : les lacunes de la loi

      Les auteurs des agressions sexuelles de Cologne risquent de ne pas être condamnés ; la faute au Code pénal allemand qui ne prend pas en compte la notion de surprise. Le gouvernement promet d’y remédier.


      http://www.lesnouvellesnews.fr/agressions-sexuelles-en-allemagne-les-lacunes-de-la-loi

    • Viol et fantasmes sur « Europe »

      L’écrivain algérien Kamel Daoud réagit aux agressions sexuelles qui ont bouleversé l’Allemagne à Nouvel An. Des réfugiés, explique-t-il, nous ne voyons que le statut, pas la culture. C’est ainsi que leur accueil est placé sous le signe de la bureaucratie et de la charité, sans tenir compte des préjugés culturels et des pièges religieux.

      http://www.hebdo.ch/hebdo/id%C3%A9es-d%C3%A9bats/detail/viol-et-fantasmes-sur-%C2%ABeurope%C2%BB

    • Colonia e la razzializzazione del sessismo

      Il sospetto coinvolgimento di circa 22 richiedenti asilo e di numerosi nord-africani nei borseggiamenti e nelle molestie sessuali denunciati da decine di donne durante il capodanno nella città di Colonia – e in altre città tedesche – è stato usato dalle destre per brandire l’immagine dell’uomo islamico come minaccia ai diritti delle donne.

      http://www.lavoroculturale.org/colonia-razzializzazione-sessismo
      #racialisation_du_sexisme

    • Syrian refugees in Cologne fear backlash

      Syrian refugees living in Cologne say they’re afraid they’ll have to pay the price for the actions of gangs of men, said to be of Arab and North African origin, who assaulted and robbed women in the city on New Year’s Eve. Twenty-two asylum seekers are reported to be among the suspects that German police have identified so far.

      http://www.irinnews.org/report/102365/syrian-refugees-in-cologne-fear-backlash

    • Racialising sexism is no good for women

      The fact that some two dozen male asylum seekers and numerous men of North-African descent have been linked to the muggings and sexual assaults in Cologne and other German cities on New Year’s Eve is being shamelessly used by various right wing movements to brandish the trope of Muslim men as a threat to women’s rights.


      http://salvage.zone/online-exclusive/racialising-sexism-is-no-good-for-women

    • J’ai pu réécouter l’interview à #Wolfgang_Kashuba (http://www.kaschuba.com) qui était passé à ARTE Journal le 9 janvier 2016. Du coup, j’ai retranscrit, vu que c’est visible uniquement pendant 7 jours...

      « C’est le gros problème. On fait comme s’il s’agissait d’un comportement propre aux réfugiés ou aux étrangers, mais il suffit de lire les rapports de la campagne twitter sur le harcèlement sexuel, il y a 3 ans, de lire les témoignages de femmes agressées dans le métro ou à la fête de la bière de Munich pour se rendre compte que tous ces incidents, attouchements, agressions, font partie du quotidien en Allemagne. Et ne sont pas des événements importés »
      "Certains groupes de réfugiés sont issus ou de milieux sociaux ou religieux qui font preuve de peu de respect à l’égard des femmes, chez nous aussi les comportement à l’égard des femmes ne sont pas homogènes. On ne peut donc pas généraliser. Partant de là, la première mesure à prendre est de durcir les paragraphes de loi correspondants, en précisant que si une femme ou un homme dit ’non’, c’est ’non’".
      « Il faut sortir les réfugiés des foyers, pour qu’ils retrouvent une forme de vie plus sociale, qu’ils suivent des cours d’allemand, de formation, qu’ils trouvent un emploi. Il existe déjà des zones de contact qui vont dans ce sens. Beaucoup de jeunes issus de milieux où les contacts avec les femmes sont rares, se retrouvent dans des situations où les femmes occupent des fonctions de juge, d’enseignante, de professeure. Et je crois que c’est une bonne chose. Il faut insister pour faire valoir nos règles et si cela pose problème, leur expliquer ces règles »

    • L’autre point de vue...
      Agressions, exploitation, #harcèlement_sexuel : le lot des femmes réfugiées en Europe

      Amnesty International a recueilli en Allemagne et en Norvège les propos de quarante réfugiées qui s’étaient rendues en Grèce depuis la Turquie, avant de traverser les Balkans. Elle rapportent avoir vécu dans la peur et la violence permanente.

      http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2016/01/18/agressions-exploitation-harcelement-sexuel-le-lot-des-femmes-refugiees-en
      #victimes

    • Can Germany Be Honest About Its Refugee Problems ?

      Hamburg — FOR all its horror, what happened on New Year’s Eve in Cologne and other German cities might help the Germans solve a longstanding problem. The issue is not the one-million-plus refugees who have come to us in the first place. It is how to deal with problems that immigrants might be, are or will be causing.

      Solutions proposées par l’auteur :

      First, find a way to separate the free riders and criminals from the refugees. Thanks to the lack of identity checks at the borders in the past months, we just don’t know whether many of those who have poured into Germany have done so for good reasons or bad. This has to be established now by all possible means, by taking fingerprints, photos and other personal information and exchanging them with authorities in the home countries.

      Then we need to deport those who have no right to stay, quickly and visibly. The German government says that currently, 8,000 people from northern Africa, mostly from Morocco and Tunisia, are obliged to leave Germany, but they can’t be sent back because their home countries won’t accept them without papers. These countries need to be pressured into cooperation.

      Finally, we have to be willing to intern those who arrive without passports. This sounds harsh, but it is appropriate. People who cross the border without ID must be prevented from roaming freely within Germany. Once in semi-custody (meaning that you cannot get into Germany, but you’re free to go home), it wouldn’t take long to determine where they came from, and why.

      The idea isn’t new: Special sites for people from the Balkans who filed mostly pointless asylum requests after the fighting there were set up in Bavaria. This has reduced the influx from these countries considerably.

      http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/16/opinion/can-germany-be-honest-about-its-refugee-problems.html?smprod=nytcore-iphone

    • We need to talk about Cologne

      We, refugee and migrant communities settled in different EU countries, from different nationalities and backgrounds, strongly condemn the recent sexual attacks against women in Germany. We would like to express our sorrow and sympathy to the victims of these terrible attacks. We condemn any violence against women, be they nationals or foreigners, perpetrated by foreigners or nationals. Perpetrators should be prosecuted and convicted. It is important now to clarify and understand what happened so that people, in particular women, feel safe again, justice can be done, and further violence prevented. We did not flee violence there to accept it here.
      Refugees arriving are not dangerous but in danger. It would not be fair for a few individuals to make us forget the millions who are doing their best to overcome all the obstacles to settle and integrate into European societies.

      http://www.refugees.gr/en/latest-news/484-we-need-to-talk-about-cologne

    • It’s the culture, stupid! Or is it?

      Returning to the young men in Cologne and their dysfunctional view of women, it is obvious that there is an urgency to the situation at the moment. Pegida are marching, and the extreme right is gloating across the continent now. For starters, the police has to sort itself out and get on with its work. It will then be necessary to enlighten the young men about the German way of life, legislation and values. But at the end of the day, they must be incorporated into social contexts which convince them that they have arrived in an individualist society where independent women are a natural component in all parts of society. Integration is based on experiences, not on courses. This also means that the currently fast flow of refugees into Europe is problematic. For this transition not to fail, they must get something useful and meaningful to do, get to know some natives and pick up the language quickly. It is the responsibility of government at all levels to make these adaptations possible. Should vast numbers of refugees end, unintegrated, on welfare, the only beneficiaries are the extreme movements on either side. They are only capable of creating distrust, divisiveness and mutual suspicion.

      http://thomashyllanderiksen.net/2016/01/16/its-the-culture-stupid-or-is-it

    • Après Cologne, les féministes se divisent sur l’interprétation des agressions

      Les violences du nouvel an à Cologne provoquent un vif débat entre féministes : les unes font du sexisme une spécificité du monde musulman, tandis que les autres, menant de front la lutte contre les crimes sexuels et le racisme, exigent un renforcement de l’arsenal juridique afin qu’« aucune impunité » ne soit plus tolérée.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/210116/apres-cologne-les-feministes-se-divisent-sur-l-interpretation-des-agressio

    • Un petit hors pistes. De par mon expérience personnelle, tous les « migrants » venant du Maghreb, Égypte compris et que j’ai rencontrés, sont des gens qui vivent en Europe depuis le début de leur adolescence, mineurs isolés pour une partie, « illégaux » pour tous, et ayant l’expérience de la violence et du racisme institutionnels pour la quasi totalité. Donc des personnes qui sont ballotées de France en Italie, d’Italie en Grèce, de Greèce en... De boulots de merde en boulots de merde, travail au noir, précarité. Une vie d’expulsion.
      Je peux voir Cologne comme conséquence du traitement de l’immigration et des personnes immigrées en France et en Europe et les agressions commises par des personnes qui sont tout a fait au fait de la « culture » occidentale pars qu’ils la pratiquent depuis une quinzaine d’années pour la plupart.
      Dans les centres se sont aussi les gens qui posent le plus de problème par la consommation de drogues et d’alcool, sans compter les problèmes psy d’une vie marginalisée.
      Quand je parle d’expérience personnelle c’est dire que ce que j’ai vu n’est peut être représentatif de rien.

    • No alla violenza sulle donne da chiunque essa provenga...

      “No” è il testo, tutto il testo, di quella che credo sia la poesia più breve in lingua italiana mai scritta (il poeta Franco Fortini dedicò l’epigramma al non amico Carlo Bo). Un analogo “No”, assoluto e senza appello, va agli intollerabili atti di sopraffazione che si sono prodotti a Capodanno a Colonia: una notte buia, quella che ha aperto il 2016, dove si è spenta per un momento troppo lungo la bellezza che è intima sorella della poesia e di ogni essere umano.

      http://www.areaonline.ch/No-alla-violenza-sulle-donne-da-chiunque-essa-provenga-128a4000

    • Stretched to the Limit: Has the German State Lost Control?

      After the violent excesses in Cologne on New Year’s Eve, German government failures have come to light, with many asking if the country is still safe. Police and the justice system have been stretched to their limits. New laws won’t fix the problem, but extra personnel could.

      A good place to start, particularly given the dark events in Cologne, is with the police. How is it possible that the square in front of the train station could morph into a zone of lawlessness? Why was the state not present on that New Year’s Eve night? Was there a lack of police? Where they overwhelmed by the mob?

      The consequences of not being able to deport have become apparent in places like Cologne. Or in the state of Saxony. An Interior Ministry report from the end of 2015 notes that a quarter of all foreigners suspected of committing crimes in the state were Tunisians, despite the fact that they comprise only 4 percent of all immigrants in the state. So far, authorities haven only succeeded in deporting very few. After months of pressure, the Tunisian Embassy recently sent the German government a list of 170 nationals the country would possibly be willing to take back — a token gesture of goodwill.


      http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/germans-ask-if-country-is-still-safe-after-cologne-attacks-a-1073165.html

    • Cologne : la ligne de crête… vraiment ?

      Le sujet est révoltant, cauchemardesque et fait couler beaucoup d’encre. Entre médiatisation tardive, faillite des forces de l’ordre, prises de position déplacées de certaines autorités (maire de Cologne, Bernard Cazeneuve), diffusion d’informations non vérifiées (vidéo de la place Tahrir), récupération par les milieux anti-migration et enquête qui avance lentement, les évènements qui ont eu lieu le soir de Nouvel An à Cologne cumulent toutes les difficultés d’analyse.

      http://www.hebdo.ch/les-blogs/amarelle-cesla-le-dessous-des-cartes/cologne-la-ligne-de-cr%C3%AAte%E2%80%A6-vraiment

    • An interview with four Syrian refugees in Germany: “Sexually harassing women is completely unacceptable.”

      BY FRIDA THURM AND CHRISTIAN BANGELThey are Muslim men, and they want to stay in Germany. We spoke with four Syrian refugees about good women, bad men and getting used to a new culture’s rules.

      https://espminetwork.files.wordpress.com/2016/02/mohammad-f-links-ammar-b-und-sein-bruder-mohammad-b-re
      http://espminetwork.com/2016/02/01/an-interview-with-four-syrian-refugees-in-germany-sexually-harassing-w

    • Encore??!!??
      German police say major newspaper’s story about a rampaging Arab ‘sex mob’ was wrong

      On Feb. 6, Germany’s most-read newspaper reported that dozens of Arab men, presumed to be refugees, had rampaged through the city of Frankfurt on New Year’s Eve. The men were said to have sexually assaulted women as they went through the streets; the newspaper dubbed them the Fressgass “sex mob,” referring to an upmarket shopping street in the city.

      Bild’s report sparked widespread concern in Germany. The nation has taken in millions of migrants over the past few years, and there had been reports of a similar incidents in Cologne and other cities the previous New Year’s Eve.

      But police investigating the crime now say that the allegations included in the article are “without foundation.”

      https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/02/14/german-police-say-major-newspapers-story-about-a-rampaging-arab-sex-

    • La #décolonisation et l’#arabe_sexualisé

      L’affaire des viols de Cologne le jour de l’an 2016 et la façon dont les migrants et plus largement les musulmans ont été visés en tant que prédateurs/agresseurs sexuels du fait d’une culture réputé profondément différente et sexiste – différente parce que sexiste, sexiste parce que différente[1] – est un nouvel épisode qui croise les questions de #migrations et de #sexualité, de sexisme et de #racisme.

      http://www.contretemps.eu/decolonisation-sexualisation-larabe
      #sexisme

    • J’aimerais juste un jour que cette longue veille puisse me servir à écrire quelque chose d’intelligent, mais je ne sais pas si j’y arriverai un jour... mais qui sait, peut-être quelqu’un d’autre, peut-être même toi, @mad_meg ? Cela aurait au moins servi à quelque chose...

  • German churches open their doors to refugees under protection of ancient custom

    Dispatch: A quiet revolution in Germany is under way as hundreds seek sanctuary in churches to avoid deportation - because no German police officer will drag them away, writes Justin Huggler in Frankfurt


    http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/germany/11473420/German-churches-open-their-doors-to-refugees-under-protection-of-ancien
    #réfugiés #asile #migration #renvoi #expulsion #églises #Allemagne #refuge

  • Très chaud, la Norvège en ce moment…

    Norwegians streak the streets of Berlin - The Local
    http://www.thelocal.no/20150209/norwegians-steak-the-streets-of-berlin

    Germans are notorious for baring all at beaches across Europe, but on Sunday, five Norwegians hit back, jogging across Berlin’s Potsdamer Platz wearing nothing but jackets and rucksacks.

    The streak lasted only a matter of minutes before German police swooped in and seized the bare-buttocked northerners. 
     
    What this group has done is against German law,” Martin Werle, one of the policemen, told Aftenposten. “It is not allowed to run naked in the streets in Germany.
     
    The run was a publicity stunt aimed at promoting the Norwegian film “Out of Nature”, which had its première on Monday evening at this year’s Berlin International Film Festival and which follows a man on a two-day naked hike through the Norwegian mountains. 
     
    In the film Martin, played by the film’s director, Ole Giæver, lets it all hang out both physically and mentally, with viewers able to hear his most private thoughts, which range from what would happen if you shaved off your public hair, to whether he should leave his family and start a new life.
     
    It is unlikely that the group will face charges, as producer Maria Ekerhovd charmed the responding police officers. 
     
    This business will easily be resolved,” she said. “The police were very friendly, and we have actually invited three of them to the official Berlin opening of the film.

  • On the trail of Britain’s undercover police | openDemocracy
    http://www.opendemocracy.net/opensecurity/merrick-badger/on-trail-of-britains-undercover-police

    Exporting police spies

    After two years among British activists Mark Kennedy was hired out to other states, working in 14 different countries. Whilst under contract to the German police, Kennedy had sexual relationships with activists and, upon arrest for arson, disclosed only his false identity to the public prosecutor, all of which is illegal under German law. Questions abound over the German police’s hiring of this British police spy.

    Tenacious research by German parliamentarian Andrej Hunko has revealed that such contracts are not piecemeal: shining light on the hitherto unknown European Co-ordination Group on Undercover Activities that organises and focuses undercover work.

    Established in the 1980s, it is comprised of all EU member states and other countries such as the USA, Israel, South Africa and New Zealand, plus selected private companies. It meets irregularly and says it doesn’t keep minutes. According to the German government, the UK and Germany are the trailblazers in the group. Far from the undercover scandal being centred on a rogue officer or a rogue unit, the UK’s tactics seem to be part of a concerted effort in which governments and corporations act together across borders.