organization:greek police

  • Refugee, volunteer, prisoner: #Sarah_Mardini and Europe’s hardening line on migration

    Early last August, Sarah Mardini sat on a balcony on the Greek island of Lesvos. As the sun started to fade, a summer breeze rose off the Aegean Sea. She leaned back in her chair and relaxed, while the Turkish coastline, only 16 kilometres away, formed a silhouette behind her.

    Three years before, Mardini had arrived on this island from Syria – a dramatic journey that made international headlines. Now she was volunteering her time helping other refugees. She didn’t know it yet, but in a few weeks that work would land her in prison.

    Mardini had crossed the narrow stretch of water from Turkey in August 2015, landing on Lesvos after fleeing her home in Damascus to escape the Syrian civil war. On the way, she almost drowned when the engine of the inflatable dinghy she was travelling in broke down.

    More than 800,000 people followed a similar route from the Turkish coast to the Greek Islands that year. Almost 800 of them are now dead or missing.

    As the boat Mardini was in pitched and spun, she slipped overboard and struggled to hold it steady in the violent waves. Her sister, Yusra, three years younger, soon joined. Both girls were swimmers, and their act of heroism likely saved the 18 other people on board. They eventually made it to Germany and received asylum. Yusra went on to compete in the 2016 Olympics for the first ever Refugee Olympic Team. Sarah, held back from swimming by an injury, returned to Lesvos to help other refugees.

    On the balcony, Mardini, 23, was enjoying a rare moment of respite from long days spent working in the squalid Moria refugee camp. For the first time in a long time, she was looking forward to the future. After years spent between Lesvos and Berlin, she had decided to return to her university studies in Germany.

    But when she went to the airport to leave, shortly after The New Humanitarian visited her, Mardini was arrested. Along with several other volunteers from Emergency Response Centre International, or ERCI, the Greek non-profit where she volunteered, Mardini was charged with belonging to a criminal organisation, people smuggling, money laundering, and espionage.

    According to watchdog groups, the case against Mardini is not an isolated incident. Amnesty International says it is part of a broader trend of European governments taking a harder line on immigration and using anti-smuggling laws to de-legitimise humanitarian assistance to refugees and migrants.

    Far-right Italian Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini recently pushed through legislation that ends humanitarian protection for migrants and asylum seekers, while Italy and Greece have ramped up pressure on maritime search and rescue NGOs, forcing them to shutter operations. At the end of March, the EU ended naval patrols in the Mediterranean that had saved the lives of thousands of migrants.

    In 2016, five other international volunteers were arrested on Lesvos on similar charges to Mardini. They were eventually acquitted, but dozens of other cases across Europe fit a similar pattern: from Denmark to France, people have been arrested, charged, and sometimes successfully prosecuted under anti-smuggling regulations based on actions they took to assist migrants.

    Late last month, Salam Kamal-Aldeen, a Danish national who founded the rescue non-governmental organisation Team Humanity, filed an application with the European Court of Human Rights, challenging what he says is a Greek crackdown on lifesaving activities.

    According to Maria Serrano, senior campaigner on migration at Amnesty International, collectively the cases have done tremendous damage in terms of public perception of humanitarian work in Europe. “The atmosphere… is very hostile for anyone that is trying to help, and this [has a] chilling effect on other people that want to help,” she said.

    As for the case against Mardini and the other ERCI volunteers, Human Rights Watch concluded that the accusations are baseless. “It seems like a bad joke, and a scary one as well because of what the implications are for humanitarian activists and NGOs just trying to save people’s lives,” said Bill Van Esveld, who researched the case for HRW.

    While the Lesvos prosecutor could not be reached for comment, the Greek police said in a statement after Mardini’s arrest that she and other aid workers were “active in the systematic facilitation of illegal entrance of foreigners” – a violation of the country’s Migration Code.

    Mardini spent 108 days in pre-trial detention before being released on bail at the beginning of December. The case against her is still open. Her lawyer expects news on what will happen next in June or July. If convicted, Mardini could be sentenced to up to 25 years in prison.

    “It seems like a bad joke, and a scary one as well because of what the implications are for humanitarian activists and NGOs just trying to save people’s lives.”

    Return to Lesvos

    The arrest and pending trial are the latest in a series of events, starting with the beginning of the Syrian war in 2011, that have disrupted any sense of normalcy in Mardini’s life.

    Even after making it to Germany in 2015, Mardini never really settled in. She was 20 years old and in an unfamiliar city. The secure world she grew up in had been destroyed, and the future felt like a blank and confusing canvas. “I missed Syria and Damascus and just this warmness in everything,” she said.

    While wading through these emotions, Mardini received a Facebook message in 2016 from an ERCI volunteer. The swimming sisters from Syria who saved a boat full of refugees were an inspiration. Volunteers on Lesvos told their story to children on the island to give them hope for the future, the volunteer said, inviting Mardini to visit. “It totally touched my heart,” Mardini recalled. “Somebody saw me as a hope… and there is somebody asking for my help.”

    So Mardini flew back to Lesvos in August 2016. Just one year earlier she had nearly died trying to reach the island, before enduring a journey across the Balkans that involved hiding from police officers in forests, narrowly escaping being kidnapped, sneaking across tightly controlled borders, and spending a night in police custody in a barn. Now, all it took was a flight to retrace the route.

    Her first day on the island, Mardini was trained to help refugees disembark safely when their boats reached the shores. By nighttime, she was sitting on the beach watching for approaching vessels. It was past midnight, and the sea was calm. Lights from the Turkish coastline twinkled serenely across the water. After about half an hour, a walkie talkie crackled. The Greek Coast Guard had spotted a boat.

    Volunteers switched on the headlights of their cars, giving the refugees something to aim for. Thin lines of silver from the reflective strips on the refugees’ life jackets glinted in the darkness, and the rumble of a motor and chatter of voices drifted across the water. As the boat came into view, volunteers yelled: “You are in Greece. You are safe. Turn the engine off.”

    Mardini was in the water again, holding the boat steady, helping people disembark. When the rush of activity ended, a feeling of guilt washed over her. “I felt it was unfair that they were on a refugee boat and I’m a rescuer,” she said.

    But Mardini was hooked. She spent the next two weeks assisting with boat landings and teaching swimming lessons to the kids who idolised her and her sister. Even after returning to Germany, she couldn’t stop thinking about Lesvos. “I decided to come back for one month,” she said, “and I never left.”
    Moria camp

    The island became the centre of Mardini’s life. She put her studies at Bard College Berlin on hold to spend more time in Greece. “I found what I love,” she explained.

    Meanwhile, the situation on the Greek islands was changing. In 2017, just under 30,000 people crossed the Aegean Sea to Greece, compared to some 850,000 in 2015. There were fewer arrivals, but those who did come were spending more time in camps with dismal conditions.

    “You have people who are dying and living in a four-metre tent with seven relatives. They have limited access to water. Hygiene is zero. Privacy is zero. Security: zero. Children’s rights: zero. Human rights: zero… You feel useless. You feel very useless.”

    The volunteer response shifted accordingly, towards the camps, and when TNH visited Mardini she moved around the island with a sense of purpose and familiarity, joking with other volunteers and greeting refugees she knew from her work in the streets.

    Much of her time was spent as a translator for ERCI’s medical team in Moria. The camp, the main one on Lesvos, was built to accommodate around 3,000 people, but by 2018 housed close to 9,000. Streams of sewage ran between tents. People were forced to stand in line for hours for food. The wait to see a doctor could take months, and conditions were causing intense psychological strain. Self-harm and suicide attempts were increasing, especially among children, and sexual and gender-based violence were commonplace.

    Mardini was on the front lines. “What we do in Moria is fighting the fire,” she said. “You have people who are dying and living in a four-metre tent with seven relatives. They have limited access to water. Hygiene is zero. Privacy is zero. Security: zero. Children’s rights: zero. Human rights: zero… You feel useless. You feel very useless.”

    By then, Mardini had been on Lesvos almost continuously for nine months, and it was taking a toll. She seemed to be weighed down, slipping into long moments of silence. “I’m taking in. I’m taking in. I’m taking in. But it’s going to come out at some point,” she said.

    It was time for a break. Mardini had decided to return to Berlin at the end of the month to resume her studies and make an effort to invest in her life there. But she planned to remain connected to Lesvos. “I love this island… the sad thing is that it’s not nice for everybody. Others see it as just a jail.”
    Investigation and Arrest

    The airport on Lesvos is on the shoreline close to where Mardini helped with the boat landing her first night as a volunteer. On 21 August, when she went to check in for her flight to Berlin, she was surrounded by five Greek police officers. “They kind of circled around me, and they said that I should come with [them],” Mardini recalled.

    Mardini knew that the police on Lesvos had been investigating her and some of the other volunteers from ERCI, but at first she still didn’t realise what was happening. Seven months earlier, in February 2018, she was briefly detained with a volunteer named Sean Binder, a German national. They had been driving one of ERCI’s 4X4s when police stopped them, searched the vehicle, and found Greek military license plates hidden under the civilian plates.

    When Mardini was arrested at the airport, Binder turned himself in too, and the police released a statement saying they were investigating 30 people – six Greeks and 24 foreigners – for involvement in “organised migrant trafficking rings”. Two Greek nationals, including ERCI’s founder, were also arrested at the time.

    While it is still not clear what the plates were doing on the vehicle, according Van Esveld from HRW, “it does seem clear… neither Sarah or Sean had any idea that these plates were [there]”.

    The felony charges against Mardini and Binder were ultimately unconnected to the plates, and HRW’s Van Esveld said the police work appears to either have been appallingly shoddy or done in bad faith. HRW took the unusual step of commenting on the ongoing case because it appeared authorities were “literally just [taking] a humanitarian activity and labelling it as a crime”, he added.

    After two weeks in a cell on Lesvos, Mardini was sent to a prison in Athens. On the ferry ride to the mainland, her hands were shackled. That’s when it sank in: “Ok, it’s official,” she thought. “They’re transferring me to jail.”

    In prison, Mardini was locked in a cell with eight other women from 8pm to 8am. During the day, she would go to Greek classes and art classes, drink coffee with other prisoners, and watch the news.

    She was able to make phone calls, and her mother, who was also granted asylum in Germany, came to visit a number of times. “The first time we saw each other we just broke down in tears,” Mardini recalled. It had been months since they’d seen each other, and now they could only speak for 20 minutes, separated by a plastic barrier.

    Most of the time, Mardini just read, finishing more than 40 books, including Nelson Mandela’s autobiography, which helped her come to terms with her situation. “I decided this is my life right now, and I need to get something out of it,” she explained. “I just accepted what’s going on.”

    People can be held in pre-trial detention for up to 18 months in Greece. But at the beginning of December, a judge accepted Mardini’s lawyer’s request for bail. Binder was released the same day.
    Lingering fear

    On Lesvos, where everyone in the volunteer community knows each other, the case came as a shock. “People started to be... scared,” said Claudia Drost, a 23-year-old from the Netherlands and close friend of Mardini’s who started volunteering on the island in 2016. “There was a feeling of fear that if the police… put [Mardini] in prison, they can put anyone in prison.”

    “We are standing [up] for what we are doing because we are saving people and we are helping people.”

    That feeling was heightened by the knowledge that humanitarians across Europe were being charged with crimes for helping refugees and migrants.

    During the height of the migration crisis in Europe, between the fall of 2015 and winter 2016, some 300 people were arrested in Denmark on charges related to helping refugees. In August 2016, French farmer Cédric Herrou was arrested for helping migrants and asylum seekers cross the French-Italian border. In October 2017, 12 people were charged with facilitating illegal migration in Belgium for letting asylum seekers stay in their homes and use their cellphones. And last June, the captain of a search and rescue boat belonging to the German NGO Mission Lifeline was arrested in Malta and charged with operating the vessel without proper registration or license.

    Drost said that after Mardini was released the fear faded a bit, but still lingers. There is also a sense of defiance. “We are standing [up] for what we are doing because we are saving people and we are helping people,” Drost said.

    As for Mardini, the charges have forced her to disengage from humanitarian work on Lesvos, at least until the case is over. She is back in Berlin and has started university again. “I think because I’m not in Lesvos anymore I’m just finding it very good to be here,” she said. “I’m kind of in a stable moment just to reflect about my life and what I want to do.”

    But she also knows the stability could very well be fleeting. With the prospect of more time in prison hanging over her, the future is still a blank canvas. People often ask if she is optimistic about the case. “No,” she said. “In the first place, they put me in… jail.”
    #criminalisation #délit_de_solidarité #asile #migrations #solidarité #réfugiés #Grèce #Lesbos #Moria #camps_de_réfugiés #Europe

    Avec une frise chronologique:

    ping @reka

    • Demand the charges against Sarah and Seán are dropped

      In Greece, you can go to jail for trying to save a life. It happened to Seán Binder, 25, and Sarah Mardini, 24, when they helped to spot refugee boats in distress. They risk facing up to 25 years in prison.

      Sarah and Seán met when they volunteered together as trained rescue workers in Lesvos, Greece. Sarah is a refugee from Syria. Her journey to Europe made international news - she and her sister saved 18 people by dragging their drowning boat to safety. Seán Binder is a son of a Vietnamese refugee. They couldn’t watch refugees drown and do nothing.

      Their humanitarian work saved lives, but like many others across Europe, they are being criminalised for helping refugees. The pair risk facing up to 25 years in prison on ‘people smuggling’ charges. They already spent more than 100 days in prison before being released on bail in December 2018.

      “Humanitarian work isn’t criminal, nor is it heroic. Helping others should be normal. The real people who are suffering and dying are those already fleeing persecution." Seán Binder

      Criminalising humanitarian workers and abandoning refugees at sea won’t stop refugees crossing the sea, but it will cause many more deaths.

      Solidarity is not a crime. Call on the Greek authorities to:

      Drop the charges against Sarah Mardini and Seán Binder
      Publicly acknowledge the legitimacy of humanitarian work which supports refugee and migrant rights

  • Attacks on #refugees in #Greece continue :

    The Alarm Phone was contacted today by a group of people that was attacked by a mob outside Athens. With #Greek police presence, the mob used petrol bombs, stones and batons to attack the whole group - men, women and children.
    #racisme #attaques_racistes #Athènes #anti-réfugiés #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Grèce

  • And Yet We Move - 2018, a Contested Year

    Alarm Phone 6 Week Report, 12 November - 23 December 2018

    311 people escaping from Libya rescued through a chain of solidarity +++ About 113,000 sea arrivals and over 2,240 counted fatalities in the Mediterranean this year +++ 666 Alarm Phone distress cases in 2018 +++ Developments in all three Mediterranean regions +++ Summaries of 38 Alarm Phone distress cases


    “There are no words big enough to describe the value of the work you are doing. It is a deeply human act and it will never be forgotten. The whole of your team should know that we wish all of you health and a long life and the best wishes in all the colours of the world.” These are the words that the Alarm Phone received a few days ago from a man who had been on a boat in the Western Mediterranean Sea and with whom our shift teams had stayed in touch throughout the night until they were finally rescued to Spain. He was able to support the other travellers by continuously and calmly reassuring them, and thereby averted panic on the boat. His message motivates us to continue also in 2019 to do everything we can to assist people who have taken to the sea because Europe’s border regime has closed safe and legal routes, leaving only the most dangerous paths slightly open. On these paths, over 2,240 people have lost their lives this year.

    While we write this report, 311 people are heading toward Spain on the rescue boat of the NGO Proactiva Open Arms. The travellers called the Alarm Phone when they were on a boat-convoy that had left from Libya. Based on the indications of their location, Al-Khums, the civil reconnaissance aircraft Colibri launched a search operation in the morning of the 21st of December and was able to spot the convoy of three boats which were then rescued by Proactiva. Italy and Malta closed their harbours to them, prolonging their suffering. Over the Christmas days they headed toward their final destination in Spain. The successful rescue operation of the 313 people (one mother and her infant child were flown out by a helicopter after rescue) highlights the chain of solidarity that activists and NGOs have created in the Central Mediterranean Sea. It is a fragile chain that the EU and its member states seek to criminalise and tear apart wherever they can.

    Throughout the year of 2018, we have witnessed and assisted contested movements across the Mediterranean Sea. Despite violent deterrence policies and practices, about 113,000 people succeeded in subverting maritime borders and have arrived in Europe by boat. We were alerted to 666 distress situations at sea (until December 23rd), and our shift teams have done their best to assist the many thousands of people who saw no other option to realise their hope for a better future than by risking their lives at sea. Many of them lost their lives in the moment of enacting their freedom of movement. Over 2,240 women, men, and children from the Global South – and probably many more who were never counted – are not with us anymore because of the violence inscribed in the Global North’s hegemonic and brutal borders. They were not able to get a visa. They could not board a much cheaper plane, bus, or ferry to reach a place of safety and freedom. Many travelled for months, even years, to get anywhere near the Mediterranean border – and on their journeys they have lived through hardships unimaginable for most of us. But they struggled on and reached the coasts of Northern Africa and Turkey, where they got onto overcrowded boats. That they are no longer with us is a consequence of Europe’s racist system of segregation that illegalises and criminalises migration, a system that also seeks to illegalise and criminalise solidarity. Many of these 2,240 people would be alive if the civil rescuers were not prevented from doing their work. All of them would be alive, if they could travel and cross borders freely.

    In the different regions of the Mediterranean Sea, the situation has further evolved over the course of 2018, and the Alarm Phone witnessed the changing patterns of boat migration first hand. Most of the boats we assisted were somewhere between Morocco and Spain (480), a considerable number between Turkey and Greece (159), but comparatively few between Libya and Italy (27). This, of course, speaks to the changing dynamics of migratory escape and its control in the different regions:

    Morocco-Spain: Thousands of boats made it across the Strait of Gibraltar, the Alboran Sea, or the Atlantic and have turned Spain into the ‘front-runner’ this year with about 56,000 arrivals by sea. In 2017, 22,103 people had landed in Spain, 8,162 in 2016. In the Western Mediterranean, crossings are organised in a rather self-organised way and the number of arrivals speaks to a migratory dynamism not experienced for over a decade in this region. Solidarity structures have multiplied both in Morocco and Spain and they will not be eradicated despite the wave of repression that has followed the peak in crossings over the summer. Several Alarm Phone members experienced the consequences of EU pressure on the Moroccan authorities to repress cross-border movements first hand when they were violently deported to the south of Morocco, as were several thousand others.

    Turkey-Greece: With about 32,000 people reaching the Greek islands by boat, more people have arrived in Greece than in 2017, when 29,718 people did so. After arrival via the sea, many are confined in inhumane conditions on the islands and the EU hotspots have turned into rather permanent prisons. This desperate situation has prompted renewed movements across the Turkish-Greek land border in the north. Overall, the number of illegalised crossings into Greece has risen due to more than 20,000 people crossing the land border. Several cases of people experiencing illegal push-back operations there reached the Alarm Phone over the year.

    Libya-Italy/Malta: Merely about 23,000[1] people have succeeded in fleeing Libya via the sea in 2018. The decrease is dramatic, from 119,369 in 2017, and even 181,436 in 2016. This decrease gives testament to the ruthlessness of EU deterrence policies that have produced the highest death rate in the Central Mediterranean and unspeakable suffering among migrant communities in Libya. Libyan militias are funded, trained, and legitimated by their EU allies to imprison thousands of people in camps and to abduct those who made it onto boats back into these conditions. Due to the criminalisation of civil rescuers, a lethal rescue gap was produced, with no NGO able to carry out their work for many months of the year. Fortunately, three of them have now been able to return to the deadliest area of the Mediterranean.

    These snapshots of the developments in the three Mediterranean regions, elaborated on in greater detail below, give an idea of the struggles ahead of us. They show how the EU and its member states not only created dangerous maritime paths in the first place but then reinforced its migrant deterrence regime at any cost. They show, however, also how thousands could not be deterred from enacting their freedom of movement and how solidarity structures have evolved to assist their precarious movements. We go into 2019 with the promise and call that the United4Med alliance of sea rescuers has outlined: “We will prove how civil society in action is not only willing but also able to bring about a new Europe; saving lives at sea and creating a just reception system on land. Ours is a call to action to European cities, mayors, citizens, societies, movements, organisations and whoever believes in our mission, to join us. Join our civil alliance and let us stand up together, boldly claiming a future of respect and equality. We will stand united for the right to stay and for the right to go.”[2] Also in the new year, the Alarm Phone will directly engage in this struggle and we call on others to join. It can only be a collective fight, as the odds are stacked against us.

    Developments in the Central Mediterranean

    In December 2018, merely a few hundred people were able to escape Libya by boat. It cannot be stressed enough how dramatic the decrease in crossings along this route is – a year before, 2,327 people escaped in December, in 2016 even 8,428. 2018 is the year when Europe’s border regime ‘succeeded’ in largely shutting down the Central Mediterranean route. It required a combination of efforts – the criminalisation of civil search and rescue organisations, the selective presence of EU military assets that were frequently nowhere to be found when boats were in distress, the closure of Italian harbours and the unwillingness of other EU member states to welcome the rescued, and, most importantly, the EU’s sustained support for the so-called Libyan coastguards and other Libyan security forces. Europe has not only paid but also trained, funded and politically legitimised Libyan militias whose only job is to contain outward migratory movements, which means capturing and abducting people seeking to flee to Europe both at sea and on land. Without these brutal allies, it would not have been possible to reduce the numbers of crossings that dramatically.

    The ‘Nivin case’ of November 7th exemplifies this European-Libyan alliance. On that day, a group of 95 travellers reached out to the Alarm Phone from a boat in distress off the coast of Libya. Among them were people from Ethiopia, Somalia, South Sudan, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Eritrea. Italy refused to conduct a rescue operation and eventually they were rescued by the cargo vessel Nivin. Despite telling the rescued that they would be brought to a European harbour, the crew of the Nivin returned them to Libya on November 10th. At the harbour of Misrata, most of the rescued refused to disembark, stating that they would not want to be returned into conditions of confinement and torture. The people, accused by some to be ‘pirates’, fought bravely against forced disembarkation for ten days but on the 20th of November they could resist no longer when Libyan security forces stormed the boat and violently removed them, using tear gas and rubber bullets in the process. Several of the protestors were injured and needed treatment in hospital while others were returned into inhumane detention camps.[3]

    Also over the past 6 weeks, the period covered in this report, the criminalisation of civil rescue organisations continued. The day that the protestors on the Nivin were violently removed, Italy ordered the seizure of the Aquarius, the large rescue asset operated by SOS Méditerranée and Médecins Sans Frontières that had already been at the docs in France for some time, uncertain about its future mission. According to the Italian authorities, the crew had falsely labelled the clothes rescued migrants had left on the Aquarius as ‘special’ rather than ‘toxic’ waste.[4] The absurdity of the accusation highlights the fact that Italy’s authorities seek out any means to prevent rescues from taking place, a “disproportionate and unfounded measure, purely aimed at further criminalising lifesaving medical-humanitarian action at sea”, as MSF noted.[5] Unfortunately, these sustained attacks showed effect. On the 6th of December, SOS Med and MSF announced the termination of its mission: “European policies and obstruction tactics have forced [us] to terminate the lifesaving operations carried out by the search and rescue vessel Aquarius.” As the MSF general director said: “This is a dark day. Not only has Europe failed to provide search and rescue capacity, it has also actively sabotaged others’ attempts to save lives. The end of Aquarius means more deaths at sea, and more needless deaths that will go unwitnessed.”[6]

    And yet, despite this ongoing sabotage of civil rescue from the EU and its member states, three vessels of the Spanish, German, and Italian organisations Open Arms, Sea-Watch and Mediterranea returned to the deadliest area of the Mediterranean in late November.[7] This return is also significance for Alarm Phone work in the Central Mediterranean: once again we have non-governmental allies at sea who will not only document what is going on along the deadliest border of the world but actively intervene to counter Europe’s border ‘protection’ measures. Shortly after returning, one of the NGOs was called to assist. Fishermen had rescued a group of travellers off the coast of Libya onto their fishing vessel, after they had been abandoned in the water by a Libyan patrol boat, as the fishermen claimed. Rather than ordering their rapid transfer to a European harbour, Italy, Malta and Spain sought out ways to return the 12 people to Libya. The fishing boat, the Nuestra Madre de Loreto, was ill-equipped to care for the people who were weak and needed medical attention. However, they were assisted only by Proactiva Open Arms, and for over a week, the people had to stay on the fishing boat. One of them developed a medical emergency and was eventually brought away in a helicopter. Finally, in early December, they were brought to Malta.[8]

    Around the same time, something rare and remarkable happened. A boat with over 200 people on board reached the Italian harbour of Pozzallo independently, on the 24th of November. Even when they were at the harbour, the authorities refused to allow them to quickly disembark – a irresponsible decision given that the boat was at risk of capsizing. After several hours, all of the people were finally allowed to get off the boat. Italy’s minister of the interior Salvini accused the Maltese authorities of allowing migrant boats to move toward Italian territory.[9] Despite their hardship, the people on the Nuestra Madre de Loreto and the 200 people from this boat, survived. Also the 33 people rescued by the NGO Sea-Watch on the 22nd of December survived. Others, however, did not. In mid-November, a boat left from Algeria with 13 young people on board, intending to reach Sardinia. On the 16th of November, the first body was found, the second a day later. Three survived and stated later that the 10 others had tried to swim to what they believed to be the shore when they saw a light in the distance.[10] In early December, a boat with 25 people on board left from Sabratha/Libya, and 15 of them did not survive. As a survivor reported, they had been at sea for 12 days without food and water.[11]

    Despite the overall decrease in crossings, what has been remarkable in this region is that the people escaping have more frequently informed the Alarm Phone directly than before. The case mentioned earlier, from the 20th of December, when people from a convoy of 3 boats carrying 313 people in total reached out to us, exemplifies this. Detected by the Colibri reconnaissance aircraft and rescued by Proactiva, this case demonstrates powerfully what international solidarity can achieve, despite all attempts by EU member states and institutions to create a zone of death in the Central Mediterranean Sea.
    Developments in the Western Mediterranean Sea

    Over the past six weeks covered by this report, the Alarm Phone witnessed several times what happens when Spanish and Moroccan authorities shift responsibilities and fail to respond quickly to boats in distress situations. Repeatedly we had to pressurise the Spanish authorities publicly before they launched a Search and Rescue (SAR) operation. And still, many lives were lost at sea. On Moroccan land, the repression campaign against Sub-Saharan travellers and residents continues. On the 30th of November, an Alarm Phone member was, yet again, arrested and deported towards the South of Morocco, to Tiznit, along with many other people. (h Other friends in Morocco have informed us about the deportation of large groups from Nador to Tiznit. Around the 16th of December, 400 people were forcibly removed, and on the 17th of December, another 300 people were deported to Morocco’s south. This repression against black residents and travellers in Morocco is one of the reasons for many to decide to leave via the sea. This has meant that also during the winter, cross-Mediterranean movements remain high. On just one weekend, the 8th-9th of December, 535 people reached Andalusia/Spain.[12]

    Whilst people are constantly resisting the border regime by acts of disobedience when they cross the borders clandestinely, acts of resistance take place also on the ground in Morocco, where associations and individuals are continuously struggling for the freedom of movement for all. In early December, an Alarm Phone delegation participated at an international conference in Rabat/Morocco, in order to discuss with members of other associations and collectives from Africa and Europe about the effects of the outsourcing and militarisation of European borders in the desire to further criminalise and prevent migration movements. We were among 400 people and were impressed by the many contributions from people who live and struggle in very precarious situations, by the uplifting atmosphere, and by the many accounts and expressions of solidarity. Days later, during the international meeting in Marrakesh on the ‘Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration’, the Alarm Phone was part of a counter-summit, protesting the international pact on migration which is not meant to reduce borders between states, but to curtail the freedom of movement of the many in the name of ‘legal’ and ‘regulated’ migration. The Alarm Phone delegation was composed of 20 activists from the cities of Tangier, Oujda, Berkane, Nador and Fes. One of our colleagues sums up the event: “We have expressed our ideas and commitments as Alarm Phone, solemnly and strongly in front of the other organisations represented. We have espoused the vision of freedom of movement, a vision without precedent. A vision which claims symbolically all human rights and which has the power to help migrants on all continents to feel protected.” In light of the Marrakesh pact, several African organisations joined together and published a statement rejecting “…the wish to confine Africans within their countries by strengthening border controls, in the deserts, at sea and in airports.”[13]

    Shortly after the international meeting in Marrakesh, the EU pledged €148 million to support Morocco’s policy of migrant containment, thus taking steps towards making it even more difficult, and therefore more dangerous for many people on the African continent to exercise their right to move freely, under the pretext of “combating smuggling”. Making the journeys across the Mediterranean more difficult does not have the desired effect of ending illegalised migration. As the routes to Spain from the north of Morocco have become more militarised following a summer of many successful crossings, more southern routes have come into use again. These routes, leading to the Spanish Canary Islands, force travellers to overcome much longer distances in the Atlantic Ocean, a space without phone coverage and with a heightened risk to lose one’s orientation. On the 18th of November, 22 people lost their lives at sea, on their way from Tiznit to the Canary Islands.[14] Following a Spanish-Frontex collaboration launched in 2006, this route to the Canary Islands has not been used very frequently, but numbers have increased this year, with Moroccan nationals being the largest group of arrivals.[15]
    Developments in the Aegean Sea

    Over the final weeks of 2018, between the 12th of November and the 23rd of December, 78 boats arrived on the Greek islands while 116 boats were stopped by the Turkish coastguards and returned to Turkey. This means that there were nearly 200 attempts to cross into Europe by boat over five weeks, and about 40 percent of them were successful.[16] Over the past six weeks, the Alarm Phone was involved in a total of 19 cases in this region. 6 of the boats arrived in Samos, 3 of them in Chios, and one each on Lesvos, Agathonisi, Farmkonisi, and Symi. 4 boats were returned to Turkey (3 of them rescued, 1 intercepted by the Turkish coastguards). In one distress situation, a man lost his life and another man had to be brought to the hospital due to hypothermia. Moreover, the Alarm Phone was alerted to 2 cases along the Turkish-Greek land border. While in one case their fate remains uncertain, the other group of people were forcibly pushed-back to Turkey.

    Thousands of people still suffering in inhuman conditions in hotspots: When we assist boats crossing the Aegean Sea, the people are usually relieved and happy when arriving on the islands, at least they have survived. However, this moment of happiness often turns into a state of shock when they enter the so-called ‘hotspots’. Over 12,500 people remain incarcerated there, often living in tents and containers unsuitable for winter in the five EU-sponsored camps on Lesvos, Samos, Chios, Kos, and Leros. In addition to serious overcrowding, asylum seekers continue to face unsanitary and unhygienic conditions and physical violence, including gender-based violence. Doctors without Borders has reported on a measles outbreak in Greek camps and conducted a vaccination campaign.[17] Amnesty International and 20 other organizations have published a collective call: “As winter approaches all asylum seekers on the Aegean islands must be transferred to suitable accommodation on the mainland or relocated to other EU countries. […] The EU-Turkey deal containment policy imposes unjustified and unnecessary suffering on asylum seekers, while unduly limiting their rights.”

    The ‘humanitarian’ crisis in the hotspots is the result of Greece’s EU-backed policy of containing asylum seekers on the Aegean islands until their asylum claims are adjudicated or until it is determined that they fall into one of the ‘vulnerable’ categories listed under Greek law. But as of late November, an estimated 2,200 people identified as eligible for transfer are still waiting as accommodation facilities on the mainland are also severely overcrowded. Those who are actually transferred from the hotspot on Lesvos to the Greek mainland are brought to far away camps or empty holiday resorts without infrastructure and without a sufficient number of aid workers.

    Criminalisation along Europe’s Eastern Sea Border: A lot has been written about the many attempts to criminalise NGOs and activists carrying out Search and Rescue operations in the Mediterranean. Much less publicly acknowledged are the many cases in which migrant travellers themselves become criminalised for their activist involvement, often for protesting against the inhuman living conditions and the long waiting times for the asylum-interviews. The case of the ‘Moria 35’ on Lesvos was a case in point, highlighting how a few individual protesters were randomly selected by authorities to scare others into silence and obedience. The Legal Centre Lesvos followed this case closely until the last person of the 35 was released and they shared their enquiries with “a 15-month timeline of injustice and impunity” on their website: “On Thursday 18th October, the last of the Moria 35 were released from detention. Their release comes one year and three months – to the day – after the 35 men were arbitrarily arrested and subject to brutal police violence in a raid of Moria camp following peaceful protests, on July 18th 2017.” While the Legal Centre Lesbos welcomes the fact that all 35 men were finally released, they should never have been imprisoned in the first place. They will not get back the 10 to 15 months they spent in prison. Moreover, even after release, most of the 35 men remain in a legally precarious situation. While 6 were granted asylum in Greece, the majority struggles against rejected asylum claims. Three were already deported. One individual was illegally deported without having exhausted his legal remedies in Greece while another individual, having spent 9 months in pre-trial detention, signed up for so-called ‘voluntary’ deportation.[18] In the meantime, others remain in prison to await their trials that will take place with hardly any attention of the media.

    Humanitarian activists involved in spotting and rescue released after 3 months: The four activists, Sarah Mardini, Nassos Karakitsos, Panos Moraitis and Sean Binder, were released on the 6th of December 2018 after having been imprisoned for three months. They had been held in prolonged pre-trial detention for their work with the non-profit organization Emergency Response Center International (ERCI), founded by Moraitis. The charges misrepresented the group as a smuggling crime ring, and its legitimate fundraising activities as money laundering. The arrests forced the group to cease its operations, including maritime search and rescue, the provision of medical care, and non-formal education to asylum seekers. They are free without geographical restrictions but the case is not yet over. Mardini and Binder still face criminal charges possibly leading to decades in prison.[19] Until 15 February the group ‘Solidarity now!’ is collecting as many signatures as possible to ensure that the Greek authorities drop the case.[20]

    Violent Pushbacks at the Land Border: During the last six weeks, the Alarm Phone was alerted to two groups at the land border separating Turkey and Greece. In both situations, the travellers had already reached Greek soil, but ended up on Turkish territory. Human Right Watch (HRW) published another report on the 18th of December about violent push-backs in the Evros region: “Greek law enforcement officers at the land border with Turkey in the northeastern Evros region routinely summarily return asylum seekers and migrants […]. The officers in some cases use violence and often confiscate and destroy the migrants’ belongings.”[21] Regularly, migrants were stripped off their phones, money and clothes. According to HRW, most of these incidents happened between April and November 2018.[22] The UNHCR and the Council of Europe’s Committee for Prevention of Torture have published similar reports about violent push backs along the Evros borders.[23]

    Over the past 6 weeks, the WatchTheMed Alarm Phone was engaged in 38 distress cases, of which 15 took place in the Western Mediterranean, 19 in the Aegean Sea, and 4 in the Central Mediterranean. You can find short summaries and links to the individual reports below.
    Western Mediterranean

    On Tuesday the 13th of November at 6.17pm, the Alarm Phone was alerted by a relative to a group of travellers who had left two days earlier from around Orán heading towards Murcia. They were around nine people, including women and children, and the relative had lost contact to the boat. We were also never able to reach the travellers. At 6.46pm we alerted the Spanish search and rescue organization Salvamento Maritimo (SM) to the distress of the travellers. For several days we tried to reach the travellers and were in contact with SM about the ongoing rescue operation. We were never able to reach the travellers or get any news from the relative. Thus, we are still unsure if the group managed to reach land somewhere on their own, or if they will add to the devastating number of people having lost their lives at sea (see:

    On Thursday the 22nd of November, at 5.58pm CET, the Alarm Phone received news about a boat of 11 people that had left Nador 8 hours prior. The shift team was unable to immediately enter into contact with the boat, but called Salvamento Maritimo to convey all available information. At 11.48am the following day, the shift team received word from a traveler on the boat that they were safe (see:

    At 7.25am CET on November 24, 2018, the Alarm Phone shift team was alerted to a boat of 70 people (including 8 women and 1 child) that had departed from Nador 3 days prior. The shift team was able to reach the boat at 7.50am and learned that their motor had stopped working. The shift team called Salvamento Maritimo, who had handed the case over to the Moroccan authorities. The shift team contacted the MRCC, who said they knew about the boat but could not find them, so the shift team mobilized their contacts to find the latest position and sent it to the coast guard at 8.55am. Rescue operations stalled for several hours. At around 2pm, the shift team received news that rescue operations were underway by the Marine Royale. The shift team remained in contact with several people and coast guards until the next day, when it was confirmed that the boat had finally been rescued and that there were at least 15 fatalities (see:

    On Friday the 7th of December 2018, we were alerted to two boats in distress in the Western Mediterranean Sea. One boat was brought to Algeria, the second boat rescued by Moroccan fishermen and returned to Morocco (see for full report:

    On Saturday, the 8th of December 2018, we were informed by a contact person at 3.25pm CET to a boat in distress that had left from Nador/Morocco during the night, at about 1am. There were 57 people on the boat, including 8 women and a child. We tried to establish contact to the boat but were unable to reach them. At 4.50pm, the Spanish search and rescue organisation Salvamento Maritimo (SM) informed us that they were already searching for this boat. At 8.34pm, SM stated that this boat had been rescued. Some time later, also our contact person confirmed that the boat had been found and rescued to Spain (see:

    On Monday the 10th of December, the Alarm Phone shift team was alerted to three boats in the Western Med. Two had left from around Nador, and one from Algeria. One boat was rescued by the Spanish search and rescue organisation Salvamento Maritimo, one group of travellers returned back to Nador on their own, and the boat from Algeria returned to Algeria (see:

    On Wednesday the 12th of December the Alarm Phone shift team was alerted two boats in the Western Med, one carrying seven people, the other carrying 12 people. The first boat was rescued by the Spanish search and rescue organization Salvamento Maritimo (SM), whilst the second boat was intercepted by the Moroccan Navy and brought back to Morocco, where we were informed that the travellers were held imprisoned (see:

    On December 21st, 2018, we were informed of two boats in distress in the Western Mediterranean Sea. The first had left from Algeria and was probably rescued to Spain. The other one had departed from Tangier and was rescued by the Marine Royale and brought back to Morocco (for full report, see:

    On the 22nd of December, at 5.58pm CET, the Alarm Phone shift team was alerted to a boat of 81 people (including 7 women) that had left the previous day from Nador. The motor was not working properly. They informed that they were in touch with Salvamiento Maritimo but as they were still in Moroccan waters, Salvamiento Maritimo said they were unable to perform rescue operations. The shift team had difficulty maintaining contact with the boat over the course of the next few hours. The shift team also contacted Salvamiento Maritimo who confirmed that they knew about the case. At 7.50pm, Salvamiento Maritimo informed the shift team that they would perform the rescue operations and confirmed the operation at 8.15pm. We later got the confirmation by a contact person that the people were rescued to Spain (see:

    On the 23rd of December 2018, at 1.14am CET, the Alarm Phone received an alert of a boat with 11 men and 1 woman who left from Cap Spartel at Saturday the 22nd of December. The Alarm Phone shift team was alerted to this rubber boat in the early hours of Sunday the 23rd of December. The shift team informed the Spanish Search and Rescue organisation Salvamento Maritimo (SM) at 4:50am CET about the situation and provided them with GPS coordinates of the boat. SM, however, rejected responsibility and shifted it to the Moroccan authorities but also the Moroccan Navy did not rescue the people. Several days later, the boat remains missing (see for full report:
    Aegean Sea

    On Saturday the 17th of November the Alarm Phone shift team was alerted to two boats in the Aegean Sea. The first boat returned back to Turkey, whilst the second boat reached Samos on their own (see:

    On the 19th of November at 8.40pm CET the shift team was alerted to a boat of 11 travelers in distress near the Turkish coast on its way to Kos. The shift team called the Turkish Coastguard to inform them of the situation. At 9.00pm, the Coastguard called back to confirm they found the boat and would rescue the people. The shift team lost contact with the travelers. At 9.35pm, the Turkish coast guard informed the shift team that the boat was sunk, one man died and one person had hypothermia and would be brought to the hospital. The other 9 people were safe and brought back to Turkey (see:

    On the 20th of November at 4.07am CET, the shift team was alerted to a boat with about 50 travelers heading to Samos. The shift team contacted the travelers but the contact was broken for both language and technological reasons. The Alarm Phone contacted the Greek Coastguard about rescue operations. At 7.02am, the shift team was told that a boat of 50 people had been rescued, and the news was confirmed later on, although the shift team could not obtain direct confirmation from the travelers themselves (see:

    On the 23rd of November at 7.45pm CET, the Alarm Phone was contacted regarding a group of 19 people, (including 2 women, 1 of whom was pregnant, and a child) who had crossed the river Evros/ Meric and the Turkish-Greek landborder 3 days prior. The shift team first contacted numerous rescue and protection agencies, including UNHCR and the Greek Police, noting that the people were already in Greece and wished to apply for asylum. Until today we remained unable to find out what happened to the people (see:

    On the 26th of November at 6:54am CET the Alarm Phone shift team was alerted to a group of 30 people (among them 7 children and a pregnant woman) who were stranded on the shore in southern Turkey, close to Kas. They wanted us to call the Turkish coastguard so at 7:35am we provided the coastguard with the information we had. At 8:41am we received a photograph from our contact person showing rescue by the Turkish coastguard (see:

    On the 29th of November at 4am CET the Alarm Phone shift team was alerted to a boat carrying 44 people (among them 19 children and some pregnant women) heading towards the Greek island of Samos. Shortly afterwards the travellers landed on Samos and because of their difficulties orienting themselves we alerted the local authorities. At 9:53am the port police told us that they had rescued 44 people. They were taken to the refugee camp (see:

    On Monday, the 3rd of December 2018, the Alarm Phone was alerted at 5.30am CET to a boat in distress south of Chios, with 43 people on board, among them 14 children. We were able to reach the boat at 5.35am. When we received their position, we informed the Greek coastguards at 7.30am and forwarded an updated GPS position to them ten minutes later. At 8.52am, the coastguards confirmed the rescue of the boat. The people were brought to Chios Island. On the next day, the people themselves confirmed that they had all safely reached Greece (see:

    On Tuesday the 4th of December 2018, at 6.20am CET, the Alarm Phone was alerted to a boat in distress near Agathonisi Island. There were about 40 people on board. We established contact to the boat at 6.38am. At 6.45am, we alerted the Greek coastguards. The situation was dangerous as the people on board reported of high waves. At 9.02am, the Greek coastguards confirmed that they had just rescued the boat. The people were brought to Agathonisi (see for full report:

    On Wednesday the 5th of December 2018, at 00:08am CET, the Alarm Phone was alerted by a contact person to a boat in distress near Chios Island, carrying about 50 people. We received their GPS position at 00.17am and informed the Greek coastguards to the case at 00.30am. At 00.46am, we learned from the contact person that a boat had just been rescued. The Greek authorities confirmed this when we called them at 00.49am. At around 1pm, the people from the boat confirmed that they had been rescued (see:

    On Friday the 7th of December 2018, the Alarm Phone was contacted at 5.53am CET by a contact person and informed about a group of 19 people who had crossed the Evros river to Greece and needed assistance. We assisted them for days, but at some point contact was lost. We know that they were returned to Turkey and thus suspect an illegal push-back operation (see for full report:

    On Thursday the 13th of December the Alarm Phone shift team was alerted to two boats in the Aegean sea. In both cases we were not able to reach the travellers, but we were in contact with both the Turkish and Greek coast guard and were in the end able to confirm that one boat had arrived to Lesvos on their own, whilst the others had been rescued by Turkish fishermen (see:

    On the 17th of December, 2018, at 6.39am, the Alarm Phone shift team was alerted to a boat of 60 travellers. Water was entering the boat, and so the travelers were in distress. Though the shift team had a difficult time remaining in contact with the boat, they contacted the Greek Coastguard to inform them of the situation and the position of the boat. Although the team was not able to remain in contact with the travelers, they received confirmation at 8.18am that the boat had been brought to Greece (see:

    On the 18th of December at 2.11am CET, the Alarm Phone was alerted to two boats. The first, of 29 travellers, had landed on the island of Symi and needed help to exit the place of landing. The second was a boat of 54 travellers (including 16 children, and 15 women) that was rescued by the Greek Coastguard later (see:

    On the 21st of December, our shift teams were alerted to 2 boats on the Aegean. The first boat was directed to Chios Island and was likely rescued by the Greek Coastguard. The second boat was in immediate distress and after the shift team contacted the Greek Coastguard they rescued the boat (see:

    On the 23rd of December 2018 at 6am CET, the Alarm Phone received information about a boat in distress heading to Samos with around 60 travellers (including 30 children and 8 women, 4 pregnant). The shift team made contact with the boat and was informed that one of the women was close to giving birth and so the situation was very urgent. The shift team then called the Greek Coast Guard. At 8.07am, the shift team received confirmation that the boat had been rescued (see:
    Central Mediterranean

    On Monday the 12th of November at 6.57pm, the Alarm Phone was called by a relative, asking for help to find out what had happened to his son, who had been on a boat from Algeria towards Sardinia, with around 11 travellers on the 8t of November. Following this, the Alarm Phone was contacted by several relatives informing us about missing people from this boat. Our shift teams tried to gain an understanding of the situation, and for days we stayed in contact with the relatives and tried to support them, but it was not possible to obtain information about what had happened to the travellers (see:

    On November 23rd at 1.24pm CET, the Alarm Phone shift team was called by a boat of 120 travelers that was in distress and had left the Libyan coast the night before. The shift team remained in touch with the boat for several hours, and helped recharge their phone credit when it expired. As the boat was in distress, and there were no available NGO operations near the boat, the shift team had no choice but to contact the Italian Coast Guard, but they refused to engage in Search and Rescue (SAR) activities, and instead told the Libyan Coastguard. The boat was intercepted and returned to Libya (see:

    On December 20th, 2018, the Alarm Phone shift team was alerted to two cases in the Central Mediterranean Sea. The first was a boat of 20 people that was intercepted and brought back to Libya. The second concerned 3 boats with 300 people in total, that were rescued by Open Arms and brought to Spain (for full report see:

  • The Murder of Pavlos Fyssas (Full Investigation; English) on Vimeo

    Shortly after midnight on 18 September 2013, Pavlos Fyssas, a young Greek anti-fascist rapper, was murdered in his home neighbourhood of Keratsini, Athens. The killer and others who participated in the attack were members of the neo-Nazi organisation Golden Dawn.

    Golden Dawn have brutally attacked migrants and political opponents ever since their formation in the late ‘80s, with most of their crimes going unpunished through the silent support of the Greek police aligned to their nationalist cause. Following the murder of Fyssas, a Greek citizen, the government was finally forced to make a series of arrests. Sixty-nine members of Golden Dawn, including all of their fifteen parliamentarians, were brought to trial. Charges in the trial, relating to events as far back as 2008, allege that even while holding seats in the Greek parliament, Golden Dawn operated as a criminal organisation. Even as the ongoing trial threatens the existence of Golden Dawn as a political party, the Greek courts remain reluctant to investigate the role of the police in covering up these crimes.

    Forensic Architecture was commissioned by the Fyssas family and their legal representatives to reconstruct the events of the night from the audio and video material made available to the court. The resulting video investigation and accompanying report, presented to the Athens courtroom on 10 and 11 September 2018, brings together CCTV footage, recordings of communications between police and emergency services, and witness testimony. We established a precise timeline and reconstruction of the events that led to the murder.

    The investigation established that members of Golden Dawn, including senior officials, acted in a co-ordinated manner in relation to the murder, and that DIAS officers were present at the scene before, during and after the murder, and failed to intervene.

  • Vu sur Twitter :

    M.Potte-Bonneville @pottebonneville a retweeté Catherine Boitard

    Vous vous souvenez ? Elle avait sauvé ses compagnons en tirant l’embarcation à la nage pendant trois heures : Sarah Mardini, nageuse olympique et réfugiée syrienne, est arrêtée pour aide à l’immigration irrégulière.

    Les olympiades de la honte 2018 promettent de beaux records

    M.Potte-Bonneville @pottebonneville a retweeté Catherine Boitard @catboitard :

    Avec sa soeur Yusra, nageuse olympique et distinguée par l’ONU, elle avait sauvé 18 réfugiés de la noyade à leur arrivée en Grèce. La réfugiée syrienne Sarah Mardini, boursière à Berlin et volontaire de l’ONG ERCI, a été arrêtée à Lesbos pour aide à immigration irrégulière

    #migration #asile #syrie #grèce #solidarité #humanité


      La police a arrêté, mardi 28 août, 30 membres de l’ONG grecque #ERCI, dont les soeurs syriennes Yusra et Sarah Mardini, qui avaient sauvé la vie à 18 personnes en 2015. Les militant.e.s sont accusés d’avoir aidé des migrants à entrer illégalement sur le territoire grec via l’île de Lesbos. Ils déclarent avoir agi dans le cadre de l’assistance à personnes en danger.

      Par Marina Rafenberg

      L’ONG grecque Emergency response centre international (ERCY) était présente sur l’île de Lesbos depuis 2015 pour venir en aide aux réfugiés. Depuis mardi 28 août, ses 30 membres sont poursuivis pour avoir « facilité l’entrée illégale d’étrangers sur le territoire grec » en vue de gains financiers, selon le communiqué de la police grecque.

      L’enquête a commencé en février 2018, rapporte le site d’information, lorsqu’une Jeep portant une fausse plaque d’immatriculation de l’armée grecque a été découverte par la police sur une plage, attendant l’arrivée d’une barque pleine de réfugiés en provenance de Turquie. Les membres de l’ONG, six Grecs et 24 ressortissants étrangers, sont accusés d’avoir été informés à l’avance par des personnes présentes du côté turc des heures et des lieux d’arrivée des barques de migrants, d’avoir organisé l’accueil de ces réfugiés sans en informer les autorités locales et d’avoir surveillé illégalement les communications radio entre les autorités grecques et étrangères, dont Frontex, l’agence européenne des gardes-cotes et gardes-frontières. Les crimes pour lesquels ils sont inculpés – participation à une organisation criminelle, violation de secrets d’État et recel – sont passibles de la réclusion à perpétuité.

      Parmi les membres de l’ONG grecque arrêtés se trouve Yusra et Sarah Mardini, deux sœurs nageuses et réfugiées syrienne qui avaient sauvé 18 personnes de la noyade lors de leur traversée de la mer Égée en août 2015. Depuis Yusra a participé aux Jeux Olympiques de Rio, est devenue ambassadrice de l’ONU et a écrit un livre, Butterfly. Sarah avait quant à elle décidé d’aider à son tour les réfugiés qui traversaient dangereusement la mer Égée sur des bateaux de fortune et s’était engagée comme bénévole dans l’ONG ERCI durant l’été 2016.

      Sarah a été arrêtée le 21 août à l’aéroport de Lesbos alors qu’elle devait rejoindre Berlin où elle vit avec sa famille. Le 3 septembre, elle devait commencer son année universitaire au collège Bard en sciences sociales. La jeune Syrienne de 23 ans a été transférée à la prison de Korydallos, à Athènes, dans l’attente de son procès. Son avocat a demandé mercredi sa remise en liberté.

      Ce n’est pas la première fois que des ONG basées à Lesbos ont des soucis avec la justice grecque. Des membres de l’ONG espagnole Proem-Aid avaient aussi été accusés d’avoir participé à l’entrée illégale de réfugiés sur l’île. Ils ont été relaxés en mai dernier. D’après le ministère de la Marine, 114 ONG ont été enregistrées sur l’île, dont les activités souvent difficilement contrôlables inquiètent le gouvernement grec et ses partenaires européens.

      #grèce #asile #migrations #réfugiés #solidarité #délit_de_solidarité

    • Arrest of Syrian ’hero swimmer’ puts Lesbos refugees back in spotlight

      Sara Mardini’s case adds to fears that rescue work is being criminalised and raises questions about NGO.

      Greece’s high-security #Korydallos prison acknowledges that #Sara_Mardini is one of its rarer inmates. For a week, the Syrian refugee, a hero among human rights defenders, has been detained in its women’s wing on charges so serious they have elicited baffled dismay.

      The 23-year-old, who saved 18 refugees in 2015 by swimming their waterlogged dingy to the shores of Lesbos with her Olympian sister, is accused of people smuggling, espionage and membership of a criminal organisation – crimes allegedly committed since returning to work with an NGO on the island. Under Greek law, Mardini can be held in custody pending trial for up to 18 months.

      “She is in a state of disbelief,” said her lawyer, Haris Petsalnikos, who has petitioned for her release. “The accusations are more about criminalising humanitarian action. Sara wasn’t even here when these alleged crimes took place but as charges they are serious, perhaps the most serious any aid worker has ever faced.”

      Mardini’s arrival to Europe might have gone unnoticed had it not been for the extraordinary courage she and younger sister, Yusra, exhibited guiding their boat to safety after the engine failed during the treacherous crossing from Turkey. Both were elite swimmers, with Yusra going on to compete in the 2016 Rio Olympics.

      The sisters, whose story is the basis of a forthcoming film by the British director Stephen Daldry, were credited with saving the lives of their fellow passengers. In Germany, their adopted homeland, the pair has since been accorded star status.

      It was because of her inspiring story that Mardini was approached by Emergency Response Centre International, ERCI, on Lesbos. “After risking her own life to save 18 people … not only has she come back to ground zero, but she is here to ensure that no more lives get lost on this perilous journey,” it said after Mardini agreed to join its ranks in 2016.

      After her first stint with ERCI, she again returned to Lesbos last December to volunteer with the aid group. And until 21 August there was nothing to suggest her second spell had not gone well. But as Mardini waited at Mytilini airport to head back to Germany, and a scholarship at Bard College in Berlin, she was arrested. Soon after that, police also arrested ERCI’s field director, Nassos Karakitsos, a former Greek naval force officer, and Sean Binder, a German volunteer who lives in Ireland. All three have protested their innocence.

      The arrests come as signs of a global clampdown on solidarity networks mount. From Russia to Spain, European human rights workers have been targeted in what campaigners call an increasingly sinister attempt to silence civil society in the name of security.

      “There is the concern that this is another example of civil society being closed down by the state,” said Jonathan Cooper, an international human rights lawyer in London. “What we are really seeing is Greek authorities using Sara to send a very worrying message that if you volunteer for refugee work you do so at your peril.”

      But amid concerns about heavy-handed tactics humanitarians face, Greek police say there are others who see a murky side to the story, one ofpeople trafficking and young volunteers being duped into participating in a criminal network unwittingly. In that scenario,the Mardini sisters would make prime targets.

      Greek authorities spent six months investigating the affair. Agents were flown into Lesbos from Athens and Thessaloniki. In an unusually long and detailed statement, last week, Mytilini police said that while posing as a non-profit organisation, ERCI had acted with the sole purpose of profiteering by bringing people illegally into Greece via the north-eastern Aegean islands.

      Members had intercepted Greek and European coastguard radio transmissions to gain advance notification of the location of smugglers’ boats, police said, and that 30, mostly foreign nationals, were lined up to be questioned in connection with the alleged activities. Other “similar organisations” had also collaborated in what was described as “an informal plan to confront emergency situations”, they added.

      Suspicions were first raised, police said, when Mardini and Binder were stopped in February driving a former military 4X4 with false number plates. ERCI remained unnamed until the release of the charge sheets for the pair and that of Karakitsos.

      Lesbos has long been on the frontline of the refugee crisis, attracting idealists and charity workers. Until a dramatic decline in migration numbers via the eastern Mediterranean in March 2016, when a landmark deal was signed between the EU and Turkey, the island was the main entry point to Europe.

      An estimated 114 NGOs and 7,356 volunteers are based on Lesbos, according to Greek authorities. Local officials talk of “an industry”, and with more than 10,000 refugees there and the mood at boiling point, accusations of NGOs acting as a “pull factor” are rife.

      “Sara’s motive for going back this year was purely humanitarian,” said Oceanne Fry, a fellow student who in June worked alongside her at a day clinic in the refugee reception centre.

      “At no point was there any indication of illegal activity by the group … but I can attest to the fact that, other than our intake meeting, none of the volunteers ever met, or interacted, with its leadership.”

      The mayor of Lesbos, Spyros Galinos, said he has seen “good and bad” in the humanitarian movement since the start of the refugee crisis.

      “Everything is possible,. There is no doubt that some NGOs have exploited the situation. The police announcement was uncommonly harsh. For a long time I have been saying that we just don’t need all these NGOs. When the crisis erupted, yes, the state was woefully unprepared but now that isn’t the case.”

      Attempts to contact ERCI were unsuccessful. Neither a telephone number nor an office address – in a scruffy downtown building listed by the aid group on social media – appeared to have any relation to it.

      In a statement released more than a week after Mardini’s arrest, ERCI denied the allegations, saying it had fallen victim to “unfounded claims, accusations and charges”. But it failed to make any mention of Mardini.

      “It makes no sense at all,” said Amed Khan, a New York financier turned philanthropist who has donated boats for ERCI’s search and rescue operations. To accuse any of them of human trafficking is crazy.

      “In today’s fortress Europe you have to wonder whether Brussels isn’t behind it, whether this isn’t a concerted effort to put a chill on civil society volunteers who are just trying to help. After all, we’re talking about grassroots organisations with global values that stepped up into the space left by authorities failing to do their bit.”


    • The volunteers facing jail for rescuing migrants in the Mediterranean

      The risk of refugees and migrants drowning in the Mediterranean has increased dramatically over the past few years.

      As the European Union pursued a policy of externalisation, voluntary groups stepped in to save the thousands of people making the dangerous crossing. One by one, they are now criminalised.

      The arrest of Sarah Mardini, one of two Syrian sisters who saved a number of refugees in 2015 by pulling their sinking dinghy to Greece, has brought the issue to international attention.

      The Trial

      There aren’t chairs enough for the people gathered in Mytilíni Court. Salam Aldeen sits front row to the right. He has a nervous smile on his face, mouth half open, the tongue playing over his lips.

      Noise emanates from the queue forming in the hallway as spectators struggle for a peak through the door’s windows. The morning heat is already thick and moist – not helped by the two unplugged fans hovering motionless in dead air.

      Police officers with uneasy looks, 15 of them, lean up against the cooling walls of the court. From over the judge, a golden Jesus icon looks down on the assembly. For the sunny holiday town on Lesbos, Greece, this is not a normal court proceeding.

      Outside the court, international media has unpacked their cameras and unloaded their equipment. They’ve come from the New York Times, Deutsche Welle, Danish, Greek and Spanish media along with two separate documentary teams.

      There is no way of knowing when the trial will end. Maybe in a couple of days, some of the journalists say, others point to the unpredictability of the Greek judicial system. If the authorities decide to make a principle out of the case, this could take months.

      Salam Aldeen, in a dark blue jacket, white shirt and tie, knows this. He is charged with human smuggling and faces life in jail.

      More than 16,000 people have drowned in less than five years trying to cross the Mediterranean. That’s an average of ten people dying every day outside Europe’s southern border – more than the Russia-Ukraine conflict over the same period.

      In 2015, when more than one million refugees crossed the Mediterranean, the official death toll was around 3,700. A year later, the number of migrants dropped by two thirds – but the death toll increased to more than 5,000. With still fewer migrants crossing during 2017 and the first half of 2018, one would expect the rate of surviving to pick up.

      The numbers, however, tell a different story. For a refugee setting out to cross the Mediterranean today, the risk of drowning has significantly increased.

      The deaths of thousands of people don’t happen in a vacuum. And it would be impossible to explain the increased risks of crossing without considering recent changes in EU-policies towards migration in the Mediterranean.

      The criminalisation of a Danish NGO-worker on the tiny Greek island of Lesbos might help us understand the deeper layers of EU immigration policy.

      The deterrence effect

      On 27 March 2011, 72 migrants flee Tripoli and squeeze into a 12m long rubber dinghy with a max capacity of 25 people. They start the outboard engine and set out in the Mediterranean night, bound for the Italian island of Lampedusa. In the morning, they are registered by a French aircraft flying over. The migrants stay on course. But 18 hours into their voyage, they send out a distress-call from a satellite phone. The signal is picked up by the rescue centre in Rome who alerts other vessels in the area.

      Two hours later, a military helicopter flies over the boat. At this point, the migrants accidentally drop their satellite phone in the sea. In the hours to follow, the migrants encounter several fishing boats – but their call of distress is ignored. As day turns into night, a second helicopter appears and drops rations of water and biscuits before leaving.

      And then, the following morning on 28 March – the migrants run out of fuel. Left at the mercy of wind and oceanic currents, the migrants embark on a hopeless journey. They drift south; exactly where they came from.

      They don’t see any ships the following day. Nor the next; a whole week goes by without contact to the outside world. But then, somewhere between 3 and 5 April, a military vessel appears on the horizon. It moves in on the migrants and circle their boat.

      The migrants, exhausted and on the brink of despair, wave and signal distress. But as suddenly as it arrived, the military vessel turns around and disappears. And all hope with it.

      On April 10, almost a week later, the migrant vessel lands on a beach south of Tripoli. Of the 72 passengers who left 2 weeks ago, only 11 make it back alive. Two die shortly hereafter.

      Lorenzo Pezzani, lecturer at Forensic Architecture at Goldsmiths University of London, was stunned when he read about the case. In 2011, he was still a PhD student developing new spatial and aesthetic visual tools to document human rights violations. Concerned with the rising number of migrant deaths in the Mediterranean, Lorenzo Pezzani and his colleague Charles Heller founded Forensic Oceanography, an affiliated group to Forensic Architecture. Their first project was to uncover the events and policies leading to a vessel left adrift in full knowledge by international rescue operations.

      It was the public outrage fuelled by the 2013 Lampedusa shipwreck which eventually led to the deployment of Operation Mare Nostrum. At this point, the largest migration of people since the Second World War, the Syrian exodus, could no longer be contained within Syria’s neighbouring countries. At the same time, a relative stability in Libya after the fall of Gaddafi in 2011 descended into civil war; waves of migrants started to cross the Mediterranean.

      From October 2013, Mare Nostrum broke with the reigning EU-policy of non-interference and deployed Italian naval vessels, planes and helicopters at a monthly cost of €9.5 million. The scale was unprecedented; saving lives became the political priority over policing and border control. In terms of lives saved, the operation was an undisputed success. Its own life, however, would be short.

      A critical narrative formed on the political right and was amplified by sections of the media: Mare Nostrum was accused of emboldening Libyan smugglers who – knowing rescue ships were waiting – would send out more migrants. In this understanding, Mare Nostrum constituted a so-called “pull factor” on migrants from North African countries. A year after its inception, Mare Nostrum was terminated.

      In late 2014, Mare Nostrum was replaced by Operation Triton led by Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, with an initial budget of €2.4 million per month. Triton refocused on border control instead of sea rescues in an area much closer to Italian shores. This was a return to the pre-Mare Nostrum policy of non-assistance to deter migrants from crossing. But not only did the change of policy fail to act as a deterrence against the thousands of migrants still crossing the Mediterranean, it also left a huge gap between the amount of boats in distress and operational rescue vessels. A gap increasingly filled by merchant vessels.

      Merchant vessels, however, do not have the equipment or training to handle rescues of this volume. On 31 March 2015, the shipping community made a call to EU-politicians warning of a “terrible risk of further catastrophic loss of life as ever-more desperate people attempt this deadly sea crossing”. Between 1 January and 20 May 2015, merchant ships rescued 12.000 people – 30 per cent of the total number rescued in the Mediterranean.

      As the shipping community had already foreseen, the new policy of non-assistance as deterrence led to several horrific incidents. These culminated in two catastrophic shipwrecks on 12 and 18 April 2015 and the death of 1,200 people. In both cases, merchant vessels were right next to the overcrowded migrant boats when chaotic rescue attempts caused the migrant boats to take in water and eventually sink. The crew of the merchant vessels could only watch as hundreds of people disappeared in the ocean.

      Back in 1990, the Dublin Convention declared that the first EU-country an asylum seeker enters is responsible for accepting or rejecting the claim. No one in 1990 had expected the Syrian exodus of 2015 – nor the gigantic pressure it would put on just a handful of member states. No other EU-member felt the ineptitudes and total unpreparedness of the immigration system than a country already knee-deep in a harrowing economic crisis. That country was Greece.

      In September 2015, when the world saw the picture of a three-year old Syrian boy, Alan Kurdi, washed up on a beach in Turkey, Europe was already months into what was readily called a “refugee crisis”. Greece was overwhelmed by the hundreds of thousands of people fleeing the Syrian war. During the following month alone, a staggering 200.000 migrants crossed the Aegean Sea from Turkey to reach Europe. With a minimum of institutional support, it was volunteers like Salam Aldeen who helped reduce the overall number of casualties.

      The peak of migrants entered Greece that autumn but huge numbers kept arriving throughout the winter – in worsening sea conditions. Salam Aldeen recalls one December morning on Lesbos.

      The EU-Turkey deal

      And then, from one day to the next, the EU-Turkey deal changed everything. There was a virtual stop of people crossing from Turkey to Greece. From a perspective of deterrence, the agreement was an instant success. In all its simplicity, Turkey had agreed to contain and prevent refugees from reaching the EU – by land or by sea. For this, Turkey would be given a monetary compensation.

      But opponents of the deal included major human rights organisations. Simply paying Turkey a formidable sum of money (€6 billion to this date) to prevent migrants from reaching EU-borders was feared to be a symptom of an ‘out of sight, out of mind’ attitude pervasive among EU decision makers. Moreover, just like Libya in 2015 threatened to flood Europe with migrants, the Turkish President Erdogan would suddenly have a powerful geopolitical card on his hands. A concern that would later be confirmed by EU’s vague response to Erdogan’s crackdown on Turkish opposition.

      As immigration dwindled in Greece, the flow of migrants and refugees continued and increased in the Central Mediterranean during the summer of 2016. At the same time, disorganised Libyan militias were now running the smuggling business and exploited people more ruthlessly than ever before. Migrant boats without satellite phones or enough provision or fuel became increasingly common. Due to safety concerns, merchant vessels were more reluctant to assist in rescue operations. The death toll increased.
      A Conspiracy?

      Frustrated with the perceived apathy of EU states, Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) responded to the situation. At its peak, 12 search and rescue NGO vessels were operating in the Mediterranean and while the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) paused many of its operations during the fall and winter of 2016, the remaining NGO vessels did the bulk of the work. Under increasingly dangerous weather conditions, 47 per cent of all November rescues were carried out by NGOs.

      Around this time, the first accusations were launched against rescue NGOs from ‘alt-right’ groups. Accusations, it should be noted, conspicuously like the ones sounded against Mare Nostrum. Just like in 2014, Frontex and EU-politicians followed up and accused NGOs of posing a “pull factor”. The now Italian vice-prime minister, Luigi Di Maio, went even further and denounced NGOs as “taxis for migrants”. Just like in 2014, no consideration was given to the conditions in Libya.

      Moreover, NGOs were falsely accused of collusion with Libyan smugglers. Meanwhile Italian agents had infiltrated the crew of a Save the Children rescue vessel to uncover alleged secret evidence of collusion. The German Jugendrettet NGO-vessel, Iuventa, was impounded and – echoing Salam Aldeen’s case in Greece – the captain accused of collusion with smugglers by Italian authorities.

      The attacks to delegitimise NGOs’ rescue efforts have had a clear effect: many of the NGOs have now effectively stopped their operations in the Mediterranean. Lorenzo Pezzani and Charles Heller, in their report, Mare Clausum, argued that the wave of delegitimisation of humanitarian work was just one part of a two-legged strategy – designed by the EU – to regain control over the Mediterranean.
      Migrants’ rights aren’t human rights

      Libya long ago descended into a precarious state of lawlessness. In the maelstrom of poverty, war and despair, migrants and refugees have become an exploitable resource for rivalling militias in a country where two separate governments compete for power.

      In November 2017, a CNN investigation exposed an entire industry involving slave auctions, rape and people being worked to death.

      Chief spokesman of the UN Migration Agency, Leonard Doyle, describes Libya as a “torture archipelago” where migrants transiting have no idea that they are turned into commodities to be bought, sold and discarded when they have no more value.

      Migrants intercepted by the Libyan Coast Guard (LCG) are routinely brought back to the hellish detention centres for indefinite captivity. Despite EU-leaders’ moral outcry following the exposure of the conditions in Libya, the EU continues to be instrumental in the capacity building of the LCG.

      Libya hadn’t had a functioning coast guard since the fall of Gaddafi in 2011. But starting in late 2016, the LCG received increasing funding from Italy and the EU in the form of patrol boats, training and financial support.

      Seeing the effect of the EU-Turkey deal in deterring refugees crossing the Aegean Sea, Italy and the EU have done all in their power to create a similar approach in Libya.
      The EU Summit

      Forty-two thousand undocumented migrants have so far arrived at Europe’s shores this year. That’s a fraction of the more than one million who arrived in 2015. But when EU leaders met at an “emergency summit” in Brussels in late June, the issue of migration was described by Chancellor Merkel as a “make or break” for the Union. How does this align with the dwindling numbers of refugees and migrants?

      Data released in June 2018 showed that Europeans are more concerned about immigration than any other social challenge. More than half want a ban on migration from Muslim countries. Europe, it seems, lives in two different, incompatible realities as summit after summit tries to untie the Gordian knot of the migration issue.

      Inside the courthouse in Mytilini, Salam Aldeen is questioned by the district prosecutor. The tropical temperature induces an echoing silence from the crowded spectators. The district prosecutor looks at him, open mouth, chin resting on her fist.

      She seems impatient with the translator and the process of going from Greek to English and back. Her eyes search the room. She questions him in detail about the night of arrest. He answers patiently. She wants Salam Aldeen and the four crew members to be found guilty of human smuggling.

      Salam Aldeen’s lawyer, Mr Fragkiskos Ragkousis, an elderly white-haired man, rises before the court for his final statement. An ancient statuette with his glasses in one hand. Salam’s parents sit with scared faces, they haven’t slept for two days; the father’s comforting arm covers the mother’s shoulder. Then, like a once dormant volcano, the lawyer erupts in a torrent of pathos and logos.

      “Political interests changed the truth and created this wicked situation, playing with the defendant’s freedom and honour.”

      He talks to the judge as well as the public. A tragedy, a drama unfolds. The prosecutor looks remorseful, like a small child in her large chair, almost apologetic. Defeated. He’s singing now, Ragkousis. Index finger hits the air much like thunder breaks the night sounding the roar of something eternal. He then sits and the room quiets.

      It was “without a doubt” that the judge acquitted Salam Aldeen and his four colleagues on all charges. The prosecutor both had to determine the defendants’ intention to commit the crime – and that the criminal action had been initialised. She failed at both. The case, as the Italian case against the Iuventa, was baseless.

      But EU’s policy of externalisation continues. On 17 March 2018, the ProActiva rescue vessel, Open Arms, was seized by Italian authorities after it had brought back 217 people to safety.

      Then again in June, the decline by Malta and Italy’s new right-wing government to let the Aquarious rescue-vessel dock with 629 rescued people on board sparked a fierce debate in international media.

      In July, Sea Watch’s Moonbird, a small aircraft used to search for migrant boats, was prevented from flying any more operations by Maltese authorities; the vessel Sea Watch III was blocked from leaving harbour and the captain of a vessel from the NGO Mission Lifeline was taken to court over “registration irregularities“.

      Regardless of Europe’s future political currents, geopolitical developments are only likely to continue to produce refugees worldwide. Will the EU alter its course as the crisis mutates and persists? Or are the deaths of thousands the only possible outcome?

  • Reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop, message de Vicky Skoumbi

    Les refoulements illégaux à #Evros (frontière gréco-turque) non seulement continuent mais leur nombre ne cesse d’augmenter.

    Selon le nouveau rapport du Conseil grec pour les Réfugiés, cette pratique de refoulement à la frontière nord-est de la Grèce est sur le point de devenir systématique. Personne n’y échappe : mineurs, femmes enceintes, demandeurs d’asile dont la demande est en cours de traitement et même des syriens ayant obtenu le statut des réfugiés peuvent à tout moment se retrouver embarqués sur un zodiaque en route vers la côte turque du fleuve qui sépare les deux pays. Le Conseil Grec pour les réfugiés a recueilli des nouveaux témoignages de 18 réfugiés qui ont été victimes de plusieurs violations de leur droits ,allant des injures et de coups de matraques jusqu’à la soustraction des documents administratifs et des téléphones portables, l’enlèvement et la détention arbitraire en vue d’un refoulement vers la Turquie, le tout perpétré par la police grecque en étroite collaboration avec de groupes armés cagoulés. Ces dénonciations viennent confirmer de rapports similaires antérieurs d’Amnesty International et de l’ONG allemande ProAsyl ; ils campent un décor cauchemardesque d’anomie la plus complète à laquelle seraient soumis les demandeurs d’asile à la frontière d’Evros. Dans le collimateur de ces opérations secrètes de la police grecque se trouve tout étranger avec ou sans papiers qui croise le chemin des forces de l’ordre. Un Syrien dont la demande d’asile est en cours de traitement a été arrêté au moment où il se rendrait à son travail, tandis qu’une femme algérienne, enceinte de huit mois, a été refoulé de force vers la Turquie, manquant ainsi son rendez-vous fixé avec l’office grec d’asile. Source Efimerida tôn Syntaktôn

    Ce #rapport est d’autant plus inquiétant qu’il est publié juste une dizaine de jours après la noyade de plusieurs personnes de nationalité turque, dont deux garçons de 3 et 5 ans dans les eaux glacées d’Evros. Il s’agissait d’une famille d’enseignants licenciés et poursuivis par le régime d’Erdogan.

    La police grecque enlève et refoule nuitamment à la frontière, les réfugiés se noient et l’Europe est saine et sauve...

    Greek Council for Refugees warns of rise in pushbacks in Evros

    The Greek Council for Refugees has issued a 14-page report containing refugee testimonies of “systematic pushbacks” by Greek police in the country’s northeastern border with Turkey in the Evros region.

    In a series of interviews, the victims – including families with children, pregnant women, and minors – describe beatings and inhuman treatment in the hands of the police in breach of international humanitarian law.

    The organization warns of a rise in the number of pushbacks and urged Greek authorities to investigate the claims.

    #Grèce #Turquie #frontières #refoulements #push-back #asile #migrations #réfugiés

    Ici le lien vers le rapport, en grec :


    ajouté à la métaliste sur les refoulements dans l’Evros :

    • Rapport qui date de 2013... mais qui montre une continuité de la pratique des push-backs :
      #Frontex entre Grèce et Turquie : la Frontière du déni

      Dernier #rapport en anglais et en grec du Conseil Grec pour les Réfugié-e-s publiant un certain nombre de témoignages attestant de refoulements à la frontière gréco-turque en particulier au niveau de la rivière #Evros.

      Des refoulement ont également eu lieu de personnes en possession de documentations les autorisant á séjourner en UE, par ex. un réfugié en Allemagne souhaitant entrer en Grèce pour y accueillir son épouse et entamer avec elle les démarches de regroupement selon Dublin III.
      Les détails sordides faisant état de traitements inhumains et dégradants, de la violence physique à l’intimidations, abondent, que ce soit envers des hommes, des femmes ou des enfants.

      Ces témoignages attestent d’une tendance à l’arrestation par des personnes en noir, cagoulées, qui ne portent pas d’uniforme officiel de police. Les personnes interceptées sont transportées de force en bus vers des lieux de détention insalubres puis abandonnées à la frontière. Il est malheureusement évident que les entraves à la demande d’asile sont nombreuses.

      Ces pratiques ne sont pas nouvelles. Elles font notamment écho à de nombreux rapports publiés depuis 2011/2012, notamment le rapport de la campagne Frontexit sur la frontière gréco-turque en 2014 (disponible en EN/FR/Turc et grec)

      #Poséidon #opération_Poséidon #Mer_Egée #cartographie et #visualisation (mais la version mise sur le site a des cartes en très mauvaise résolution) #identification #screening #frontières #Turquie #Lesbos #Corinthe

      cc @i_s_

  • EU-Turkey Agreement: Questions and Answers

    On 18 March, following on from the EU-Turkey Joint Action Plan activated on 29 November 2015 and the 7 March EU-Turkey statement, the European Union and Turkey decided to end the irregular migration from Turkey to the EU. Yesterday’s agreement targets the people smugglers’ business model and removes the incentive to seek irregular routes to the EU, in full accordance with EU and international law.

    The EU and Turkey agreed that:

    1) All new irregular migrants crossing from Turkey to the Greek islands as of 20 March 2016 will be returned to Turkey;

    2) For every Syrian being returned to Turkey from the Greek islands, another Syrian will be resettled to the EU;

    3) Turkey will take any necessary measures to prevent new sea or land routes for irregular migration opening from Turkey to the EU;

    4) Once irregular crossings between Turkey and the EU are ending or have been substantially reduced, a Voluntary Humanitarian Admission Scheme will be activated;

    5) The fulfilment of the visa liberalisation roadmap will be accelerated with a view to lifting the visa requirements for Turkish citizens at the latest by the end of June 2016. Turkey will take all the necessary steps to fulfil the remaining requirements;

    6) The EU will, in close cooperation with Turkey, further speed up the disbursement of the initially allocated €3 billion under the Facility for Refugees in Turkey. Once these resources are about to be used in full, the EU will mobilise additional funding for the Facility up to an additional €3 billion to the end of 2018;

    7) The EU and Turkey welcomed the ongoing work on the upgrading of the Customs Union.

    8) The accession process will be re-energised, with Chapter 33 to be opened during the Dutch Presidency of the Council of the European Union and preparatory work on the opening of other chapters to continue at an accelerated pace;

    9) The EU and Turkey will work to improve humanitarian conditions inside Syria.

    #Turquie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #UE #Europe #externalisation #push-back #refoulement #politique_migratoire #accord
    #Frontex #Grèce
    cc @reka

    • Et cette question :
      What operational support will Greece need in order to implement the scheme ?

      Avec une sélection de la réponse :

      For the return process: 25 Greek readmission officers, 250 Greek police officers as well as 50 return experts deployed by Frontex. 1,500 police officers seconded on the basis of bilateral police cooperation arrangements (costs covered by FRONTEX)
      Transport: return from the islands: 8 FRONTEX vessels with a capacity of 300-400 passengers per vessel) and 28 buses

      Quand il s’agit de transporter les réfugiés de la Grèce à la Turquie, là, les moyens ne manquent pas...

    • EU-Turkey deal: Greece empties islands from refugees & migrants, “hot spots” turn into “detention centers”

      Thousands of refugees and migrants are to be transported from the Greek islands ot mainland in new camps as the EU-Turkey deal goes in effect on midnight tomorrow, Sunday, March 20th 2016. The hot spots on the islands Lesvos, Chios, Samors, Leros and Kos in the eastern Aegean Sea will have to be empty so that they can be turned into “detention centers” for the new arrivals of refugees and migrants as of 21. March 2016, at oo:o1 o’ clock. the new arrivals will be not allowed to travel to the mainland, but stay in the camps until they will be returned to Turkey – or not. I personally have not understood yet, what will happen with the new arrivals – refugees- who are not form Syria – and have right to asylum. Will they also be brought back to Turkey or stay here or will be accepted by EU member states?
      #hotspots #détention_administrative #rétention #Grèce

      The first islands to be “emptied” are Lesvos and Chios with 4,256 and 2,735 people respectively:

    • Implementing the EU-Turkey Agreement – Questions and Answers

      On 18 March 2016, EU Heads of State or Government and Turkey agreed to end the irregular migration from Turkey to the EU and replace it instead with legal channels of resettlement of refugees to the European Union. The aim is to replace disorganised, chaotic, irregular and dangerous migratory flows by organised, safe and legal pathways to Europe for those entitled to international protection in line with EU and international law.

  • #Pakistan suspends #EU migrant readmission agreement over ’misuse’ -
    Le Pakistan suspend son #accord de réadmission de migrants avec l’UE pour cause de « détournement »

    Pakistan Friday announced it had suspended its agreement on the readmission of illegal immigrants with European Union countries, except Britain, because of its “blatant misuse”, state media reported.

    The 2010 agreement aimed to facilitate the return of Pakistani illegal immigrants and other nationals who had transited through Pakistan before arriving in the EU.

    Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan said European countries were misusing the agreement.

    “Pakistanis travelling illegally to any Western country are to be deported after proper verification” of their nationality and other relevant details from Pakistan, state-run Radio Pakistan quoted Khan as telling local media in Islamabad.

    But, he said, “most of the (Western) countries are deporting people without verification by Pakistani authorities”.

    Khan said 90,000 people were sent back to Pakistan from various countries last year alone.

    “Another dangerous trend has emerged for the last several months under which Pakistanis travelling abroad without documents are deported on charges of terrorism without verification whether or not they are actually Pakistanis,” he said.

    The minister did not say when the agreement was suspended or name any country which had recently deported Pakistanis on charges of terrorism.

    European Union delegation officials contacted in Islamabad expressed ignorance of the move.

    “We are not aware of any such development,” an EU official told AFP on condition of anonymity.

    The announcement came two days after Greek police arrested 12 members of a gang including nine Pakistanis that forged documents for migrants trying to reach central Europe.

    Around 630,000 people have illegally entered the European Union this year, more than half of them landing in Greece, and the bloc has struggled to formulate a strategy to deal with the crisis.

    Analysts said Islamabad’s move would only create more problems for Pakistanis staying illegally in EU countries.

    “The statement is uncalled for as it will add to the miseries of Pakistanis who illegally enter European countries,” political analyst Hasan Askari told AFP.

    He said asking EU countries for verification of nationality and other details of illegal entrants would mean they would be held in jail until Pakistani authorities completed the verification process.

    #accords_de_réadmission #réfugiés #asile #migrations #réfugiés #renvoi #expulsion #politique_européenne

    Reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop

  • How Money, Race and Religion Determine the Fate of Europe-Bound #Migrants - WSJ

    “Syrians are refugees, the others are immigrants,” said Zacharoula Tsirigoti, head of the border-protection branch at the Greek police Friday, when asked why the Kos ferry would host only Syrians.

    In other parts of Europe, governments are arguing that Christians should get assistance because they share similar values to the local population. Most recently, the Slovak government said it would only help resettle Christian refugees.


    Smugglers there aim to maximize profits through a web of extortion, abuse and ultimately price differentiation.

    “Syrians have put more money together, they are able to pay more so they’re placed at the top level of the boat and sometimes even buy life jackets,” said Ms. Malakooti of Altai Consulting.

    “Sub-Saharans are put in the hulls. If the boat takes water, they’re the first to drown,” she added.


    African Christian migrants said Libyan smugglers abused them out of racism or hatred for Christianity.

  • Coast guard rejects blame for migrant sea tragedy

    The coast guard on Wednesday rebuffed reports that one of its vessels had been towing a boat full of would-be immigrants back to Turkey when a number of the passengers fell into the sea, resulting in several drownings, following criticism from international bodies over the incident.

    #Méditerranée #mourir_en_mer #Grèce #décès #mort #tragédie #responsabilité #mer #migration #Mer_Egée

    • The Coast Guard “drowned” the migrants in Farmakonisi

      Eyewitnesses accuse the Greek Coast Guard of drowning migrants off the coast of the island of Farmakonisi.

      As UNHCR reports: “According to survivors’ testimonies, the Coast Guard boat towing their vessel was heading, at high speed, towards the Turkish coast, when the tragic incident happened amid rough seas. The same witnesses said people were screaming for help, since there was a large number of children on the boat”.

      International organisations have condemned, several times, the refoulement policy against migrants entering Greece without papers.

      UNHCR has requested explanations in the past from the Greek authorities about the mysterious “disappearance” of dozens of migrants by the Greek police, under circumstances that caused an international outcry against the Greek government.

      In other cases, residents of peripheral islands have denounced that migrants surrendering to the port authorities, in order to be transferred to reception centres, never arrive there.

    • Varvitsiotis reacts to criticism following deadly boat incident

      Merchant Marine Minister Militadis Varvitsiotis on Thursday responded to international criticism of Greek authorities following a deadly boat accident involving immigrants in the east Aegean Sea.

      The boat capsized off the island of Farmakonisi on Monday while being towed by a Greek coastguard vessel. The bodies of a woman and a child aged around 5 were found near the Turkish coast early Wednesday, but another 10 people were missing. Sixteen people were rescued and were transferred to Piraeus.

      The incident prompted criticism from the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) which quoted survivors as saying that several migrants fell off the boat as it was being towed, at high speed, toward the Turkish coast. The UNHCR has called for an inquiry into the circumstances of the tragedy.

      The Council of Europe’s commissioner for human rights, Nils Muiznieks, said he was “shocked and distressed” and called on Greek authorities to “put an end to the illegal practice of collective expulsions and effectively investigate all such cases.”

      Speaking to Skai on Thursday, Varvitsiotis rejected allegations that the Greek coast guard was towing the boat toward the Turkish coast. He said panicking migrants caused the boat to capsize themselves.

      “Muiznieks and several others want to create a political issue in Greece,” Varvitsiotis said.

      “Such issues should not become the subject of petty [political] exploitation,” Varvitsiotis told Skai adding that neither PASOK nor SYRIZA have so far asked to be briefed on the incident.

      “No one really wants to open up the gates and grant asylum to every immigrant in this country,” said Varvitisotis adding that Greek coast guard officials have so far rescued 3,500 people at sea.

    • Greek Government must carry out a transparent and thorough investigation into the loss of life in the Aegean

      Amnesty International urges the Greek Government to carry out a transparent and thorough investigation into the circumstances which led to loss of life in the Aegean.


    • Grèce : les garde-côtes ont-ils provoqué le naufrage du bateau de réfugiés syriens en Mer Égée ?

      Dans la nuit de lundi, un bateau de pêche convoyant 28 réfugiés, a fait naufrage en Mer Égée, non loin de l’île de #Farmakonisi. Bilan : douze morts, principalement des femmes et des enfants. Les #témoignages des #survivants sont accablants pour les #garde-côtes grecs, qui auraient délibérément fait chavirer le bateau en le remorquant à grande vitesse en direction des eaux territoriales turques.

      #push-back #refoulement_illégal

    • The Greek Coast Guard “drowned” the Asylum seekers in Farmakonisi

      Following the tragic incident near Farkakonisi island on Sunday 20 January, which cost the lives of 11 Afghan
      refugees, the 15 survivors arrived in the port of Pireaus on the morning of Thursday 23 January, whereupon they were received by a number of organizations that showed their solidarity to the survivors, including the UNHCR, the Greek Forum for Refugees and other networks and organizations that support immigrants and refugees. There was wide media coverage. One of the survivors, testified that there were 28 people on board the ship. Upon finding themselves approximately 100 meters from the shore of the Farmakonisi island, they were warned by a Greek coastal guard boat not to approach the island. The coastal guard then tied the boat with their own, and started to drag it back towards the Turkish coast, at great speed. Suddenly the part of the ship to which the Greek coastal guard’s ship was
      tied, broke off from the ship carrying the refugees, causing great damage to the boat and thus allowing water to flood the boat. The boat was old and frail, and began sinking. The Greek coastal guard boat then turned back, but the refugees attempted to board the Greek coastal guard ship in order to save themselves. The coastal guard beat them in order to keep them out of their ship, forcing them to remain inside their own sinking vessel. Only 16 of those persons managed to board the coastal guard’s boat. One of the survivors, from Syria, tried saving a small child by extending him a stick from the safety of the coastal guard boat, but was brutally prevented by a member of the coastal guard, who beat the man assisting the child, thus resulting in the drowning of the child. The same witness claims that no attempt whatsoever was made by the coastal guard to save the drowning individuals. The testimonies of all the survivors describe the same sequence of events. Two of the bodies (one woman and one small child) were discovered on the Turkish coast. Of the other persons who died in the incident, two were women and seven were small children.

    • Reports from press conference by survivors of Farmakonisi

      On 25 January, during the press conference held by organizations and movements for human rights,th January in Farmakonisi.
      thousands of people including refugees and migrant communities, women - children and various reporters participated and listened carefully to speakers who were among the survivors of the incident on 20 January in Farmakonisi.

    • Grèce : les garde-côtes ont-ils provoqué le naufrage du bateau de réfugiés syriens en Mer Égée ?

      Dans la nuit de lundi, un bateau de pêche convoyant 28 réfugiés, a fait naufrage en Mer Égée, non loin de l’île de Farmakonisi. Bilan : douze morts, principalement des femmes et des enfants. Les témoignages des survivants sont accablants pour les garde-côtes grecs, qui auraient délibérément fait chavirer le bateau en le remorquant à grande vitesse en direction des eaux territoriales turques.

    • Des migrants naufragés accusent la Grèce
      Publié dans Le Monde, le 1er février 2014

      Un grand sourire illumine le visage du petit Youssef, 15 mois. Bien au chaud dans les bras de sa mère, il rit, s’agite et s’amuse des grimaces de son père. Un enfant comme les autres… ou presque. Youssef est le seul enfant ayant survécu au terrible naufrage survenu dans la nuit du 19 au 20 janvier à proximité de l’île grecque de Farmakonisi et qui a coûté la vie à onze migrants, principalement des femmes et des enfants.

      Ce soir-là, vingt-quatre Afghans et trois Syriens s’entassent clandestinement dans un petit bateau de pêche depuis le port turc de Didim. « J’ai payé 6 000 dollars - 4 400 euros - au passeur pour ma femme, mon fils et moi », explique Khaiber Rahemi, 25 ans, le père de Youssef. Deux heures de navigation plus tard, les voici dans les eaux territoriales grecques. L’Europe. « Notre moteur est tombé en panne mais, assez vite, nous avons vu arriver vers nous un bateau grec. Je me suis dit : ça y est, notre longue route est finie. »

      Enquête préliminaire

      Parti il y a cinq mois de Kaboul, cet ancien chauffeur de taxi raconte les semaines de marche dans les montagnes enneigées du Pakistan, puis les quatre mois dans un hôtel miteux d’Istanbul à attendre le feu vert du passeur. « La lumière de ce bateau grec, c’était l’espoir concrétisé de cette vie nouvelle, sans danger ni violence, que ma femme et moi voulions pour notre fils. Mais rien ne s’est passé comme nous l’attendions. »

      Khaiber affirme que les policiers grecs ont attaché une corde à leur bateau et ont commencé à les remorquer vers la Turquie. « Je suis sûr de ce que je dis car je voyais les lumières », insiste Khaiber. Les autorités grecques, transcriptions radar à l’appui, rejettent ces accusations de refoulement vers les eaux turques. Cette opération les placerait dans l’illégalité, le droit européen interdisant de renvoyer de force à la frontière des réfugiés et potentiels demandeurs d’asile.

      Pour les ONG qui travaillent sur la question, le refoulement est pourtant une réalité en Grèce. En juillet 2013, un rapport d’Amnesty International dénonçait de telles pratiques et rappelait que, depuis août 2012, au moins 136 réfugiés ont perdu la vie alors qu’ils tentaient de rejoindre la Grèce en bateau depuis la Turquie. « La différence ici, c’est que le drame s’est déroulé alors que l’embarcation des migrants était déjà sous le contrôle des gardes-côtes grecs et qu’il y a des survivants pour nous le dire », souligne Georges Tsarbopoulos, le chef du bureau du Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) à Athènes.

      A part le petit Youssef et sa mère, Zoura, les quatorze autres survivants sont des hommes. « Lorsque le bateau grec nous tirait de plus en plus vite en faisant des zigzags, l’eau rentrait de partout dans le bateau, alors les femmes et les enfants se sont réfugiés dans la petite cabine. Ils se sont retrouvés piégés lorsqu’on a sombré », explique Abdul Sabur Azizi, 30 ans. « Nous, les hommes, on a réussi à se hisser à bord du bateau grec malgré les tentatives pour nous en empêcher. Un Grec a coupé la corde reliant les deux bateaux », soutient encore M. Azizi.

      La marine grecque affirme de son côté que les migrants ont fait chavirer leur bateau lorsque deux d’entre eux sont tombés à l’eau et nie avoir refusé de prendre à bord les clandestins et les avoir maltraités. Mais sous la pression des ONG, la cour navale du Pirée a ouvert une enquête préliminaire.

      « Scandale politique »

      L’affaire a pris un tour politique quand le ministre grec de la marine marchande, Miltiadis Varvitsiotis, irrité par les critiques du commissaire aux droits de l’homme du Conseil de l’Europe, Nils Muiznieks, dénonçant un « acte probable d’expulsion collective ayant échoué », a affirmé que « Muiznieks et certains autres veulent créer un scandale politique en Grèce ». Le ministre a assuré que la garde côtière avait fait de son mieux pour sauver le plus possible de personnes, compte tenu des conditions de navigation difficiles. « Personne ne veut ouvrir en grand les portes et octroyer l’asile à tous les immigrants qui se présentent dans ce pays », a-t-il ajouté.

      Selon les chiffres du HCR, 39 759 migrants ont été appréhendés lors de leur entrée en Grèce en différents points du territoire en 2013. Ils étaient 73 976 en 2012. Hébergés à Athènes, les seize survivants ont reçu une invitation à quitter le territoire dans les trente jours. Le HCR demande au gouvernement grec de leur accorder un permis de séjour afin qu’ils puissent témoigner dans la procédure judiciaire.

      Abdul Sabur Azizi refuse de partir tant que les autorités ne lui auront pas remis les corps de sa femme de 28 ans, Elaha, et de son fils de 10 ans, Bezad, tous deux probablement prisonniers de l’épave. « J’étais si fier de lui. Je voulais qu’il ait une vie loin des guerres de clans qui déciment ma famille », dit en s’effondrant ce jeune homme qui avait tenu à raconter sans faillir son histoire, le regard hanté. « Finalement, j’aurais préféré mourir avec eux. Regardez comme elle est belle et lui… si sérieux », ajoute-t-il en montrant, dans le creux de sa main, deux minuscules photos plastifiées de sa femme et son fils. « C’est tout ce qu’il me reste d’eux. »

      Adéa Guillot

    • HRW urges MPs to investigate pushbacks, summary expulsions in wake of Farmakonisi tragedy

      Greek MPs must urgently launch an inquiry into allegations of collective expulsions, pushbacks, and dangerous maneuvers by the Greek Coast Guard on the country’s sea borders with Turkey, Human Rights Watch said on Thursday.

      Twelve women and children died in the sea area of Farmakonisi, in the southern Aegean Sea, on January 20, in what survivors allege was a pushback operation in bad weather.

    • Greek police detain dozens protesting boat deaths

      Greek police detained dozens of people Thursday during a protest at the merchant marine minister’s office over the deaths of immigrants whose boat sank as it was being towed by the Coast Guard.

      Twelve people, mostly children, are believed to have died last week when a small boat carrying 28 people from Turkey into Greece sank in the eastern Aegean Sea. Only two bodies, those of a woman and a child, have been recovered.

      Police detained 47 people during the protest at office of the minister, Miltiadis Varvitsiotis, who is responsible for the Coast Guard.

    • Farmakonisi: Frontex confirms that the testimonies presented by the Greek Coast Guard are false

      Frontex’ report about the tragedy that took place on 20 January 2014 close to Farmakonisi island, and cost the lives of twelve people (women and yound children in their majority), confirms that the “testimonies” of the survivors which were presented by the Greek Coast Guard on 24 January are false.

    • Invitation to Press Conference on Farmakonisi shipwreck- Thursday 31 July at 12:00 hrs

      the Greek Council for Refugee, the Hellenic League for Human Rights, the Network of Social Support to Refugees and Migrants - DIKTYO and the Group of Lawyers for the Rights of Migrants and Refugees cordially invite you to attend their Press Conference on Thursday, 31 July 2014, at 12:00pm, in the Venue Room of the Athens Bar Association at Akadimias Str. No 60.

    • "Wir wollen Gerechtigkeit. Bitte unterstützt uns."

      Die Angehörigen und Überlebenden der Opfer vom 20. Januar 2014 haben uns darum gebeten, ihren Aufruf und die Fotos ihrer Verstorbenen zu veröffentlichen. Am 20. Januar 2014 starben vor der griechischen Insel Farmakonisi acht Kinder und drei Frauen im Schlepptau der griechischen Küstenwache. Vermutlich handelte es sich bei dem Einsatz um eine völkerrechtswidrige Push-back-Operation.

      Aufklärung versprachen staatsanwaltliche Ermittlungen. Doch diese wurden eingestellt. Es kommt nicht zu einem Gerichtsverfahren. Mit einem Appell wenden sich die Angehörigen der Opfer, darunter auch die Väter und Ehemänner, die am 20. Januar überlebten, nun an die europäische Öffentlichkeit. Sie sind schockiert über die Einstellung der Ermittlungen und fordern Aufklärung und Gerechtigkeit für ihre Toten.

    • Human rights watchdog criticizes decision to file Farmakonisi case

      Europe’s top human rights official has criticized a decision by a Greek prosecutor earlier this week to shelve the investigation into the deaths of 11 immigrants who drowned during a controversial coast guard operation near the eastern Aegean islet of Farmakonisi in January.

    • Grèce : « Le #verdict de la honte »

      A Manolada dans le Péloponnèse, c’est la consternation parmi les migrants, travailleurs originaires du Bangladesh, associations anti-racistes et parti d’opposition de la gauche radicale Syriza. A la Cour d’appel de Patras, le verdict vient de tomber : contre toute attente, le propriétaire néo-esclavagiste de la ferme productive de fraises M. Vaggelatos vient d’être acquitté à l’unanimité de l’accusation d’agression et d’emploi illégal de migrants. Le contremaître, Costas Haloulas, a lui aussi été acquitté. Les deux autres surveillants ont été condamnés, l’un pour coups et blessures graves volontaires et l’autre, pour simple complicité en coups et blessures graves.

    • Migrants morts en mer Egée : la Grèce enterre le dossier Farmakonisi

      En janvier dernier, les garde-côtes grecs étaient mis en cause dans le naufrage d’un bateau de pêche transportant 28 migrants en mer Egée, causant la mort de onze personnes dont huit enfants. La semaine dernière, la justice militaire a cependant décidé de classer le dossier, mettant fin à toute procédure judiciaire. Une décision inacceptable pour les mouvements de défense des droits des migrants.

  • Greece: Investigate police chief’s alleged call targeting migrants

    The Greek authorities must launch an immediate investigation into instructions allegedly given by the Greek Chief of Police that irregular migrants must be detained for as long as possible to make their “lives unbearable”.

    The comments, allegedly made during a meeting with other police officials, were reported today in the Greek journal HOT DOC.

    The Chief of police is reported to have said:

    “If they told me I could go to a country …, and would be detained for three months and then would be free to steal and rob, to do whatever you want… that is great.

    We aimed for increased periods of detention ….we increased it to eighteen months…for what purpose? We must make their life unbearable…”

    “If accurate, the deeply shocking statements attributed today to the Greek Chief of Police would expose a wilful disregard for the rights and welfare of refugees and migrants seeking shelter and opportunity in the European Union,” said John Dalhuisen, Amnesty International’s Director for Europe and Central Asia.

    “The Greek authorities must establish whether these remarks were made and take appropriate action to ensure that Greek law enforcement officials uphold the law and protect the rights migrants.”

    “In a context where the Greek police has come under increasing scrutiny for alleged ties to the far right party Golden Dawn, these reported remarks from Greece’s most senior law enforcement official cannot be swept under carpet. Confidence in the integrity of the Greek police requires a thorough and independent investigation into the authenticity of these remarks.”

    Over the course of the past year, Amnesty International and other non-governmental organizations have documented numerous cases of ill-treatment and illegal push-backs of refugees and migrants at the Greek-Turkey border. Amnesty International has also documented appalling conditions of detention in centres for irregular migrants and asylum-seekers.

    According to HOT DOC, a number of police officers present at the meeting described the comments as unlawful and racist.

    Under EU legislation irregular migrants can be detained for periods up to 18 months, but only for so long as there is a realistic prospect of their deportation and if, after an individual assessment, a less restrictive measure would not be appropriate.

    Amnesty International is not in a position to confirm the authenticity of the statements attributed to the Chief of Police.

    The spokesperson of the Greek police has not yet replied to a request for a response.

    #Grèce #police #chef_de_la_police

  • Leaked Golden Dawn map reveals possible terror plots against immigrants and communist organizations

    A new map has been leaked revealing a Golden Dawn plot for an unnamed operation targeting a number of communist organizations, football clubs, immigrant sites - all located in the Exarcheia district of Athens. Of the targeted, top sites include the offices of both the Communist Organization of Greece (KOE), the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), and AEK (an anti-fascist football club notorious for fighting Golden Dawn fascists). The map itself color codes the various sites, designating a particular color for the cafés and parks where immigrants gather.

    The map itself was leaked from the Greek police department who seized the map from Golden Dawn members. The map in question lists each of the sites as “targets.” For what exactly is not explicitly known. An incident of mass terror targeting the enemies of these fascists very well could be the precursor to a larger show down with the fascist Golden Dawn.

    This party has continued to grow in popularity, despite an increasingly polarized and militant resistance to it, among broadening sections of the society. It is a party with massive support in the riot police of Greece, who are a separate and highly ideological unit apart from the regular police of Greece.

    Earlier this year, the Golden Dawn party was banned following their murder of a member of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE). That ban has meant a dangerous increasing support of the Golden Dawn, who paint themselves as suppressed patriots. That ban has also meant an alarming rallying of the left in Greece in support of the Greek EU-IMF dominated state, which itself remains firmly in power.

    #carte #cartographie #visualisation #extrême-droite #attaques_planifiées #Aube_dorée #migration #racisme #xénophobie #violence #Athènes

    A mettre en lien avec les attaques effectivement réalisées par Aube Dorée :

    cc @reka

  • Greek border police illegally deporting Syrian refugees

    Syrian refugees detained by Greek police last month say they were beaten and denied food and water during a 12-hour detention period.

    “Mohammad”, a medical professional from the Syrian city of Hama, said he and five others sought the help of smugglers to get from Istanbul to Sweden via Greece last month. However, within hours of reaching Greece, they found themselves being beaten by border police, forced on to a boat and covertly returned to Turkish territory under cover of darkness.

    “What we suffered there, it was like shaking hands with the devil,” he said from an apartment in central Istanbul.

    “Some countries say they are ‘friends of Syria’. They are liars.”

    Attempts by migrants to reach EU countries have resulted in hundreds of deaths in recent weeks.

    #Grèce #migration #asile #réfugié #Syrie #police #gardes_frontière #déportation #renvoi #refoulement #push-back

  • ERT occupiers evicted by Greek police - video | Media |

    This is how fascism works, slyly and in darkness...

    Greek riot police cordon off the area outside the entrance to the former state TV station ERT after security forces stormed the building on Thursday. The action was taken to evict dozens of protesters who have occupied the building since June, when the government abruptly shut the broadcaster. Since the closure, former employees have been using the equipment in the building to broadcast over the internet

    #Grèce #Union_Européenne #Télévision #ERT

  • #Grèce : une #émeute dans un #centre_de_rétention vire à la #chasse_à_l'homme

    La #police grecque a lancé une chasse à l’homme à #Athènes, la capitale, pour retrouver des #migrants qui se sont évadés au cours d’une émeute, samedi 10 août, dans un #camp de rétention qui avait fait 10 #blessés dans les rangs de la police.

    #migration #détention

    • Grèce : #révolte des #déte­nus du #camp_de_concen­tra­tion d’#Amygdaleza

      « On nomme camp de concentration un lieu fermé de grande taille créé pour regrouper et pour détenir une population considérée comme ennemie, généralement dans de très mauvaises conditions. Cette population peut se composer des opposants politiques, des résidents d’un pays ennemi, de groupes ethniques ou religieux spécifiques, des civils d’une zone critique de combats, ou d’autres groupes humains, souvent pendant une guerre. Les personnes sont détenues en raison de critères généraux, sans procédure juridique, et non en vertu d’un jugement individuel. »

    • Amygdaleza uprising suppressed – 41 immigrants on trial

      41 immigrants are facing various charges after the suppression of the Amygdaleza uprising.

      The situation of the immigrants injured during the uprising is unknown, since access to the detention center is denied even to lawyers.

      Meanwhile, the mayor of the area, Sotiris Duros, declared that an uprising was “an expected one”, since the conditions in the detention center are inhuman and the temperature in the (made of of metal) cargo containers used for constraining 1650 people, during summertime reaches up to 50 Celsius degrees. This. combined with the fact that a prolonging of their imprisonment to 18 months was announced, led to the uprising.


      Grecia, rivolta di migranti in centro accoglienza : interviene polizia

      Atene (Grecia), 11 ago. (LaPresse/AP) – Una rivolta è scoppiata ieri sera in Grecia in uno dei cosiddetti centri di accoglienza, quello di Amygdaleza, a nordest di Atene. La polizia è intervenuta riuscendo a sedarla dopo circa un’ora. Sembra che nessuno sia fuggito dalla struttura, ma gli agenti continuano a controllare la zona. Il bilancio è di almeno 10 guardie ferite, nessuna in modo grave, ma non è chiaro se ci siano feriti anche fra i migranti.

      Sembra che nessuno sia fuggito dalla struttura, ma gli agenti continuano a controllare la zona.

      –-> il semblerait que personne se soit échappé de la structure, mais les forces de l’ordre continuent à contrôler la zone !
      –-> je rappelle au juste au journal, qu’il ne s’agit pas de prisonniers !!! Mais de personnes en rétention administrative !

      Secondo la ricostruzione fornita dalla polizia, la protesta è cominciata a ora di cena, quando alcuni degli immigrati avrebbero aggredito le guardie senza motivi contingenti.

      –-> senza motivo contingente ?????? Sans vraie motivation ???? Et l’annonce de l’augmentation maximale du temps de #détention (de 12 à 18 mois), et le manque d’air conditionné dans le container (cause : panne d’électricité due à rénovation) ?? Ce n’est pas de bons motifs de protestation ?

      Pourtant :

      La causa principale della protesta, sempre secondo la polizia, sarebbe l’annuncio dato ai migranti che il periodo massimo di detenzione nel campo sarebbe stato innalzato da 12 a 18 mesi. Inoltre nella struttura era stata interrotta l’erogazione dell’elettricità a causa di lavori di manutenzione, lasciando i container senza aria condizionata. Non si tratta della prima protesta: in passato i migranti si sono lamentati spesso delle condizioni in questo campo, in particolare del sovraffollamento, e alcuni di loro questo mese hanno portato avanti uno sciopero della fame.

    • Dans un centre de rétention : « Quand je sortirai de là, je serai violent avec les Grecs »

      La police grecque a lancé une chasse à l’homme à Athènes pour retrouver des migrants qui se sont évadés au cours d’une émeute, samedi 10 août au soir, dans le centre de rétention d’Amygdaleza, près de la capitale. Les troubles ont commencé lorsque les quelque 1 200 retenus ont été informés que la durée maximale de rétention dans le camp serait portée de un an à dix-huit mois.

    • Greece: Systematic and prolonged detention of irregular migrants and asylum-seekers provokes riot

      #Amnesty_International expresses once more its profound concerns over the prolonged periods of detention of irregular migrants and asylum-seekers and the very poor detention conditions in various immigrations detention facilities and police stations in Greece.

      These were the reasons that led people detained in detention centre of Amygdaleza to start a riot last Saturday evening in protest of the treatment they were receiving. According to reports, the riot was prompted by people detained in the centre after finding out that they would be held up to eighteen months and not twelve months as they were originally told; police guards cut off the electricity in two of the containers used as sleeping areas after the migrants started using the air conditioning; some were hit and verbally abused by police guards when they refused to get back to their containers.

      In a press release issued by the Attika General Police Directorate, on 12 August 2013, the Greek police stated that the detainees attacked the police and set fire to mattresses and sleeping areas. The riot was stopped following the intervention of the riot police. It was stated that 10 police officers were injured and 41 migrants (from Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Morocco) were arrested and that they would face charges of causing of unrest and serious bodily harm. The Ministry of Citizens’ Protection also underlined that the aim is to detain each and every irregular migrant until he/she is returned to his/her country unless the competent bodies claim that he/she is entitled to international protection.

      The organization was informed by lawyers that the migrants arrested during the riot were beaten by the police when transferred at the Petrou Ralli detention facility in Athens. According to further reports, the police has also stopped people in Amygdaleza from going out of their containers after the riot despite the unbearable heat.

      During the organization’s visits at the Amygdaleza detention facility in April and July 2013, detainees expressed their despair over their prolonged detention and reported amongst others poor quality of food, poor hygiene and difficulties of speaking to their families with limited access to phones. Both police and detainees spoke about their concerns over hygiene in view of the lack of funding to employ cleaners in the detention facility. In recent months, the organization also received allegations of ill-treatment of some detainees transferred from Amygdaleza to the Eleftherios Venizelos airport in order to be deported.

      Detention conditions and the lack of procedural safeguards surrounding detention in Greece have been regularly criticized by human rights organisations as well as the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment and Punishment (CPT) and the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA). Furthermore, between 2009 and the end of 2012, the European Court of Human Rights has found Greece in breach of Article 3 in 11 cases concerning the detention conditions of refugees and migrants held in immigration detention centres or border guard stations.

      The Greek authorities must end the practice of systematic and prolonged detention of irregular migrants and asylum-seekers; and, investigate without delay all allegations of abuse by police guards prior to the riot in Amygdaleza and in Petrou Ralli detention facility.

  • Officials Turn Blind Eye to Abuse of Asylum Seekers | ReliefWeb

    L’Opération « Aspis » (bouclier) pour empêcher les réfugiés (syriens et autres) de passer la frontière gréco-turque, l’opération « Zeus Xenios » (protecteur des étrangers) pour rafler les migrants dans les rues, et les conditions de détention dans les centres de rétention grecs.

    Last August, Greek police deployed 1,881 new officers along the river Evros in “Operation Aspis”, an attempt to seal the border with Turkey, through which Syrian refugees were pouring into Greece.

    Meanwhile, the continuing countrywide “Operation Xenios Zeus” has led to 4,849 arrests of irregular migrants or refugees and over 90,000 apprehensions based on heavy racial profiling by authorities.

    Commencement of these operations coincided with the beginning of a major humanitarian crisis in Syria, with fighting transferred into big urban centres and the number of refugees fleeing to neighbouring countries skyrocketing.

    In order to accommodate arrested migrants, the government has begun transferring detainees to improvised camps that were former police academies and old army depots, such as Xanthi and Komotini in northern Greece, Korinthos in the Peloponnese, and Paranesti in the northeastern region of Drama. These buildings, as former inmates like Alhamauun disclosed to IPS, are often black holes for human rights.

    #Grèce #Camps #Droit_d'asile #Syrie #Réfugiés

  • Photoshopping away police torture in Greece | Reflections on a Revolution ROAR

    the Minister of Public Order Mr Dendias (the man who threatened to sue The Guardian for having published a report on the torture of 15 anti-fascist activists by the Greek police, the same man who launched a war against Greece’s squats) said that the pictures were photoshopped in order for the faces of the arrested to be more recognisable (!), claiming that no torture had taken place.

  • Greek police publish images of arrested and tortured anarchists that are altered in photoshop « dokumentationsarchiv

    Below is the inverted image of one of the photographs the Greek police have published (and many of the country’s media have reproduced) of four anarchists that were arrested and charged with two robberies in the village of Velvento, near the city of Kozani in NE Greece. All other photos show that the arrested were clearly tortured (bruised eyes etc). It seems that the police have tried to very hastily conceal this by digitally altering the images. According to their metadata, at least three of the photos published by the police were altered in Photoshop CS4.

  • Land border sealed, Greek police chief says

    A chief of police in a border town in northeastern Greece says irregular migrants are no longer crossing into the country from its land border with Turkey.

    Barbed-wire fences, landmines, thermal night vision cameras and regular patrols are among the tools used to stop a phenomenon the Greek state considers a national security threat.

    Some 55,000 people were detected attempting to wade across the Evros River into Greece from Turkey in the region in 2011.

    The figures have now dropped to near zero, says Pashalis Syritoudis, director of police in the run-down Greek border village of Orestiadas.

    #Grèce #Evros #border #migration #Orestiada #Turkey #land_border #wall #Frontex

  • UN official highlights deep immigration problems in Greece after visit

    The UN special rapporteur on migrants’ human rights,, François Crépeau, expressed on Monday concern about the sweep operations conducted by Greek police, the lack of coordination in the asylum process and the overall treatment of immigrants, although he stressed the need for the European Union to develop an EU-wide approach to the rising number of irregular migrants trapped in Greece.

    I urge the Greek authorities to undertake all the necessary measures to combat discrimination against migrants,” he said after spending nine days in Greece after a trip to the region. “I am deeply concerned about the widespread xenophobic violence and attacks against migrants in Greece, and I strongly condemn the inadequate response by the law enforcement agencies to curb this violence, and to punish those responsible.”

    He was especially critical of the operation launched earlier this year by Public Order Minister Nikos Dendias to round up illegal migrants.

    “I deeply regret the Greek government’s new policy of systematically detaining everyone they detect irregularly entering the Greek territory, including unaccompanied children and families,” he said. “I also regret the “sweep operations” in the context of operation “Xenios Zeus”, which have led to widespread detention of migrants in different parts of the country, many of whom have lived and worked in Greece for years.

    Crepeau drew attention to the problems caused by a lack of a comprehensive immigration policy and the inability of authorities to work together, citing the example of the island of Lesvos, which has seen a rise in the number of immigrants arriving there due to stronger patrolling of Greece’s land borders with Turkey.

    “in Lesvos, I noticed that, due to the limited detention capacity and the resulting overcrowding, some migrants are quickly released, and others, particularly families and unaccompanied children, are not detained at all,” he said. “Unless they are provided with a deportation order from the police, they are not allowed to board the boats leaving for Athens and are thus stuck on the island and have to sleep on the street or in parks. Just before my visit to Lesvos, the local authorities provided facilities (a summer camp close to the airport) to house some migrant families. While I greatly appreciate this initiative, it is run by volunteers from the local community, and is not sustainable without support from Greek authorities.”

    The UN expert said that unaccompanied or separated migrant children are often released from detention, without any particular status, and without the appointment of a guardian, even though the public prosecutor is supposed to appoint guardians to all unaccompanied children.

    “I met migrant children who lived in abandoned buildings or under highway overpasses, without any proper status and without any institutional support apart from the action of some civil society organisations,” Crépeau said.

    “It is contrary to the human rights framework to pursue a policy that leaves individuals in a state of legal limbo such that one cannot build a future of any kind and can only live day after day at a level of precarious survival, in constant fear of arrest, detention and deportation,” he underscored.

    Crepeau acknowledged Greece’s plans to set up a civilian, rather than police-run, asylum and first reception service.

    “I have been informed by Greek authorities that these services should be operational by the summer of 2013,” he said. “If properly implemented, such measures could effectively quickly screen in migrants with vulnerabilities (asylum seekers, children, migrants with illnesses or disabilities, victims of trafficking, victims of violence, persons in need of family reunification), undertake an individual assessment of migrants for whom detention is necessary and the reasons why it is necessary, release all the other migrants with an appropriate status, and thus reduce the hardship experienced at present by many migrants.”

    However, the official expressed great concern about the conditions in which migrants were being held.

    “I visited the Tychero Border Police Station in Evros, Venna and Komotini detention centres in the neighbouring Rodopi regional unit, the central police station in Mytilini on Lesvos, the central police station in Patras, the coast guard’s detention facility at the port in Patras, Korinthos detention centre, Amygdaleza detention centre, Amygdaleza detention centre for minors, Agios Panteleimonas police station and Petrou Ralli detention centre,” said the envoy.

    “In general, the detainees had little or no information about why they were detained, and how long they would remain in detention. This also applied to some of those who had engaged lawyers, and they complained that the lawyers simply take their money and do not follow up on their cases. Those who had applied for asylum often had no information about the status of their case, and others had not been able to apply for asylum from the detention facility. The medical services offered in some of the facilities by KEELPNO (Hellenic Centre for Disease Control and Prevention) were highly insufficient. Most of the detention facilities I visited lacked heating and hot water, and the detainees complained about insufficient amounts and poor quality of food, lack of soap and other hygiene products, as well as insufficient clothing and blankets. Of all the detention facilities I visited, Korinthos was the only which allowed the migrants to keep their mobile phones.”

    Crepeau also expressed concern about Greek authorities having the right to detain migrants for up to 18 months and denying them automatic judicial review of decisions to detain them.

    However, the UN official added that the EU needs to provide further technical and financial assistance to Greece to deal with the situation.

    “As the large number of irregular migrants stuck in Greece is mainly a result of EU policies and practices, there is a strong need for solidarity and responsibility-sharing within the EU in order to ensure full respect of the human rights of all these migrants.”

    Crepeau is due to deliver to United Nations Human Rights Council’s 23rd session in May or June 2013 the findings of his year-long study on the management of the external borders of the EU and its impact on the human rights of migrants.

    #migration #Greece #UN #discrimination #racism
    via @Eva_Cosse

  • Violences néo-nazies contre les migrants en Grèce
    Un témoignage préoccupant de la part de Joanna Tsoni à Athènes
    Alarm at Greek police ’collusion’ with far-right Golden Dawn

    This report is 100% accurate and spot on, giving at last, a pretty accurate depiction of what is currently taking place in Greece: Golden Dawn, its collusion with the police, and the abolition of even the last pretenses for the observance of fundamental human and civil rights . Anyone that happens to differ -immigrants, lgbt people, political dissidents, and the list goes on- is a potential moving target in the self-proclaimed “new type of civil war against anyone” of Golden Dawn. Paul Mason has been doing a remarkable and praiseworthy work, reporting on major media, in English, about the situation in Greece, which noone else has yet undertaken with such accuracy and rigour. Joanna Tsoni (from Athens).

    you can have a look at this page, even though it is in Greek, but the picture speaks a thousand words - along with my Facebook commentary on that. It is only one of the latest incidents: only 3-4 days old : “This is a picture of an immigrant, who was found beaten-up and chained by his neck on a tree at the island of Salamina, in Greece.

    Economic crisis allows fascism to fester like a bad disease, an d Europe is under the illusion that this is not relevant to the European citizens. Aside of any important discussion about the European values, morality and solidarity, it is not a bad moment to discuss about stupidity. The stupidity and narrow mindedness of the policy makers who once believed that there will contain the economic crisis in Greece, or in the European South. Of course, all this would have been unnecessary, if people had spent some time reading about the history of Europe of the previous century.

    To my non-Greek friends: loving Greece means pressing your governments not for loans for Greece, but for assisting so that policy measures are implemented in Greece now to face fascism now. Today it’s my neighborhood. Unless there is action now, tomorrow it’s going to be in yours, and it is going to be too late. Too late for everyone.”

    Golden Dawn members (proclaimed as “indignant locals”) :

    For a bit more of a local “flavor” of how these raids of the Golden Dawn members (proclaimed as “indignant locals”) in the immigrant neighbourhoods, smashing shops, community centers and chasing people around, while the police is merely standing and watching (near the end they threaten an african man ordering him to run for his life (from 1:34 on), while the police, are just revving their motorcycle)

    Here, their members subsituting police, checking the licences of immigrant street vendors during a street celebration, before going on a destruction spree and wreck the kiosks of several of them.

    The police was present during this and other similar raids all over Greece, doing nothing. it’s not only that they cannot, but they simply will not take action agaist them, since the largest part of the police force voted for Golden Dawn (Some 80% according to the police station election results - since police vote in special booths installed in the police stations and the results can be very easily monitored)

    The last few days the random attacks of Golden Dawn members in the city center have become organised pogroms in the immigrant neighbourhoods, breaking into shops, hitting and chasing people around, smashing the Tanzanian community twice (The second time installing a small explosive mechanism). The president of the community announced a few days ago that the community will cease its operations for fear of further retaliations, like other communities, such as the Afghan have done)

    Pictures and videos of the attacks on the Tanzanian community:
    (after the attack with the explosives)

    (on the first attack)

    (on the first attack)

    Words actually fail me to keep reporting, right now, on the current situation in Athens regarding the issues raised by Deb Ranjan Sinha.
    I would be glad to offer assistance if anyone is interested in more information, and/or raise awareness locally, since the language barrier that afflicts the access of foreign research and media on the local situation is significant, hence the silence, globally.

    Joanna Tsoni à Athènes

    #grèce #néo-nazis #extrême-droite #racisme #xénophobie