Canada’s Israel Policy on the Day After the Elections
Haaretz Israeli News Source
▻http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.681523
Harper’s bid to make Israel a wedge issue failed. When he suggested in the leaders’ foreign policy debate that his government was the best supporter of Israel, Trudeau shut him down. In media interviews, both Trudeau and NDP leader Tom Mulcair spoke out forcefully against the boycott movement. Trudeau even spoke in language right out of a Jewish Federation-style playbook, calling BDS “demonization, delegitimization and double standards,” adding, “that’s just not what we are as a country.”
Still, there remains the fundamental question of whether Harper’s Israel policies were any different from those of his predecessors. Bernie Farber, former head of Canadian Jewish Congress, pointed out that on Israeli-Palestinian issues, Jerusalem, the settlements and so on, “Harper changed not one comma” on Canada’s official policy.
He’s got a point. Reading through Canada’s official policy one might think one was perhaps reading the Arab Peace Initiative. Canada doesn’t recognize Israel’s annexation of East Jerusalem; Canada believes that a just solution to the Palestinian refugee problem must take heed of international law, including UN Resolution 194; Canada declares that Israeli settlements are a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
Most would agree, though, that there was something different in Harper’s approach to Israel: its tone.
Benjamin Shinewald, former senior policy advisor in the Privy Council Office under both prime ministers Harper and Paul Martin, knows how important tone can be in shaping the conversation on the world stage. Shinewald notes that on an array of indicators — capped by Canada’s loss of its UN Security Council bid, its “international standing in the world and in the Middle East is in a shambles. We don’t have much of a voice with anybody. The first thing a new Liberal government could do is try to get our voice heard again.”
Shinewald believes there’s a host of things Canada could do in the realm of Israeli-Palestinian peacebuilding, starting with empowering the many diplomats who are “demoralized.” Under the Harper government, Shinewald says, they simply “weren’t allowed to engage in public diplomacy.” It’s a story I’ve heard time and again from civil servants and foreign service officers who have felt hemmed in by the Harper government.
And then there are the spillover effects to the Jewish community of the Harper legacy. Farber points to mainstream Jewish organizations “tilting very strongly to the right since Harper became prime minister,” adding that “there’s a polarization I’ve never seen before in the Canadian Jewish community.” The mutual name-calling, the narrowing of open discourse, what Jewish tradition calls sinat chinam (baseless hatred) have all been intensifying.
It’s a dynamic that has frequently affected me in my Jewish communal life over the last several years, most recently when I was told in advance of a scheduled community project meeting that a fellow member of the Jewish community refused to have me in his home because of my columns.
Farber looks back fondly on his nearly thirty years at CJC, where vigorous debate and discussion took place around issues of social justice and poverty. By contrast, Farber points to hard-hearted, Harper-led policies like denying health care to refugees. “This was not my Canada,” Farber recalls thinking.