organization:harvard

  • Why Mark Zuckerberg’s 14-Year Apology Tour Hasn’t Fixed Facebook | WIRED
    https://www.wired.com/story/why-zuckerberg-15-year-apology-tour-hasnt-fixed-facebook

    In 2003, one year before Facebook was founded, a website called Facemash began nonconsensually scraping pictures of students at Harvard from the school’s intranet and asking users to rate their hotness. Obviously, it caused an outcry. The website’s developer quickly proffered an apology. "I hope you understand, this is not how I meant for things to go, and I apologize for any harm done as a result of my neglect to consider how quickly the site would spread and its consequences thereafter,” wrote a young #Mark_Zuckerberg.

    #timeline #excuses #facebook #asshole #lock_him_up #surveillance

  • Gregory Klimov. The Terror Machine
    http://antimatrix.org/Convert/Books/Klimov/klimov-pp-e

    About author
    Gregory Petrovich Klimov

    Russian writer, member of the Writers’ Union of Russia. Author of the bestseller “Terror Machine”, published in 12 languages ​​in the “Reader’s Digest” sold more than 17 million copies. Three films based on this book were made in England, Germany and the United States in the years 1953-1954 German film “WEG OHNE UMKEHR”, was awarded at the International Film Festival in Berlin in 1954, the title of “the best German film of the year.” English “THE ROAD OF NO RETURN” and the American “NO WAY BACK” movies for a long time did not descend from screens all over the world.

    The author of the books:

    1951 MAШИНА ТЕРРОРА (БЕРЛИНСКИЙ КРЕМЛЬ, КРЫЛЬЯ ХОЛОПА, ПЕСНЬ ПОБЕДИТЕЛЯ)
    [TERROR MACHINE 1951 (BERLIN Kremlin LACKEY’S WINGS, WINNING SONG)]
    1970 КНЯЗЬ MИРА СEГO
    [THE PRINCE OF THIS WORLD]
    1973 ДEЛO #69
    [The case #69]
    1975 ИМЯ MOЕ ЛEГИOН
    [MY NAME IS THE LEGION]
    1981 ПРОТОКОЛЫ СОВЕТСКИХ МУДРЕЦОВ
    [THE PROTOCOLS OF THE SOVIET ELDERS]
    1987 КРАСНАЯ КАББAЛA
    [RED KABBALAH]
    1989 БОЖИЙ НАРОД
    [GOD’S CHOSEN PEOPLE]

    Grigory Klimov, born September 26, 1918 in the city of Novocherkassk, Russia, in the family a doctor. In 1941 graduated with honors from the Novocherkassk Industrial Institute, and entered the Military-Diplomatic Academy in Moscow.

    In 1945 he graduated from the Academy and was assigned to work in Berlin, as the engineer-in-chief of the Soviet military administration.

    In 1947 he was ordered to go back to the Stalin’s Moscow. After much deliberation, he fled to West Germany.

    In 1949-1950 worked at the CIA’s highly classified subject “COLLAPSE OF THE COMMUNIST SYSTEM BY MEANS OF A SPECIAL TYPE PEOPLE. PEOPLE WITH THE POWER COMPLEX (Complex of latent homosexuality of Lenin).” The code name - Harvard Project. In 1951-55 he was the chairman of the Central Association of the Post-war Emigrants From The Soviet Union [ЦОПЭ] (TSOPE) and chief editor of the magazine “Freedom” and “Anti-Communist” (the latter in German).

    In 1958-59 worked as a consultant at the Cornell Project in New York, where he was also engaged in all sorts of cunning psychological studies related to the Hungarian uprising of 1956.

    The results of 50 years of work on this subject are reflected in the seven books. The last three are the abstracts of the series of lectures for the entire top of the command officers of the KGB, on the eve of perestroika.

    All the books were published by Sovetskaya Kuban [СОВЕТСКАЯ КУБАНЬ] - Krasnodar, RUSSIA. Total circulation has exceeded one million.

    For orders, please contact a representative of the publishing house Sovetskaya Kuban. Mironov Vladimir Leonidovich by e-mail klimov_gregory@yahoo.com

    You can send your opinion about books or via e-mail to klimov_gregory@yahoo.com:

    GREGORY KLIMOV
    48-34 91 place
    Elmhurst
    New York 11373
    USA

    Gregory Klimov - Search results - Wikipedia
    https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?search=Gregory+Klimov&title=Special:Search&fulltext=1&search

    Klimov (surname)
    Russian linguist Gregory Klimov (1918-2007), pen-name of Igor Kalmykov a.k.a. Ralph Werner, Soviet defector and writer Igor Klimov (born 1989), Russian

    #anticommunisme #conspirationnisme #Russie #USA #guerre_froide

  • The Union of Concerned Mad Scientists — Plots Against Russia
    http://plotsagainstrussia.org/eb7nyuedu/2016/7/6/the-union-of-concerned-mad-scientists

    Il est difficile de ne pas devenir fou ou pour le moins désorienté quand on se penche trop sur les projets anticommunistes et anti-russes. Leurs auteurs défendent avec obstination des thèses aberrantes comme si c’étaient des résultats de la recherche scientifique partagés par a totalité du monde éduqué et sérieux. C’est le destin du défecteur soviétique Gregory Klimov qui a publié ses livres sur internet et autorisé leur re-publication gratuite. Cet article nous informe sur quelques détails de sa vie.

    July 06, 2016

    Klimov’s vision of an anti-Russian conspiracy itself resembles the monstrous progeny of Cold War mad science that was such efficient fodder for the pop cultural mill throughout the world. Like Godzilla and the plethora of giant, radioactive vermin that attacked the major metropolitan centers of the United States and Japan on the movie screens of the 1950s, or the dangerous biological, nuclear, and psychotropic weapons let loose from ex-KGB laboratories in post-Soviet Russian thrillers, Klimov’s “Harvard Project” is a freakish offshoot of Cold War propaganda battles that has far exceeded the intentions (not to mention the life-spans) of the actual researchers who inspired it.

    FROM A VKONTAKTE GROUP FOR HARWARD PROJECT ENTHUSIASTS.

    According to his now defunct official website, (http://klimov.bravehost.com), which had previously been maintained by the “Gregory Klimov Online Fan Club Moscow,” Grigory Petrovich Klimov was born Igor Borisovich Kalmykov, not far from Rostov-on-Don in 1918. In 1945, he was employed as an engineer in Soviet-occupied Berlin, defecting to the Allies’ zone in 1947. From 1949-1950 he claims to have worked for the CIA on a secret plan to destroy the Soviet Union, codenamed the “Harvard Project,” which was followed by the “Cornell Project” for psychological warfare in 1958-1959. As his website puts it, his participation in the Harvard Project “affected his entire life and work,” but, “[s]ince psychological warfare was literally a war of psychos, Grigory Petrovich, being a normal person, could not continue to participate in a performance whose script was written by sick people.” 

    Instead, he produced a cycle of novels and essays that purport to expose the evil machinations of the "Harvard Project’"s masterminds: The Prince of This World (Князь мира сего, 1970), My Name is Legion (Имя мое—легион, 1975), The Protocols of the Soviet Elders (Протоколы советский мудрецов, 1981), and Red Kabbalah (Красная каббала, 1987). Initially distributed among Soviet émigrés, copies of these books made their way into the Soviet Union before perestroika, after which they were eventually reprinted by right-wing Russian publishing houses (particularly, but not exclusively, "Sovetskaia Kuban’" in Krasnodar). In interviews (Mogutin) and elsewhere on his site, Klimov claims that the total print run of all his books is “more than 1,100,000 copies,” an assertion that is impossible to verify. [1] Moreover, Klimov repeatedly declared his willingness to have his books printed by anyone anywhere, foregoing copyright and royalties, and has made his texts freely available on the Internet. [2] For Klimov, the most important thing was to get his message out; thus, in 1997, he not only granted an interview to gay journalist Yaroslav Mogutin for Mitin zhurnal, but even agreed to have the text of the interview reprinted on his website, despite Mogutin’s thinly-veiled contempt for his subject and his insistence on faithfully transcribing all of Klimov’s grammatical mistakes and misplaced accents (http://klimov.bravehost.com/html/interview2.html). [3] 

    Klimov’s depiction of the Harvard Project does have a basis in the culture of military/industrial think tanks funded by the US government in the 1950s, but from a vantage point that simultaneously distorts the results of this research while highlighting the improbable oddities that actually characterized US anti-communist psychological warfare. When discussing the Harvard Project, Klimov often invokes the name of Nathan Leitis, a University of Chicago graduate who joined the Rand Corporation in 1949 after working as an adviser to the US government during World War II. Leitis first made his mark at Rand with the 1951 publication of The Operational Code of the Politburo, which Ron Robin describes as “the most conspicuous attempt to fuse psychoculture and elite studies during the early Cold War years”. Leitis treated Communism as a “secular religion” (Leitis, The Operational Code xiv), and assumed that its leaders and adherents followed Marxist-Leninist Holy Writ without fail. His “operational code” (a quasi-semiotic elaboration of the rules and motivations that guided Bolshevik leaders) was a marvel of exegesis, teasing out decision-making patterns from numerous volumes of Communist theory and official pronouncements.

    Notes

    [1] My copy of the 1997 Sovetskaia Kuban’ edition of My Name is Legion is part of a “supplementary printing” of 1000 copies.

    [2] Klimov’s works could be found not only on his own site, but also on the largest Russian etext server, Maxim Moshkov’s library (www.lib.ru), as well as numerous sites offering e-books in formats more convenient for higher-end e-book reading software.

    [3] Mogutin himself has been identified with xenophobic Russian nationalism in his writings about Zhirinovsky and the war in Chechnya (Essig 143-146; Gessen, Dead Again 185-198), but even for him, Klimov’s theories were too extreme to be taken seriously.

    #anticommunisme #conspirationnisme #Russie #USA #guerre_froide

  • Reputation inflation explains why Uber’s five-star driver ratings system became useless — Quartz
    https://qz.com/1244155/good-luck-leaving-your-uber-driver-less-than-five-stars


    Das Bewertungssystem von Uber und anderen Internet-Plattformen funktioniert nicht. Technisch betrachtet ist alles O.K. aber weder "gute"noch „schlechte“ oder „durchschnittliche“ Bewertung haben die nahe liegende Bedeutung. Auf der einen Seite vergeben Kunden systematisch ein Maximum an Punkten, weil sie auch miesen Fahrern nichts Böses antun wollen, auf der anderen Seit wird manipuliert und betrogen, was das Zeug hält, wie die bekannte Geschichte mit dem „besten Restaurant Londons“ zeigt, das in Wirklichkeit nicht existierte.

    In der Praxis ist es wie in einer Schule, wo nur Einsen vergeben werden und jede Zwei zum Nichtbestehen führt.

    Dieser Artikel und die unten verlinkte Studie zeigen genauer, was dahinter steckt und was man für Schlüssen aus den Beobachtungen ziehen kann.

    Have you ever given an Uber driver five stars who didn’t deserve it? If you’ve ever taken any ride-hailing service, the answer is probably yes.

    Uber asks riders to give their drivers a rating of one to five stars at the end of each trip. But very few people make use of this full scale. That’s because it’s common knowledge among Uber’s users that drivers need to maintain a certain minimum rating to work, and that leaving anything less than five stars could jeopardize their status.

    Drivers are so concerned about their ratings that one Lyft driver in California last year posted a translation of the five-star system in his car, to educate less savvy passengers. Next to four stars he wrote: “This driver sucks, fire him slowly; it does not mean ‘average’ or above ‘average.’” In a tacit acknowledgement of this, Uber said in July that it would make riders add an explanation when they awarded a driver less than five stars.

    How did Uber’s ratings become more inflated than grades at Harvard? That’s the topic of a new paper, “Reputation Inflation,” from NYU’s John Horton and Apostolos Filippas, and Collage.com CEO Joseph Golden. The paper argues that online platforms, especially peer-to-peer ones like Uber and Airbnb, are highly susceptible to ratings inflation because, well, it’s uncomfortable for one person to leave another a bad review.

    The somewhat more technical way to say this is that there’s a “cost” to leaving negative feedback. That cost can take different forms: It might be that the reviewer fears retaliation, or that he feels guilty doing something that might harm the underperforming worker. If this “cost” increases over time—i.e., the fear or guilt associated with leaving a bad review increases—then the platform is likely to experience ratings inflation.

    The paper focuses on an unnamed gig economy platform where people (“employers”) can hire other people (“workers”) to do specific tasks. After a job is completed, employers can leave two different kinds of feedback: “public” feedback that the worker sees, and “private” reviews and ratings that aren’t shown to the worker or other people on the platform. Over the history of the platform, 82% of people have chosen to leave reviews, including a numerical rating on a scale from one to five stars.

    In the early days of the platform in 2007, the average worker score was pretty, well, average at 3.74 stars. Over time that changed. The average score rose by 0.53 stars over the course 2007. By May 2016, it had climbed to 4.85 stars.

    People were more candid in private. The platform introduced its option to leave private feedback in April 2013. From June 2014 to May 2016, the period studied in the paper, about 15% of employers left “unambiguously bad private feedback” but only 4% gave a public rating of three stars or less. They were also more candid in written comments, possibly because written comments are less directly harmful to the worker than a low numerical score.

    Then, in March 2015, the platform decided to release private ratings in batches to workers. In other words, a private review wasn’t totally private anymore, and leaving a negative one could cause harm. The result was immediate: Bad feedback became scarce and imperfect scores were reserved for truly poor experiences. If the trend continued, the authors estimated that the average private rating would be the highest possible score in seven years.

    This, again, is similar to what has happened on Uber and other ride-hailing platforms. In the early days, riders left a range of reviews, but it didn’t take long for the default to become five stars, with anything else reserved for extreme cases of hostile conduct or reckless driving. “I took a ride in a car as grimy and musty-smelling as a typical yellow cab,” Jeff Bercovici recalled for Forbes in August 2014. “I only gave the driver three out of five stars. Just kidding. I gave him five stars, of course. What do you think I am, a psychopath?”

    Services are different from products. Someone who feels guilty leaving a bad review for another person probably won’t share those concerns about posting a negative review of a toaster. It’s the personal element that gives us pause. A separate, forthcoming study on online reputations found that the number of users leaving negative feedback on a travel review website decreased after hotels started replying to the critiques, despite no change in hotel quality.

    The problem is particularly acute on “sharing” economy platforms because companies like Uber, which regard their workers as independent contractors instead of employees, use ratings riders provide to manage their workforces at arm’s length. These ratings systems ask customers to make tough decisions about whether workers are fit to be on the platform, and live with the guilt if they’re not. Put another way: On-demand platforms are offloading their guilt onto you. Five stars for all!

    Hintergrund und Details
    http://john-joseph-horton.com/papers/longrun.pdf

    #Uber #ranking #gig_economy #Arbeit

  • The New York Times on race and class: What determines social mobility in America? - World Socialist Web Site

    https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2018/04/05/ineq-a05.html

    The New York Times on race and class: What determines social mobility in America?

    Part one
    By Eric London
    5 April 2018

    This is the first part of a two-part article.

    In recent weeks, the New York Times has promoted a new study by researchers from the US Census Bureau, Harvard and Stanford that examines the impact of race and income inequality in the United States over the course of an entire generation. The March 2018 working paper, published by the Equality of Opportunity Project, is titled “Race and Economic Opportunity in the United States: An intergenerational perspective.”

    #race #classe #nation#états-unis #mobilité

  • Opinion | Can Europe Lead on Privacy? - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/01/opinion/europe-privacy-protections.html

    The American government has done little to help us in this regard. The Federal Trade Commission merely requires internet companies to have a privacy policy available for consumers to see. A company can change that policy whenever it wants as long as it says it is doing so. As a result, internet companies have been taking our personal property — our private information — while hiding this fact behind lengthy and coercive legalese and cumbersome “opt out” processes.

    The European rules, for instance, require companies to provide a plain-language description of their information-gathering practices, including how the data is used, as well as have users explicitly “opt in” to having their information collected. The rules also give consumers the right to see what information about them is being held, and the ability to have that information erased.

    Why don’t we have similar protections in the United States? We almost did. In 2016, the Federal Communications Commission imposed similar requirements on the companies that provide internet service, forcing them to offer an explicit “opt in” for having personal data collected, and to protect the information that was collected.

    This didn’t last. Internet service providers like Comcast and AT&T and companies that use their connections, like Facebook and Google, lobbied members of Congress. Congress passed a law this year, signed by President Trump, that not only repealed the protections but also prohibited the F.C.C. from ever again imposing such safeguards. The same coalition of corporate interests succeeded in discouraging California from passing a state privacy law similar to the 2016 F.C.C. requirements.

    The New World must learn from the Old World. The internet economy has made our personal data a corporate commodity. The United States government must return control of that information to its owners.

    Tom Wheeler, the chairman of the Federal Communications Commission from 2013 to 2017, is a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution and a fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School.

    #Vie_privée #RGPD #FCC

  • Well, These New Zuckerberg IMs Won’t Help Facebook’s Privacy Problems - Business Insider
    http://www.businessinsider.com/well-these-new-zuckerberg-ims-wont-help-facebooks-privacy-problems-

    Article de mai 2010

    According to SAI sources, the following exchange is between a 19-year-old Mark #Zuckerberg and a friend shortly after Mark launched The #Facebook in his dorm room:

    Zuck: Yeah so if you ever need info about anyone at Harvard

    Zuck: Just ask.

    Zuck: I have over 4,000 emails, pictures, addresses, SNS

    [Redacted Friend’s Name]: What? How’d you manage that one?

    Zuck: People just submitted it.

    Zuck: I don’t know why.

    Zuck: They “trust me”

    Zuck: Dumb fucks.

  • How #facebook’s Naive Optimism Built A Toolbox for 21st Century #totalitarianism
    https://hackernoon.com/how-facebooks-naive-optimism-built-a-toolbox-for-21st-century-totalitari

    How Facebook’s Naive Optimism Built The Toolbox for 21st Century TotalitarianismNaïveté, hubris, and profound blindness to the lessons of history don’t have a great track record for producing happy outcomes.“When someone shows you who they are, believe them the first time.” — Maya AngelouMaybe when we learned that a 19-year old Mark Zuckerberg called 4,000 of his fellow Harvard students , “dumb f$cks”, for trusting him with their personal information, we should have believed him the first time.But those were the halcyon days of 2010, when Facebook was still a private company and many of us who’d first used it when it was open to college kids only were just nearing the ends of our 20s.Back then, some of us on the outside hoped that Facebook would evolve into the Internet’s humanizing, unifying (...)

    #tech #techcrunch #naive-optimism

  • Samantha Power and the Weaponization of Human Rights
    https://www.counterpunch.org/2009/09/10/samantha-power-and-the-weaponization-of-human-rights

    Power’s willful historical ignorance is the inevitable product of her professional milieu: the Carr Center for Human Rights at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. One simply cannot hold down a job at the KSG by pointing out the active role of the U.S. government in various postwar genocides. That is the kind of impolitic whining best left to youthful anarchists like Andrew Bacevich or Noam Chomsky and, really, one wouldn’t want to offend the retired Guatemalan colonel down the hall. (The KSG has an abiding tradition of taking on war criminals as visiting fellows.) On the other hand, to cast the U.S. as a passive, benign giant that must assume its rightful role on the world stage by vanquishing evil—this is most flattering to American amour propre and consonant with attitudes in Washington, even if it doesn’t map onto reality. A country doesn’t acquire a vast network of military bases in dozens of sovereign nations across the world by standing on the sidelines, and for the past hundred years the U.S. has, by any standard, been a hyperactive world presence.

    #droits_humains #Etats-Unis

  • The Secretive Family Making Billions From the Opioid Crisis
    https://www.esquire.com/news-politics/a12775932/sackler-family-oxycontin

    The Sackler Courtyard is the latest addition to an impressive portfolio. There’s the Sackler Wing at New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art, which houses the majestic Temple of Dendur, a sandstone shrine from ancient Egypt; additional Sackler wings at the Louvre and the Royal Academy; stand-alone Sackler museums at Harvard and Peking Universities; and named Sackler galleries at the Smithsonian, the Serpentine, and Oxford’s Ashmolean. The Guggenheim in New York has a Sackler Center, and the American Museum of Natural History has a Sackler Educational Lab. Members of the family, legendary in museum circles for their pursuit of naming rights, have also underwritten projects of a more modest caliber—a Sackler Staircase at Berlin’s Jewish Museum; a Sackler Escalator at the Tate Modern; a Sackler Crossing in Kew Gardens. A popular species of pink rose is named after a Sackler. So is an asteroid.

    The Sackler name is no less prominent among the emerald quads of higher education, where it’s possible to receive degrees from Sackler schools, participate in Sackler colloquiums, take courses from professors with endowed Sackler chairs, and attend annual Sackler lectures on topics such as theoretical astrophysics and human rights. The Sackler Institute for Nutrition Science supports research on obesity and micronutrient deficiencies. Meanwhile, the Sackler institutes at Cornell, Columbia, McGill, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Sussex, and King’s College London tackle psychobiology, with an emphasis on early childhood development.

    The Sacklers’ philanthropy differs from that of civic populists like Andrew Carnegie, who built hundreds of libraries in small towns, and Bill Gates, whose foundation ministers to global masses. Instead, the family has donated its fortune to blue-chip brands, braiding the family name into the patronage network of the world’s most prestigious, well-endowed institutions. The Sackler name is everywhere, evoking automatic reverence; the Sacklers themselves, however, are rarely seen.

    Even so, hardly anyone associates the Sackler name with their company’s lone blockbuster drug. “The Fords, Hewletts, Packards, Johnsons—all those families put their name on their product because they were proud,” said Keith Humphreys, a professor of psychiatry at Stanford University School of Medicine who has written extensively about the opioid crisis. “The Sacklers have hidden their connection to their product. They don’t call it ‘Sackler Pharma.’ They don’t call their pills ‘Sackler pills.’ And when they’re questioned, they say, ‘Well, it’s a privately held firm, we’re a family, we like to keep our privacy, you understand.’ ”

    By any assessment, the family’s leaders have pulled off three of the great marketing triumphs of the modern era: The first is selling OxyContin; the second is promoting the Sackler name; and the third is ensuring that, as far as the public is aware, the first and the second have nothing to do with one another.

    #Opioides #Sackler #Communication

  • Premier exemple de transmission d’une culture en tant qu’idée.

    The Beaker phenomenon and the genomic transformation of northwest Europe

    https://www.nature.com/articles/nature25738

    Après un remplacement de population avec maintien de la langue (article précédent), voici donc le premier exemple de transmission d’une culture en tant qu’idée.

    Traduction du résumé :

    Les Ibères préhistoriques ont « exporté » leur culture dans toute l’Europe, atteignant la Grande-Bretagne, la Sicile, la Pologne et l’Europe centrale en général. Cependant, ils n’ont pas exporté leurs gènes (...) cette diffusion n’était pas due aux grandes migrations de populations...

    Par conséquent, la diffusion de la culture « Bell Beaker » d’Iberia est le premier exemple de transmission d’une culture en tant qu’idée, essentiellement en raison d’une question de prestige social (associée aux vertus d’être viril et d’être des guerriers), C’est pourquoi il est adopté par d’autres populations

    Mais l’histoire change lorsque la culture de Bell Beaker s’est étendue à la Grande-Bretagne après 4500 ans. Elle a été apportée par des migrants qui ont presque complètement supplanté les habitants existants de l’île - les mystérieux gens qui avaient construit Stonehenge - en quelques centaines d’années. (voir ici : https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2018/02/180221131851.htm )

    Note : la culture Beaker s’est répandue de 2750 à 2500 avant JC en Europe occidentale et centrale, avant de disparaître entre 2200 et 1800 avant JC.


    https://www.nature.com/articles/nature25738/figures/4

    #Préhistoire #Spanish National Research Council (CSIC) #culture_Beaker #Age_du_cuivre #Harvard_Medical_School #Iñigo_Olalde #David_Reich

  • Meet Harvard’s Own Poet-Physician - Issue 58: Self
    http://nautil.us/issue/58/self/meet-harvards-own-poet_physician

    Rafael Campo speaks Nautilus’ language. A professor at Harvard Medical school and Lesley University, and a practicing physician, he has also published a-half dozen volumes of poetry and won a Guggenheim fellowship for his work. A passionate believer in experiencing patients’ illness through both a scientific and a humanist lens, Campo demonstrates a remarkable balance between a mechanistic curiosity and a deeply felt empathy. Science and art, he tells us, are asking the same kinds of questions. Which could have come straight from this magazine’s first editorial meeting. Campo chatted with us last month. Rafeal Campo One of your poems reads: “It was terrible, what the body told / I’d look inside another person’s mouth, / And see the desolation of the world.” Could you talk through what those (...)

  • She Left #Harvard. He Got to Stay.

    Did the university’s handling of one professor’s sexual-harassment complaint keep other women from coming forward for decades?

    Karl’s first semester at Harvard went well. Her course evaluations were excellent, she remembers. When Domínguez came by her office one day that summer, he wrapped her in his arms and tried to kiss her. She pulled away, though she didn’t make a scene. She didn’t want to offend him. Domínguez offered a parting suggestion: Don’t spend too much time on students, he said, because teaching is not what Harvard rewards.

    She mentioned the hug and kiss to some friends, but didn’t report him to administrators. She hoped it was an aberration.

    That fall, Harvard hosted a dinner that included, as a guest, the former president of Venezuela, Rafael Caldera. Karl had done research in Venezuela, and had gotten to know Caldera. When she arrived at the dinner, Domínguez greeted her then turned to Caldera and said, “Conoce a Terry. Ella es mi esclava.”

    Translation: “You know Terry. She is my slave.”

    Domínguez asked for a ride home that night, as he often did. She had come to dread those requests, but it was hard to say no. In the car, she confronted him about the comment. He told her he was surprised that she was offended. That’s when he kissed her and slid his hand up her skirt, telling her he would be the next department chairman, decide her promotion, review her book. Karl froze. She had never even heard the term “sexual harassment,” but she knew what was going on. “I’m feeling like somebody is asking for sexual favors in return for a good review,” she says.

    Later, she would scold herself for being naïve, for not recognizing what seemed, in retrospect, like an obvious ploy. She also told herself she could handle it. “You try to minimize it,” she says. “OK, this just happened in the hotel, and I’m going to lunch with him and I’m going to say ‘Don’t ever do this again’ and it’s going to be OK. You tell yourself over and over, ‘It’s going to be OK.’”

    Considering his previous behavior, Karl took the statement as a threat. “At this point, I became physically afraid of him,” she would later write when describing the incident in a complaint filed with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. She was determined never to be alone with him again.

    At the end of July 1983, Karl and Domínguez signed an agreement, one she hoped would offer some measure of protection. Domínguez promised to “conduct himself in the future at all times in a fashion respectful” of Karl. In August, Rosovsky wrote in a letter to Karl that Domínguez’s “repeated sexual advances and certain other deprecating actions” amounted to a “serious abuse of authority — for which he is fully responsible.” Along with being temporarily removed from administrative responsibilities, he was also forbidden from reviewing Karl’s work or taking part in discussions about her promotion. As for Karl, she was given three semesters of paid leave, and her tenure clock was put on hold for two years. In addition, Rosovsky said that administrators would talk more about sexual-harassment procedures and that the faculty council might address it.

    But the books weren’t closed yet. Karl was hearing rumors that made her worried about her reputation. In October Domínguez met with a number of graduate students, including Philip Oxhorn, now a professor of political science at McGill University. Oxhorn recalls that Domínguez told the students what happened was “a love affair gone bad, and that he was as much a victim as Terry, if not more so.” Another graduate student who was at that meeting, Cynthia Sanborn, now research vice president at the University of the Pacific, in Peru, later described it in a letter to Rosovsky: “[Domínguez] clearly implied that his harassment of the junior professor in this case was actually a ’misunderstanding,’ and if he could only tell us his side of the story we would see things differently,” she wrote.

    Meanwhile Domínguez steadily climbed the ladder at Harvard. In 1995, he was selected as director of the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, a post previously occupied by scholarly heavyweights like Samuel Huntington and Robert Putnam. In 2006, he was made vice provost for international affairs, and, in 2014, he and Harvard’s president, Drew Gilpin Faust, traveled to Mexico City together as part of the university’s international outreach. In 2016, a dissertation prize was set up in Domínguez’s honor at the university’s Latin American-studies center. Originally the prize, and the $54,000 raised to support it, was to be given through the Latin American Studies Association, but when some who knew about Domínguez’s behavior, including Philip Oxhorn, caught wind of the plan, they worked behind the scenes to scuttle it. “This was not a man who deserved that kind of recognition,” Oxhorn says.

    Karl believes Harvard administrators played down her many complaints, attempting to mollify her rather than dealing with a difficult situation head-on. Harvard refused, as some universities still do, to publicly name the person responsible. They also let him stay, and promoted him, which sent a signal that Karl believes discouraged others from coming forward. If they hadn’t done that, "then these women who experienced harassment in the 1990s and 2000s, it wouldn’t have happened, or they would have known that someone would be punished if they were harassed,” she says. “That’s the great enabling. It’s why the silence is so terrible.”

    https://www.chronicle.com/interactives/harvard-harassment
    #université #harcèlement_sexuel #injustice #Teddy_Karl #témoignage

  • Pourquoi rejeter les #inégalités ?
    http://www.laviedesidees.fr/Pourquoi-rejeter-les-inegalites.html

    Pour Thomas Scanlon, l’égalité n’est pas une valeur politique en soi. C’est bien plutôt parce que nous souffrons des inégalités économiques que nous lui sommes attachés. Mais peut-on fonder un idéal politique uniquement sur des objections ?

    Livres & études

    / inégalités, égalité , #mérite, #justification

    #Livres_&_études #_égalité_

  • “Hate Speech” Does Not Incite Hatred - Quillette
    http://quillette.com/2018/01/18/hate-speech-not-induce-hatred

    The United States Supreme Court has recently reaffirmed that “[s]peech that demeans on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender, religion, age, disability, or any other similar ground” is protected under the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. However, the protections of the First Amendment extend only to government efforts to punish or censor speech. Private entities remain free to take action against people who engage in speech which ostensibly demeans others, and private actors from Harvard University to Facebook and Twitter have punished or censored individuals whose speech they have found to be “hateful.”

    Those who advocate the censorship of so-called “hate speech” claim that it causes various ills, but perhaps the most common claim is that “hate speech” engenders hatred towards particular groups, and thereby causes violence against members of those groups. Such claims have been particularly common in recent years, and have included allegations that “anti-police hate speech” on the part of Black Lives Matters supporters has led to violence against police officers; that Donald Trump’s campaign rhetoric has led to an increase in hate crimes; and that anti-Muslim hate speech on the Internet can motivate some people to commit acts of violence against Muslims.

    The claim that “hate speech” causes hatred, and thereby causes violence, is superficially appealing, but the more one thinks about it, the less sense it makes. Is it really likely that otherwise reasonable people will be driven to hate others, and to violently attack those others, simply because they were exposed to hate speech? The proponents of that view rarely, if ever, offer direct evidence for that claim. There is a simple explanation for that failure: such evidence does not exist.

    At first blush, that would seem to be an outlandish claim. What about the infamous “hate radio” in Rwanda? Doesn’t everyone know that those broadcasts caused people who had peacefully coexisted with their neighbors to engage in genocide? Well, in fact, there is no evidence that that is true. This common understanding of the role of “hate radio” overlooks basic facts of Rwandan history, including the fact that the genocide took place in the midst of a Tutsi-dominated insurgency that had begun in 1990, and which had resulted in hundreds of thousands of internally displaced Rwandans as insurgent forces approached the capital in 1993, just a year before the beginning of the genocide. Thus, the myth that Rwanda was an Arcadia of ethnic harmony before the “hate radio” broadcasts began is just that: a myth.

    A father in Rwanda searches for his lost child. ©ICRC/Benno Neeleman

    Perhaps more importantly, the popular narrative regarding the role of “hate radio” ignores twenty years of scholarship which finds little evidence that the radio broadcasts caused people to engage in genocide. For example, a 2017 study published in Criminology found no statistically significant relationship between radio exposure and killing.1 Moreover, the anthropologist Charles Mironko interviewed one hundred convicted perpetrators and found that many either did not hear the “hate radio” broadcasts or misinterpreted them, and University of Wisconsin political scientist Scott Straus found that peer pressure and personal appeals, not hate radio, is what motivated most perpetrators.2 Similarly, political scientist Lee Ann Fujii’s book-length study of the Rwandan genocide found that those who participated in the genocide did not show unusual levels of fear or hatred of Tutsis. Instead, they participated through personal relationships with local elites, often because they feared repercussions if they did not participate. Hate had nothing to do with it.

    Professor Fujii’s findings are consistent with a recent study that was published in the Quarterly Journal of Economics, which found that villages with better radio reception had higher levels of participation in the genocide, but which credited that effect not to the creation of hatred, but rather to the fact that the broadcasts told those who were already willing to participate how to coordinate with others, and assured them that the government supported the killing and hence that they would not be punished.

    At this point, an alert reader might object that several “hate radio” executives were convicted of genocide-related offenses, and might also point to the well-known claim that some of the killers “had a radio in one hand and a machete in the other[.]” That is true, but it is also true that immediately after the assassination of the Rwandan president, the “hate radio” broadcasts shifted from general propaganda to broadcasting specific advice and instructions to those already participating in the genocide regarding who to kill and where to find them.3 It was for only those post-assassination broadcasts that radio executives were convicted, rather than for the pre-genocide, more generalized “hate speech.”

    Finally, these findings regarding the role of “hate radio” in the Rwandan genocide is consistent with what we know about the effects of propaganda in general. Contrary to popular belief, there is little evidence that propaganda is able to change minds; rather, it is generally effective only among those who already agree with it, and counter-productive among those who disagree.4 That was true even of Nazi anti-Jewish propaganda, which decreased denunciations of Jews by ordinary people in areas which had not historically been anti-Semitic.5

    Therefore, the scholarly consensus is clear: “Hate speech” does not engender hatred. Rather, to the extent that is has any effect on violence at all, it makes it somewhat easier for those already inclined towards violence to act, largely by placing an imprimatur of official approval on acts of violence, and thereby making people who are already hateful and prone to violence believe that they can get away with acting violently.

    This implies that censoring “hate speech” by ordinary persons is pointless – it is only “hate speech” by elites that can be dangerous (and even then not by creating hatred). There is no evidence that “hate speech” by ordinary persons has any effect on violence whatsoever. Thus, the efforts of such private actors as Facebook and Twitter to scrub the internet of what they deem to be “hate speech” by ordinary persons are, at best, misguided. But such efforts can also be dangerous because they help create excuses for governments to use allegations of “hate speech” to silence ideas that they dislike. Indeed, Freedom House has noted that that has already occurred in Russia, French courts have upheld “hate speech” convictions of advocates of the BDS movement to boycott of Israel, and in Spain, Catalan separatists who burned photographs of the Spanish monarch were fined on the grounds that they had incited violence and promoted hate speech.

    Finally, efforts to censor extremists can backfire by causing them to see themselves as a persecuted minority who are justified in using violent means to be heard. Therefore, as painful as American law’s protection of “hate speech” can be, the alternative is almost certainly worse. In addition, given that even the Supreme Court recognizes that, in the contemporary world, “the most important places … for the exchange of views … is cyberspace …, and social media in particular[,]” Twitter, Facebook, and other private actors should resist calls to censor hateful speech; they might believe that doing so serves the public interest, but in fact it does quite the opposite.

    Gordon Danning is History Research Fellow at the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE). He has published a law review article on the free speech rights of high school students and conducted research on political violence.

    References:

    1 Hollie Nyseh Brehm. 2017. Subnational Determinants of Killing in Rwanda. Criminology, 55(1): 5-31. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1745-9125.12126/full
    2 Scott Straus, 2007. What is the relationship between hate radio and violence? Rethinking Rwanda’s “Radio Machete”. Politics & Society, 35(4): 609-637. http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0032329207308181
    3 Richard Carver. 2000. Broadcasting and Political Transition: Rwanda and Beyond. African Broadcast Cultures: Radio in Transition, edited by Richard Farndon and Graham Furniss, 188-197. Oxford: James Currey 190.
    4 Hugo Mercier. 2017. How Gullible Are We? A Review of the Evidence from Psychology and Social Science. Review of General Psychology, 21(2): 103-122. http://psycnet.apa.org/journals/gpr/21/2/103
    5 Maja Adena, Ruben Enikolopov, Maria Petrova, Veronica Santarosa, Ekaterina Zhuravskaya. 2015. Radio and the Rise of The Nazis in Prewar Germany. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 130(4): 1885–1939. https://academic.oup.com/qje/article-abstract/130/4/1885/1916582?redirectedFrom=PDF

  • Atelier populaire d’#urbanisme

    L’Atelier Populaire d’Urbanisme de la Villeneuve est une initiative lancée à l’automne 2012 pour construire une alternative au projet de rénovation urbaine de l’urbaniste Yves Lion et de la ville de Grenoble alors dirigé par M.Destot.

    Ce projet décidé "d’en haut avait suscité beaucoup des oppositions de la part d’habitants qui refusaient la logique qui a mené à la démolition du 50 galerie de l’Arlequin, la construction d’un nouveau parking et le redécoupage du réseau routier. Un collectif contre la démolition, ensuite surnommé Vivre à la Villeneuve a lancé la mobilisation, dénoncé la fausse concertation et a lancé un appel à la ministre du logement pour la remise en cause du projet de rénovation urbaine.

    En 2013, à l’occasion du 40ème anniversaire de la Villeneuve et à l’initiative du collectif interassocati Villeneuve Debout, une multitude d’ateliers ont aboutit à la formulation d’un projet urbain stratégique et démocratique. Ce projet a montré qu’une autre approche de l’urbanisme est possible, issue « d’en bas », basée sur les intérêts des habitants, et qui visent les logiques de pouvoir d’agir des habitants.

    http://www.assoplanning.org

    #association_planning #grenoble #droit_à_la_ville #logement #Villeneuve #droit_au_logement #activisme_urban #urban_matter #villes #méthodes_participatives #savoirs_citoyens #savoirs_pratiques #savoirs_théoriques #community_organizing #advocacy_planning #désorganisation_sociale #empowerment

    Les liens et documents qui suivent dans ce fil de discussion sont tirés d’informations que j’ai entendu dans un cours donné par David Gabriel, co-auteur du livret « Les tours d’en face » (https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01261860/document)

    • #Saul_Alinsky

      Saul David Alinsky, né le 30 janvier 1909 à Chicago et mort le 12 juin 1972 à Carmel (Californie), est un écrivain et sociologue américain, considéré comme le fondateur du groupement d’organisateurs de communauté (community organizing) et le maître à penser de la gauche radicale américaine.


      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saul_Alinsky

      Un livre de Saul Alinsky: «#Rules_for_radicals»
      –-> ici des extraits choisis

    • #Jane_Jacobs

      Jane Jacobs (née Jane Butzner 4 mai 1916 à Scranton, Pennsylvanie - 25 avril 2006 à Toronto) est une auteure, une militante et une philosophe de l’architecture et de l’urbanisme. Ses théories ont sensiblement modifié l’urbanisme nord-américain.

      Jane Jacobs a passé son existence à étudier l’urbanisme. Ses études sont basées sur l’observation : elle commença par observer les villes, reporter ce qu’elle observe, puis créa des théories pour décrire ses observations. Elle a changé le cours de l’urbanisme dans de nombreuses villes nord-américaines, y compris Toronto.

      En 1944, elle épouse Robert Hyde Jacobs, avec qui elle a eu deux fils, James Kedzie (né en 1948) et Edward Decker (né en 1950) et une fille, Mary. En 1968, durant la guerre du Viêt Nam, elle quitte les États-Unis avec ses fils afin de leur éviter le service militaire et trouve refuge au Canada.

      En 1980, elle offre une perspective « urbanistique » sur l’indépendance du Québec dans son livre The Question of Separatism : Quebec and the Struggle over Sovereignty.


      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jane_Jacobs

    • #Personnalisme

      Le personnalisme, ou #personnalisme_communautaire, est un courant d’idées fondé par #Emmanuel_Mounier autour de la revue Esprit et selon le fondateur, recherchant une troisième voie humaniste entre le capitalisme libéral et le marxisme. Le personnalisme « post-mounier » est une philosophie éthique dont la valeur fondamentale est le respect de la personne. Le principe moral fondamental du personnalisme peut se formuler ainsi : « Une action est bonne dans la mesure où elle respecte la personne humaine et contribue à son épanouissement ; dans le cas contraire, elle est mauvaise. »1

      Il a eu une influence importante sur les milieux intellectuels et politiques français des années 1930 aux années 1950. Il a influencé, entre autres, les milieux de l’éducation populaire et plus tard de l’éducation spécialisée2, et les libéraux-chrétiens notamment conservateurs dont Chantal Delsol.

      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Personnalisme

    • Forum social des quartiers populaires :

      Le #FSQP sera un lieu d’échanges et de confrontations autour des expériences militantes dans les quartiers.
      Pour dépasser les discours abstraits, l’ambition est de déboucher sur des perspectives de luttes communes, tant au niveau national que local, autour des questions suivantes :

      > Apartheid urbain
      La politique de rénovation urbaine brasse des milliards d’euros sans réelle participation des habitant-e-s des quartiers. Quel pouvoir des habitant-e-s pour le futur de leur quartier ?

      > Education au rabais
      L’école joue mal son rôle d’accès au savoir dans nos quartiers. Elle devient un lieu de discrimination, de gardiennage et de sélection programmée vers des voies de garage. Quelle relation entre l’école et le quartier (élèves, parents, etc.) ?

      > Police-Justice
      Les multiples révoltes populaires contre les crimes policiers depuis une trentaine d’années révèlent la gestion policière et judiciaire des banlieues. Trop de jeunes sont destinés au parcours piégé : échec scolaire - police - justice - prison. Comment s’organiser face aux violences policières, une justice de caste et des prisons hors-la-loi ?

      > Engagement politique et social
      Les quartiers ne sont pas des déserts politiques. Il est nécessaire de confronter les différentes formes d’engagement et d’en faire un bilan (les limites du milieu associatif, la participation aux élections, les associations musulmanes, etc.). Vers un mouvement autonome des quartiers populaires ?

      > Chômage et précarité
      Les taux de chômage et de précarité (intérim permanent) atteignent des « records » dans les banlieues. Le fossé entre les syndicats et les cités marque l’abandon des classes populaires par la gauche. Quelles relations entre les quartiers et le mouvement ouvrier ?

      > Les anciens dans la cité
      La question de la vieillesse dans les banlieues n’est pas prise en compte dans les grands plans de solidarité nationaux. Quelles formes de solidarité et de mobilisation pour les anciens ?

      > Histoire et mémoire
      Malgré l’occultation par les institutions et les problèmes de transmission de la mémoire, l’histoire des luttes des quartiers et de l’immigration est riche d’expériences et d’enseignements. Comment transmettre nous-mêmes cette Histoire aux plus jeunes ?

      > Les musulmans entre criminalisation et engagement dans la cité
      Les musulmans subissent un climat islamophobe et des lois d’exception. Comment y faire face ? Quelle implication des organisations musulmanes dans les luttes sociales et politiques des quartiers ?

      > Cultures des quartiers
      Les banlieues sont des lieux de brassage, de solidarités et d’invention culturelle. Comment défendre et mettre en valeur cette richesse ?

      Nous avons décidé que la question des femmes et de leurs luttes sera transversale à l’ensemble des thèmes.


      http://fsqp.free.fr/archives-2007-2012

    • William Foote Whyte

      William Foote Whyte (né le 27 juin 1914 et mort le 16 juillet 2000), était un sociologue américain surtout connu pour son étude ethnologique de sociologie urbaine, Street Corner Society.

      Pionnier de l’#observation_participante, il vécut quatre ans dans une communauté italienne de Boston alors qu’il étudiait par ailleurs à Harvard dans le but d’analyser l’organisation sociale des gangs du North End.

      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Foote_Whyte

    • Street Corner Society. La structure sociale d’un quartier italo-américain

      Street Corner Society fait partie du petit nombre des classiques de la sociologie mondiale. Mais si la description saisissante que fait William Foote Whyte de la vie d’un quartier italien de Boston dans les années trente a connu un succès durable aux États-Unis, ce n’est pas seulement parce qu’il s’agit d’un modèle pour les recherches d’ethnologie urbaine. Reconnu bien au-delà des cercles universitaires, Street Corner Society est en effet de ces livres qui font passer un souffle d’air frais dans le territoire austère des sciences sociales.
      À l’écoute des humeurs de la rue, écrit dans une langue exempte de tout jargon et proche de la meilleure prose journalistique, cette fascinante immersion dans la vie d’un quartier, de ses sous-cultures et de ses systèmes d’allégeance a bouleversé les images convenues de la pauvreté urbaine et de l’identité communautaire. Référence majeure pour quiconque affronte les problèmes de l’observation participante en sociologie, Street Corner Society constitue également une lecture délectable pour le profane et un portrait savoureux de la comédie humaine dans sa version italo-américaine.

      http://www.editionsladecouverte.fr/catalogue/index-Street_Corner_Society-9782707152879.html

    • #Edward_Chambers

      Edward Thomas Chambers (April 2, 1930 – April 26, 2015) was the executive director of the Industrial Areas Foundation from 1972 to 2009, a community organizing group founded by Saul Alinsky.[1] Chambers was born in Clarion, Iowa to Thomas Chambers and Hazella Downing.[2] He is credited with developing systematic training of organizers and leaders of congregation-based community organizations, and establishing relational meetings (or “one-on-ones”) as a critical practice of organizers. He is the author of Roots for Radicals: Organizing for Power, Action, and Justice (Continuum International Publishing Group, 2003, ISBN 0-8264-1499-0.[3]). A memorial article in The New Yorker called him “community organizing’s unforgiving hero.” [4] He died of heart failure in Drimoleague, Ireland in 2015.[2]


      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_T._Chambers

      The Power of Relational Action

      In this booklet, Ed Chambers mulls about the building of relationships in public life that allow us to share our values, passions and interests with one another — what he calls “mixing human spirit.” He describes the art of the relational meeting or “one-to-one,” which he helped develop and which is now being used by clergy, leaders and organizers around the United States and in several other countries to build their congregations and community institutions and to take joint action for the common good.

      http://actapublications.com/the-power-of-relational-action

    • La production d’études comme instrument de mobilisation dans le cadre de la campagne pour un « revenu décent londonien » (London Living Wage)

      A recent campaign led by London Citizens - a coalition of churches, mosques, trade unions, schools and other associations - brought on the forefront the issue of low paid workers. The production of studies is the linchpin of this campaign for decent wages. It is more the process of making the studies, linked to the methods of community organizing, rather than the end product itself that has established the opportunity and feasibility of new wages policies. The urban study is here considered as a tool for mobilization. Its authors, its subjects and its addressees are the actors of the London Living Wage campaign.

      7Le travail des employés de London Citizens est basé sur la construction de relations avec les habitants membres des 160 groupes de l’alliance. Dans son contrat de travail, il est stipulé qu’un community organizer doit effectuer une moyenne hebdomadaire de quinze entretiens en face à face (appelés « #one_to_one »). Ces entretiens ne sont ni retranscris ni soumis à une analyse statistique mais ont pour but de construire une relation d’égal à égal avec chacun des membres de l’alliance. Ils permettent aux community organizers d’acquérir une connaissance des problèmes auxquels font face les citoyens de leur alliance. L’organisation a également pour but de former des leaders dans chaque groupe membre. Ces leaders sont encouragés à relayer ce travail de développement de relations au sein de leur institution. Ils sont par exemple invités à organiser des house meetings, des réunions dans leur domicile ou sur leur lieu de travail avec des amis, voisins ou collègues. Les leaders et les employés de London Citizens imaginent alors des idées de campagne en fonction des intérêts des personnes rencontrées. C’est toujours grâce à ces entretiens et réunions qu’ils peuvent ensuite tester ces idées avec d’autres personnes. Ce processus participatif est finalisé lors d’assemblées annuelles où les institutions membres votent, parmi les idées évaluées, les campagnes à mener dans l’année.

      http://journals.openedition.org/geocarrefour/8114?lang=en

    • #Theory_U

      Theory U is a change management method and the title of a book by #Otto_Scharmer.[1] During his doctoral studies at Witten/Herdecke University, Scharmer studied a similar method in classes taught by Friedrich (Fritz) Glasl, and he also interviewed Glasl.[2] Scharmer then took the basic principles of this method and extended it into a theory of learning and management, which he calls Theory U.[1] The principles of Theory U are suggested to help political leaders, civil servants, and managers break through past unproductive patterns of behavior that prevent them from empathizing with their clients’ perspectives and often lock them into ineffective patterns of decision making.[3][4]


      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theory_U

      La théorie U d’#Otto_Scharmer

      Ces 5 étapes visent à capter de nouveaux modes d’émergence et à rénover l’approche collaborative et la conduite de projet. La théorie U est donc un modèle de conduite du changement fondé sur la conscience de l’urgence pour la mise en place de solutions durables et globales. Les 9 environnements d’apprentisssage qu’il propose constituent une réponse concréte aux questions posées.

      http://4cristol.over-blog.com/article-la-theorie-u-d-otto-scharmer-98615598.html

    • L’ambition démocratique du community organizing

      La mise en place, depuis quelques années, des méthodes de community organizing peut-être envisagée comme une tentative de dépassement des limites du système représentatif. Par un rappel des ressorts de leur développement, aux États-Unis et en Grande-Bretagne, et par l’observation de leur mise en pratique au sein de l’Alliance citoyenne de l’agglomération grenobloise, cet article s’attache à montrer ce qui fait l’originalité de ces démarches : rapport pragmatique au pouvoir, mobilisation autour des « colères » des habitants, actions collectives centrées sur le conflit. Un regard sur l’objectif de prise d’autonomie des habitants, formulé par les fondateurs de l’alliance, permet d’inclure une analyse de la structure et des méthodes du community organizing sous l’angle des processus d’émancipation qu’elles sont susceptibles de favoriser.

      https://www.cairn.info/revue-mouvements-2015-3-p-168.htm

  • STPMJ: ‘In Korea, architecture was not seen as a profession that synthesises cultural, social and environmental aspects’ | Thinkpiece | Architectural Review

    https://www.architectural-review.com/area/profiles/stpmj-in-korea-architecture-was-not-seen-as-a-profession-that-synthesises-cultural-social-and-environmental-aspects/10027689.article

    With one foot in South Korea and the other in New York, the work of Seung Teak Lee and Mi Jung Lim is a hybridisation of East and West

    On the face of it, the prospect of two young Korean architects working in Seoul and New York ticks all the tediously clichéd boxes of ‘East meets West’. Yet impelled by geographical and cultural fluidity, such cross-fertilisations can be compelling. Born in Korea but educated in the US, STPMJ is the personal and professional partnership of Seung Teak Lee and Mi Jung Lim who met while studying at the Harvard Graduate School of Design. The firm’s acronym is formed from the first initials of the two partners’ names connected by a ‘p’ for ‘plus’. It also stands for their five core values: speculative, trailblazing, playful, materialised and judicious.

    #corée #architcture

  • Les alliés cachés de notre organisme | ARTE
    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/070788-000-A/les-allies-caches-de-notre-organisme

    Gros plan sur notre tissu fascial, qui entoure à la manière d’un bandage à la fois dense et irrégulier les éléments composant notre corps : nos organes, nos muscles, nos os. Cet organe méconnu et vital suscite parmi les chercheurs en médecine un intérêt et un espoir croissants.

    Cela fait plus de trente ans que la #fasciathérapie a fait son apparition en Occident parmi les médecines douces, mais jusqu’à récemment, c’est dans la discrétion que ses praticiens et patients exploraient un continent largement ignoré du grand public. Depuis une dizaine d’années, le tissu fascial, qui entoure à la manière d’un bandage à la fois dense et irrégulier les éléments composant notre corps (nos organes, nos muscles, nos os), mobilise un nombre croissant de recherches. Encore largement mystérieux pour la science, ce gigantesque réseau de fibres blanchâtres, qui relie toutes ces parties et, surtout, leur permet de fonctionner ensemble, commence à dévoiler une partie de ses pouvoirs grâce aux études de plusieurs pionniers interrogés ici, anatomistes et médecins, notamment.
    Visibles à l’échographie, sensibles à l’acupuncture et à la pression manuelle, facilement endommagés par le stress et l’inaction physique, les fascias pourraient en effet se révéler l’origine méconnue de nombreuses pathologies, dont les douleurs dorsales qu’elles soient chroniques ou non. L’approfondissement des connaissances en la matière est donc susceptible d’ouvrir de nouvelles pistes thérapeutiques y compris dans la lutte contre le #cancer. De Harvard à Padoue en passant par Mannheim et Heidelberg, cette passionnante enquête résume ce que la science sait aujourd’hui de ce tissu conjonctif vital et ce qu’elle en espère.

    #fascias
    53 minutes, disponible du 27/01/2018 au 26/02/2018

  • #Qatar turns to #Israel to escape Saudi squeeze | The Electronic Intifada
    https://electronicintifada.net/blogs/tamara-nassar/qatar-turns-israel-escape-saudi-squeeze

    The Qatari government has been sponsoring trips for right-wing Americans and staunch supporters of Israel in an apparent bid to salvage the emirate from its regional isolation.

    Earlier this month, Israel apologist Harvard professor Alan Dershowitz made a trip to Doha at the invitation of Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, the emir of Qatar, who financed the trip.

    Dershowitz, one of the Israel lobby’s most prominent US figures, wrote an article upon his return in which he reflected on numerous meetings with Qatari officials.

    But he first professed to being surprised at learning that an Israeli tennis player was to participate in a Doha tournament and that Qatar is open to welcoming the Israeli national soccer team, should it qualify for the World Cup which Qatar will host in 2022.

    He contrasted this with Saudi Arabia’s refusal to grant a visa to an Israeli chess player, concluding that “the Saudis were not necessarily the good guys in their dispute with Qatar.”

    #dirigeants_arabes #indigents_arabes

  • The Song Sisters Facts
    http://biography.yourdictionary.com/the-song-sisters

    By marrying men of political distinction and adhering to their own political pursuits, the Song sisters— who included Ailing (1890-1973), Meiling (born 1897), and Qingling (1892?-1981) Song— participated in Chinese political activities and were destined to play key roles in Chinese modern history.

    Charlie Song and Guizhen Ni had three daughters and three sons, all of whom received American educations at their father’s encouragement. Though dissimilar political beliefs led the Song sisters down different paths, each exerted influence both on Chinese and international politics; indeed, Meiling’s influence in America was particularly great.

    In childhood, Ailing was known as a tomboy, smart and ebullient; Qingling was thought a pretty girl, quiet and pensive; and Meiling was considered a plump child, charming and headstrong. For their early education, they all went to McTyeire, the most important foreign-style school for Chinese girls in Shanghai. In 1904, Charlie Song asked his friend William Burke, an American Methodist missionary in China, to take 14-year-old Ailing to Wesleyan College, Georgia, for her college education. Thus, Ailing embarked on an American liner with the Burke family in Shanghai, but when they reached Japan, Mrs. Burke was so ill that the family was forced to remain in Japan. Alone, Ailing sailed on for America. She reached San Francisco, to find that Chinese were restricted from coming to America and was prevented from entering the United States despite a genuine Portuguese passport. She was transferred from ship to ship for three weeks until an American missionary helped solve the problem. Finally, Ailing arrived at Georgia’s Wesleyan College and was well treated. But she never forgot her experience in San Francisco. Later, in 1906, she visited the White House with her uncle, who was a Chinese imperial education commissioner, and complained to President Theodore Roosevelt of her bitter reception in San Francisco: “America is a beautiful country,” she said, “but why do you call it a free country?” Roosevelt was reportedly so surprised by her straightforwardness that he could do little more than mutter an apology and turn away.

    In 1907, Qingling and Meiling followed Ailing to America. Arriving with their commissioner uncle, they had no problem entering the United States. They first stayed at Miss Clara Potwin’s private school for language improvement and then joined Ailing at Wesleyan. Meiling was only ten years old and stayed as a special student.
    The First and Second Revolutiona

    Ailing received her degree in 1909 and returned to Shanghai, where she took part in charity activities with her mother. With her father’s influence, she soon became secretary to Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary leader whose principles of nationalism, democracy and popular livelihood greatly appealed to many Chinese. In October of 1911, soldiers mutinied in Wuhan, setting off the Chinese Revolution. Puyi, the last emperor of China, was overthrown and the Republic of China was established with Sun Yat-sen as the provisional president. Charlie Soong informed his daughters in America of the great news and sent them a republican flag. As recalled by her roommates, Qingling climbed up on a chair, ripped down the old imperial dragon flag, and put up the five-colored republican flag, shouting “Down with the dragon! Up with the flag of the Republic!” She wrote in an article for the Wesleyan student magazine:

    One of the greatest events of the twentieth century, the greatest even since Waterloo, in the opinion of many well-known educators and politicians, is the Chinese Revolution. It is a most glorious achievement. It means the emancipation of four hundred million souls from the thralldom of an absolute monarchy, which has been in existence for over four thousand years, and under whose rule “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” have been denied.

    However, the “glorious achievement” was not easily won. When Qingling finished her education in America and went back in 1913, she found China in a “Second Revolution.” Yuan Shikai, who acted as president of the new Republic, proclaimed himself emperor and began slaughtering republicans. The whole Song family fled to Japan with Sun Yat-sen as political fugitives. During their sojourn in Japan, Ailing met a young man named Xiangxi Kong (H.H. Kung) from one of the richest families in China. Kong had just finished his education in America at Oberlin and Yale and was working with the Chinese YMCA in Tokyo. Ailing soon married Kong, leaving her job as secretary to Qingling, who firmly believed in Sun Yat-sen’s revolution. Qingling fell in love with Sun Yat-sen and informed her parents of her desire to marry him. Her parents, however, objected, for Sun Yat-sen was a married man and much older than Qingling. Charlie Soong took his family back to Shanghai and confined Qingling to her room upstairs. But Qingling escaped to Japan and married Sun Yat-sen after he divorced his first wife.

    Meanwhile, Meiling had transferred from Wesleyan to Massachusetts’s Wellesley College to be near her brother T.V. Song, who was studying at Harvard and could take care of her. When she heard of her parent’s reaction to Qingling’s choice of marriage, Meiling feared that she might have to accept an arranged marriage when she returned to China; thus, she hurriedly announced her engagement to a young Chinese student at Harvard. When her anxiety turned out to be unnecessary, she renounced the engagement. Meiling finished her education at Wellesley and returned to China in 1917 to become a Shanghai socialite and work for both the National Film Censorship Board and the YMCA in Shanghai.

    Ailing proved more interested in business than politics. She and her husband lived in Shanghai and rapidly expanded their business in various large Chinese cities including Hongkong. A shrewd businesswoman, who usually stayed away from publicity, Ailing was often said to be the mastermind of the Song family.

    Qingling continued working as Sun Yat-sen’s secretary and accompanied him on all public appearances. Though shy by nature, she was known for her strong character. After the death of Yuan Shikai, China was enveloped in the struggle of rival warlords. Qingling joined her husband in the campaigns against the warlords and encouraged women to participate in the Chinese revolution by organizing women’s training schools and associations. Unfortunately, Sun Yat-sen died in 1925 and his party, Guomindang (the Nationalist party), soon split. In the following years of struggles between different factions, Chiang Kai-shek, who attained the control of Guomindang with his military power, persecuted Guomindang leftists and Chinese Communists. Qingling was sympathetic with Guomindang leftists, whom she regarded as faithful to her husband’s principles and continued her revolutionary activities. In denouncing Chiang’s dictatorship and betrayal of Sun Yat-sen’s principles, Qingling went to Moscow in 1927, and then to Berlin, for a four year self-exile. Upon her return to China, she continued criticizing Chiang publicly.

    In 1927, Chiang Kai-shek married Meiling, thereby greatly enhancing his political life because of the Song family’s wealth and connections in China and America. Whereas Qingling never approved of the marriage (believing that Chiang had not married her little sister out of love), Ailing was supportive of Chiang’s marriage to Meiling. Seeing in Chiang the future strongman of China, Ailing saw in their marriage the mutual benefits both to the Song family and to Chiang. Meiling, an energetic and charming young lady, wanted to make a contribution to China. By marrying Chiang she became the powerful woman behind the country’s strongman. Just as Qingling followed Sun Yat-sen, Meiling followed Chiang Kai-shek by plunging herself into all her husband’s public activities, and working as his interpreter and public-relation officer at home and abroad. She helped Chiang launch the New Life Movement to improve the manners and ethics of the Chinese people, and she took up public positions as the general secretary of the Chinese Red Cross and the secretary-general of the commission of aeronautical affairs, which was in charge of the building of the Chinese air force. Under her influence, Chiang was even baptized.

    Meiling’s marriage to Chiang meant that the Song family was deeply involved in China’s business and financial affairs. Both Ailing’s husband Kong and her brother T.V. Song alternately served as Chiang’s finance minister and, at times, premier. In 1932, Meiling accompanied her husband on an official trip to America and Europe. When she arrived in Italy, she was given a royal reception even though she held no public titles.
    The Xi-an Incident

    In 1936, two Guomindang generals held Chiang Kaishek hostage in Xi-an (the Xi-an Incident) in an attempt to coerce him into fighting against the Japanese invaders, rather than continuing the civil war with Chinese Communists. When the pro-Japan clique in Chiang’s government planned to bomb Xi’an and kill Chiang in order to set up their own government, the incident immediately threw China into political crisis. In a demonstration of courage and political sophistication, Meiling persuaded the generals in Nanjing to delay their attack on Xi-an, to which she personally flew for peace negotiations. Her efforts not only helped gain the release of her husband Chiang, but also proved instrumental in a settlement involving the formation of a United Front of all Chinese factions to fight against the Japanese invaders. The peaceful solution of the Xi-an Incident was hailed as a great victory. Henry Luce, then the most powerful publisher in America and a friend to Meiling and Chiang, decided to put the couple on the cover of Time in 1938 as “Man and Wife of the Year.” In a confidential memo, Luce wrote "The most difficult problem in Sino-American publicity concerns the Soong family. They are … the head and front of a pro-American policy.

    "The United Front was thereafter formed and for a time it united the three Song sisters. Discarding their political differences, they worked together for Chinese liberation from Japan. The sisters made radio broadcasts to America to appeal for justice and support for China’s anti-Japanese War. Qingling also headed the China Defense League, which raised funds and solicited support all over the world. Ailing was nominated chairperson of the Association of Friends for Wounded Soldiers.
    Meiling’s Appeal to United States for Support

    The year 1942 saw Meiling’s return to America for medical treatment. During her stay, she was invited to the White House as a guest of President Franklin Roosevelt and his wife Eleanor. While there, she was asked by the President how she and her husband would deal with a wartime strike of coal miners, and she was said to have replied by drawing her hand silently across her throat. In February of 1943, she was invited to address the American Congress; she spoke of brave Chinese resistance against Japan and appealed to America for further support:

    When Japan thrust total war on China in 1937, military experts of every nation did not give China a ghost of a chance. But, when Japan failed to bring China cringing to her knees as she vaunted, the world took solace ….Letusnot forget that during the first four and a half years of total aggression China had borne Japan’s sadistic fury unaided and alone.

    Her speech was repeatedly interrupted by applause. In March, her picture again appeared on the cover of Timeas an international celebrity. She began a six-week itinerary from New York to Chicago and Los Angeles, giving speeches and attending banquets. The successful trip was arranged by Henry Luce as part of his fund-raising for United China Relief. Meiling’s charm extended past Washington to the American people, and the news media popularized her in the United States and made her known throughout the world. Indeed, her success in America had a far-reaching effect on American attitudes and policies toward China.

    Soon afterward, Meiling accompanied Chiang to Cairo and attended the Cairo Conference, where territorial issues in Asia after the defeat of Japan were discussed. The Cairo Summit marked both the apex of Meiling’s political career and the beginning of the fall of Chiang’s regime. Corruption in his government ran so rampant that—despite a total sum of $3.5 billion American Lend-Lease supplies—Chiang’s own soldiers starved to death on the streets of his wartime capital Chongqing (Chungking). While China languished in poverty, the Songs kept millions of dollars in their own American accounts. In addition to the corruption, Chiang’s government lost the trust and support of the people. After the victory over Japan, Chiang began a civil war with Chinese Communists, but was defeated in battle after battle. Meiling made a last attempt to save her husband’s regime by flying to Washington in 1948 for more material support for Chiang in the civil war. Truman’s polite indifference, however, deeply disappointed her. Following this rebuff, she stayed with Ailing in New York City until after Chiang retreated to Taiwan with his Nationalist armies.

    Ailing moved most of her wealth to America and left China with her husband in 1947. She stayed in New York and never returned to China. She and her family worked for Chiang’s regime by supporting the China Lobby and other public-relations activities in the United States. Whenever Meiling returned to America, she stayed with Ailing and her family. Ailing died in 1973 in New York City.
    Differing Beliefs and Efforts for a Better China

    Meanwhile, Qingling had remained in China, leading the China Welfare League to establish new hospitals and provide relief for wartime orphans and famine refugees. When Chinese Communists established a united government in Beijing (Peking) in 1949, Qingling was invited as a non-Communist to join the new government and was elected vice-chairperson of the People’s Republic of China. In 1951, she was awarded the Stalin International Peace Prize. While she was active in the international peace movement and Chinese state affairs in the 1950s, she never neglected her work with China Welfare and her lifelong devotion to assisting women and children. Qingling was one of the most respected women in China, who inspired many of her contemporaries as well as younger generations. She was made honorary president of the People’s Republic of China in 1981 before she died. According to her wishes, she was buried beside her parents in Shanghai.

    Because of their differing political beliefs, the three Song sisters took different roads in their efforts to work for China. Qingling joined the Communist government because she believed it worked for the well-being of the ordinary Chinese. Meiling believed in restoring her husband’s government in the mainland and used her personal connections in the United States to pressure the American government in favor of her husband’s regime in Taiwan. Typical of such penetration in American politics was the China Lobby, which had a powerful sway on American policies toward Chiang’s regime in Taiwan and the Chinese Communist government in Beijing. Members of the China Lobby included senators, generals, business tycoons, and former missionaries. In 1954, Meiling traveled again to Washington in an attempt to prevent the United Nations from accepting the People’s Republic of China. After Chiang’s death and his son’s succession, Meiling lived in America for over ten years. The last remaining of three powerfully influential sisters, she now resides in Long Island, New York.
    Further Reading on The Song Sisters

    Eunson, Roby. The Soong Sisters. Franklin Watts, 1975.

    Fairbank, John. China: A New History. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992.

    Hahn, Emily. The Soong Sisters. Greenwood Press, 1970.

    Li Da. Song Meiling and Taiwan. Hongkong: Wide Angle Press, 1988.

    Liu Jia-quan. Biography of Song Meiling. China Cultural Association Press, 1988.

    Seagrave, Sterling. The Soong Dynasty. Harper and Row, 1985.

    Sheridan, James E. China in Disintegration. The Free Press, 1975.

    #Chine #USA #histoire

  • « Cash Investigation ». Produits laitiers : où va l’argent du beurre ? - France 2 - 16 janvier 2018 - En replay
    https://www.francetvinfo.fr/replay-magazine/france-2/cash-investigation/cash-investigation-du-mardi-16-janvier-2018_2553523.html

    Impossible de rater le rayon #produits_laitiers dans les supermarchés : lait, beurre, fromages, yaourts… il compte près de 4 000 références ! Un marché gigantesque évalué à 27 milliards d’euros par an en France. Et alors que les profits des géants du lait battent des records inégalés, le nombre d’éleveurs français sur la paille n’a jamais été aussi important. En 2016, 10 000 producteurs de #lait auraient mis la clé sous la porte quand beaucoup d’autres croulent sous les dettes.

    Pour ce premier numéro 2018 du magazine « #Cash_Investigation » (Facebook, Twitter, #cashinvestigati), Jean-Baptiste Renaud a enquêté sur Lactalis, le numéro un mondial du secteur aux méthodes très contestées. Un empire familial opaque dirigé par le très secret Emmanuel Besnier, 116e fortune mondiale et 8e fortune de France. Et « Cash » a découvert que l’herbe n’est pas beaucoup plus verte chez Sodiaal, numéro deux du secteur…

    #lactalis #grande_distribution #agroalimentaire

    • Article 263 - Lactalis - l’organigramme du groupe Besnier et (suite) un ministre incompétent Benoit Boussemart - La richesse des Mulliez et les grandes fortunes - 15 Janvier 2018
      http://richessem.eklablog.com/article-263-lactalis-l-organigramme-du-groupe-besnier-et-suite-u

      _ Dans cet article, l’organigramme du groupe Besnier, les comptes sociaux et consolidés publiés en Belgique pour BSA International + une remarque à Monsieur le ministre.

      Bonjour

      De nombreux lecteurs du blog m’ont demandé de mettre l’organigramme Besnier de manière plus visible (voir article 261). Ce qui est fait ci-dessous. Avec en complément les pourcentages de détention du groupe Lactalis par la famille Besnier.

      Télécharger « Organigramme Besnier.pdf »

      Bonne lecture.

      B. Boussemart

      PS - J’ai entendu hier l’interview du Ministre (sic) de l’agriculture qui avouait ne pas pouvoir obtenir les comptes de Besnier. Incroyable. Ce gars là est totalement incompétent ou menteur ... Lorsqu’on demande en y mettant les moyens les comptes d’une société à un Président du Tribunal de Commerce - en liaison avec le Procureur du la République du coin - on les obtient. J’en ai fait l’expérience très concrète avec la famille Mulliez, qui a été obligée de publier les comptes de "l’AFM". Il n’y a pas à dire ... les équipes de Macron sont de vrais professionnels ... en faveur des riches !!! Et il ne faudrait surtout pas que les agriculteurs puissent voir comment ils se font rouler dans la farine avec Lactalis. Les comptes français et la consolidation globale sont les seuls indisponibles ... Bizarre ! Non ?

      Voir ci-dessous les comptes sociaux et consolidés publiés en Belgique pour BSA International. Les comptes de Parmalat sont disponibles sur le site du groupe.

      Télécharger « BSAInternational2016ConsoBelg.pdf »

      Télécharger « BSAInternational2016SocBelg.pdf »

    • Lactalis est le nom de l’économie financiarisé.
      Un autre scandale alimentaire : "L’obésité, cette épidémie que les Etats-Unis propagent"

      Kenneth Rogoff, professeur d’économie et de sciences politiques à Harvard (Cambridge, Massachusetts), dénonce dans Les Echos la diffusion de la culture alimentaire américaine dans le monde.

      Aujourd’hui, 40 % de la population américaine est considérée comme obèse. En diffusant leur culture alimentaire au Mexique ou au Canada, via leurs accords commerciaux, les Etats-Unis ont une responsabilité considérable dans la progression de cette épidémie dans le monde. Il faut agir pour renverser la tendance.

      #santé_publique

  • Google’s true origin partly lies in CIA and NSA research grants for mass surveillance — Quartz
    https://qz.com/1145669/googles-true-origin-partly-lies-in-cia-and-nsa-research-grants-for-mass-surveill
    https://qzprod.files.wordpress.com/2017/08/rts18wdq-e1502123358903.jpg?quality=80&strip=all&w=1600

    Le titre est un peu « clickbait », mais les infos sont intéressantes, quoique parfois elliptiques.

    C’est écrit par : Jeff Nesbit, Former director of legislative and public affairs, National Science Foundation
    Quelqu’un qui doit savoir de quoi il cause.

    In the mid 1990s, the intelligence community in America began to realize that they had an opportunity. The supercomputing community was just beginning to migrate from university settings into the private sector, led by investments from a place that would come to be known as Silicon Valley.

    The intelligence community wanted to shape Silicon Valley’s efforts at their inception so they would be useful for homeland security purposes. A digital revolution was underway: one that would transform the world of data gathering and how we make sense of massive amounts of information. The intelligence community wanted to shape Silicon Valley’s supercomputing efforts at their inception so they would be useful for both military and homeland security purposes. Could this supercomputing network, which would become capable of storing terabytes of information, make intelligent sense of the digital trail that human beings leave behind?

    Intelligence-gathering may have been their world, but the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the National Security Agency (NSA) had come to realize that their future was likely to be profoundly shaped outside the government. It was at a time when military and intelligence budgets within the Clinton administration were in jeopardy, and the private sector had vast resources at their disposal. If the intelligence community wanted to conduct mass surveillance for national security purposes, it would require cooperation between the government and the emerging supercomputing companies.

    Silicon Valley was no different. By the mid 1990s, the intelligence community was seeding funding to the most promising supercomputing efforts across academia, guiding the creation of efforts to make massive amounts of information useful for both the private sector as well as the intelligence community.

    They funded these computer scientists through an unclassified, highly compartmentalized program that was managed for the CIA and the NSA by large military and intelligence contractors. It was called the Massive Digital Data Systems (MDDS) project.
    The Massive Digital Data Systems (MDDS) project

    MDDS was introduced to several dozen leading computer scientists at Stanford, CalTech, MIT, Carnegie Mellon, Harvard, and others in a white paper that described what the CIA, NSA, DARPA, and other agencies hoped to achieve. The research would largely be funded and managed by unclassified science agencies like NSF, which would allow the architecture to be scaled up in the private sector if it managed to achieve what the intelligence community hoped for.

    “Not only are activities becoming more complex, but changing demands require that the IC [Intelligence Community] process different types as well as larger volumes of data,” the intelligence community said in its 1993 MDDS white paper. “Consequently, the IC is taking a proactive role in stimulating research in the efficient management of massive databases and ensuring that IC requirements can be incorporated or adapted into commercial products. Because the challenges are not unique to any one agency, the Community Management Staff (CMS) has commissioned a Massive Digital Data Systems [MDDS] Working Group to address the needs and to identify and evaluate possible solutions.”

    In 1995, one of the first and most promising MDDS grants went to a computer-science research team at Stanford University with a decade-long history of working with NSF and DARPA grants. The primary objective of this grant was “query optimization of very complex queries that are described using the ‘query flocks’ approach.” A second grant—the DARPA-NSF grant most closely associated with Google’s origin—was part of a coordinated effort to build a massive digital library using the internet as its backbone. Both grants funded research by two graduate students who were making rapid advances in web-page ranking, as well as tracking (and making sense of) user queries: future Google cofounders Sergey Brin and Larry Page.

    The research by Brin and Page under these grants became the heart of Google: people using search functions to find precisely what they wanted inside a very large data set. The intelligence community, however, saw a slightly different benefit in their research: Could the network be organized so efficiently that individual users could be uniquely identified and tracked?

    The grants allowed Brin and Page to do their work and contributed to their breakthroughs in web-page ranking and tracking user queries. Brin didn’t work for the intelligence community—or for anyone else. Google had not yet been incorporated. He was just a Stanford researcher taking advantage of the grant provided by the NSA and CIA through the unclassified MDDS program.
    Left out of Google’s story

    The MDDS research effort has never been part of Google’s origin story, even though the principal investigator for the MDDS grant specifically named Google as directly resulting from their research: “Its core technology, which allows it to find pages far more accurately than other search engines, was partially supported by this grant,” he wrote. In a published research paper that includes some of Brin’s pivotal work, the authors also reference the NSF grant that was created by the MDDS program.

    Instead, every Google creation story only mentions just one federal grant: the NSF/DARPA “digital libraries” grant, which was designed to allow Stanford researchers to search the entire World Wide Web stored on the university’s servers at the time. “The development of the Google algorithms was carried on a variety of computers, mainly provided by the NSF-DARPA-NASA-funded Digital Library project at Stanford,” Stanford’s Infolab says of its origin, for example. NSF likewise only references the digital libraries grant, not the MDDS grant as well, in its own history of Google’s origin. In the famous research paper, “The Anatomy of a Large-Scale Hypertextual Web Search Engine,” which describes the creation of Google, Brin and Page thanked the NSF and DARPA for its digital library grant to Stanford. But the grant from the intelligence community’s MDDS program—specifically designed for the breakthrough that Google was built upon—has faded into obscurity.

    Google has said in the past that it was not funded or created by the CIA. For instance, when stories circulated in 2006 that Google had received funding from the intelligence community for years to assist in counter-terrorism efforts, the company told Wired magazine founder John Battelle, “The statements related to Google are completely untrue.”

    Did the CIA directly fund the work of Brin and Page, and therefore create Google? No. But were Brin and Page researching precisely what the NSA, the CIA, and the intelligence community hoped for, assisted by their grants? Absolutely.

    In this way, the collaboration between the intelligence community and big, commercial science and tech companies has been wildly successful. When national security agencies need to identify and track people and groups, they know where to turn – and do so frequently. That was the goal in the beginning. It has succeeded perhaps more than anyone could have imagined at the time.

  • Clinton Foundation Donors Got Weapons Deals From Hillary Clinton’s State Department
    http://www.ibtimes.com/clinton-foundation-donors-got-weapons-deals-hillary-clintons-state-departme

    Hillary Clinton’s willingness to allow those with business before the State Department to finance her foundation heightens concerns about how she would manage such relationships as president, said Lawrence Lessig, the director of Harvard University’s Safra Center for Ethics.

    “These continuing revelations raise a fundamental question of judgment,” Lessig told IBTimes. “Can it really be that the Clintons didn’t recognize the questions these transactions would raise? And if they did, what does that say about their sense of the appropriate relationship between private gain and public good?”

    National security experts assert that the overlap between the list of #Clinton Foundation donors and those with business before the the State Department presents a troubling conflict of interest.

  • Climate #gentrification
    http://grist.org/briefly/climate-gentrification-is-coming-to-miamis-real-estate-market
    https://grist.files.wordpress.com/2017/12/gettyimages-643415786-e1514497228836.jpg?w=1200&h=675&crop=1

    Research from Harvard shows a link between elevation and price appreciation in Miami neighborhoods. Properties at higher elevations in Miami-Dade County have been increasing in value since 1971. For the most part, that’s been due to non-climate factors. But since 2000, the correlation has grown stronger.

    That could be a sign of preference for properties that are more resilient to flooding. Florida has certainly seen more than its fair share of rising seas and climate-fueled storms. And nationwide, coastal homes at risk of inundation are beginning to lose value.

    Climate gentrification — a new phrase to describe climate change’s transformation of real estate markets — could have huge repercussions. If real estate values start to decrease rapidly for high-risk properties, we could be on the cusp of a foreclosure crisis, Harvard researchers say.

    #climat #inondations