organization:israel defense forces

  • Israeli soldiers’ group welcomes furor over Gaza war testimonies - Breaking the Silence calls for a revived public debate over the IDF’s Gaza war combat policies, after the controversial publication of a booklet of soldiers’ testimonies.
    By Ariel David | May 13, 2015 | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.656177

    A group of army veterans that published a collection of soldiers’ testimonials critical of the Israel Defense Forces’ conduct in the Gaza war is welcoming the furor that has been following the report’s publication.

    Members of Breaking the Silence said Tuesday that even though many of the reactions to the report had been critical, the group felt it was succeeding in its goal of opening a public debate on what it claims was the army’s reckless disregard for the lives of Palestinian civilians during last summer’s conflict.

    “People do want to listen, even if there were angry reactions - we want to initiate a discussion on our morality and on the way we fought in Gaza,” said Avner Gvaryahu, a spokesman for the group.

    “We want Israeli society to take responsibility,” he said at a presentation of the report held in a Tel Aviv conference hall. “We placed a mirror to the face of Israeli society, and the reflection is not a pretty one.”

    The report released last week includes the testimonies of over 60 IDF soldiers and officers who fought in or provided combat support for Operation Protective Edge last July and August. Breaking the Silence says the testimonies indicate that to reduce risks for its soldiers, the IDF operated according to lax engagement rules, opening fire on Palestinian civilians and property even when they posed no evident or immediate threat.

    The testimonies show that soldiers were told that any Palestinians remaining in the Gaza Strip neighborhoods that the IDF entered should be considered enemy combatants, said Avihai Stollar, the group’s chief researcher.

     

    The army used fliers, phone calls and other techniques to warn civilians that it was about to enter certain areas of the coastal strip, and “the instructions the soldiers received were: ’we warned the civilians beforehand and anyone who remained in these neighborhoods is an enemy,’” Stollar said.

    • “We placed a mirror to the face of Israeli society, and the reflection is not a pretty one.”

      C’est vraiment le problème d’une grande partie de la société israélienne : cette incapacité de se regarder en face, dans ce miroir qui renvoie une image horrible. Je m’en rend compte y compris dans une partie de ma famille, qui a émigré en Israël dans les années 1950, et chez certains amis.

      Je pense à Ziva, à Tel Aviv, à qui je montrai les cartes de Cisjordanie avec les fermetures, les interdictions, le mur, les blocages obligeant les palestiniens à transférer les produits d’un camion à l’autre, les checkpoints, etc... Sa réaction : « ... Mais ça n’est absolument pas possible ! si ce que tu me montre est vrai, alors ça voudrait dire que nous sommes des monstres !... »

      Je peux comprendre qu’il est difficile, en effet, de se rendre compte que nous sommes des monstres, et une partie du problème est bien là.

  • IDF declassifies docs in still-rotten Lavon Affair
    Comment Israël a organisé des attentats en Egypte en 1955 pour casser les relations entre Le Caire et Washington

    Dialogue between the two men at the heart of affair reveals tense blame game over 1954 false flag scandal.
    By Ofer Aderet | May 11, 2015 | Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.655850

    The conversation between Defense Minister Pinhas Lavon and Military Intelligence chief Binyamin Gibli on December 28, 1954, was extremely tense. “I wanted to give you another chance to tell me the whole truth,” Lavon told the senior Israel Defense Forces officer sharply. “Don’t hide anything, neither person nor issue. Unfortunately, either you didn’t understand or you decided not to understand.”

    “I can’t believe you, Mr. Minister. I’m very sorry,” Gibli answered.

    The issue about which they were talking – “the rotten business” (esek habish), also known as the Lavon Affair – was a scandal that occupied the country for several years, caused considerable political turmoil, and can still make headlines more than 60 years on.

    Code-named Operation Susannah by Military Intelligence, it involved a Jewish terror cell in Egypt that was meant to undermine Cairo’s relations with the United States and Britain. The cell, whose members were arrested in the summer of 1954, had planned to plant bombs in movie houses, a post office, and U.S. institutions in Cairo and Alexandria, making it look as if the bombs were the work of Egyptians. Then-Prime Minister Moshe Sharett apparently had no advance knowledge of the operation.

  • Probe Gaza rules of engagement, Israel - or face the ICC
    After Breaking the Silence’s damning report into Israeli soldiers’ actions during the Gaza war, Israel must launch a genuine probe.
    By Aeyal Gross | May 5, 2015 | | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.655017

    “The rules of engagement are pretty identical: Anything inside [the Gaza Strip] is a threat, the area has to be ‘sterilized,’ empty of people – and if we don’t see someone waving a white flag, screaming ‘I give up’ or something, then he’s a threat and there’s authorization to open fire.”

    The above testimony was given to the Breaking the Silence organization by an armored corps soldier who participated in last summer’s fighting in Dir al-Balah in the Gaza Strip. When asked whether opening fire required the suspect to be holding a weapon or binoculars, he replied, “I think he just needs to be there.” Asked what was meant by “open fire,” he responded, “Shooting to kill.”

    “There’s no such thing there as a person who is uninvolved,” he added.

    Another witness – an engineering corps soldier who operated in Gaza City – said, “The instructions are to shoot right away. Whoever you spot – be they armed or unarmed, no matter what ... shoot to kill. It’s an explicit instruction.” According to this soldier, an officer told the troops that he realized “a situation might arise in which innocent people get killed, but ... you must shoot without hesitation.”

    A first sergeant in the armored corps said, “You could shoot anywhere, nearly freely ... worst case, they’ll ask what we shot at; we’ll say it was a ‘suspicious spot.’”

    These troubling testimonies not only seemingly explain the large number of civilians killed in Gaza during last summer’s Operation Protective Edge, but also attest to grave breaches, prima facie, of the fundamental principle of the laws of war: the Principle of Distinction. Under this principle, there’s an obligation to distinguish between civilians and combatants, and it’s permissible to attack only fighters and military targets.

    There’s no doubt this principle was violated by Hamas when it fired rockets and mortars at Israeli towns and cities. But the orders soldiers describe in their testimony indicate, prima facie, that there were also grave breaches of this principle by the Israel Defense Forces – breaches that could amount to war crimes.

    It isn’t just intentionally attacking civilians that’s forbidden. Even attacks on military targets are forbidden if it’s clear they will also harm civilians or civilian objects indiscriminately. It goes without saying that an order to shoot at people indiscriminately is manifestly illegal under Israeli law as well.

    Moreover, even a strike on a strictly military target that ends up hitting civilians as well is liable to be illegal if proper precautions weren’t taken, or if the expected harm to civilians is disproportionate.

    Some of the testimony gathered in Sunday’s report – in which Breaking the Silence interviewed 60 IDF soldiers and officers who served in Gaza – paints a picture of prima facie violations of these rules. For instance, an infantry officer related that his soldiers fired artillery at certain targets, despite anticipating that a large number of civilians would be hit.

    Another witness described how the threshold of permissible incidental damage was raised when the target bank became depleted, and also only harm to people was deemed necessary to be taken into consideration when determining proportionality, and not harm to civilian property. These constitute breaches of the laws of war.

    Until now, the number of civilians killed in Gaza and pictures of the destruction left behind by the IDF have cried out to heaven. But now, the chilling testimony that appears in Breaking the Silence’s report completes the picture of the soldiers’ behavior and the orders that, according to this testimony, they were given.

    Only a serious, independent investigation examining how the rules of engagement were set and the orders these soldiers describe is likely to be considered a genuine investigation. And if that doesn’t happen, the orders described in the report are liable to be the subject of careful scrutiny by Fatou Bensouda, the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in The Hague.

  • Israeli artist Shira Geffen takes the heat for criticizing the war in Gaza - Movies & Television - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/life/movies-television/.premium-1.653671

    In the last few months writer and filmmaker Shira Geffen found herself in the eye of two media storms sparked by the explosive friction between artists who dare to express an opinion about their surrounding reality — and that painful, forlorn reality, which displays ever decreasing tolerance of criticism.

    It first happened last summer during Operation Protective Edge at the Jerusalem Film Festival, when Geffen asked the audience at a screening of her film to stand for a minute of silence in memory of four Palestinian children killed that day by Israel Defense Forces fire. The second time was a few weeks ago when her father, the songwriter Yehonatan Geffen, was assaulted at home for comments he made about the left’s less of the election.

    In an interview two weeks after the incident, Shira Geffen demonstrated steadfastness and determination by not retracting previous statements. Instead of panicking over the venomous criticism directed at her, she explains her position. Instead of caving into pressure she insists she will keep expressing her views the way she was taught to do. Instead of apologizing for politics penetrating her work, she expresses hope it will engender change.

    Amid the storms, Gefen’s creative projects still remain at the core, and as usual she skips with surprising ease between different, varied fields. Last December her sixth children’s book, “Sea of Tears,” was published. She is now promoting her second film, “Self Made,” while writing her first television drama series with her partner writer Etgar Keret. She is also busy writing her next feature film, “Accompanying Parent,” about a girl’s coming of age. Her other interests — theater, dance, acting and songwriting — have to patiently wait their turn. Even Geffen has her limits.

    Being multidisciplinary does not make her work shallower, Geffen says. She certainly isn’t sorry her multiplicity of tasks prevents her from specializing in one profession.

    “I’m not a linear person at all. I’m all about breadth, being associative,” she says. “That’s how I write and think. That’s how I think I develop.”

    Geffen, born in 1971, never studied film, but this fact didn’t stop “Jellyfish” — the film based on her script and co–directed with Keret (who also has no film education) — from debuting at the 2007 Cannes Film Festival. It even won the Camera d’Or, the prize for best first feature film. Seven years later, when she finished the first film she had written and directed on her own, she was invited back to the prestigious French film festival. The critics praised “Self Made,” and the film made the long festival circuit around the globe. Along the way, Geffen won AFI’s New Auteurs Critics’ Award and picked up two awards at the Jerusalem Film Festival.

    The heroine of “Self Made,” which will debut next weekend (translated into English) in Israel, is Michal (Sarah Adler), a successful Jerusalem artist. One morning, just before going abroad for an important event, her bed breaks. She hits her head and loses her memory. One army roadblock away lives Nadine (Samira Saraya), a young Palestinian woman whose internal reality is also a bit shaken. By coincidence, the two women exchange identities at the roadblock. Nadine is sent off to live the life of the Jerusalem artist, and Michal is sent to live Nadine’s life in her Palestinian village.

    Shopping instead of exploding

    Geffen conceived the film’s original idea a decade ago, when she read a Haaretz interview with Arin Ahmad, a Bethlehem student whose fiance was killed by soldiers.

    “They contacted her when she was in pain and sadness, and recruited her for a suicide operation, to be a shahida ("women martyrs"). They dressed her as an Israeli woman, put an explosive belt on her and sent her to the Rishon Lezion pedestrian mall,” recalls Geffen. In the interview she said she reached the mall, saw people shopping, and what she wanted to do was go into the stores and shop. That moment aroused in me the question when and where does the will to live awaken? Suddenly, I imagined the continuation. What would have happened if she had entered the stores and because of the explosive belt looked like a pregnant woman, and would start trying on maternity dresses and buying things for the expected baby. My imagination suddenly went there. In reality, Arin Ahmad suddenly had regrets and decided not to blow herself up, but this moment basically drove me to write the script.”

    Geffen consequently researched the subject of shahidas. She visited Ramallah six years ago to see the home of the first female suicide bomber, Wafa Idris.

    “I was scared. It was my first time in Ramallah, and before I entered her home, I was really afraid of what I would say, how I would speak with her mother. I had a lot of fears,” she says. “And then, when I went in, I saw an elderly, tired woman, and the first thing she did when she saw me was hug me. I saw behind her a huge poster of her dead daughter, and during this hug I suddenly felt her daughter, the one she didn’t have. It was all mixed in my head. I was suddenly her daughter, who wanted to kill me, and this confusion — the understanding that all is one, and suffering is suffering, and that a woman who loses her daughter is a woman who loses her daughter no matter where, and that I can be anyone’s daughter — is basically one of the things that brought me to writing the script.”

    Geffen recalls that she then said to herself that if she chose to live in this complex, volatile place, she had to say something about it, so she decided that would be the next thing she’d do.

    Neither shock nor dismay

    Last summer, “Self Made” was screened in Jerusalem’s International Film Festival just as Operation Protective Edge was beginning. The directors whose films were competing in the Israeli festival got together and decided to use this stage to protest the war. They convened a press conference and called on the government to agree to a ceasefire. They protested the tendency of the local press not to investigate what was transpiring in Gaza and read the names of 30 Palestinian children killed in IDF bombings there.

    Culture Minister Limor Livnat called the protest a “disgrace” on her Facebook page, but Geffen and her colleagues kept protesting throughout the festival. Geffen took the most flak after calling for a moment of silence. Some in the audience jeered her. Some left the hall in protest. Social media went wild. The curses and invectives spread across the Internet, and the news broadcasts and newspapers reported it widely.

    Looking back, Geffen explains that she had read the headline about the children’s deaths that morning and was filled with pain and sorrow. She felt she couldn’t remain quiet.

    “I felt the need to present the names of the children, who in another moment would be forgotten. So I did what I did. I didn’t think at that moment about how it would reverberate, and I was surprised to discover how much rage people have,” she recalls. “When I mentioned the minute of silence, a minute when people are used to standing and remembering the soldiers, it was suddenly perceived as treason. But for me it was instinctive, and I’m not sorry about it. I am not sorry that I am humane. I think I acted from a place of connectedness, and all the harsh criticism about me was very sad and also very scary.”

    The threats she endured for expressing her opinion are nothing new to the Geffen family. Eight months later, a man showed up at her father’s front door, and attacked and beat him, calling him a murderer and traitor, a few days after comments he made at a concern. The elder Geffen had said that Election Day, March 17, would be declared “the peace camp’s Nakba Day,” referring to what Palestinians call their catastrophe, the day Israel was established. Gefen also called Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu a “racist,” and charged that Netanyahu’s regime was based on “scaring the people.”

    Ynet wrote the Geffen family was in shock and dismay [over the election results], but Shira Geffen says the family was neither in shock nor dismay.

    “All these years, which have encouraged polarization, have led to this. All the walls and barriers between the Palestinians and us, and among us, this racism, what Netanyahu said (on Election Day) about Arab droves — these things don’t come out of nowhere,” she says, referring to the prime minister’s warning that the Arabs are “coming out to vote in droves.”

    “My father said it most precisely: It’s not a matter of right and left. There is no more right and left. There’s humanism and fascism. And in this place they’ve already forgotten what it is to be humanistic, what it is to be a human being,” she says. “My father was attacked because he spoke against the [last] war and the next war. And people, like Michal Kayam, the character from my film, have a very short memory. Repressing wars is something this place is expert at. No one here talks anymore about Protective Edge and the people who died and the soldiers who died, except for Michal Kasten Keidar (widow of Lt. Col. Dolev Keidar, who fell in the operation), who broke the automatic circle of mourning and expressed pain, and even then they came down hard on her,” she says referring to the widow who spoke out against the Gaza war in a recent interview in Haaretz. "Why was my father attacked? Because he spoke about this taboo, about the war that was and the children who will die in the next superfluous war.”

    #Shira-Geffen

    • Avant la fille, Yonathan Geffen, son père, avait été attaqué à son domicile
      http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.648048
      Writer Yehonatan Geffen was attacked at his home near Netanya on Friday afternoon, when an intruder burst into his house, tried to hit him, branded him a leftist traitor and then fled.

      Geffen has been a vocal critic of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s reelection last week.

      Israel Police combed the area around Moshav Beit Yitzhak but could not find the assailant. The police said they assumed the incident was premeditated.

      The author and journalist’s manager, Boaz Ben Zion, said he hoped the incident was a one-off, adding, “We don’t know yet why Yehonatan was attacked, and we hope the police catch the assailant.”
      #Yonathan-Geffen

  • Settlers farming land Israeli army has closed off to its Palestinian owners - Diplomacy and Defense - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.653514

    Settlers in the northern Jordan Valley are farming large tracts of land owned by Palestinians, who are being denied access to it by a military order. The Palestinians submitted a petition to the High Court of Justice last month asking for the return of their land.

    After the West Bank’s occupation in 1967, the Israel Defense Forces forbade Palestinians in the Jordan Valley from encroaching on the Jordanian border. In 1969, Israel issued an order forbidding Palestinians from entering a wide strip of land between the border fence and the Jordan River.

    This policy remained unaltered even after the peace agreement with Jordan was signed in 1994. Over the years, and despite the government order not to touch the private land in the area, settlers began to farm it.

    In January 2013, following a Haaretz report about the settlers’ activity, a number of Palestinian families – whose land near the Hamra settlement was turned into a date plantation – petitioned the High Court. The court issued a conditional order asking the state to explain why the land owners should not be allowed to farm the land.

    Last month, another group of Palestinians, from Tubas, also petitioned the High Court, requesting their land back. The petitioners said they own 800 dunams (nearly 200 acres) in an area they are forbidden to enter, near the Mehola settlement.

    They had tried to farm the land last December but a settler blocked their path, they said. The next day, they were told by the IDF that they were forbidden to enter the area. Aerial photographs of the land showed that some 200 dunams (nearly 50 acres) of it was being cultivated for crops.

    In its response to the petition last month, the state confirmed that the lands in question belonged to Palestinians. However, it said it had “not completed sorting out the claim” that the land was being cultivated. The state sought to present its broader position at a later date. Justice Zvi Zylbertal instructed that a panel of justices hear the case.

    Aerial photographs seemingly show that some 5,000 dunams (over 1,200 acres) of Palestinian land are being farmed by settlers in the fertile Jordan Valley. Some of the settlers were allocated fields by the World Zionist Organization, on the alleged order of the defense minister’s assistant in 1981. Another part of the land has apparently been seized by the settlers.

    The state will have to decide whether the land belongs to the people registered as its owners in the Land Registry, or to those who received it from WZO. In the meantime, the state is trying to reach compensation agreements with the Palestinian owners.

    Last week, Supreme Court President Miriam Naor and justices Daphne Barak-Erez and Menachem Mazuz, who heard the petition, criticized the state. “Someone decided to ignore [state] decisions and took rights in private land,” said Mazuz, while Naor noted, “I don’t understand how this can happen.”

    Justice Barak-Erez, meanwhile, said, “If it’s a military area and a possibility to farm it, why aren’t those who are entering it the owners? In some closed areas, the owners receive a permit to farm the land. The people should be allowed to exercise their ownership, subject to security regulations.”

    “The situation is, in fact, clear,” said Mazuz. “You [the state] admit it’s private land. Handing it over [to the settlers] was apparently contrary to the decisions of the ministerial committee for defense affairs. So the state’s first obligation is to restore the situation to its previous condition ... then we must think about the financial aspects.”

  • Israel has nationalized its controversial oil pipeline company, says chairman - Diplomacy and Defense - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.653504

    Eilat-Ashkelon Pipeline Company (EAPC) chairman Yossi Peled has confirmed that Israel has nationalized the company, which operates the trans-Israel oil pipeline that used to operate in partnership with Iran. Also, Peled said he was in favor of disclosing information about the company, contrary to the current policy of oversight by the military censor.

    Until now, EAPC has been exempt from environmental regulations, planning and building laws, and from government and public scrutiny.

    In an interview with Yedioth Ahronoth last week, Peled said, “I’m very uncomfortable with the immunity, but it’s out of my hands. Forty years ago, it was decided that it was secret and it stayed that way. As far as I’m concerned, everything can be released. But Israel is the shareholder, not I.”

    EAPC was established in 1968 as a partnership between Israel and the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC), to build and operate an oil pipeline from Eilat to Ashkelon, plus ports for tankers and storage facilities.

    The Shah of Iran wanted to keep the deal secret, and Israel issued an immunity order that subjected the company, its funding sources and fuel sources to the military censor.

    The partnership stopped functioning after the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran, but the immunity was upheld. NIOC is currently in the process of three arbitration actions against Israel or Israeli-owned companies, in a suit demanding billions of dollars’ worth of compensation. The Israel Defense Forces’ censorship is enforcing the immunity order and forbids releasing financial or administrative details about the company’s activity, claiming this strengthens Israel’s position in the financial arbitration.

    The company’s former directors abused the immunity granted it and used it to conceal State Comptroller’s Reports that found serious financial and administrative irregularities in the company’s activities. Until now, the company has operated under a shroud of secrecy and no one in it has been brought to trial for negligence, despite last December’s massive oil leak in the Evrona Nature Reserve in southern Israel and the grave comptroller reports.

    Despite the state’s official position, Peled told Yedioth that the company is controlled by the government. Speaking about the end of the firm’s franchise, Peled said, “The franchise is about to expire in two-three years and I realized there’s an intention to privatize the company. I suggest against that. Such a body must remain in government ownership.”

    Peled’s statement confirmed that Israel had in fact nationalized the part of the company previously owned by the Iranians, despite the military censor’s instructions banning the media from publishing details about the way the company is controlled and managed.

    NIOC said in its arbitration suit that Israel has taken over EAPC and ousted its Iranian partners.

    Adam Teva V’Din – the Israel Union for Environmental Defense (IUED) – petitioned the High Court of Justice to remove EAPC’s immunity after the massive oil spill at the end of last year. The state at first delayed its response to the petition. Later, the response was delayed due to an ongoing attorneys’ strike.

    Some 10 days ago, IUED asked the court to hear its petition without waiting for the state’s response, in view of the public interest in sorting out the issue without further delay.

    Former IDF chief censor Col. (res.) Rachel Dolev said in an interview with Army Radio last week that, back in 2002, she asked then-Finance Minister Silvan Shalom to cancel the immunity order on EAPC and other censorship on oil tankers, foreign credit and immigration from needy countries. Her request went unanswered, but her statement implies that she saw no point in continuing to grant the company immunity.

    Last week, Channel 2 News reported that IDF chief censor Brig. Gen. Sima Vaknin-Gil demanded that the attorney general hold an investigation to discover who gave Haaretz information about EAPC, following a series of articles on the ongoing arbitration proceedings with Iran.

  • With Iran out of the picture, Hezbollah tops Israel’s threat list - Diplomacy and Defense - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.653478

    The aerial assault in Syria early Saturday that has been attributed to Israel, if it was in fact carried out as reported in the Arab media, followed several declarations by senior Israeli officials in which they warned against the acquisition of arms by the Lebanese-based Hezbollah militia group.

    Following the framework agreement arrived at in early April in Lausanne, Switzerland between Iran and the world powers that is aimed at reining in the Iranian nuclear program, some of the Israeli reactions to the understanding have highlighted the risks of continued transfer of Iranian arms via Syria to Hezbollah.

    In a visit to the site of an Israel Defense Forces exercise in the Golan Heights on April 15, Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon accused the Iranians of continuing to arm the Lebanese-based Shi’ite militia group. A letter from Foreign Ministry Director General Nissim Ben-Sheetrit, the contents of which was reported at the time by Haaretz, also mentioned the arming of Hezbollah as the most highly urgent and critical issue from Israel’s standpoint.

    Although Israel’s leadership is continuing to warn about Iran’s nuclear program, there appear to be signs of the beginning of a wider process. As a practical matter, the progress in the talks between Iran and the world powers has reduced the prospect of a unilateral attack on Israel’s part against Iranian nuclear sites to a minimum. The threat posed by Hezbollah missile therefore again assumes the status of the No. 1 security threat from Israel’s standpoint.

    According to reports on Al-Jazeera and other Arab media outlets, the attack early Saturday was against bases of the Syrian missile brigade in the Qalamoun Mountain region near the border with Lebanon. It is doubtful that the Syrian army’s missile capacity, which a number of assessments state has been eroded by more than half over the course of the country’s civil war, particularly worries Jerusalem. Israeli warnings over the past four years have all focused on the transfer from Syria to Lebanon of weaponry described as “violating the balance.”

    It is also not reasonable for Israeli to be concerned about the quantity of missiles involved. The best intelligence estimates are that Hezbollah currently possesses more than 100,000 missiles and rockets—at least seven times what it had just prior to the beginning of the 2006 Second Lebanon War. If that is indeed the case, an additional 100 missiles or 100 fewer would not change Israel’s strategic reality when it comes to Hezbollah.

    But there is another disturbing trend relating to the missiles that Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah has hinted at more than once. Since the 2006 war, and to an even greater extent in recent years, Nasrallah has been trying through his declarations to establish a sort of balance of deterrence: If Israel damages Lebanon’s civilian infrastructure, it will be hit in a similar fashion. Ports, airports and power plants will be hit on both sides. To carry out its threat, Hezbollah doesn’t need just missile range, and based on all intelligence assessments, it has missiles with a range to reach all of Israel, but also the capacity to make accurate hits.

    There is a huge difference between the extent of potential damage (that could be caused to infrastructure sites and military facilities) by a missile that hits at an average distance of a kilometer from its target and a precision missile that lands at a distance of just dozens of meters from it.

    Syrian and Iranian efforts to smuggle weaponry to Hezbollah is also directly linked to the situation of the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad in the current civil war in his country. In recent months, after it had appeared that the regime was managing to stabilize the picture with the help of massive assistance that he has been receiving from Iran, Hezbollah and Russia,

    Assad has suffered several failures. Rebel groups, particularly from the most extreme factions from the Islamic State, also known as ISIS, and from the Nusra Front, have initiated surprise attacks near Damascus (including the capture for a few weeks of the Yarmouk Palestinian refugee camp) and even bombed the area of the Damascus international airport. The adversaries also grouped forces in the Qalamoun area, around which fierce battles were also fought about a year ago.

    Holding on to control of the airport and the Syrian-Lebanese border are important to Hezbollah to ensure its regular supply of arms. It cannot be ruled out that a loss of control of these areas would spur smuggling efforts, certainly on cloudy nights during which the leaders of the convoys would assume that the chances of their being discovered by adversaries would be very low.

    The question is also raised as to whether if Syria and Hezbollah point a direct finger at Israel over the latest attack, as occurred in connection with prior attacks attributed to Israel, there is a risk that they would respond. The rules of the game between the parties involved are not always clear. When similar aerial assaults in 2013 were reported, Damascus ignored the issue. Later the Syrian authorities acknowledged that the attacks had occurred and apparently in response gave the green light to an attack in response on the part of cells operated by Hezbollah along the Golan Heights border with Israel.

    In February 2014, after an attack attributed to Israel on a convoy near Janta, on the Lebanese side of the border, Hezbollah issued explicit threats followed by the firing of rockets and the laying of explosive charges both on the Syrian border (in the Golan Heights) and on the Lebanese border (in the Mount Dov area). The latest flare-up occurred under different circumstances involving the fatal attack on an Iranian general and six Hezbollah fighters on the Syrian side of the Golan Heights in late January and then the death of two Israeli Givati brigade soldiers in an anti-tank missile attack on the slopes of Mount Dov in a Hezbollah operation ten days later.

    Subsequently, over a period of two and a half months, quiet prevailed in the north. The basic interest, primarily involving Hezbollah and the Assad regime’s focus on the Syrian civil war, remains as it appears to be. It is also clear that Hezbollah views the bombing of Lebanese territory with greater seriousness than an assault on a convoy in Syrian territory, as Al-Jazeera claimed occurred overnight between Friday and Saturday.

    And yet, over the course of recent years, an increase has been noted in Hezbollah’s daring vis-à-vis Israel, particularly in its desire to make it clear to Israel that Hezbollah is not paralyzed with fear in the face of Israeli military might. Whether Israel carried out the attacks attributed to it by the Arab media or not, it would be logical to assume that the Israeli army will remain on high alert in the north in the near future in the face of the danger of a Hezbollah response even if that doesn’t currently appear to be the most reasonable possibility.

  • Rencontre avec le mari de Khalida Jarrar.

    My wife, the jailed Palestinian MP - Twilight Zone - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/weekend/twilight-zone/.premium-1.653137

    An elected representative like Khalida Jarrar, being sent to prison for six months without undergoing a trial – such things are everyday occurrences in Israel. But there’s no public discussion at all.
    By Gideon Levy and Alex Levac

    Ghassan Jarrar didn’t remember whether Khalida took her medications with her. When dozens of Israel Defense Forces soldiers came in the middle of the night to arrest her on April 2, and he was agitated by the thought that his wife, a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council, would be taken from him – he forgot to check if she had taken her medicines. Now he has been told she is receiving them at the prison.

    The Jarrars have been together for 35 years, ever since they met as students at Bir Zeit University, and his love for her is evident to this day. He even named his new factory for children’s furniture after her and their two daughters: “Sky” is an acronym for Suha, Khalida and Yifaa.

    The two daughters, incidentally, are currently in Ottawa, Canada, where they are pursuing their doctorates, Yifaa in law and Suha in environmental studies. They are also devoting their time to the international campaign for their mother’s release from an Israeli prison.

    Abroad, Khalida Jarrar’s arrest stirred a wave of protests among various activist groups, but in Israel, it was met with indifference – whether in the Knesset, in local women’s organizations, in the media or among the public. Jarrar is not only a legislator, human rights activist, feminist and freedom fighter – she is also the Palestinian representative to the Council of Europe, an international group promoting cooperation in different areas between European countries. However, none of her activities afford her any immunity from the Israeli occupation authorities, who can throw an elected representative into prison, even without a trial, after invading and searching her home in any manner they see fit, ordering her banished from her own city and preventing her from leaving her country for years.

    Jarrar is not alone. Sixteen of her colleagues in the PLC are currently in an Israeli prison – about one-quarter of the members of the legislature – but Jarrar is the only woman. She is also the only woman under administrative detention. An elected representative in prison without a trial – such things have become everyday events in Israel and do not prompt any discussion at all, or any questions.

    We met Ghassan near the entrance to the Balata refugee camp, near Nablus; his factory is nearby, in Beit Furik. The Jarrars’ home is in Ramallah. We passed through Balata in an easterly direction to get to the Sky factory – a sort of mini-temple of childhood dreams. In the colorful production halls opposite Beit Furik’s modern chicken coops, Jarrar’s plant manufactures children’s furniture and toys covered in brightly colored synthetic Chinese fur. Eighteen employees, some of whom are currently away on the haj to Mecca, build and upholster the charming items.

    Ghassan, too, is a charming man, with a mellow and appealing demeanor. He spent 11 years “behind Israeli bars,” as he puts it. The authorities came to arrest him 14 times, and the furthest he has ever traveled in his 55 years is the Ketziot Prison in the Negev, even though both he and his wife hold diplomatic passports by virtue of her status as a member of the legislature. Khalida too has for years already been forbidden to leave the country, even though she is invited to innumerable meetings and conventions abroad.

    Ghassan speaks fluent English and Hebrew, and sells most of the output of his factory, which he established two years ago, to the Israeli market. Among the gorgeous swings, beds, benches, stuffed animals and chests of drawers – all of them covered in red, pink, white, blue or black fur – we spoke about Khalida.

    She was elected to the PLC in 2006, the last time an election was held, after running on a list that bore the name of Abu Ali Mustafa, the leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine in the territories, whom Israel had assassinated in 2001. Most of her activity in the council was devoted to the struggle to free prisoners and, recently, to preparing the Palestinian Authority’s application to the International Criminal Court in The Hague – and that is apparently the real reason for her banishment from home last year and more recent detention.

    Last August 19, in the middle of the night, soldiers came to their home. That night, Ghassan slept at his factory in Beit Furik, which he did from time to time, and the soldiers presented Khalida with an order banishing her to Jericho for six months, signed by the IDF’s regional commander.

    Jarrar refused, telling the soldiers: “You are not my source of authority. I am a member of the Palestinian parliament, and I have a government.” She informed them that it was not her intention to obey the order and be expelled from her home, her city and the parliament to which she was elected. The soldiers threatened her with arrest if she did not obey. She said they could detain her then and there.

    The following day she set up a protest tent in the PLC building in Ramallah, and remained there for a month. Abroad, a campaign against her expulsion began. Jarrar did not abide by the banishment order and continued with her activity and her struggle in Ramallah. Earlier this month, on April 2, several dozen soldiers again came in the middle of the night, this time to arrest her. They shattered the front door, but Ghassan says they did not damage any other property, nor did they behave violently.

    Ghassan says he asked “Capitan Yihye” of the Shin Bet security service, who supervised the arrest: “Are you pleased with your work? Is this what you always wanted to do? To break into people’s homes at night?”

    Ghassan also relates that he heard Captain Yihye say to Khalida: “We came to you nicely and you refused: Anyone who doesn’t obey our orders must be punished.”

    The soldiers tried to keep Ghassan from embracing his wife before she was taken away, but the captain intervened and allowed them to do so.

    No one told Ghassan where they were taking Khalida and why. The following afternoon, her lawyer informed him that she was at the Shin Bet interrogation facility at Ofer Prison. Ghassan says his wife did not cooperate with the interrogators, answer any of the questions they asked, or even give her name. She was remanded into administrative detention for a period of six months, and was transferred to Hasharon Prison.

    On April 7, she was brought before a military judge at Ofer for final approval of the administrative detention order, in a session held behind closed doors.

    Initially, Israeli officials did not allow Ghassan to see his wife; only after the intervention of two Israeli MKs (Aida Touma-Suliman and Ahmad Tibi of the Joint Arab List) who came to the court was he finally able to do so, for a brief moment. From afar, Khalida asked after their two daughters.

    The hearing on approval of the detention order was postponed. Meanwhile, abroad, petitions and letters of protest were sent to Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon against what is seen as the arbitrary arrest of PLC member Jarrar. Then on April 15, the military prosecution suddenly decided to file an indictment against her, in parallel to discussion of her detention. The charge sheet enumerates no fewer than 12 security offenses, among them membership in the PFLP and incitement to abduct a soldier as a bargaining chip for the release of prisoners.

    Israel has decided to pursue two paths at once to ensure that, whatever happens, Jarrar will remain in prison. In the coming days, deliberations will continue on the detention order and on the offenses of which she has been accused. In the meantime, Ghassan is permitted to send her two books at a time at the prison; only after she returns them is he allowed to send her more. He sends her one political book and one book of prose.

  • IDF cites rise in number of overseas volunteers joining its ranks -

    | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.652927

    A resurgent desire to defend the Jewish state, along with improved support for recruits from abroad, have boosted the number serving over the past two years.
    By Alona Ferber | Apr. 22, 2015 |

    He was the youngest of four, from a comfortable Jewish home, with loving parents who gave him everything he wanted, and he had always dreamed of being a soldier in the Israel Defense Forces.

    Then, last summer, three “lone soldiers” — an IDF term for recruits alone in Israel, often from abroad — died in Gaza. Their deaths gave this young Diaspora Jew the final push he needed to enlist.

    “They put their lives on the line for us, for Israel, for all the Jewish people,” says the lone soldier, who asked to remain nameless. He is referring to Max Steinberg, 24, from Los Angeles, Sean Carmeli, 21, an American-Israeli, and Jordan Bensemhoun, 22, a French-Israeli — the three will be added to a list of more than 20,000 names when the country marks Memorial Day on Wednesday.

    As he puts it, “If they can do it, I can do it, too.”

    Military service is mandatory for Israelis and immigrants under a certain age, depending on gender and other factors. The term “lone soldier” refers both to ordinary conscripts who lack a support network, such as orphans, Israelis whose parents are abroad for part or all of the year, and the more than 1,000 from countries around the world who every year become soldiers, exchanging their civilian clothes for an IDF uniform.

    At the end of 2014, there were 3,484 such soldiers in the IDF, according to army figures, including non-Israelis who joined through Machal, a program for volunteers who don’t have Israeli citizenship. Today the army has soldiers from more than 70 countries; a quarter of these foreign recruits are from the United States.

    Around 2,700 are recent immigrants, according to Nefesh B’Nefesh, an organization that works with Israeli immigrants. Nefesh B’Nefesh runs its Lone Soldiers Program in partnership with the army and a U.S. nonprofit group, Friends of the IDF, which provides funding for lone soldiers. 

    The numbers are small, but the increase last year was marked. By the end of 2014, the number of foreign lone soldiers in active service — both immigrants and non-immigrant volunteers — had increased by 330 from 2013, army figures show. That rise was a mere five soldiers the previous year and 11 the year before that.

    “There’s no doubt that in the past two years we see a bigger increase than before,” a senior officer in the army’s Manpower Directorate told Haaretz.

    A banner year in 2014

    Among new immigrant recruits, the numbers have increased steadily between 5 and 10 percent over the last three years since Nefesh B’Nefesh founded its Lone Soldiers Program, the organization says.

    Between 2002 and 2012, the average number of lone soldiers in total — both Israeli and foreign — was 5,500 a year, with a high of 6,332 in 2002 and low of 5,110 in 2005, according to army figures cited in a 2013 Knesset report. The total last year was 6,191, according to IDF figures.

    One reason given for the recent jump among foreign recruits is the snowballing word-of-mouth recommendation network back home. “A friend brings a friend; these soldiers are our best ambassadors,” the senior officer says.

    Meanwhile, Israel’s increasing isolation and the perceived rise in global anti-Semitism has galvanized Zionist Jews around the world to help defend the Jewish state, she says.

    A full 57 percent of lone soldiers serve in combat units, both as fighters and in support roles such as combat engineering. But with many joining after college, the army often uses their maturity and language skills in intelligence roles, the senior officer says.

    Women, who make up 30 percent of lone soldiers, also serve in combat units; as paramedics, for instance. “Today, girls can do almost everything, and foreign girls come highly motivated,” she says. The number of female recruits has been increasing, she adds, though the army declined to give figures.

    Still, the low number of women compared to men makes sense, the senior officer says. “In most countries, women don’t go to the army .... It’s harder for parents to send a girl to a country alone to join an army,” she says. “But yes, there is an increase in women joining, also in the army in general. There is an increase in women in higher ranks and in combat roles.”

    Female lone soldiers also serve in combat units as lookouts. “Today girls can do almost everything, and foreign girls come highly motivated,” the officer says.

    Laura Himmelstein from Atlanta, 27, is one of the 30 percent. With a BA in business and an MA in public policy, she works in the International Cooperation Division, in a section managing the information flow with foreign militaries. She has nearly completed her one-year enlistment period, which started just before the the Gaza war last summer.

    Laura Himmelstein.

    Twenty-six when she became an Israeli citizen in 2013, she was past the age where she had to serve but insisted on volunteering, even though that meant being told what to do by 19-year-olds.

    She wanted to learn Hebrew quickly, to assimilate and grasp the Israeli mentality, but her thinking was also ideological. “People can live here because others take their turn,” she says. “I wanted to take my turn.”

    The Gaza war contributed “without a doubt” to the increase in lone-soldier enlistment, says Dar Iwler of the Tel Aviv branch of the Lone Soldiers Center in Memory of Michael Levin. This organization, which provides support for these soldiers, was named for a lone soldier who died in the Second Lebanon War.

    Thinking back to last summer, Iwler recalls how “people arrived and said ‘I want a draft,’ or reserve soldiers came to me and said ‘I want to be on reserve duty.’ People asked me, ‘what can I do just to help in the fighting?’”

    Facebook and Instagram

    The majority of immigrant lone soldiers that Nefesh B’Nefesh works with come from the United States, Russia, Ukraine, France and Canada. A full 35 percent come from the States.

    With soldiers sharing their experiences with family and friends back home on Facebook and Instagram, there is a greater awareness of the option, which has helped feed the increase, says a 27-year-old reserve soldier from the United States who preferred to remain nameless. “People see their friends, cousins, classmates or whatever posting pics in IDF uniforms, and it makes it seem possible,” he says.

    ‬Lone soldiers serve between six and 30 months, depending on age, sex and pathway into the army. Applying for lone-soldier status is part of the draft process; benefits include monthly salary stipends, food vouchers, and days off if parents are in town for a visit. The army also provides language classes for troops who need to brush up their Hebrew.

    Meanwhile, outside the army, a range of initiatives for lone soldiers have sprung up in recent years. Garin Tzabar, which places lone soldiers together on kibbutzim, has been around since the ‘90s. The Lone Soldier Center was founded in 2009 by a group of former lone soldiers, friends of the late Michael Levin.

    The Benjy Hillman Foundation, named for another lone soldier who fell in Lebanon, was founded in 2006 and opened its home for lone soldiers — Habayit Shel Benjy — in Ra’anana in 2013. Nefesh B’Nefesh launched its Lone Soldiers Program three years ago.

    For the army, lone soldiers are seen as ambassadors, and the IDF actively tries to spread the word to potential recruits abroad through groups like Nefesh B’Nefesh.

    “They are our spokesmen, they go home and explain what Israel is really like,” the senior officer says. A big part of Nefesh B’Nefesh’s work comes before future immigrants move to Israel, ensuring they are aware of what is involved once they enlist, says Eric Michaelson, vice president of the organization.

    Still, though the initiatives provide support, and activities such as Passover seders and

    Independence Day barbecues help foster a lone-soldier community, little can be done to soothe the rough edges of serving in a new country. Any lone soldier will tell you that homesickness is one of the toughest challenges.

    Nir Katz, 29, a reserve soldier who lives in the United States and flies back annually for reserve duty on his own dime, recalls the loneliness of coming home to an empty apartment during his service. “No one is there waiting for you,” he says. “In the winter your house is cold, and it takes a few hours for the heating to get the house warm.”

    For new immigrants, a second challenge comes after serving in the army: acclimatizing to civilian life. “We refer to this as aliyah shniyah” — second immigration — says Michaelson, who estimates that around 10 to 20 percent of new immigrants who find it hard to adjust leave Israel after the army.

    As for the lone solider who asked to remain nameless, he probably won’t stick around after he finishes serving. Aside from the fact that his mother wants him home already, he thinks he can forge a better life across the Atlantic. There are bigger opportunities there, he says — “Thank God Jews in New York live well; there isn’t much anti-Semitism.”

  • Latest leak exposes Israeli Military Intelligence’s Achilles’ heel - Diplomacy and Defense - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.651339

    The affair of the soldier to be indicted on Sunday in military court over alleged intelligence leaks to right-wing friends reflects the difficulty the Israel Defense Forces Military Intelligence has, as opposed to smaller agencies like the Shin Bet security service or the Mossad, in protecting classified information.

    MI is more vulnerable to leaks because of its broader contact with the outside world. Civilians, new draftees, reserve soldiers – every year more and more people are added to the circle of those exposed to its secrets.

    It seems that the case of the soldier, Ya’akov Sela, shows weaknesses in the system that might be quite common. Relatively rapid initial security vetting, which is not always sufficient to uncover potential security risks; too loose supervision of those already in the intelligence system and who are considered “one of us”; and a lack of strict compartmentalization in day to day work.

    Sela was inducted into the army’s program for ultra-Orthodox soldiers, in which great efforts are made to satisfy the needs of the draftees. He was relatively old, 25, married and a father, had medical problems, and was stationed at a base a few minutes away from his home in the settlement of Bat Ayin. (The fact that a settler from an ultra-Orthodox, nationalistic background was drafted into a program designed for ultra-Orthodox full-time yeshiva students shows the broad interpretation the IDF gives to the term “ultra-Orthodox,” and the possibility that the number of “authentic” ultra-Orthodox serving in the army may be lower than the army claims.)

    Ideal location for leaker

    The Bat Ayin soldier’s convenient assignment to brigade headquarters placed him in an ideal location to collect intelligence information relevant to his friends, who belong to the extreme wing of settlers.

    Sela was in charge of collecting intelligence about the Palestinians, but the Shin Bet and police say he spent a significant amount of time looking into investigations involving so-called “price tag” attacks – violent attacks by settlers against Palestinian, Christian, left-wing Jewish and occasionally army targets – and preparations for the dismantling of illegal settlement construction.

    Because of weaknesses in compartmentalization, it seems Sela was able to obtain a good deal of information without his commanders noticing it in time. Only when police in the Judea and Samaria district became suspicious was the leak discovered and the soldier arrested.

    There have been a few cases in the past of operations and intelligence sergeants in West Bank brigades who were suspected of leaking information, mainly about the evacuation of outposts. About four years ago, when the commander of the IDF forces in the West Bank, Maj. Gen. Nitzan Alon, dared hint that greater care was needed in the sharing of sensitive information of this type, a campaign was launched against him in the settlements that ended only toward the end of his term as general in charge of Central Command.

    The number of settler-soldiers involved in such leaks is apparently very small, but the system is not built to find them ahead of time or monitor them during their service – just as the system had difficulty discovering the leak of documents by the soldier Anat Kam from the office of Yair Naveh, the general in charge of Central Command at the time.

    Clearly the arrest of one suspect should not disqualify soldiers who live in settlements from serving in sensitive posts. But the Sela affair should certainly alert the army that convenient postings close to home should not be the only consideration in intelligence assignments. Moreover, the affair should also lead to improved monitoring so that curiosity, or worse, ideological tendencies, do not expose soldiers to information to which they are not meant to have access.

  • From an Israeli combat soldier to conscientious objector -
    Two years into his service, a Nahal soldier refuses to continue serving because of the occupation.
    By Gili Cohen | Apr. 6, 2015Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.650660

    After two years in the Israel Defense Forces, Yaron Kaplan, 21, of Lod, is declaring himself a conscientious objector and is refusing to continue his service because of Israel’s occupation of the West Bank.

    While every year there are dozens of draftees who refuse to serve because they object to the occupation – some 50 youths last year alone – for someone to opt out for this reason in the middle of his service is relatively rare.

    Kaplan, a graduate of a military prep school, was drafted as a combat soldier in the Nahal Brigade two years ago, but upon beginning his training he realized he wasn’t cut out for combat.

    “From the moment I began my training I understood how violent this place is,” he recalled. “It was a totally traumatic experience. Every time we would do shooting practice, we would be ‘executing’ someone – ‘Now we shoot Mohammed; now we shoot at Ahmed,’” he said.

  • IDF soldier charged with aiding enemy in ’Facebook spy’ affair - Diplomacy and Defense - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.650242

    An Israel Defense Forces soldier has been charged with assisting an enemy, following a probe into his role in the “Facebook spy” affair, it was revealed Thursday following the lifting of a gag order.

    Sudki Makat, a Druze supporter of the Assad regime in Syria and resident of the Golan town of Majdal Shams, was indicted last week with espionage and assisting the enemy during wartime, by means of image and posts on his Facebook page. Much of the affair is still under gag order.

  • IDF, police looking for Israeli missing in the West Bank - Diplomacy and Defense - Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/1.650305

    The Israel Defense Forces and police were verifying a report on Thursday that an Israeli went missing in the West Bank, and that he may have been kidnapped by Palestinians.

    Security forces were combing the area in Kiryat Arba, near Hebron, where the man from Be’er Sheva was feared missing.

    According to reports, the man entered the village of Beit Anun, and did not come out again. A friend of the missing person phoned the police at 4:17 P.M. and told them that they had a flat tire between Kiryat Arba and Beit Anun. He told the police that his friend had entered the village to get tools for changing the tire, but never returned.

    The IDF is looking into the report, and combing the area.

  • Israeli judge: Some Palestinian minors see jail sentence as way of escaping home
    Un argument que l’on n’avait pas encore entendu, les jeunes Palestiniens veulent aller en prison !

    Jurist and attorneys call for more sympathetic handling of cases in which youngsters deliberately seek arrest to flee domestic unhappiness.
    By Chaim Levinson | Feb. 15, 2015 | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.642516

    Military courts in the West Bank see several cases a year of Palestinian minors who clash with the army in order to be arrested and escape conditions at home, according to an Israeli judge.

    Ashkelon Magistrate’s Court Judge Amir Dahan, a former Israel Defense Forces military court judge who frequently cites this information in lectures, told students recently of the case of a Hebron girl who suffered beatings at home. She was apprehended with a knife at the Tomb of the Patriarchs in that city.

    “I decided to release her, because jail is not a solution,” related Dahan during the lecture. “She needed help. A few days later, she took a knife and again went to the Tomb of the Patriarchs. I was in a real dilemma. If I let her go again and again, she could end up trying to stab a soldier. Military courts do not have rehabilitation means,” he added.

    Attorney Nery Ramati, of the Gabi Lasky law firm, has represented many Palestinian minors. He is leading efforts to find alternatives to detention for Palestinian minors.

    “I once represented a girl who lived at home and her parents were angry because her matriculation scores were not good. There was great pressure at home about it and they may have beaten her a little, so she decided to go to a checkpoint with fire crackers in her bag,” Ramati told Haaretz.

    When she set one of the firecrackers off at the fence, IDF soldiers arrested her, Ramati said, adding that the girl then told the soldiers, “I came for you to arrest me.”

    Ramati said the prosecution “went crazy over the idea that she could be released. From their point of view, she has to sit in jail because she’s dangerous,” he said.

    The military court at the IDF’s Ofer base in the northern West Bank is currently hearing the case of a 16-year-old girl from Qalandiyah, who was in conflict with her parents because of her low grades at school. She came to the Qalandiyah checkpoint and called the military police over to her, at which point she was placed under arrest.

    Her attorney, Tareq Barghout, asked the military court to send the teenager to a rehabilitation home for girls, in Beit Jala. The prosecution opposed the move and the IDF’s chief military prosecutor in the West Bank, Lt. Col. Morris Hirsch, even appeared in court himself to persuade the judges not to send the girl to a rehabilitation center but instead to jail, Barghout told Haaretz.

    “They are still stuck in the primitive thinking of deterring minors,” Barghout said. “They don’t take into account at all the key consideration of rehabilitation. They don’t care whether this girl is rehabilitated, as long as she belongs to the Palestinian population.”

  • Gaza in Arizona: How Israeli High-Tech Firms Will Up-Armor the US-Mexican Border

    It was October 2012. Roei Elkabetz, a brigadier general for the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), was explaining his country’s border policing strategies. In his PowerPoint presentation, a photo of the enclosure wall that isolates the Gaza Strip from Israel clicked onscreen. “We have learned lots from Gaza,” he told the audience. “It’s a great laboratory.”

    http://truth-out.org/news/item/28731-gaza-in-arizona-how-israeli-high-tech-firms-will-up-armor-the-us-me

    #gaza #israël #frontières #états_unis #sécurité #murs

  • Gaza in Arizona : How Israeli High-Tech Firms Will Up-Armor the US-Mexican Border

    It was October 2012. Roei Elkabetz, a brigadier general for the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), was explaining his country’s border policing strategies. In his PowerPoint presentation, a photo of the enclosure wall that isolates the Gaza Strip from Israel clicked onscreen. “We have learned lots from Gaza,” he told the audience. “It’s a great laboratory.”


    http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/28731-gaza-in-arizona-how-israeli-high-tech-firms-will-up-armor-the-us-me
    #frontière #Arizona #USA #Mexique #Etats-Unis #business #Israël #xenophobie_business (tiens... on pourrait utiliser plus souvent ce tag... du livre de Rodier)
    #Gaza #laboratoire #contrôle_frontalier
    cc @reka

  • Pressure won’t thwart Military Police probe of Gaza war
    IDF objections to criminal investigations of wartime acts have been voiced for years, but petitioners rejecting this inquiry don’t get what they’re up against.
    By Amos Harel | Jan. 7, 2015 | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.635603

    The exceptionally widespread attack against the Israel Defense Forces military advocate general, Maj. Gen. Danny Efroni, is continuing in full force. After politicians and opinion-piece writers in newspapers have come out against the investigations of various military actions during last summer’s Operation Protective Edge in the Gaza Strip – now it is the turn for petitions.

    First there was one from reservists from the Givati Brigade reconnaissance battalion, and now there is a new petition, signed by hundreds of officers and combat soldiers in the reserves. The heavy pressure is being directed not only at Efroni, but also at his superiors – who are being asked to order the MAG to stop all Military Police investigations into the latest round of fighting in Gaza.

    Objections to such criminal inquiries into military operations have been voiced in the IDF for decades, but the arguments usually begin at the stage when it looks like indictments are about to be filed against officers. This time, the line in the sand has been drawn at a much earlier stage, even before certain aspects of the investigation were officially launched.

    The current debacle erupted over the battle in Rafah following the abduction on August 1 of Lt. Hadar Goldin: At issue is Efroni’s dithering over whether to order a criminal investigation into the actions of Givati commander Col. Ofer Winter and other officers in the brigade, due to the intensity of the firepower and force they used in that battle.

    In the background, however, is a much broader debate. What is happening is an attempt to stop the criminal investigation completely – and also, indirectly, to rein in operational inquiries so they will not spill over into the drafting of serious recommendations vis-a-vis the future of those involved.

    There is a lot of holy fury surrounding this affair, but also quite a lot of ignorance and hypocrisy. It is doubtful whether all 250 of those who signed the second petition know, for example, that Efroni ordered the opening of 13 investigations, five of which deal with suspicions of looting (a matter which it seems the signatories would likely support), but only three of which concern the deaths of a large number of Palestinians during the Gaza operation.

    The need to return to operational inquiries is mentioned in the second petition, but the signers ignore the fact that Efroni opened the majority of the Military Police’s criminal inquiries based on the findings of a team involved in just such an investigation and evaluation of Protective Edge, headed by Maj. Gen. Noam Tivon.

    In the background behind all these disputes is the hostility between Efroni and the GOC Southern Command, Maj. Gen, Sami Turgeman, which broke out after the decision by the MAG to question Winter under caution in the matter of suspicions of sexual harassment and other alleged crimes in Givati’s Tzabar Battalion.

    It is hard to ignore the fact that Efroni has earned himself a large number of enemies, who today are already outside the IDF, because of his militant investigative strategy in the Harpaz affair. (In that case, a document was forged, allegedly by Lt. Col. (res.) Boaz Harpaz, with the goal of smearing Maj. Gen. (res.) Yoav Galant, the leading candidate for IDF chief of staff in 2011, in an attempt to thwart Galant’s appointment.)

    Meanwhile, a number of politicians have joined in the effort to block criminal investigations of Operation Protective Edge, including Moshe Kahlon and Naftali Bennett, who has even declared that “there will be no investigation of the heroic brigade.”

    It is doubtful whether the uproar will have an effect on the MAG. Efroni is well known for being quite stubborn, and decisions to open investigations are completely within his authority. It is hard to imagine Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Benny Gantz intervening in those decisions, or finding a way to put pressure on Efroni. The MAG has already served in his post for three and a half years, and seems to be setting his sights on a senior civilian judicial post after he leaves the military.

  • Palestinian official: PA can’t halt security coordination with Israel - we rely on it
    Declarations on suspending security cooperation were intended first and foremost to rein in the anger within the Fatah movement, and stemmed from internal needs within the Palestinian leadership, official says.
    By Amira Hass | Dec. 14, 2014 |Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.631570

    Following a request by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, the Palestinian leadership has postponed its discussions on a response to the death of Minister Ziad Abu Ein, who died of a heart attack after a confrontation with Israel Defense Forces troops last Wednesday.

    Kerry’s request was considered “American pressure,” a senior Palestinian official involved in the leadership meetings told Haaretz. But he added that there had never been any intention on the part of the Palestinians to carry out its threats to suspend or halt security cooperation with Israel.

    The postponement of any decision is part of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’ ongoing tactics, which involve waiting for the United States to act and find an acceptable solution to the conflict, said the official.

    The Palestinian leadership met last Wednesday evening to discuss the response to the death of Abu Ein, who died after a protest was blocked by the IDF in Yurmus Aya, near Ramallah.

    Israeli medical sources said the primary cause of death was a heart attack caused by stress, but Palestinian officials said Abu Ein had died from being struck and inhaling tear gas.

    It was announced after the meeting that the discussion about an official response would be postponed until Friday.

    But none of the proposals raised on Wednesday were new, and have been brought up time and again over the past few months, said the Palestinian official. For example, signing on international covenants such as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court or a UN Security Council Resolution on setting a date for an Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories.

    Talk of suspending security cooperation with Israel had also been raised in the past, he said.

    The declarations on suspending security cooperation were intended first and foremost to rein in the anger within the Fatah movement, and stemmed from internal needs within the Palestinian leadership.

    “A few of the people who spoke in the media in favor of suspending security coordination speak completely differently in closed meetings and are asking to act with restraint and caution,” the official said.

    “The Israelis know that very well, and Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon said more or less that these were empty threats.

    “These are threats that have stopped being threatening. The Palestinian Authority cannot end the security coordination because of the many economic and personal interests – not only security ones – that rely on it,” he added.

    Hamas arrests

    In recent months, the Palestinian security services have conducted many arrests among members of Hamas and Islamic Jihad – many among the students at the various universities in the West Bank.

    Some were released after a few days, others are summoned daily to one of the Palestinian security organizations and released in the evening, without even being questioned.

    Over the weekend, the PA arrested 21 Hamas members in Hebron.

    A Hamas member said the arrests were meant to silence any other viewpoint.

    “Between the Israeli detentions and the PA campaign to silence [dissent], it is impossible to speak today about the existence of the Hamas organization in the West Bank,” he said.

    However, the PA claims the reason for the arrests was holding weapons or the financing of banned activities.

    Many of the arrests were meant to deter or intimidate, but others are based on information concerning weapons and transfers of money whose purpose is unknown, the senior Palestinian official told Haaretz.

    “These are arrests that it was possible to carry out without security coordination with Israel, but with the security coordination it is easier,” he said.

    Some 1,000 Hamas supporters in Hebron planned to hold a march and rally on Friday, to mark 27 years since the organization’s foundation.

    IDF soldiers destroyed the stage and confiscated banners and flags, and then dispersed the gathering with tear gas and rubber-covered bullets, which injured at least two, according to Palestinian reports.

    Hamas sources said the PA placed roadblocks in the streets leading to the rally and arrested activists who were on their way to the demonstration.

    Media outlets close to the PA reported widely yesterday about the dozen demonstrations that the IDF dispersed Friday, and the dozens of Palestinians injured by tear gas and a few who were wounded by bullets.

    But the Palestinian media also played down reports on the use of force to disperse the Hamas gathering.

    Even if the Palestinian and Israeli security forces did not act with prior coordination, the dispersal of the Hamas gathering, the arrests and the silencing of the media reflect their mutual interest in silencing the group.

    Ya’alon spoke dismissively on Friday evening about the Palestinian officials’ threats to end the security coordination.

    “The security coordination is more important to the [Palestinian] Authority than it is to us,” he said in an interview with Channel 2. “We will get by without security coordination. These are empty threats.”

  • Why is Israel preventing rights experts from entering #Gaza?
    By Amira Hass | Dec. 8, 2014
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.630618

    Israel prevented experts from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch from entering the Gaza Strip during Operation Protective Edge, and it still is preventing them. As a result, no independent professionals (for example, a certain retired British military officer) have been able to check in real time the army’s claims and versions; for example, about weapons caches or firing near or from inside UN buildings.

    If the Israel Defense Forces and its legal advisers were so sure they were adhering to international law, why were they scared to let these experts enter Gaza – alongside the many journalists who were allowed in?

    It could very well be that every word in the IDF spokesman’s recent statement on the decision to investigate “exceptional incidents that occurred during Operation Protective Edge” is truthful. But these words – true or not – are just a veneer covering the problematic layers of Protective Edge and all Israeli military operations against the Palestinians.

    The IDF, its lawyers and its commanders hold a monopoly on information from Israeli theaters of war because of the IDF’s technological superiority. So they also hold a monopoly on concealing information, telling untruths and dismissing the findings of Palestinian and Israeli human rights groups – and of course on ignoring Hamas’ claims.

    They can claim that their information – which they gather through the Coordination and Liaison Administration for Gaza and its large collaborator network – is precise due to the sophisticated means of observation and location, and the abundant data gathered by the Civil Administration and the army of collaborators.

    This monopoly on information and the sophisticated methods for gathering it lets the IDF choose a few “exceptional” cases in order to portray the rest as proper and passing an objective self-examination.

    The IDF has decided to conduct a criminal investigation into the bombing that killed the entire Abu Jama family in Bani Suheila. But as rights group B’Tselem has found, 72 IDF bombings of populated buildings killed 547 people, including 125 women under the age of 60, 250 minors and 29 men and women over 60. Of course, this doesn’t mean the rest (men under 60) were a “legitimate target.” What makes the bombing of the Abu Jamas manslaughter and the rest appropriate?

  • #film LE VILLAGE SOUS LA FORÊT
    De Heidi GRUNEBAUM et Mark J KAPLAN


    En #1948, #Lubya a été violemment détruit et vidé de ses habitants par les forces militaires israéliennes. 343 villages palestiniens ont subi le même sort. Aujourd’hui, de #Lubya, il ne reste plus que des vestiges, à peine visibles, recouverts d’une #forêt majestueuse nommée « Afrique du Sud ». Les vestiges ne restent pas silencieux pour autant.

    La chercheuse juive sud-africaine, #Heidi_Grunebaum se souvient qu’étant enfant elle versait de l’argent destiné officiellement à planter des arbres pour « reverdir le désert ».

    Elle interroge les acteurs et les victimes de cette tragédie, et révèle une politique d’effacement délibérée du #Fonds_national_Juif.


    « Le Fonds National Juif a planté 86 parcs et forêts de pins par-dessus les décombres des villages détruits. Beaucoup de ces forêts portent le nom des pays, ou des personnalités célèbres qui les ont financés. Ainsi il y a par exemple la Forêt Suisse, le Parc Canada, le Parc britannique, la Forêt d’Afrique du Sud et la Forêt Correta King ».

    http://www.villageunderforest.com

    Trailer :
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ISmj31rJkGQ

    #israel #palestine #carte @cdb_77 @reka
    #Israël #afrique_du_sud #forêt #documentaire

    –-

    Petit commentaire de Cristina pour pour @reka :
    Il y a un passage du film que tu vas adorer... quand un vieil monsieur superpose une carte qu’il a dessiné à la main du vieux village Lubya (son village) sur la nouvelle carte du village...
    Si j’ai bien compris la narratrice est chercheuse... peut-etre qu’on peut lui demander la carte de ce vieil homme et la publier sur visionscarto... qu’en penses-tu ? Je peux essayer de trouver l’adresse email de la chercheuse...

    • Effacer la Palestine pour construire Israël. Transformation du paysage et enracinement des identités nationales

      La construction d’un État requiert la nationalisation du territoire. Dans le cas d’Israël, cette appropriation territoriale s’est caractérisée, depuis 1948, par un remodelage du paysage afin que ce dernier dénote l’identité et la mémoire sionistes tout en excluant l’identité et la mémoire palestiniennes. À travers un parcours historique, cet article examine la façon dont ce processus a éliminé tout ce qui, dans l’espace, exprimait la relation palestinienne à la terre. Parmi les stratégies utilisées, l’arbre revêt une importance particulière pour signifier l’identité enracinée dans le territoire : arracher l’une pour mieux (ré)implanter l’autre, tel semble être l’enjeu de nombreuses politiques, passées et présentes.

      http://journals.openedition.org/etudesrurales/8132

    • v. aussi la destruction par gentrification de la Bay Area (San Francisco), terres qui appartiennent à un peuple autochtone :

      “Nobody knew about us,” said Corrina Gould, a Chochenyo and Karkin Ohlone leader and activist. “There was this process of colonization that erased the memory of us from the Bay Area.”

      https://seenthis.net/messages/682706

    • La lutte des Palestiniens face à une mémoire menacée

      Le 15 mai, les Palestiniens commémorent la Nakba, c’est-à-dire l’exode de centaines de milliers d’entre eux au moment de la création de l’Etat d’Israël : la veille, lundi 14 mai, tandis que plusieurs officiels israéliens et américains célébraient en grande pompe l’inauguration de l’ambassade américaine à Jérusalem, 60 Palestiniens étaient tués par des tirs israéliens, et 2 400 autres étaient blessés lors d’affrontements à la frontière de la bande de Gaza.
      Historiquement, la Nakba, tout comme la colonisation de Jérusalem-Est et des Territoires palestiniens à partir de 1967, a non seulement eu des conséquences sur le quotidien des Palestiniens, mais aussi sur leur héritage culturel. Comment une population préserve-t-elle sa mémoire lorsque les traces matérielles de son passé sont peu à peu effacées ? ARTE Info vous fait découvrir trois initiatives innovantes pour tenter de préserver la mémoire des Palestiniens.

      https://info.arte.tv/fr/la-lutte-des-palestiniens-face-une-memoire-menacee

    • Effacer la Palestine pour construire Israël. Transformation du #paysage et #enracinement des identités nationales

      La construction d’un État requiert la nationalisation du territoire. Dans le cas d’Israël, cette appropriation territoriale s’est caractérisée, depuis 1948, par un remodelage du paysage afin que ce dernier dénote l’identité et la mémoire sionistes tout en excluant l’identité et la mémoire palestiniennes. À travers un parcours historique, cet article examine la façon dont ce processus a éliminé tout ce qui, dans l’espace, exprimait la relation palestinienne à la terre. Parmi les stratégies utilisées, l’arbre revêt une importance particulière pour signifier l’identité enracinée dans le territoire : arracher l’une pour mieux (ré)implanter l’autre, tel semble être l’enjeu de nombreuses politiques, passées et présentes.

      https://journals.openedition.org/etudesrurales/8132

    • Il y aurait tout un dossier à faire sur Canada Park, construit sur le site chrétien historique d’Emmaus (devenu Imwas), dans les territoires occupés depuis 1967, et dénoncé par l’organisation #Zochrot :

      75% of visitors to Canada Park believe it’s located inside the Green Line
      Eitan Bronstein Aparicio, Zochrot, mai 2014
      https://www.zochrot.org/en/article/56204

      Dont le #FNJ (#JNF #KKL) efface la mémoire palestinienne :

      The Palestinian Past of Canada Park is Forgotten in JNF Signs
      Yuval Yoaz, Zochrot, le 31 mai 2005
      https://zochrot.org/en/press/51031

      Canada Park and Israeli “memoricide”
      Jonathan Cook, The Electronic Intifada, le 10 mars 2009
      https://electronicintifada.net/content/canada-park-and-israeli-memoricide/8126

    • Israel lifted its military rule over the state’s Arab community in 1966 only after ascertaining that its members could not return to the villages they had fled or been expelled from, according to newly declassified archival documents.

      The documents both reveal the considerations behind the creation of the military government 18 years earlier, and the reasons for dismantling it and revoking the severe restrictions it imposed on Arab citizens in the north, the Negev and the so-called Triangle of Locales in central Israel.

      These records were made public as a result of a campaign launched against the state archives by the Akevot Institute, which researches the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

      After the War of Independence in 1948, the state imposed military rule over Arabs living around the country, which applied to an estimated 85 percent of that community at the time, say researchers at the NGO. The Arabs in question were subject to the authority of a military commander who could limit their freedom of movement, declare areas to be closed zones, or demand that the inhabitants leave and enter certain locales only with his written permission.

      The newly revealed documents describe the ways Israel prevented Arabs from returning to villages they had left in 1948, even after the restrictions on them had been lifted. The main method: dense planting of trees within and surrounding these towns.

      At a meeting held in November 1965 at the office of Shmuel Toledano, the prime minister’s adviser on Arab affairs, there was a discussion about villages that had been left behind and that Israel did not want to be repopulated, according to one document. To ensure that, the state had the Jewish National Fund plant trees around and in them.

      Among other things, the document states that “the lands belonging to the above-mentioned villages were given to the custodian for absentee properties” and that “most were leased for work (cultivation of field crops and olive groves) by Jewish households.” Some of the properties, it adds, were subleased.

      In the meeting in Toledano’s office, it was explained that these lands had been declared closed military zones, and that once the structures on them had been razed, and the land had been parceled out, forested and subject to proper supervision – their definition as closed military zones could be lifted.

      On April 3, 1966, another discussion was held on the same subject, this time at the office of the defense minister, Levi Eshkol, who was also the serving prime minister; the minutes of this meeting were classified as top secret. Its participants included: Toledano; Isser Harel, in his capacity as special adviser to the prime minister; the military advocate general – Meir Shamgar, who would later become president of the Supreme Court; and representatives of the Shin Bet security service and Israel Police.

      The newly publicized record of that meeting shows that the Shin Bet was already prepared at that point to lift the military rule over the Arabs and that the police and army could do so within a short time.

      Regarding northern Israel, it was agreed that “all the areas declared at the time to be closed [military] zones... other than Sha’ab [east of Acre] would be opened after the usual conditions were fulfilled – razing of the buildings in the abandoned villages, forestation, establishment of nature reserves, fencing and guarding.” The dates of the reopening these areas would be determined by Israel Defense Forces Maj. Gen. Shamir, the minutes said. Regarding Sha’ab, Harel and Toledano were to discuss that subject with Shamir.

      However, as to Arab locales in central Israel and the Negev, it was agreed that the closed military zones would remain in effect for the time being, with a few exceptions.

      Even after military rule was lifted, some top IDF officers, including Chief of Staff Tzvi Tzur and Shamgar, opposed the move. In March 1963, Shamgar, then military advocate general, wrote a pamphlet about the legal basis of the military administration; only 30 copies were printed. (He signed it using his previous, un-Hebraized name, Sternberg.) Its purpose was to explain why Israel was imposing its military might over hundreds of thousands of citizens.

      Among other things, Shamgar wrote in the pamphlet that Regulation 125, allowing certain areas to be closed off, is intended “to prevent the entry and settlement of minorities in border areas,” and that “border areas populated by minorities serve as a natural, convenient point of departure for hostile elements beyond the border.” The fact that citizens must have permits in order to travel about helps to thwart infiltration into the rest of Israel, he wrote.

      Regulation 124, he noted, states that “it is essential to enable nighttime ambushes in populated areas when necessary, against infiltrators.” Blockage of roads to traffic is explained as being crucial for the purposes of “training, tests or maneuvers.” Moreover, censorship is a “crucial means for counter-intelligence.”

      Despite Shamgar’s opinion, later that year, Prime Minister Levi Eshkol canceled the requirement for personal travel permits as a general obligation. Two weeks after that decision, in November 1963, Chief of Staff Tzur wrote a top-secret letter about implementation of the new policy to the officers heading the various IDF commands and other top brass, including the head of Military Intelligence. Tzur ordered them to carry it out in nearly all Arab villages, with a few exceptions – among them Barta’a and Muqeible, in northern Israel.

      In December 1965, Haim Israeli, an adviser to Defense Minister Eshkol, reported to Eshkol’s other aides, Isser Harel and Aviad Yaffeh, and to the head of the Shin Bet, that then-Chief of Staff Yitzhak Rabin opposed legislation that would cancel military rule over the Arab villages. Rabin explained his position in a discussion with Eshkol, at which an effort to “soften” the bill was discussed. Rabin was advised that Harel would be making his own recommendations on this matter.

      At a meeting held on February 27, 1966, Harel issued orders to the IDF, the Shin Bet and the police concerning the prime minister’s decision to cancel military rule. The minutes of the discussion were top secret, and began with: “The mechanism of the military regime will be canceled. The IDF will ensure the necessary conditions for establishment of military rule during times of national emergency and war.” However, it was decided that the regulations governing Israel’s defense in general would remain in force, and at the behest of the prime minister and with his input, the justice minister would look into amending the relevant statutes in Israeli law, or replacing them.

      The historical documents cited here have only made public after a two-year campaign by the Akevot institute against the national archives, which preferred that they remain confidential, Akevot director Lior Yavne told Haaretz. The documents contain no information of a sensitive nature vis-a-vis Israel’s security, Yavne added, and even though they are now in the public domain, the archives has yet to upload them to its website to enable widespread access.

      “Hundreds of thousands of files which are crucial to understanding the recent history of the state and society in Israel remain closed in the government archive,” he said. “Akevot continues to fight to expand public access to archival documents – documents that are property of the public.”

  • Comme j’ai entendu pleurer Meyer Habib à la Radio ce matin à l’issu du débat sur la reconnaissance de la Palestine qu’il considère comme un crime contre Israël en particulier et contre l’humanité en général, j’ai repris une de mes archives (en ce moment, je les classe !) qui date de janvier 2009, un petite histoire simple qui se passe à Gaza et qui est raconté sobrement ici, par notre amie Amira hass :

    Wounded Gaza family lay bleeding for 20 hours

    05/01/2009
    By Amira Hass

    Three hours after the Israel Defense Forces began their ground operation in the Gaza Strip, at about 10:30 P.M. Saturday night, a shell or missile hit the house owned by Hussein al A’aiedy and his brothers. Twenty-one people live in the isolated house, located in an agricultural area east of Gaza City’s Zeitoun neighborhood. Five of them were wounded in the strike: Two women in their eighties (his mother and aunt), his 14-year-old son, his 13-year-old niece and his 10-year-old nephew.

    Twenty hours later, the wounded were still bleeding in a shed in the courtyard of the house. There was no electricity, no heat, no water. Their relatives were with them, but every time they tried to leave the courtyard to fetch water, the army shot at them.

    Al A’aiedy tried to summon help on his cell phone, but Gaza’s cell phone network is collapsing. Shells have hit transponders, there is no electricity and no diesel fuel to run the generators. Every time the telephone works, it is a minor miracle.

    At about noon Sunday, Al A’aiedy finally managed to reach S., who called me. There was nothing else that S., who lives nearby, could do.

    I had known Al A’aiedy for eight years, and I called Physicians for Human Rights. They called the IDF’s liaison office to ask it to arrange to have the wounded evacuated. That was shortly after noon - and as of press time, the liaison office had still not called PHR back.

    Meanwhile, someone else had managed to reach the Red Crescent Society. It called the Red Cross and asked it to coordinate the evacuation of the wounded with the IDF. That was at 10:30 A.M. - and as of press time Sunday night, the Red Cross had still not been able to do so.

    While I was on the phone with PHR, at about noon, H. called. He just wanted to report: Two children, Ahmed Sabih and Mohammed al-Mashharawi, aged 10 and 11, had gone up on the roof of their Gaza City house to heat water over a fire. There is no electricity or gas, so fire is all that remains.

    Tanks are spitting shells, helicopters are raining fire, warplanes are causing earthquakes. But it is still hard for people to grasp that heating water has become no less dangerous than joining Hamas’ military wing.

    An IDF missile hit the two boys, killing Ahmed and seriously wounding Mohammed. Later Sunday, an Internet news site reported that both had died. But H.’s cell phone was not answering, so I could not verify that report.

    And there was no point in trying H.’s land line: A bomb destroyed his neighborhood’s entire phone system on Saturday. The target was a print shop (yet another of the IDF’s “military” targets). Its owner, a retired UNRWA employee, had invested his entire pension in the shop.

    In B.’s neighborhood, the bombs hit the water mains, so she has had no water since yesterday morning. “I’m already used to coping without electricity,” she said. “There’s no television, but I hear what happens from friends who call. One friend called from Lebanon, another from Haifa. And Ramallah. But without water, how will we manage?”

    A. offered his own take on the situation: “I keep the children away from the windows because the F-16s are in the air; I forbid them to play below because it’s dangerous. They’re bombing us from the sea and from the east, they’re bombing us from the air. When the telephone works, people tell us about relatives or friends who were killed. My wife cries all the time. At night she hugs the children and cries. It’s cold and the windows are open; there’s fire and smoke in open areas; at home there’s no water, no electricity, no heating gas.

    And you [the Israelis] say there’s no humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Tell me, are you normal?”

    #gaza

  • The Israeli minister who made a revolution in the Arab Christian community
    Israeli Christians who consider themselves Arameans, not Arabs, are calling Gideon Sa’ar their very own Herzl after government recognizes their community.
    By Roy (Chicky) Arad | Oct. 23, 2014 | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.622181

    Some politicians dedicate highway interchanges and some pass bold legislation, but as Gideon Sa’ar steps down as interior minister to take his “time-out” from politics, he can claim credit for establishing an old-new nation, the Arameans.

    To celebrate the government’s recognition of this community, Sa’ar met with 50 Christians who consider themselves Arameans, not Arabs. They met in a long room on the second floor of the Plaza Hotel in Upper Nazareth.

    “It’s a historic and revolutionary change,” Father Gabriel Naddaf told Sa’ar. “Only great people make revolutions, and you have become part of the vision.” Indeed, “Only great people make revolutions” was the phrase that adorned a special certificate handed to Sa’ar.

    The event was led by Father Gabriel’s Israeli Christian Recruitment Forum, which has encouraged Arabic-speaking Christians to serve in the Israel Defense Forces. But behind the scenes, the battle for the Aramean nation, whose ancient origins lie in northwest Syria, has suffered a schism.

    One leader was conspicuous by his absence: Shadi Halul, who in 2007 launched the effort to win Israeli recognition of the Arameans. He told me by phone he’d be pleased to be the Aramean Herzl – in fact a special event had been planned for him at the interior minister’s office, though it wasn’t clear when.

    “Other than prayers, Father Gabriel doesn’t know a word of Aramaic. I speak to my son in Aramaic,” Halul said, adding, however, that the two men were united in their goals. He also adamantly denied that he had joined Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu party, as someone at the event suggested.

    Tuesday was the high point of Halul’s life. His son Yaqub became the first person whose Aramean nationality appears on his Israeli birth certificate. For his first two years on Earth, Yaqub had no birth certificate as he waited for the new version. “He got excited about that certificate,” Halul said.

    Then Halul made a remarkable assertion: The biblical matriarchs Rebecca, Leah, and Rachel were Aramean, from the family of Laban the Aramean, and if religion is transmitted via the mother, then the biblical patriarch Jacob was Aramean! “Laban the Aramean was a swindler, but the Jews and the Arameans are one people who are now reuniting,“ Halul said.

    Of course, it wouldn’t hurt to recognize the Aramean nation, and as a fan of esotericism, I’d say it’s the most creative step the current Israeli government has taken. The more nations the better. Anyone who feels himself Aramean should be Aramean.

    But when it comes to Sa’ar and some of his fellow celebrants, recognition of the Arameans appears less motivated by love and more by an interest that these people not be deemed Arabs. In other words, it’s an effort to divide the Arab nation by isolating the tens of thousands of Christians who would be deemed Arameans.

    Rather than speaking to one another in Aramaic, everyone at the tables spoke in Arabic, which was also the language of the presentations. There was nothing Aramean at the event launching the Aramean nation – no flag, no nothing.

    The shadow of the Islamic State

    “Arabs are a swearword. It says terrorist,” said Samer Juzain, the bodyguard for Sa’ar and Father Gabriel at the gala. He wore a shirt from the Defense Ministry’s security division to go along with his sunglasses and earpiece.

    At first I thought the tattoos on his arms were in Aramaic, but it turned out they were the names of his two daughters — in Chinese.

    “I’ve always felt Aramean, never Arab,” he said. “When they call me an Arab it’s embarrassing. They’ve turned us into Arabs by force, as ISIS is doing now. Otherwise they’ll behead us.” Juzain kept silent when I asked him what he did for a living, though he made every effort to be photographed.

    The event began with lots of pictures of Father Gabriel with politicians, including MK Ofir Akunis (Likud) and pictures from right-wing group Im Tirtzu’s website, not to mention pictures of IDF weapons. In the background blared stirring music. Parallels were constantly drawn with the Zionist movement and Herzl.

    Beneath the picture of Sa’ar, the Lord Balfour of the Arameans, was the saying “I hereby declare the Christian-Aramean nation,” along with references to Herzl’s famous saying “If you will it, it is no dream.”

    In his speech, Sa’ar really did feel a bit like Lord Balfour. “Every public figure who achieves a position that can have an impact on the public wants to do the right thing,” Sa’ar said. “ How does one make decisions that change reality? At the end of the day, I ask what I have changed.”

    “You have made history,” Father Gabriel told him, to which Sa’ar replied: “My decision comes not as an individual. I made it in the name of the Jewish people. We appreciate your determination to change your fate and to link it to Israel’s future.”

    The strange thing is that Israel recognizes the Aramean nation but not an Israeli nation, the nation that I for one belong to. Such recognition could have obviated a lot of sectarian problems in Israel. And then they say the world is anti-Israel.

    “I am not Arab. Period,” said a kindhearted 77-year-old, Elias Khoury of Nazareth, who has started studying Aramaic in the Galilee village of Jish.

    “As Christians we have no place left in the Middle East to live in peace other than Israel. In Lebanon too we went through hell, because of Hezbollah. In the Byzantine period, before the Muslim conquest, we were Aramean Christians,” he said, harking back to the seventh century and the fall of Byzantium. It’s a process he’s trying to reverse 1,400 years later on the back of one Gideon Sa’ar.

    In addition to Father Gabriel, who spoke at the event sporting a gold crucifix, the acting mayor of Upper Nazareth, Alex Gadalkin, addressed the group.

    Just a shade from the table of honor sat suspended mayor Shimon Gapso. He has been indicted for bribery, but he was praised by every speaker. The head of the World Zionist Organization’s department devoted to combating anti-Semitism, Yaakov Hagoel, promised that with God’s help “we will free him.”

    Gapso was a leader in the effort to recognize the Arameans, and he admitted that much of this has to do with not being Arab. “Being Arab today is being identified with ISIS,” he said. “They want to be equal.”

  • Reservists from elite Israeli intel unit refuse to serve over Palestinian ’persecution’ Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/1.615498

    Forty-three former members of Israel Defense Forces intelligence Unit 8200, including some officers, wrote an open letter to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and top military officials, saying they would refuse to do reserve service because of Israel’s `political persecution’ of the Palestinians.

    “We, veterans of Unit 8200, reserve soldiers both past and present, declare that we refuse to take part in actions against Palestinians and refuse to continue serving as tools in deepening the military control over the Occupied Territories.” the soldiers said in the letter, which was also addressed to IDF Chief of Staff Benny Gantz and Maj. Gen. Aviv Kochavi, the head of the Military Intelligence Directorate.

    Among the signatories are a major and two captains in the reserves. Also signing were other intelligence personnel, who include officers and non-commissioned officers who served in the unit in professional capacities.

    “It is commonly thought that the service in military intelligence is free of moral dilemmas and solely contributes to the reduction of violence and harm to innocent people" they said in the letter. “However, our military service has taught us that intelligence is an integral part of Israel’s military occupation over the territories.”

    The signatories claimed, among other things, that while surveillance of Israeli citizens is strictly limited, “the Palestinians are not afforded this protection.”

    The 43 unit members who signed the letter, some of whom serve in the reserves, say that the information that is gathered and stored in the army’s systems “harms innocent people. It is used for political persecution and to create divisions within Palestinian society by recruiting collaborators and driving parts of Palestinian society against itself.”

    For this reason, the signatories say, their consciences do not allow them to continue serving that system and depriving millions of human beings of their rights.

    Daniel, a captain in the reserves who lives in Jerusalem and signed the letter, said that the process of getting signatures for the letter, which took about a year, started with a small group of people who knew each other from the unit.

    “There were fears of how people, and friends from the unit, might respond — if they knew that it was I and if they didn’t know,” Daniel says. But he adds that they felt a sense of responsibility and urgency, so they wrote the letter, Daniel told Haaretz on Thursday. According to the letter’s organizers, most of the people who signed it are reservists, but some of them have adopted a kind of “gray-market dodge” and were not summoned to perform reserve duty.

    “I don’t feel comfortable in my conscience continuing to serve, and instead of dealing with the dilemmas and the ramifications, I chose to take a more evasive route,” Daniel said, describing the “gray-market dodge” he has used for the past three years.

    “Now, later on, we feel that evasion is wrong, and that we have to take responsibility. In the end, I served there for seven years. I believed in what we did there — and for all those reasons, I must take responsibility for what I see as the perpetuation of the cycle of violence. We hope that people will think critically about these things.”

    An official of the IDF Spokesman’s Office said that “Unit 8200 has worked since the day it was established to gather intelligence that allows the army and security agencies to perform their tasks, and each day it helps protect the citizens of the State of Israel.

    "The unit uses varied methods and many fields while using methods and rules directed toward those who consume the information and for its own uses only. Those who serve in the unit are trained after a meticulous search process using training methods that have no parallel in the intelligence community in Israel or in the world. The content of their training places special emphasis upon the fields of ethics, morals and work procedures. These are put into practice during their service as soldiers and officers of the unit, and they are under the constant supervision of commanding officers of various ranks.

    “The concrete claims made in the report are unknown in the Intelligence Directorate. The fact that the alleged signatories of this letter contacted the media before bringing their complaints to their commanding officers or relevant agencies in the army is surprising and raises doubts regarding the sincerity of their claims.

    "Over the years, and particularly in recent years, the unit daily has received appreciation that often takes the form of citations, medals and national-security awards. As for the claims about harm done to innocent people, the process of gaining approval for targets in the army, which is long and meticulous, also takes the topic of uninvolved parties into account.”

    The spokesperson for the Palestinian Authority’s security services, Adnan Damiri, said the reservists made a moral move, and that the Palestinians salute humanitarian ideas of this sort, which come to the aid of an oppressed people, Israel Radio reported.

  • Israel’s Video Justifying Destruction of a Hospital Was From 2009
    Saturday, 06 September 2014 09:29
    By Gareth Porter, Truthout | Report
    http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/25999-israels-video-justifying-destruction-of-a-hospital-was-from-2009

    A video distributed by the Israeli military in July suggesting that Palestinian fighters had fired from the Al Wafa Rehabilitation and Geriatric Hospital in #Gaza City was not shot during the recent Israeli attack on Gaza, and both audio and video clips were manipulated to cover up the fact that they were from entirely different incidents, a Truthout investigation has revealed.

    The video, released by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) on July 23, the same day Israeli airstrikes destroyed Al Wafa, was widely reported by pro-Israeli publications and websites as proving that the hospital was destroyed because Hamas had turned the hospital into a military facility. But the video clip showing apparent firing from an annex to the hospital was actually shot during Israel’s 2008-09 “Operation Cast Lead,” and the audio clip accompanying it was from an incident unrelated to Al Wafa.

    The misleading video was only the last in a series of IDF dissimulations about Al Wafa hospital that included false claims that Hamas rockets had been launched from the hospital grounds, or very near it, and that the hospital had been damaged by an attack on the launching site.

    The IDF began to prepare the ground for the destruction of Al Wafa hospital well before Israeli ground troops entered Gaza on July 17. On July 11, the IDF fired four warning rockets on the fourth floor of Al Wafa, making a large hole in the ceiling - the standard IDF signal that a building was going to be destroyed by an airstrike.

    (...)

    The IDF real reason for the destruction of Al Wafa hospital appears to be related to the determination to raise the cost to the civilian population of Gaza for Palestinian resistance, in line with the approach represented by its “Dahiya doctrine,” named after the Beirut suburb dominated by Hezbollah, much of which the Israeli Air Force reduced to rubble in the 2006 war.

    That strategy, recognized as a violation of the international laws of war, was pursued most obviously in the complete destruction of every house in several square blocks in three separate areas of the Shujaiya district of Gaza City July 19-20. But it was also evident in IDF attacks on Al Wafa and in the series of mortar and artillery attacks on six different UN shelters from July 21 though August 3. Those attacks killed a total of 47 civilians and wounded 341, according to a survey of the incidents by The Guardian.

    In none of the six cases where UN shelters were hit by IDF mortar shells was the military able to offer a plausible explanation, and in three cases, it offered no explanation whatever.

    #doctrine_dahiya #crimes #Israel #Israël #laideur

  • Si tu te demandes pourquoi les actions de maintien de l’ordre aux États-Unis prennent une tournure carrément militarisée (mais surtout pas raciste, l’ADL se porte garante sur ce point-là) : 24 mars 2011 : St. Louis County Police Chief Timothy Fitch visits Israel for counter-terrorism
    http://archive.ksdk.com/news/article/251178/147/Chief-Fitch-visiting-Israel-for-counter-terrorism-

    St. Louis County, MO (KSDK) - St. Louis County Police Chief Timothy Fitch will be part of a national delegation of law enforcement officials traveling to Israel next month to study counter-terrorism tactics.

    Over a weeklong visit, the delegation will learn how Israel’s police, intelligence and security forces prevent terror attacks, and includes visits to Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and Tiberias. Law enforcement will be briefed by members of the Israel National Police, the Israel Defense Forces, among others.

    The trip is part of the Anti-Defamation League’s National Counter-Terrorism Seminar.

    Ils ont appris la méthode « West Bank » (également connue sous le nom « tu lui exploses un genou, il est pas prêt de revenir te jeter des cailloux »), ou la méthode Gaza (dite « on va tondre la pelouse ») ?

    Note : ça commence à circuler. On devrait donc avoir des confirmations (ou éventuelles infirmations) sur ce voyage touristique rapidement. Plus largement, je suis certain qu’on a déjà référencé des articles sur le fait que les Israéliens transmettent leur « savoir faire » en matière d’« anti-terrorisme/maintien de l’ordre » (c’est pareil) aux Américains et à bon nombre de pays européens.

    #ferguson