organization:israel defense forces

  • I miss the Gaza Strip
    Israeli journalists have been in Syria and Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan, but not in Gaza, an hour’s drive from Tel Aviv.
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.754902

    The kindergarten teacher lies on a stretcher, her body covered with blood. The minibus is parked beside her. The cannon fires shells, the children lie on the road. This is a child’s drawing on the wall in the town of Beit Lahiya in the Gaza Strip. It was drawn 10 years ago, a day after an Israel Defense Forces shell hit the kindergarten minibus, killing the teacher and two children who were standing in the street.
    This description was published 10 years ago today, in my last story from Gaza. For 10 years, the only Israeli journalists who have visited Gaza are Haaretz’s Amira Hass, who was there twice, once via the sea and the other time via Egypt, and the military reporters accompanying the IDF, who see nothing but the soldiers’ heroism. Israeli journalists have been in Syria and Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan, but not in Gaza, an hour’s drive from Tel Aviv.
    Israel forbids such visits and nobody protests. During my last visit, I saw an elderly man lying wounded on a donkey-drawn cart in the courtyard of the shabby Kamal Radwan clinic. He had been hit by an IDF shell. Afterwards, we went with the children to the funeral of their kindergarten teacher, who had been killed in front of their eyes. It didn’t occur to me that this would be my last visit.
    The toddlers have since become teenage boys and girls, some of them may have been killed. The IDF killed 344 children in the 2008-09 Gaza war, known as Operation Cast Lead; 180 toddlers and 366 children were killed in the 2014 Israel-Gaza conflict, known as Operation Protective Edge.
    No Israeli journalist can write their stories any more. The Israeli reader knows nothing about them, nor does he want to know. For him, all the dead children are terrorists, or children that terrorists hid behind, as Israeli propaganda tells it. All of Gaza is Hamas, Israelis are told, and everyone in it wants only to destroy Israel.
    I look at my last reports from Gaza. A visit to the remnants of the Abu Udah family – Mohammed, whose son Ismail and daughter Hanan were shot dead by soldiers; Dam al-Ez Hamad, 14, the only daughter of a paralyzed mother, was killed by a missile fired by Israeli Air Force pilots at the house next door. Dam was killed in her sleep, curled up in her mother’s arms. The IDF said it was an attack on a tunnel.

  • A pogrom shakes a Palestinian village strangled by Israeli settlements - A dozen masked settlers wielding knives and clubs and yelling ’death to Arabs’ attacked five Palestinian farmers who were harvesting olives; ’They came to kill,’ one victim says.

    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Nov 11, 2016
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.752387

    It was a pogrom.
    The survivors are five congenial Palestinian farmers who speak broken Hebrew and work in construction in Israel, with valid entry permits. On weekends they cultivate what is left of their lands, most of which were plundered for the benefit of the settlements that choke their village, Janiya, outside Ramallah. They are convinced that they survived last Saturday’s attack only by a miracle.
    “Pogrom” really is the only word that describes what they endured. “We will kill you!” the assailants shouted, as they beat the men over the head and on their bodies with clubs and iron pipes, and brandished serrated knives. The only “crime” of the Palestinians, who were in the midst of harvesting their olives when the settlers swooped down on them, was that they were Palestinians who had the temerity to work their land.
    Olive harvest time is a traditional season for pogroms in the West Bank, but this was one of the most violent. No Israeli official condemned the assault, no one got upset. One victim needed 20 stitches in his head, another suffered a broken arm and shoulder, a third is limping, a fourth lost his front teeth. Only one managed to get away from the attackers, but he was also hobbled, when he injured his leg on the rocky terrain as he fled.
    skip - Masked men leave a West Bank valley where Palestinians were attacked and arrive at a settler outpost

    • https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H16eCl_kBm8

      Masked men leave a West Bank valley where Palestinians were attacked and arrive at a settler outpost

      The farmers, who days later were still in shock from the experience, were evacuated by fellow villagers; the olives remain scattered on the ground. Now they are afraid to go back to the groves. This weekend, they promised themselves, they will send young people from Janiya to collect what was harvested and to complete the work. They themselves, their bodies and spirits battered, say they are incapable of doing anything.

      The assailants, about a dozen masked settlers, are seen in a video taken by a local resident, Ahmed al-Mazlim, as they – apparently flushed with the excitement of their act – made their way back to their huts, which are scattered below the settlement of Neria, also known as North Talmon, between Modi’in and Ramallah. This was their “oneg Shabbat,” their Sabbath joy: descending into the valley and beating up people who were working their land, as innocent as they were helpless – possibly even with intent to kill. A peaceful weekend.

      The settlers are seen climbing slowly back up to the huts of their unauthorized outpost, which is planted on the hillside below Neria. They are not in any hurry – after all, no one is going to catch them. Finally they sit down on the porch of one of the huts to quench their thirst with a canteen.

      I’ve never before seen criminals leaving the scene of the crime with such indifference. Maybe they were exhausted from their labors – thrashing Arabs – tired but happy. Yotam Berger, the Haaretz reporter who was the first to publish the video, visited the huts the day after the pogrom. It was clear to him that settlers lived there, even though the structures were empty when he arrived. No arrests have been made so far, and past experience suggests that none will be made. The police are investigating.

      Janiya, a small village of 1,400 souls in the central West Bank, made a living from its lands until most of them were grabbed by the nearby settlements, beginning in the late 1980s. Few regions are as dense with settlers as this one; few villages have had as much of their land plundered as Janiya. Of the original 50,000-60,000 dunams (12,500-15,000 acres) owned by its residents, only 7,000 remain in their hands. The village is being suffocated.

      From a vantage point at its edge, we can view the valley in which the assault was perpetrated, and the nearby settlements. Our guide is Iyad Hadad, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem. Beneath us, the homes of Talmon A abut Janiya’s remaining lands, quite close to the villagers’ houses. Just stretch out your hand and touch them; one more expansion project and they’re inside Janiya.

      To the right – southeast – is the settlement of Dolev, on behalf of whose residents Israel blocked the main road to Ramallah for years. Perched on the hill opposite is Talmon B; next to it is Talmon C; and there, on the horizon, lies Talmon D. An Israel Defense Forces base stands on the top of the hill, at a distance.

      Every hilltop here poses another threat to the quiet village. Neria overlooks the olive grove belonging to the Abu Fuheida family and the terraced slopes leading down to it. The dwellings of the “hilltop youths” are scattered across the whole expanse, beneath the Talmons, dozens of meters apart from each other.

      It’s quiet in the valley. Some of Janiya’s olive groves now lie on property owned by the settlements; when they are harvested, it’s done in coordination with the Israel Defense Forces. For example, olives were picked in Palestinian-tended parts of Talmon A last week. But the attack by the settlers was perpetrated in a location where coordination isn’t required, because it’s not on the property of any settlement.

      This is the end of the harvesting season, and this is a wadi called Natashath. It’s Saturday morning, a beautiful day, and five members of the Abu Fuheida family – Sa’il, Hassan, Sabar, Sa’ad and Mohammed – descend to their family grove, where they have about 70 olive trees. It’s about 8:30; there are no other farmers around. They carry bags (“No knives,” one of them quickly makes clear) that are spread out on the ground to catch the fallen olives, along with a bottle of Coca-Cola, tomatoes, pita and cold cuts. This is not a good year for olives – the harvest has been meager.

      They work until midday, sit down to eat and go back to the ladders. Their plan is to complete the harvest by evening. But then the assailants sweep down out of nowhere; the harvesters, up on ladders, heads amid the branches, don’t see them. Only Sa’il, at 57 the eldest of the group and the only one not on a ladder, is able to get away, only to be injured in the course of his panicky flight.

      According to Sa’il and to his wounded brother Hassan, there were 10, perhaps 15 attackers. They looked young and robust. One of the four who assaulted Hassan wore glasses; Hassan saw only his eyes. He was the one who gave him the worst pummeling, adds Hassan. All were holding pipes, clubs, sticks or knives. There was also one who seemed to be a lookout: He stood atop the hill next to Neria, armed with a rifle, apparently observing the goings-on. “Kill the Arabs! Kill the Arabs!” the attackers shouted. “We will kill you, you sluts.”

      Sa’il: “They were aggressive, violent, I’ve never seen an attack like it. They came to kill.”

      The villagers scampered down from the ladders, straight into the hands of the attackers, who grabbed Sabar first, then Hassan, surrounding them – a few settlers for every Palestinian – and walloping them. Sabar was the first to lose consciousness, Hassan says he also passed out. The pogromists tried to hit them on the head, but Hassan protected his with his hands. His right hand is now bandaged, stitched up and in a sling, four of his teeth were knocked out and his lip was cut, too. He is barely functioning and his speech is slurred.

      The attack went on for between five and 10 minutes. One of the cousins, Mohammed, managed to flee at one stage, after being slightly wounded, and he summoned help from the village. When the assailants left, the wounded were taken in ambulances and private cars to the Ramallah Government Hospital. Hassan relates that he regained consciousness in his brother’s house, where he had been taken by villagers before being evacuated to the hospital. He gets dizzy when he stands up. He was certain he was going to die, says Hassan, a construction worker in Rishon Letzion (“with a proper permit”).

      Only Hassan and Sa’il were in the village when we visited this week (the other three victims had gone to Binyamin Region headquarters, to give testimony to the police.) Their home was packed with visitors offering words of comfort to the victims. The assailants are insane, their cousin Sahar tells us: “They hate the Arabs, they hate the smell of Arabs, they see an Arab and want to trample him underfoot. They want to kill us. They don’t want Arabs here. And they do whatever they feel like.”

      We sat in the shade of the bougainvillea in the yard of the family house. I asked Hassan what he thought about what happened. A faint smile crossed his wounded lips, as he replied, “I don’t know what to think. This happens every year.”

  • Settlers build new illegal outpost on private Palestinian land - with Israeli authorities’ knowledge
    Israeli army says stop-work orders have been issued and further enforcement efforts will be taken in Jordan Valley, but Haaretz saw work continuing on Thursday.
    By Amira Hass | Oct. 23, 2016 | 3:38 AM
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.748747
    https://o.twimg.com/2/proxy.jpg?t=HBh9aHR0cDovL3d3dy5oYWFyZXR6LmNvbS9wb2xvcG9seV9mcy8xLjc0ODc1NS4

    A new, unauthorized outpost is being constructed in the northern Jordan Valley on privately owned Palestinian land. The outpost has been established in close proximity to another illegal outpost, Givat Salit, which was created in 2001.

    A man identified as “Tzuriel” and who was said by his associates to be the “boss” of the new outpost, refused to answer questions from Haaretz on the matter last Thursday.

    The Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories said a stop-work order has been issued at the outpost. It added that a patrol conducted on Thursday revealed construction at the site had ceased, and that further enforcement activity will be carried out as necessary.

    However, a visit by Haaretz the same day revealed that construction was continuing.

    The area in which construction was being carried out had expanded to an adjacent hilltop and included the laying of a water pipe and the initial construction of a livestock pen. The hilltop, it should be noted, is considered state-owned and not privately owned Palestinian land.

    On Thursday, COGAT issued a statement saying: “At the end of September, illegal construction was noted, against which stop-work orders have been issued. Continued enforcement will be carried out in accordance with professional and operational considerations. A patrol today found that work had stopped. After the [Sukkot] holiday, an additional patrol will be arranged and any additional enforcement steps required will be taken.”

    More than a week ago, the people at the outpost allegedly began threatening Palestinian shepherds, preventing them from bringing their flocks to their regular grazing lands on the hilltop. One of the settlers, Tzuriel, was allegedly seen armed with a gun.

    On September 27, shortly after the outpost was established, forces from the Israeli Civil Administration demolished a Palestinian family’s entire tent encampment. The Ayoubs, a family of shepherds, have lived at the site for many years.

    Shepherds from the area, as well as members of the Arab-Jewish activist group Ta’ayush, have told Haaretz that the outpost was established about five weeks ago in an area of eucalyptus trees. It consists of a large, curved wooden hut and a structure serving as a sukkah. Sofas and armchairs have been set up outside, along with an exterior kitchen with a refrigerator, sink and running water.

    Last Thursday morning, there were 11 Israelis at the site: a couple who looked to be in their 40s, a baby, a boy, four older girls and three young men. Two of the girls took sheep out to graze. An older man and several young men dug a channel from the top of the hill to the outpost and ran the water pipe down the hill through it. “We’ve managed to do a lot today,” one of them remarked on Thursday morning.

    Prior to that, they pounded iron fencing into the ground for what appeared to be a future livestock pen, as well as posts for what was seemingly the beginning of another structure. On Thursday afternoon, about 10 Israelis continued to carry out construction work at the site, Haaretz has learned. On Friday, sources told Haaretz that a water tank was installed at the site and additional iron posts installed.

    Thursday morning also saw an Israeli jeep speed into a flock of livestock owned by the Ayoub family. The vehicle was identified as belonging to a resident of Shadmot Mehola, a settlement on the other side of the road in the area. It was built on land owned by Palestinians who have lived abroad since 1967. Members of the shepherd family said they are now concerned that the people from the outpost and their associates will physically harm their flocks, in addition to barring access to their pastures.

    The separate unauthorized outpost of Givat Salit sits on 41 dunams (just over 10 acres) of land, some of which has been designated state-owned (and was registered as such before 1967). Another part, however, was built on privately owned Palestinian land. In recent years, settlers from Givat Salit have assumed control of another 33 dunams of private Palestinian land and planted olive trees and date palms there. Some of the grove is within an Israel Defense Forces firing zone.

    #colonialisme_de_peuplement_israélien

    • Report: Settlers continue building new illegal outpost despite stop-work orders
      Oct. 23, 2016 5:35 P.M. (Updated: Oct. 23, 2016 5:35 P.M.)
      http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=773680

      TUBAS (Ma’an) — Israeli authorities ordered settlers to stop construction on a new illegal outpost in the Jordan valley district of Tubas in the northern occupied West Bank, according Israeli authorities.

      Israel’s Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), the body responsible for implementing Israeli government policies in the occupied West Bank, told Ma’an on Sunday that the “illegal construction” began at the end of September, and that COGAT issued "stop-work orders” to the settlers in the area.

      Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported on Sunday that their reporters visited the site of the outpost — which was established on privately owned Palestinian land, in close proximity to the illegal outpost of Givat Salit — and that construction was still ongoing, despite the stop-work orders that were issued, and COGAT’s claim that construction was halted.

      In its statement to Ma’an, COGAT reiterated its assertion that construction had stopped, saying that “further inspection of the illegal construction found that the construction halted only after the orders were issued.”

      “Enforcement measures will continue and will be carried out in accordance with professional and operational considerations,” the statement said, adding that “immediately after” the current Jewish holidays, “there will be another inspection by the Inspection Unit and enforcement proceedings will be taken accordingly.”

  • Before firing at a Palestinian, the Israeli sniper asked: Where do you want to be shot?
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.742301
    Four rounds of sniper fire hit Mohammed Amassi, a young Palestinian baker standing on the roof of his home in the Al-Fawwar refugee camp. As he tries now to recover from his wounds, he still remembers the mocking words of the soldier who shot him.

    By Gideon Levy and Alex Levac | Sep. 16, 2016 | 4:00 PM | 2

    Why waste words when the video from the Palestinian news agency Ma’an shows pretty much everything? Israeli soldiers are on the roof of the next-door apartment building: One is on the lower roof, two on the balcony of the apartment above the roof, and two more are looking out from the apartment window. A few teenage girls and children are looking at them from the neighboring roof. Total silence. Suddenly, the two soldiers on the balcony raise their hands, as though giving a signal, and one of them, the sniper, aims and starts shooting. On the roof of the building, Mohammed Amassi is hit. He falls to the ground and starts crawling for his life, bent on getting off the roof. Finally, a medical team gets him down via a ladder. The only thing Amassi is holding is his cell phone. Nothing about him could have seemed threatening to the soldiers on the roof opposite, about 80 meters (260 feet) away. The sniper took aim and fired, hitting him with round after round. The palm of one hand is covered with blood; he is writhing in pain, stunned.

    A few weeks later, Amassi, 22, is in his living room, lying on a new adjustable bed that has been loaned to him by a Palestinian charity. He’s a good-looking young man, smiling and quiet. His family’s home is well kept, compared to others in Al-Fawwar — a hardscrabble refugee camp, the most southerly in the West Bank and the one that most closely resembles the refugee camps of the Gaza Strip, which isn’t all that far from here.

    On August 16, a huge Israel Defense Forces raiding party, consisting of hundreds of soldiers, swooped into Al-Fawwar in the dead of night. In less than 24 hours, they killed one person and wounded dozens more. Their haul: two old pistols. (Amira Hass wrote about this unbelievable operation, “One killed and dozens wounded at a Palestinian refugee camp, all for two pistols,” in Haaretz, August 21.) The local residents are convinced the raid was nothing more than a training exercise carried out at their expense.

    We arrived at Al-Fawwar on the eve of Id al-Adha (the feast of the sacrifice). In the butcher shop, a cow was being sliced up for the holiday. Those who can afford meat congregated around the animal, waiting for their portion. The IDF rarely carries out raids in this crowded camp, where about 10,000 people live in an area of one square kilometer. The troops haven’t returned since the raid.

    Amassi is the son of the camp’s baker, Ibrahim Amassi, and the eldest of six siblings. Their family bakery was the first in Al-Fawwar, dating from the foundation of the refugee camp in the early 1950s. In recent years, it’s produced mainly pretzels, cookies and special doughs for traditional dishes. Mohammed studied interior design, but afterward became a baker to help provide for the family. He works two shifts a day, morning and afternoon, seven days a week. He has never been arrested or even been interrogated by Israeli authorities. Above the living room in which he is now recovering, another apartment is being built: he will live there when he marries and has a family of his own.

    His hand is bandaged, and both legs are marked with wounds and scars from the shooting and subsequent surgery. Bedridden, Amassi continues to suffer from intense pain. It’s not clear whether he will be able either to walk again or to use his hand. At the moment, he can only hobble around with the aid of crutches. On the day of the big raid last month, his younger siblings woke him at 6:30 A.M., three hours after the soldiers entered the camp. The troops were scouring the alleys and seizing control of buildings. At first, the camp’s inhabitants thought the soldiers had come to demolish the home of Mohammed al-Shobaki, who stabbed an IDF soldier last November and was killed afterward. However, it soon became apparent that the troops had other intentions, though it was not clear what they were.

    Watching the show

    The whole camp was up on rooftops, watching the show, and Amassi was no exception. His house has two roofs: one, with a low rail, where people sit on hot summer nights; and above it an unfenced roof, for the water tank and satellite dish. Amassi climbed onto the upper roof to get a better view. It’s dangerous there: Without the fence, there’s no place to take cover. Teams from Ma’an and the television channel Palestine Today were positioned on the roof of the adjacent building, which offers better protection from the soldiers. Clashes were taking place between soldiers and stone throwers on the camp’s main street, but quiet prevailed here, on the high hill where this neighborhood stands.

    The troops seized quite a few houses — about 30, according to Musa Abu Hashhash, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem — and carried out searches in about 200 homes, smashing holes in some walls for snipers. At about 9 A.M., Amassi was talking to the reporters on the next-door roof. Suddenly he heard a soldier who was deployed on the balcony of the building below his call to him in Arabic: “Where do you want to get it?” Amassi was petrified. He knew what this meant: In which part of your body do you want to be shot?

    According to Amassi, there was nothing to account for the soldier’s chilling question. The street was quiet, and Mohammed had done nothing that could be construed as a threat to the troops, who were 80 meters away as the crow flies. His father, Ibrahim, believes the soldiers shot his son in order to demonstrate their power to the camera crews on the roof next door.

    “What did the soldier say to you?” Amassi’s friend, Ismail Najar, asked from the neighboring roof. But before Amassi could answer, he saw the soldier take aim and start shooting at him. Three bullets struck him in rapid succession. The first slammed into his left leg next to the knee, the second hit him between his hip and his left thigh, the third smashed into his right leg. When he raised his hands and called out to the soldier, “Enough, enough,” the sniper fired one more round, perhaps as an encore. The final bullet hit him in the palm of his hand. They were 0.22-inch Ruger, or Toto, bullets and didn’t kill him

    Amassi then tried to find shelter on an exposed roof that has no shelter. He could have fallen off. In the edited Ma’an video, he’s seen crawling desperately. A flimsy, makeshift iron ladder — which I was afraid to climb — is the only way to gain access the upper roof. Somehow, the paramedics got him down. They carried him by foot for about 150 meters up the narrow alley to their ambulance, which took a soldier-bypass route to get him to Al-Ahli Hospital in nearby Hebron. Amassi was semiconscious. Damage had been done to blood vessels. To avoid having to amputate his leg, he was moved to Hebron’s other hospital, Alia. But they, too, did not have the necessary specialist. That evening, he was transferred to the Ramallah Government Hospital, where he underwent surgery.

    In reply to a query from Haaretz, the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit stated this week: “On August 16, a military operation was conducted in Al-Fawwar refugee camp, with the aim of thwarting and striking at the terrorist infrastructures that exist throughout the camp. The operation included extensive searches to seize combat means and also the arrest of five wanted individuals. During the operation, army forces came under live fire and violent disturbances developed, which included the throwing of stones and cinder blocks, and dozens of explosive devices and Molotov cocktails, to which the forces responded with crowd dispersal means and shooting. The video mentioned is edited tendentiously and does not reflect the violent situation that developed in the refugee camp.”

    Amassi spent 10 days in the Ramallah hospital. One bullet remains lodged deep inside, somewhere between his waist and hip and left thigh, and the physicians aren’t sure they will be able to remove it. If not, he will probably have to undergo additional surgery in Jordan. Next to his bed is a plastic jar containing the two bullet fragments that were successfully extracted from his body. He’s taking five different types of painkillers to try to relieve the suffering.

    We leave him and go up to the roof. There are tangled iron rods where he fell. A few hours after he was shot, troops killed Mohammed Abu Hashhash, 19, who was shot the instant he stepped out of his house, a few hundred meters away, on another street. The soldiers opened fire through a breach they made in the wall of a neighboring house. That breach, together with a painting of the dead teenager on the wall, constitute a monument to a young man whose killing was probably as unnecessary as the shooting of the young baker in Al-Fawwar.

  • Unarmed Palestinian shot dead by Israeli forces at military post near Ramallah
    Aug. 26, 2016 1:06 P.M. (Updated: Aug. 26, 2016 6:17 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=772867

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — A reportedly unarmed Palestinian was shot dead by Israeli forces at a military post near the illegal Israeli Ofra settlement at the western entrance to the town of Silwad in northeastern Ramallah on Friday, contradicting earlier reports by Israeli media that he had opened fire at soldiers.

    An Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an that Israeli soldiers stationed at a military post in Silwad identified a suspect on foot running toward them.

    The Israeli soldiers “shot towards the suspect, resulting in his death,” the spokesperson said.

    No injuries among Israeli soldiers were reported by the army.

    Medics from the Palestinian Red Crescent who had arrived at the scene were reportedly prevented from accessing the site by Israeli forces.

    Initial reports from Hebrew media, however, said the suspect had opened fire from inside a vehicle, and that a woman might have been inside the car with him.

    According to reports, witnesses said that he was shot and critically injured while inside his vehicle, and was later pronounced dead.

    When asked about the conflicting reports, and whether or not the suspect had been armed, the Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an the details of the incident were still being checked.

    The suspect was later identified by local sources in the Ramallah area as 38-year-old Iyad Zakariya Hamed . He was married and a father of three.

    Israeli news site Ynet quoted an anonymous Palestinian official as saying that Hamed suffered from mental illness and was not found to have any weapons on his person when searched, and no signs of gunfire were found on the guard post.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Israel investigating claim unarmed Palestinian was shot in the back
      Aug. 28, 2016 11:47 A.M. (Updated: Aug. 28, 2016 1:53 P.M.)
      https://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=772882

      BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — The Israeli army’s military police have reportedly opened an investigation into the killing of an unarmed Palestinian man who was shot dead by Israeli forces on Friday, an Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an.

      Thirty-eight-year-old Iyad Zakariya Hamed, a resident of the Ramallah area village of Silwad, was shot dead by Israeli forces near a military post at the village’s entrance not far from the illegal Israeli settlement Ofra, when soldiers alleged that they saw Hamed “charging” towards them.

      Israeli media initially reported that Hamed, a husband and father of three, fired shots at the Israeli soldiers, though it was later confirmed that he was unarmed.

      According to Israeli newspaper Haaretz, any death of a Palestinian in the occupied West Bank who was “not involved in actual fighting” warrants an Israeli military police investigation, and that the investigation into Hamed’s killing will look into the activity of the soldiers responsible — who were members of the “ultra-orthodox” Kifr Brigade — before they opened fire, and why they fired deadly shots at Hamed when “danger was not immediately clear.”

      In addition, the investigation will look into the claim from Palestinian medical officials that Hamed was shot in the back. The officials also reportedly said that Hamed had mental disabilities and had been receiving psychiatric treatment.

      The Israeli army has maintained however, that Hamed was running toward the military post when the soldiers opened fire.

    • Israel: Where the media will blindly buy what the ruling authorities dictate
      By Gideon Levy | Aug. 27, 2016 | 11:56 PM
      http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.738936
      A thousand reports are published about every West Bank settler who is murdered, yet Friday’s killing of an innocent man evoked one big yawn. It’s not terror, or apartheid, or racism or dehumanization. It’s only killing a subhuman.

      It was late in the morning. In Israel people were completing their preparations for Shabbat. The military reporters bought challahs, the soldiers left their bases for the weekend. At the Yabrud checkpoint in the West Bank their colleagues saw a man. Actually, they didn’t see a man. They saw a subhuman. They shot him as they were taught. The military reporters reported also as taught: “A terrorist fired a weapon at a pillbox post in Ofra. Nobody was hurt. The force fired back and the terrorist was killed.”

      Routine. There is no contradiction between “nobody was hurt” and “the terrorist was killed.” Only Jews can be hurt. An update followed: “The Kfir squad commander, who saw the terrorist throw a firebomb at an IDF pillbox in Silwad, shot and killed him. Nobody was hurt.” Now the shooting had turned into “a firebomb.” A short time later, it was reported: “Apparently, he was mentally unstable. A search on his body resulted with no findings.” In other words, murder.

      This is what Channel 10 reporter Or Heller tweeted on Friday, as did some of his colleagues, including Alon Ben-David. Heller is far from the worst of the military reporters, who recite automatically whatever the army spokesman dictates to them without attributing the quote to the spokesman, and consider themselves journalists.

      There is no other coverage area in which journalists can act like that. They buy blindly, fervidly, what the ruling authorities dictate to them. The lies about what happened on Friday at the Yabrud checkpoint were spread by the IDF, of course. Afterward the IDF corrected itself, and only after that did the reporters follow suit and report: “the Palestinian didn’t try to attack the soldiers.” Good evening and Shabbat Shalom.

      It was late in the morning. Iyad Hamed, of Silwad, was on his way to Friday prayers in the mosque. Years ago he hurt his head in a traffic accident and since then had been mentally unstable. He was 38, a father of three, including a baby. A witness who testified to B’Tselem Saturday, Iyad Hadad, said Hamed had lost his way, panicked when he saw the soldiers at the checkpoint and ran. He ran for his life. He wasn’t armed, he endangered no one.

      Paramedic Yihia Mubarak believes he was shot in the back as he ran. He saw an entry wound in the victim’s back and an exit wound in his chest. Hamed died on the spot. Shortly afterward his body was returned. Israel’s lust for bodies was satiated this time, after it transpired that Hamed had been killed although he had done nothing wrong.

      A dead Arab. Oh well. We’ve moved onto other, more interesting and important matters. When a single Qassam rocket from Gaza lands, without hurting anyone or causing any damage, Israel launches a revenge campaign of bombardments and shelling, sowing devastation and horror. It’s allowed to do anything. The disappointed military reporters provoke the defense minister, asking, “why only real estate?” And what about Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, whom Avigdor Lieberman had promised to assassinate?

      Israel is allowed to do anything. Are the Palestinians allowed to take revenge for the killing of their friend? What a ludicrous question. Are they allowed to try to “deter” IDF soldiers, as Israel does with Hamas, so that they don’t kill innocent passersby again? Another ludicrous question. Will anyone be punished for this killing? An even more ludicrous question.

      If an Israeli dog had been killed by a Palestinian assailant, Israel would have been much more shocked than by Hamed’s killing. A thousand reports are published about every West Bank settler who is murdered, yet Friday’s killing of an innocent man evoked one big yawn. It’s not terror, or apartheid, or racism or dehumanization. It’s only killing a subhuman.

      I was in Silwad about nine months ago, after Border Policemen killed Mahdia Hamed, a 40-year-old mother of four. The Border Policemen claimed she had tried to run them over with her car, but eyewitnesses testified she had been driving slowly. At home, her 10-month-old infant was waiting to be breast-fed.

      They shot her several times and the bullets pierced and ran through her body. Nobody was put on trial. The widower, Adiv Hamed, asked me then, in his naivety: “Do the Israelis know what happened? Was there a public debate in Israel after she was killed?”

      I was silent with shame.

    • A mentally disabled Palestinian shot dead by Israeli troops for behaving strangely
      http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.739750
      ’Let’s say Iyad was behaving strangely. Why kill him?’ his brother ponders. ’When they grow up, Iyad’s children are liable to hate Israel, and with good reason. You killed their father.’
      By Gideon Levy and Alex Levac | Sep. 2, 2016 | 4:39 PM | 5

      The man who was shot to death last Friday by a soldier from the Kfir Brigade’s ultra-Orthodox Netzach Yehuda Battalion was 38 and the father of two small children, a son and a daughter, who were this week scurrying around the living room of their house, in a state of bewilderment, she in a purple skirt, he in shorts. Their father, Iyad Hamed, had a congenital mental disability: Introverted and taciturn, he was prone to stare at the ground as he walked. He enjoyed communing with nature and picking figs and almonds. Still, there was structure in his life: He had a wife and children, and worked in construction in a simple job. “He wasn’t the sharpest of people,” his brothers say.

      Footage from the security camera of the grocery store in Silwad, a village near Ramallah, shows his last minutes. Hamed, in a light-colored shirt, is seen buying snacks for his children and paying. A few moments later, he sets out for a mosque for the Friday prayers, never to return. Nothing in the footage hints at what is about to happen: A father buys treats for his children in the final hour of his life.

      Most of Hamed’s family is in America, as are many of the natives of this well-to-do village. Ten years ago, his six brothers moved to Ohio – to Columbus and Cleveland – where they work in real estate. Iyad, the eldest, remained in Silwad, as did his sister. He started a family, but recently decided to emigrate, as well; one of his brothers said he’d submitted a petition to the authorities to that end.

      He lived on the ground floor of the family’s stone house. The building is handsome, though less splendid than other mansion-type dwellings in this elegant neighborhood on a hill. The second floor is used by the brothers and their families during their annual vacations here. This summer they visited twice: once on holiday and then not long afterward – to mourn and grieve for their dead brother.

      Their parents divide their time between America and Silwad, some of whose privately owned land was taken to build the settlement of Ofra. Many residents of this well-to-do village have moved in recent years to the United States.

      Last December, Border Police shot and killed another Silwad resident, Mahdia Hammad, a 40-year-old mother of four, claiming that she was trying to run them over. Now the army has killed Iyad Hamed without any apparent reason: He wasn’t armed and didn’t pose a threat to anyone.

      The Israel Defense Forces itself admits that.

      The killing took place at the edge of the village, not far from Highway 60, a former venue for demonstrations and stone throwing. The demonstrations ceased in the past month, under pressure from locals, who are tired of the tear gas and the upheaval. Five Silwad residents were killed in the past year by Israeli troops.

      We are standing next to a mound of stones where Hamed collapsed, bleeding, last Friday. He’d come this far, after dropping off the snacks for the kids at home, on his way to a mosque in the neighboring village of Yabrud, where he prayed on Fridays. He preferred it to the mosques in Silwad.

      On the way, he stopped at the Silwad gas station to say hello to his friend Rashad, who works there. The gas station’s security camera caught him again. He then went on his way to Yabrud, which is located on the other side of Highway 60. He could have used the passage beneath the road but opted for the shorter route, which passes next to a towering, armored IDF pillbox.

      It was about 11:40 A.M. On the other side of the road, Abdel Hamid Yusuf, a solidly built young man of 26, was driving his sewage tanker to the site where he empties it. An eyewitness to the events, he is now standing with us at the place where Hamed was killed, along with Iyad Hadad, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem.

      Hamed was behaving oddly, recalls Yusuf, who knew him well and was aware of his condition. Hamed seemed to have lost his way and also his senses; he ran back and forth below the army tower. Yusuf says he saw no soldiers while Hamed was running about between it and the surrounding barbed-wire fences. Hamed looked frightened. He had wanted to cut across the highway to the mosque, but couldn’t find his way out. He was like a caged animal; the barbed-wire fences were impassable. “It’s dangerous there, get out!” Yusuf shouted to him from across the road. Hamed didn’t respond – maybe he didn’t hear Yusuf.

      It’s crucial to note that Hamed was not holding anything in his hands. That is confirmed by Yusuf and by what the footage from the gas station’s camera shows: an unarmed civilian in a light-colored shirt, who apparently got confused and lost his way.

      Suddenly a few shots rang out. Hamed started to run frantically back toward the village. It’s not clear where the shots came from, but immediately afterward Yusuf saw a few soldiers emerge from the vegetation at the foot of the tower. Hamed kept running. More shots were fired at him, apparently by the soldiers, who had been in ambush. He was hit and fell to the ground. One bullet entered his back and exited through his chest, paramedic Yahya Mubarak, who took possession of the body, would report afterward.

      A., who lives in apartment No. 9 in the nearby Hurriya Tower building in Silwad, went out to his balcony when he heard shooting. What he told the field researcher corroborated Yusuf’s account: Hamed ran for his life until he was felled.

      Four soldiers rolled Hamed’s body over with their feet. He probably died instantly, though that’s not certain. An Israeli ambulance arrived about 15 minutes later, but Yusuf says he couldn’t see whether Hamed received medical aid. More troops arrived in a silver-gray civilian car. The body lay on the ground for some time before being removed by soldiers. A few hours later, the body was returned to the family, after it became clear to the IDF – which is rarely in a hurry to give back bodies – that Hamed had done nothing wrong and was killed in vain.

      The cardboard packages that contained IDF-issue bullets are scattered on the ground where Hamed went down. An IDF officer approaches us from the direction of the tower, and four soldiers emerge out of nowhere from another direction. Minutes later, another group of soldiers comes up from the valley. Maybe one of them killed Hamed?

      The soldier who fired the shot that killed him was questioned this week by the Military Police on suspicion of causing death by negligence and then sent back to his unit. He wasn’t so much as suspended from his duties.

      In the house of mourning is the father, Zakariya, 58, dignified and wearing a stylized embroidered galabia. With him are two of his sons, Yahya, 34, from Columbus, and Ahmed, 31, from Cleveland. Hamed’s fatherless offspring, 9-year-old Zakariya and 3-year-old Lian, are with their mother, newly widowed Narmine.

      “Come on, we are human beings, we don’t get shot at like that,” Yahya says. “Come on, we have kids. The soldier took a human life. It made me want to throw up when I read the reports of what happened in [the newspaper] Yedioth Ahronoth.”

      When they were here a month ago, on vacation, the brothers brought new clothes for Iyad as gifts. Iyad hadn’t worn them yet; he was saving them for Id al-Adha, the Feast of Sacrifice. Now he will never wear them, “because some soldier decided to kill him.” The faces of the brothers are contorted in grief again.

      Yahya: “Let’s say Iyad was behaving strangely. Why kill him? Shoot him in the leg. Why kill him? You’re not God. In the first intifada, they shot at the legs. You could talk with the soldiers. Now you reach a hand toward your pocket, and they kill you. Do you know what a tragedy the soldier who killed my brother caused? How many families he destroyed?”

      The children cuddle up to their two uncles. Lian blows up a balloon and floats it in the room. She has lazy eye, and wears thick glasses. She’s scheduled to have an operation for the condition in a few weeks; her father will not be there to accompany her.

      Yahya, who reads the English-language edition of Haaretz in the United States on his phone, says, “The children know that a Jewish soldier killed their father,” he says. “When they grow up, they are liable to hate Israel, and with good reason. You killed their father.

      “We are not a political family,” he continues. “We have never been in prison, we have never thrown a stone. Neither had Iyad. But what love will these children have for Israel when they grow up? You want to live here? Fine. But don’t kill us. Let us live, too. You love life – so do we. Everyone will tell you what a pure soul Iyad was. He never hurt anyone. I’d like to know what [Chief of Staff] Gadi Eisenkot will have to say about this killing. And what the soldier who killed Iyad is feeling. I heard he’s religious. Does that mean he has earlocks?

      “When I accidentally run over a cat on the road, I feel bad for a long time afterward,” Yahya says. “What does the soldier who killed my brother feel now?”

  • What Sort of Society Feels Absolutely Nothing After Killing Hundreds of Children?
    Israel killed 546 Palestinian children over the course of only 50 days in Gaza in 2014. Of those, 180 were babies and toddlers under the age of five.
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.733743
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.733743

    One hundred and eighty babies and children up to the age of 5. One hundred and eighty helpless babies and toddlers that the Israel Defense Forces killed in Gaza in the 2014 Israel-Gaza conflict. In their sleep, in their play, as they fled; in their beds or in their parents’ arms.
    Try to imagine – the army killed 546 children in the course of 50 days. More than 10 children a day, a classroom every three days. Try to imagine.
    But these updated, verified figures, released by the B’Tselem NGO on the second anniversary of the killing, are hard to imagine. It’s easier to dismiss them with a shrug, a look in the other direction or the lame excuses of Israeli propaganda.
    The figures that should have haunted Israeli society and keep it awake at night – that should have sparked a stormy public debate and shaken it– are of no interest at all. Any natural disaster at the end of the world would have evoked more human feelings here than this slaughter, which Israel committed an hour’s drive from Tel Aviv.
    By comparison – 84 Israeli children, horrific, were killed in the difficult eight years from the start of the second intifada to Operation Cast Lead in Gaza in 2008; 546 Palestinian children were killed over 50 days in the summer of 2014.

    • http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.733743

      They weren’t killed by the hand of God. Ideological pilots, conscientious artillerymen, humane tank crews and moral infantrymen killed them at the order of their no-less virtuous commanders.

      They didn’t kill them in a real war, facing a significant military force, nor in a war of no choice. They killed most of them with bombs from the air or by shells from a distance, without even seeing them. In most cases all they saw was their tiny figures playing on the beach, huddling in their shabby homes, sleeping or running for their lives on the sophisticated computer screens and joy sticks of the no less sophisticated soldiers and pilots. They didn’t mean to kill them, but they pressed the button and killed them. Hundreds of soldiers who killed hundreds of children.

      Two years later, the huge headline “The parents’ outcry” (in Yediot Ahronoth yesterday) doesn’t, of course, refer in any way to the outcry of the bereaved parents over there. Israel has never paid any heed to its actions there. If a commission of inquiry is set up to look into the Gaza conflict, it will be over the tunnels.

      Israel hasn’t even looked straight at the facts and confessed. It was all for security’s sake, inevitable, Israel is the victim, they are Satan, that’s how it is in war, that’s how it always is – a 100 times more Palestinian fatalities than Israeli ones in Cast Lead, 30 times more in the 2014 conflict. (“So, did you want more Israelis to be killed?”)

      This ghastly lack of proportion doesn’t raise any question or doubt, not to mention criticism. Nor does what’s left – 90,000 residents still homeless, living for the past two years among the debris or in wretched tin huts. A Swedish journalist who visited Gaza for a few days last week returned with the pictures – tin boxes housing people whose homes were destroyed in Huza’a, near Khan Yunis.

      There’s no point in continuing to describe the magnitude of the disaster in Gaza. It’s of no concern to anyone in Israel. Human compassion over Gaza? Funny. Even the fact that, due to the bombardments and the siege, 90 million liters of raw sewage flow from Gaza into the Mediterranean Sea, the same sea our children bathe in, doesn’t bother anyone here.

      But it’s inconceivable how Israelis can go on being so pleased with themselves and their army in view of the facts of the 2014 Israel-Gaza conflict. How come, even as time goes by, their stomachs don’t turn, if only for a minute? What can we make of people who say seriously about an army that killed hundreds of children only two years ago, that it’s the most moral army in the world? And what should we make of the society and state that has this as its discourse?

  • Secret 1970 document confirms first West Bank settlements built on a lie
    In minutes of meeting in then-defense minister Moshe Dayan’s office, top Israeli officials discussed how to violate international law in building settlement of Kiryat Arba, next to Hebron.
    By Yotam Berger | Jul. 28, 2016 | 10:17 AM

    1973 map of West Bank settlement Kiryat Arba credit:Peace Now
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.733746

    It has long been an open secret that the settlement enterprise was launched under false pretenses, involving the expropriation of Palestinian land for ostensibly military purposes when the true intent was to build civilian settlements, which is a violation of international law.

    Now a secret document from 1970 has surfaced confirming this long-held assumption. The document, a copy of which has been obtained by Haaretz, details a meeting in the office of then-defense minister Moshe Dayan at which government and military leaders spoke explicitly about how to carry out this deception in the building of Kiryat Arba, next to Hebron.

    The document is titled “The method for establishing Kiryat Arba.” It contains minutes of a meeting held in July 1970 in Dayan’s office, and describes how the land on which the settlement was to be built would be confiscated by military order, ostensibly for security purposes, and that the first buildings on it would be falsely presented as being strictly for military use.

    Aside from Dayan, the participants include the director general of the Housing Ministry, the Israel Defense Forces’ commander in the West Bank and the coordinator of government activities in the territories.

    ’Construction will be presented as ...’

    According to the minutes, these officials decided to build “250 housing units in Kiryat Arba within the perimeter of the area specified for the military unit’s use. All the building will be done by the Defense Ministry and will be presented as construction for the IDF’s needs.”

    A “few days” after Base 14 had “completed its activities,” the document continued, “the commander of the Hebron district will summon the mayor of Hebron, and in the course of raising other issues, will inform him that we’ve started to build houses on the military base in preparation for winter.” In other words, the participants agreed to mislead the mayor into thinking the construction was indeed for military purposes, when in fact, they planned to let settlers move in – the same settlers who on Passover 1968 moved into Hebron’s Park Hotel, which was the embryo of the settler enterprise.

    2015 map of West Bank settlement Kiryat Arba credit:Peace Now

    The system of confiscating land by military order for the purpose of establishing settlements was an open secret in Israel throughout the 1970s, according to people involved in creating and implementing the system. Its goal was to present an appearance of complying with international law, which forbids construction for civilian purposes on occupied land. In practice, everyone involved, from settlers to defense officials, knew the assertion that the land was meant for military rather than civilian use was false.

    This system was used to set up several settlements, until the High Court of Justice outlawed it in a 1979 ruling on a petition against the establishment of the settlement of Elon Moreh.

    Participant: We all knew the score

    Maj. Gen. (res.) Shlomo Gazit, who was coordinator of government activities in the territories at the time of the 1970 meeting in Dayan’s office about Kiryat Arba, told Haaretz it was clear to all the meeting’s participants that settlers would move into those buildings. He said that to the best of his recollection, this constituted the first use of the system of annexing land to a military base for the purpose of civilian settlement in the West Bank. He also recalled Dayan as the one who proposed this system, because he didn’t like any of the alternative locations proposed for Kiryat Arba.

    Nevertheless, and despite what the document advocated, Gazit said, army officers told the mayor of Hebron explicitly that a civilian settlement would be established next to his city, rather than telling him the construction was for military purposes.

    Hagit Ofran, head of Peace Now’s Settlement Watch project, also said this appears to be the first use of the system of using military orders to seize land for civilian settlement. And while this system is no longer in use, she said, “Today, too, the state uses tricks to build and expand settlements. We don’t need to wait decades for the revelation of another internal document to realize that the current system for taking over land – wholesale declarations of it as state land – also violates the essence of the law.”

    Gazit said that in retrospect, the system was wrong, but that he was just “a bureaucrat, in quotation marks; I carried out the government’s orders, in quotation marks.”

    “I think this pretense has continued until today,” he added. “Throughout my seven years as coordinator of government activities in the territories, we didn’t establish settlements anywhere by any other system.”

    But government officials had no idea Kiryat Arba (pop. 8,000) would become so big, Gazit insisted. They only sought to provide a solution for the squatters in the Park Hotel, who “weren’t more than 50 families.”

    Today, even Kiryat Arba residents admit that this system was a deception. Settler ideologue Elyakim Haetzni, one of Kiryat Arba’s original residents, noted that during a Knesset debate at the time, cabinet minister Yigal Allon said clearly that this would be a civilian settlement.

    “It’s clear why this game ended; after all, how long could it go on? This performance had no connection whatsoever to Herut (the predecessor to Likud); it was all within Mapai,” Haetzni added, referring to the ruling party at the time, a precursor of today’s Labor Party.

  • When Israeli Soldiers Kill Palestinians, Even a Smoking Gun Doesn’t Lead to Indictments
    Mustafa Tamimi was killed when he was shot in the face with a gas canister in a 2012 protest. A year later, Rushdi Tamimi was shot in the belly with live fire. No one ever faced charges. A closer look at the two cases reveals that putting soldiers to trial is the exception, not the rule.

    Chaim Levinson Jul 07, 2016 Haaretz
    : http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.729602- I

    An in-depth study of two incidents in which Palestinian protesters were shot and killed during demonstrations in the West Bank shows that the level of evidence required to indict an Israel Defense Forces soldier is substantially higher than that demanded when Palestinians are investigated.
    Furthermore, the heavy media coverage given to the prosecution of Sgt. Elor Azaria – the Israeli soldier standing trial for manslaughter after shooting a subdued Palestinian assailant in March – is extremely rare, even though his actions are not.
    Of the 739 complaints filed by the Israeli nonprofit B’Tselem concerning death, injury or beatings of Palestinians since 2000, only 25 resulted in prosecutions (less than 4 percent). And these charges were usually for the smallest possible violations, such as negligent use of a weapon.
    Haaretz has obtained access to the IDF’s correspondence with the human rights group (which represented the families) concerning two high-profile cases – the deaths of Mustafa Tamimi and Rushdi Tamimi (no relation) – which were closed without any indictments being filed. The relevant documents and correspondence are classic examples of the manner in which the military advocate general conducts investigations into Palestinian fatalities.
    Mustafa Tamimi’s death occurred in December 2011, in the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh. Following prayer services at the mosque, the local residents gathered in the village square, where their usual Friday ritual commenced. They attempted to march toward their farmland, which had been expropriated “for military purposes” and upon which the settlement of Neve Tzuf was established. The army deployed in order to prevent them from exiting the village. The two sides confronted each other. Initially there were songs, followed by curses, and then someone threw a stone at the soldiers. They responded with tear gas and the marchers dispersed. The stone throwers remained.
    For hours, the two sides played cat and mouse, one side throwing stones, the other firing tear gas. This is the norm in the village every Friday.
    However, things didn’t follow the usual script on December 9. Photos taken by Haim Schwartzenberg documented what happened at 14:26: An army jeep with soldiers from the Kfir Brigade inside was on a stone-strewn road outside the village. Two Palestinians wielding stones approached them, one with his face covered and the other wearing a gas mask. A stone was thrown and the back door of the jeep opened just a fraction. A tear-gas canister was fired from the jeep and hit the Palestinian wearing the gas mask in the head. The jeep moved away as the man fell to the ground, bleeding profusely.
    The wounded man was Mustafa, a 28-year-old from the village. Soon, many of the marchers gathered around him, photographing his smashed head from all angles. He was quickly put into a Palestinian taxi, which took him to a nearby checkpoint.
    “I opened the taxi door,” recounted a paramedic later, “and saw him unconscious, breathing with a rattle. The whole right side of his face under the eyes was ripped.”
    Tamimi was taken to Beilinson Hospital, Petah Tikva, where doctors commended the treatment provided by the female paramedic. However, he died the next morning. A slingshot was found in his pocket.
    Rushdi Tamimi’s death took place a year later, on November 17, 2012. The West Bank was seething as Operation Pillar of Defense raged in Gaza. There were incidents on the terraces lying between Nabi Saleh and the adjacent road, which links settlements in the Binyamin regional council and Israel’s center. A reserves’ military unit was summoned to protect the road.
    Video footage documented soldiers running toward Rushdi Tamimi, who was lying on the ground. The soldiers surrounded him and moved those present back. He was taken to hospital with a bullet in his stomach, but died two days later. A military inquiry found that a “mistake” had occurred, contravening the army’s values.
    For 90 minutes, the army had fired all the tear gas at its disposal, until it ran out. A medic was sent to get more, but in the meantime soldiers switched to using live ammunition, firing 80 bullets at demonstrators until the lethal one hit Rushdi Tamimi. In a highly exceptional move, the company commander was dismissed after the incident.

  • ’New York Times’ finally tells its readers: Netanyahu is dangerous
    http://mondoweiss.net/2016/05/finally-netanyahu-dangerous

    Yesterday the New York Times ran a great piece of journalism on the political crisis in Israel. We have long complained on this site that the Times is hiding Israel’s extremist intolerant face from its readers. Ronen Bergman’s piece went against that pattern entirely. Here are some of the truths that Bergman dared to tell:

    — Israeli military leaders “detest” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, because he sought “belligerent solutions” to problems and is motivated not by the country’s interest but by “religion, ideology,” and his own political ambitions.

    — Netanyahu launched one war these leaders opposed — the 2014 slaughter in Gaza that killed 500 children — and had a “plan” to launch another one, an attack on Iran six years ago, that was “illegal,” because he would have circumvented his own cabinet. “The military and intelligence leaders believed that the prime minister’s plan to attack Iran’s nuclear installations was politically motivated by electoral considerations and would embroil Israel in a superfluous war.”

    — The man Netanyahu has lately installed as Defense Minister — Avigdor Lieberman — is “an impulsive and reckless extremist… known for ruthlessly quashing people who hold opposing views.” Lieberman has threatened to blow up the Aswan Dam.

    — There could be a military coup in Israel, if Lieberman acts out. “[T]he possibility of a military coup has been raised — but only with a smile,” Bergman reports from his conversations with military leaders. “It remains unlikely.”

    The shocking picture Ronen Bergman, a military and intelligence correspondent for the Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth, gives Americans is of a country that sounds a lot more like a third world dictatorship than the only democracy in the middle east. The country’s military leaders think Netanyahu pursues “dangerous, aggressive policies.” Anyone who’s ever had the misfortune of dealing with the man wants nothing to do with him. We readers can’t tell if Netanyahu is a crazy dictator or a tribal ideologue or a man of overweening ambition, but we know that Israeli experts say they can’t trust him.

    Israel’s Army Goes to War With Its Politicians - The New York Times
    http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/22/opinion/sunday/israels-army-goes-to-war-with-its-politicians.html

    TEL AVIV — IN most countries, the political class supervises the defense establishment and restrains its leaders from violating human rights or pursuing dangerous, aggressive policies. In Israel, the opposite is happening. Here, politicians blatantly trample the state’s values and laws and seek belligerent solutions, while the chiefs of the Israel Defense Forces and the heads of the intelligence agencies try to calm and restrain them.

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s offer last week of the post of defense minister to Avigdor Lieberman, a pugnacious ultranationalist politician, is the latest act in the war between Mr. Netanyahu and the military and intelligence leaders, a conflict that has no end in sight but could further erode the rule of law and human rights, or lead to a dangerous, superfluous military campaign.

    The prime minister sees the defense establishment as a competitor to his authority and an opponent of his goals. Putting Mr. Lieberman, an impulsive and reckless extremist, in charge of the military is a clear signal that the generals’ and the intelligence chiefs’ opposition will no longer be tolerated. Mr. Lieberman is known for ruthlessly quashing people who hold opposing views.

  • Israel Independence performance draws Nazi comparisons | Middle East | DW.COM | 15.05.2016
    http://www.dw.com/en/israel-independence-performance-draws-nazi-comparisons/a-19259492

    Only days after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected a statement by the #Israel Defense Forces deputy chief, who had compared the country’s increasingly fervent nationalism to that of Nazi Germany, a disturbing slogan appeared on live broadcasts of the official Independence Day torch-lighting ceremony: a sign of moving from grief over fallen soldiers to celebrations.
    This year’s theme, “Civic Heroism,” was celebrated with fireworks and speeches about the achievements of Israelis who have made significant contributions to society. While marching on the parade grounds of Mount Herzl in Jerusalem, soldiers formed various popular Israeli symbols and idioms, but one of them was the sentence “one people, one state.”

    Critics were outraged by the choice of phrasing. “Am I the only one seeing a terrifying resemblance to the notorious #Nazi slogan?” one Twitter user asked, referring to words made famous by German Chancellor Adolf #Hitler: “One people, one empire, one Führer.”

    Via angry arab #Israël

  • The Israeli Generals Who Shoot and Cry and Shoot Again

    It’s nice that some of Israel’s most senior commanders are sounding the moral alarm, but what are they doing to change anything?

    Gideon Levy, Haaretz, May 08, 2016 2:42 AM

    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.718435

    And here they come, those new-old sensitive heroes, soldiers who shoot but cry over it, a 2016 version of the Six-Day War soldiers featured in “The Seventh Day: Soldiers Talk about the Six-Day War.” In the Six-Day War, they were soldiers who shot and cried and were therefore considered moral. After the second intifada that broke out in 2000, there were the old-boy “gatekeepers,” (the former Shin Bet security service directors) who suddenly sobered up and were deemed men of conscience.
    Now it’s the turn of the most senior commanders in office who are sobering up and sounding the alarm, the threesome of Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon, Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot and Deputy Chief of Staff Yair Golan. It could have impressed and inspired respect had it not been for one tiny problem. The three aren’t doing a thing to change the situation that they are taking exception to.
    These nice and principled military figures are beloved on the center-left, which has always dreamed about ethical generals who make eloquent Holocaust Remembrance Day speeches, but they are nothing more than empty salves to the conscience of the purportedly enlightened tribe.
    Ya’alon, Eisenkot and Golan said some things that are correct and resounding. Ya’alon warned against the army becoming bestial. For his part, Eisenkot doesn’t want soldiers to empty their ammunition cartridges on 13-year-old girls. And last week on Holocaust Day, Golan said he saw concerning signs reminiscent of pre-Holocaust Germany in Israel.
    It’s hard not to appreciate their courage, but we cannot ignore the fact that these are not three observers from the sidelines. All three bear direct and heavy responsibility for the situation that they are criticizing and have contributed for years to bringing it about.
    They head the IDF, which is one of the most major agents of damage to Israeli society. They are in charge of an army most of whose operations consist of maintaining the occupation through brutal force. And anyone who heads an occupation army, who has commanded some of its worst military operations, lacks the necessary moral authority to preach morality — unless they have truly changed.
    Ya’alon is warning about the army becoming bestialized? But it is he who has been in charge of it, first as IDF chief of staff and currently as defense minister. Who can change it, if not him? Eisenkot doesn’t want soldiers emptying their bullets into a girl? He can prevent that. Golan sees signs causing him concern? Some of them originated in the army in which he serves as deputy chief of staff.
    So here’s a short reminder of the pasts of these new prophets of doom of Israel. Ya’alon, the former clarinetist and farmer, was IDF chief of staff during the Defensive Shield offensive in the West Bank in 2002 and for Operation Days of Penitence in Gaza in 2004, operations that sowed horrifying death and destruction. Perhaps it was then that the bestialization of the IDF began. A few days before his comments of rebuke, Ya’alon set upon the veterans group Breaking the Silence, accusing it of treason. Even if he then retracted the accusation, his comments did not counter the bestialization, but rather contributed to it.
    Both Eisenkot and Golan are former commanders of the IDF’s West Bank division. They are well aware of what the occupation looks like and the harm it causes the occupied and the occupier. That same Eisenkot who now doesn’t want soldiers emptying a magazine into a girl was one of the fathers of the so-called Dahiya doctrine, through which the IDF emptied a lot more than magazines into many boys and girls in Lebanon. So why shouldn’t his troops continue to apply the doctrine in Hebron in the West Bank too?
    So why shouldn’t his troops continue to apply the doctrine in Hebron in the West Bank too?

  • Is Israel forming an alliance with Egypt and Saudi Arabia? - Al-Monitor: the Pulse of the Middle East
    http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2016/04/israel-al-sisi-egypt-saudi-arabia-islands-transfer-alliance.html#

    According to a senior security official, who spoke to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity, Ya’alon emphasized to his associates that security cooperation between Israel and Egypt had reached an all-time high. The security systems of the two countries share the same interests. Egyptians, for instance, help Israel contain and cordon off Hamas in Gaza.

    The recent move — the transfer of the two islands to Saudi Arabia — reveals part of the dialogue that has been developing between Israel and its Sunni neighbors. A highly placed Israeli security official, who spoke to Al-Monitor anonymously, added some details: Israel’s relationships in the region are deep and important. The moderate Arab countries have not forgotten the Ottoman period, and are very worried about the growing strength and enlargement of the two non-Arab empires of the past: Iran and Turkey. On this background, many regional players realize that Israel is not the problem, but the solution. Israel’s dialogue with the large, important Sunni countries remains mainly under the radar, but it deepens all the time and it bears fruit.

    Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s action has aroused sharp public criticism in Egypt. The president’s opponents argue that under the Egyptian Constitution he has no authority to give up Egyptian territory, but Sisi rightly warded off this criticism: These islands originally belonged to Saudi Arabia, which transferred them to Egypt in 1950 as part of the effort to strangle Israel from the south, and prevent the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) from taking control of them. Israel embarked on two wars (the Sinai War in 1956 and the Six Day War in 1967) for navigation rights in the Red Sea. It took over these islands twice, but then returned them to Egypt both times. Now events have come full circle, and the Egyptians are returning the islands to their original owner, Saudi Arabia. This is a goodwill gesture from Sisi to King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud, after the Saudis committed themselves to the economic solvency of the Egyptian regime for the next five years. The Saudis are making massive investments in Egypt and providing financial support to save the Egyptian economy from collapse.

    There is another aspect to the Egyptian transfer of the islands to Saudi Arabia: In the past, several proposals were raised regarding regional land swaps, with the goal of resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The framework is, in principle, simple: Egypt would enlarge Gaza southward and allow the Gaza Strip’s Palestinians more open space and breathing room. In exchange for this territory, Egypt would receive from Israel a narrow strip the length of the borderline between the two countries, the Israeli Negev desert region from Egyptian Sinai. The Palestinians, in contrast, would transfer the West Bank settlement blocs to Israel. Jordan could also join such an initiative; it could contribute territories of its own and receive others in exchange. To date, this approach was categorically disqualified by the Egyptians in the Hosni Mubarak era. Now that it seems that territorial transfer has become a viable possibility under the new conditions of the Middle East, the idea of Israeli-Egyptian territorial swaps are also reopened; in the past, these land swap possibilities fired the imaginations of many in the region. In his day, former head of Israel’s National Security Council Maj. Gen. Giora Eiland led a regional initiative on the subject. But he was stymied by Egypt.

    #Israël #Egypte #Arabie_Saoudite #Turquie

  • Lieberman Is Right About the Hebron Shooting -

    Is this the first time a soldier has executed a Palestinian in cold blood, or did the fact that it was caught on film make the difference?
    Amira Hass Mar 28, 2016 1:54 AM
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.711150

    Yisrael Beiteinu leader Avidgor Lieberman is right when he says the “onslaught” directed at the Kfir Brigade solider who executed Abdel Fattah al-Sharif in Hebron last Thursday after Sharif had already been subdued is hypocrisy. In other words, that the Israel Defense Forces spokesman and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and others who condemned the soldier’s action are hypocrites.

    It’s clear, after all, that it is only because a camera documented a soldier shooting a “neutralized” Palestinian in the head that the people at the top rushed to disassociate themselves from the act. “That’s not how the IDF operates,” they said, meaning that the IDF is usually not so negligent as to allow the actions of its soldiers to be filmed so we know that it indeed is how armed Israelis conduct themselves – executing Palestinians suspected of carrying out stabbings when they no longer pose a danger.

    Here are the contours of this hypocrisy:

    On September 25, 2015, soldiers in Hebron killed Hadeel al-Hashlamoun. She hadn’t stabbed anyone but had only gone through a checkpoint with a knife. Three bullets hit her lower body and seven her upper body while she was already lying “neutralized.” There was a foreign activist there who took still pictures that were sufficient to prove that Hashlamoun was not a threat to the soldiers. A storm of controversy ensued. An investigation was carried out and findings were released about a month after the beginning of the “stabbing wave.” The commanders found that the soldiers could have arrested Hashlamoun without killing her, but decided that they should not be punished. On November 4, I wrote: “Punishing them would have required punishing other soldiers who ‘felt that their lives were in danger’ and easily took a life.” 
I should have written “felt and will feel.”

    With the typical egoism of an occupier, the current violent escalation is marked by Israelis as beginning on October 1, when a husband and wife, Eitam and Na’ama Henkin, were murdered near the settlement of Itamar. But for Palestinians and particularly the Hebronites among them, the starting point is the date on which Hadeel al-Hashlamoun was executed in cold blood. And there are also those who mark it beginning from July 31, when the members of the Dawabsheh family were murdered in the West Bank village of Duma.

    In an analysis on Friday in Haaretz, Amos Harel defines the shooting execution in cold blood and writes: “The ... soldier [a combat paramedic] shoots the prone terrorist in the head at very close range. No one standing around [soldiers and settlers] seemed particularly alarmed by what they had just seen.” There are several possible reasons for that: 1) That is the spirit of the IDF in their view; 2) They had already been present or participated in very similar incidents or knew that that’s what everyone does, only without a camera and 3) Despite remarks by IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot, the army is not acting to instill the message among soldiers that killings should not happen when life is not endangered.

    Most of those who have carried out the approximately 105 incidents of stabbing, attempted stabbing or knife-wielding since October 3 have been killed by soldiers, policemen and security guards. In all the cases that were not filmed by Palestinians, did the soldiers, police and security guards really act appropriately and had no choice but to kill? In other words, that the hand of God has decided that only what runs counter to the spirit of the IDF is what will be filmed?

    Cameras actually did document the killing on October 29 of 24-year-old Mahdi al-Muhtaseb. He had fled from a soldier he stabbed, was apparently shot in the leg while on the other side of a checkpoint in Hebron and fell to the ground. While on the ground, a border policeman shot him several times until he stopped moving. Palestinians were shocked and alarmed, but the Israelis reacted as if it was the most normal conduct.

    A security official told Haaretz at the time that when Muhtaseb showed signs that he was going to get up, the border policeman shot again. “That is what is expected of a soldier, because who knows? Maybe the terrorist would blow himself up or take out a gun and shoot,” he said. Blow himself up? In the middle of a Palestinian neighborhood? But that’s precisely the line of defense being put forward by the family of the paramedic who executed Sharif in cold blood.

    A smartphone was used on October 4 to film the execution in cold blood of Fadi Alun from Jerusalem, a stabbing suspect who was already lying on the sidewalk after being shot. Palestinians were shocked and alarmed, but the Israelis reacted as if it was the most normal conduct.

    Imad Abu-Shamsiyeh of Hebron, a former volunteer with the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, was the person who filmed the paramedic executing Sharif. He told Haaretz that the solider had demanded that he move away, but he went onto a roof and took the video footage. He is active in the Hebron-based group Human Rights Defenders, but knew nevertheless that he had to turn the video footage over to B’Tselem so the Israelis could not dismiss the filmed evidence as some kind of Palestinian nonsense.

    * On Thursday, senior officials expressed shock that army paramedics had not administered medical care to the injured Palestinian. But many reports from the scene of stabbings or knife-wieldings in recent months have contained repeated accounts of the army failing to care for injured Palestinians who lay bleeding until they died. IDF spokespersons dismissed the claims as a common Palestinian fabrication.

    One may conclude that the only time there was a failure to provide medical care to Palestinians is when B’Tselem has had filmed evidence. When B’Tselem does not have such evidence, the soldiers are the Righteous Among the Nations.

  • AIPAC Is Destroying Israel, Not Safeguarding It
    AIPAC corrupted Israel, teaching it that everything is permissible: The day AIPAC weakens, Israel will grow stronger, forced to stand on its own two feet and be more moral.

    Gideon Levy (Washington DC) Mar 19, 2016

    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.709751

    WASHINGTON – The enemies of Israel will gather here Sunday for their annual conference. Almost 20,000 people will flock to the city’s Walter E. Washington Convention Center. Almost all are Jews, and almost all are not friends of Israel, despite their organization’s name and pretensions.
    The American Israel Public Affairs Committee may be the organization that has caused the greatest damage to Israel. It corrupted Israel, taught it that everything is permissible to it. It made sure America would cover up and restrain itself over everything. That it would never demand anything in exchange. That Uncle Sam would pay – and keep mum. That the supply of intoxicating drugs would continue. America is the dealer, and AIPAC the pusher.
    America’s second most powerful lobby, after the National Rifle Association, is considered pro-Israel. But it is pro an evil, aggressive, occupying, right-wing and nationalist Israel. With friends like these, Israel doesn’t need enemies in the United States. The day AIPAC weakens, Israel will grow stronger. It will be forced to stand on its own two feet and be more moral.
    This is an annual parade of toadying to Israel. Only the Friends of the Israel Defense Forces is a more embarrassing and ridiculous organization (there, they also put disabled IDF veterans on the dais to expose their stumps and beg for donations). And in an election year, this embarrassing toadying reaches its peak.
    There’s no rational explanation for it. I’ve never met anyone who could provide a comprehensive explanation for the enormous and destructive power AIPAC has accumulated. I’ve never met anyone who could explain America’s blind, automatic policy toward Israel, for which AIPAC is to a large extent responsible, and which contradicts both America’s interests and its declared values.
    A belated snowfall is expected to hit the city on Sunday. The cherry trees actually flowered early this year, and this isn’t the only contradiction. At the conference center, presidential candidates will vie over who can be more fawning.
    This isn’t a good situation for Israel. Behind this fawning, which more and more Americans are beginning to try to get to the root of, hides suppressed thoughts that will eventually burst forth. Not all of those who fawn over Israel in the Senate and House of Representatives do so willingly. The fear of AIPAC silences them. It also silences the media. This can’t go on forever. It’s also liable to spark anti-Semitic sentiment.
    An organization whose achievements include getting Congress to pass a resolution congratulating Israel on the 40th anniversary of the Six-Day War can’t continue to congratulate Israel on the 50th anniversary of that cursed war without more Americans starting to ask why. They’re already beginning to ask where their money is going, and for what purpose. Why to Israel, of all places? Why so much for Israel?
    After all, residents of the world’s most financially supported state, which is also the best at whining and playing the victim, live in a country that is ranked 11th in the UN’s World Happiness Report – four places above the country of its funders. Is Israel the neediest country in the world? After all, it’s also a military power, in a region where there are virtually no real armies left, so why should all that weaponry go to Israel, of all countries? And what does it do with it: bomb children in their sleep in Beit Lahia? Kill knife-wielding children of the same age at the Damascus Gate?
    Conference participants will wallow in a great deal of self-satisfaction: Look how strong we are. Only Bernie Sanders dared not to come. And if he hadn’t been Jewish, he never would have dared. Qassam rockets, cherry tomatoes and the “gay-friendly” slogan will once again star here to the applause and tears of the masses, together with praise for the Mideast’s only democracy.
    Very few will cast doubt on it, even though the cracks on its facade are already gaping and apartheid lies in its backyard. Look at Syria, the Israeli propagandists who will arrive here en masse from Ben-Gurion International Airport will say. And nobody will respond that America doesn’t fund Syria, that nobody says Syria is America’s greatest ally.
    Therefore, thank you very much, dear brothers from AIPAC, for bringing us to this point. Without your efforts, we would be in a different and much better place today.

  • The Poem That Exposed Israeli War Crimes in 1948 - Israel News - Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.709439

    On November 19, 1948, Natan Alterman, whose influential “Seventh Column” – an op-ed in poetry form – appeared every Friday in the daily Davar, the mouthpiece of Israel’s ruling Mapai party (forerunner of Labor), published a poem titled “About This.” Excerpts:
    Across the vanquished city in a jeep he did speed –
    A lad bold and armed, a young lion of a lad!
    And an old man and a woman on that very street
    Cowered against a wall, in fear of him clad.
    Said the lad smiling, milk teeth shining:
    “I’ll try the machine gun”… and put it into play!
    To hide his face in his hands the old man barely had time
    When his blood on the wall was sprayed.

    We shall sing, then, about “delicate incidents”
    Whose name, don’t you know, is murder.
    Sing of conversations with sympathetic listeners,
    Of snickers of forgiveness that are slurred.

    For those in combat gear, and we who impinge,
    Whether by action or agreement subliminal,
    Are thrust, muttering “necessity” and “revenge,”
    Into the realm of the war criminal.
    (translation by Ralph Mandel)
    Extremely moved by the verses, David Ben-Gurion, then chairman of the Provisional State Council in the nascent Jewish state, wrote Alterman: “Congratulations on the moral validity and the powerful expressiveness of your latest column in Davar… You are a pure and faithful mouthpiece of the human conscience, which, if it does not act and beat in our hearts in times like these, will render us unworthy of the great wonders vouchsafed to us until now.
    “I ask your permission to have 100,000 copies of the article – which no armored column in our army exceeds in combat strength – printed by the Defense Ministry for distribution to every army person in Israel.”
    What were the war crimes referred to in the poem?

    Natan Alterman.Moshe Milner / GPO
    The massacres perpetrated by Israeli forces in Lydda (Lod) and in the village of Al-Dawayima, west of Hebron, were among the worst mass killings of the entire War of Independence. In an interview in Haaretz in 2004, historian Benny Morris (author of “The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949”) declared that the most egregious massacres “occurred at Saliha, in Upper Galilee (70-80 victims), Deir Yassin on the outskirts of Jerusalem (100-110), Lod (50), Dawamiya (hundreds) and perhaps Abu Shusha (70).”
    Lod was conquered in Operation Dani (July 9-19, 1948), which also targeted nearby Ramle. The political and military leadership viewed the capture of those two towns as crucial, because the concentration of Arab forces there threatened Tel Aviv and its surroundings. Specifically, the aim was for the fledgling Israel Defense Forces to clear the roads and allow access to the Jewish communities on the Tel Aviv-Jerusalem road – which remained under Arab control – and to take control of the hilly areas stretching from Latrun to the outskirts of Ramallah. This would mean a clash with units of Jordan’s Arab Legion, which were deployed – or supposedly deployed – in the area.
    Another goal of Operation Dani, which was led by Yigal Allon with Yitzhak Rabin as his deputy, was to expand the territories of the young Jewish state beyond the boundaries delineated by the UN partition plan.
    On July 10, Lod was bombed by the Israeli air force, the first such attack in the War of Independence. A large ground force had also been assembled, including three brigades and 30 artillery batteries, based on the army’s assessment that large Jordanian forces were in the area.
    To their surprise, the IDF units encountered little or no resistance. Even so, there are Palestinian and other Arab sources that allege that 250 people were massacred after Lod was taken. Claims about the scale of the massacre gain credence from Israeli historian Ilan Pappe, who maintains that the army killed 426 men, women and children in a local mosque and the surrounding streets. According to him, 176 bodies were found in the mosque, and the rest outside. Testimony of a Palestinian from Lod lends support to these estimates: “The [Israeli troops], violating all the conventions, shelled the mosque, killing everyone who was inside. I heard from friends who helped remove the dead from the mosque that they carried out 93 bodies; others said there were many more than a hundred.” Clearly, though, there are no agreed-upon, precise figures, and the estimates from both sides are tendentious.
    Israeli troops went from house to house, expelling the remaining inhabitants to the West Bank. In some cases, soldiers looted abandoned houses and stole from the refugees.
    Ben-Gurion’s intentions with respect to Lod remain a subject of debate. Years later, Rabin related how in a meeting with him and Allon, Ben-Gurion, when asked what to do with the residents of Ramle and Lod, gestured with his hand and said, “Expel them.” This version of events was to have been included in Rabin’s memoirs but was banned for publication in Israel, in 1979. His account did appear in The New York Times at the time, and caused a furor. Allon, who also took part in the meeting with Ben-Gurion, vehemently denied Rabin’s account.On July 12, an order was issued by the Yiftah Brigade “to remove the residents from Lod speedily … They are to be directed to Beit Naballah [near Ramle].” .

  • Breaking the Silence Under Investigation After Report Claims It Collects Military Intel - Israel News - Haaretz

    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/1.709592?can_id=c04bd6c1866a7591ea05420e1dd77aec&source=email-what-were-rea

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday blasted Breaking the Silence after Channel 2 reported that the group gathers information about Israeli military operations while collecting testimonies from former soldiers.

    The prime minister said that an investigation has been launched into the allegations, adding that based on the report, the group has “crossed yet another red line.”

    The Channel 2 report was based on hidden camera footage recorded by the “Ad Kan” group, which plants activists in leftist organizations to collect incriminating information. The footage shows Breaking the Silence activists collecting testimony from former Israel Defense Forces and asking them about Gaza tunnels as well as military equipment, positions and operation protocols.

    #isarël #résistance #colonisation #occupation #breaking_the_silence

  • ’Call Me a Terrorist, but I’m No Different From Israeli Troops Defending Their Homeland’ - Israel News - Haaretz
    Some thoughts on the true source of incitement against and hatred of Israelis from a Palestinian who spent 23 years in jail for killing one.
    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Feb 19, 2016 1:10 PM
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.704179

    Najah Mohammed Muqbel, a Fatah activist who served 23 years in prison for the murder of an Israeli, Yaakov Shalom. Alex Levac

    As we make our way down a narrow, dark alley barely wide enough to walk through, on the way to the house of mourning, Najah Mohammed Muqbel bends over to pick up a few spent cartridges. “You see, this is the material that incites our children,” he says.

    In 1990, Muqbel was sentenced to life imprisonment for the murder of Yaakov Shalom in the Jerusalem neighborhood of Ein Karem. Released after 23 years, he is now a key activist in Fatah, talking on the movement’s behalf in West Bank schools.

    “We do not want to die and we do not send our children to die,” he says, before we enter the small, cramped home of Omar Madi, a teenager who was killed last week by Israeli soldiers in the Al-Arroub refugee camp. “No father wants his child to die. But sometimes our children make decisions that are bigger than their age.”

    Al-Arroub, on the main road between Bethlehem and Hebron, is one of the most squalid of refugee camps, and one of the most militant. We are also joined accompanied by Thomas Huelse, an Israeli automotive engineer of German origin who has “adopted” a family living in the camp. The mother of the family is from Deir al-Assad, in the Galilee; the father is from Al-Arroub. Their house overlooks the cemetery, where Omar, the young shahid (martyr for the cause), was killed. Omar’s home is situated at the other end of the camp, next to the approach road that the Israel Defense Forces has sealed off with large concrete blocks, not far from the army guard tower that dominates the landscape.

    The bereaved parents, Naama and Yusuf Madi, and their 10 remaining children huddle in the house. Anguish is etched on the face of the father, a hardscrabble laborer of 52, employed by the Bethlehem Municipality.

    The event occurred last Wednesday, February 10. A few youths threw stones at soldiers who, as usual, had infiltrated deep into the camp. One bullet struck Omar. He wasn’t yet 16; he died 10 days before his birthday, his mother tells us. The last time she saw him was on the roof of their house, when he asked her to wash his sports shoes, which were muddy. She told him she’d wash them with the rainwater collected in the tank on the roof, and that he should clean up afterward. Omar then went to pray in the mosque. And afterward “the story ended,” in Naama’s words.

    Omar Madi’s parents.Alex Levac

    Shots were heard in the camp. Her heart told her it was her son, and at Al-Mizan Hospital in Hebron a short time later she saw his body. The bullet had entered Omar by way of his right hip and exited through the left one; he was declared dead shortly afterward by the hospital staff.

    Many young people in the camp are wearing black T-shirts with Omar’s photo emblazoned on them.

    “They [the soldiers] murdered him in cold blood,” one of the teen’s brothers says. “They have no pity for the old or for the young,” their mother adds. “What reason do the soldiers have to walk around the camp every day,” the dead boy’s father asks, and then answers himself: “They come so the children will throw stones at them and then they can kill them.”

    This is now a house of rage. It’s not hard to guess what will take root here. On the day after the killing, when the family had just begun to mourn, soldiers arrived at the house to arrest one of the other children, claiming he had thrown stones. The family resisted and the soldiers left.

    “It is our right to throw stones at soldiers and we will insist on it,” one of the brothers says.

    The IDF Spokesperson’s Unit stated this week, in reply to a query from Haaretz: “This incident is being investigated by the Military Police. Upon completion of the investigation, the findings will be conveyed to the military advocate general for examination.”

    “No child here can differentiate between Israeli, Jew, Zionist, soldier or civilian. For our children, every Israeli is a Jew and every Jew is a soldier and every soldier is hostile,” Muqbel tells us in his excellent Hebrew, acquired during almost a quarter-century in prison.

    “I was ‘born’ on Oct. 30, 2013. I am a boy with a mustache, I am 2 years old,” he says, referring to the date of his release from prison, as part of Israel’s goodwill gestures to the Palestinians during negotiations led by Secretary of State John Kerry.

    A native of the camp, Muqbel now wears a tie and has a Jeep at his disposal thanks to his work for Fatah. He described his approach to the present situation at length, and it’s worth listening to.

    “We used to think that the killing of children was a ‘mistake.’ Now,” he explained, “we believe that there is an IDF policy to kill children, to execute our children. After all, a child’s body shows that he is a child. The soldier knows he is a child. If you think that this is a message that will help you, you are wrong. These children are a new generation of hatred. Not incitement, not Abu Mazen [i.e., Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas], not Hamas – the true source of incitement is the behavior of the Israeli soldier and whoever gives him his orders.

    “Once,” Muqbel continued, “your way of thinking was that our old people would die and the young ones would forget. I am telling you in all seriousness: We, the old ones, will die, but the next generation believes [in the cause] more than we do. It’s a generation that does not listen to any leader. Believe me or don’t believe me: The parents have no hand in the matter. The real lesson the child learns is this refugee camp. Did you see the entrance to Al-Arroub? It’s open for one hour and closed for two. And what are the soldiers doing inside the camp? Would you stop a child from throwing stones at them? It is you who are making them throw stones and afterward be killed.

    “What did the person who jumped from the 80th floor of the Twin Towers think to himself? What pushed him to jump and die? The hope that maybe he would live, despite everything. If you understand that, you will not ask what makes the children try to assassinate Israelis. Our weapons are dirty, because we don’t have smart ones. A stone, a knife ... If we had smart weapons like you, we would aim them at your army bases. It’s not easy for a person to kill or murder a human being. I know, it supposedly happens only in the jungle, between animals.

    “Maybe you were a soldier in the past. Maybe you killed. Why don’t you see me as a soldier, in exactly the same way you see your soldier as a hero who is guarding the homeland? Look at me. Say ‘terrorist,’ ‘murderer,’ ‘criminal’ – it’s of no interest to me. We are the soldiers of our people. When I got married, I was asked what I would say to the mother of the person I had killed, with me celebrating and him underground. I allowed myself to say that there is no difference between a bereaved Palestinian mother and a bereaved Israeli mother, and it is their right to be angry. But every war has a price and it is paid by the ordinary people. Not by the leaders. Pain has no answer and pain has no price. I paid 23 years of my life. How can you put a value on that?

    “The feeling that allows me to accept myself is that I did something for my people. But what will you say to the mother of one of our children who was killed? Why do you always ask us about our killing? I am the one who killed Yaakov Shalom. By my act, I cried out that I exist. I was 24, and that was my response to Ami Popper, who murdered seven Palestinian workers. I knew it would not bring about the liberation of the homeland, but I believed that I had to take action. To make the Israelis and the world look at me. Maybe it was a mistake, maybe we didn’t gain anything. I’ve seen children who were killed for hoisting a [Palestinian] flag. Today those flags are sold in stores and their importer is an Israeli, a Zionist, maybe even a demobilized soldier. You have to understand, there’s no going back.

    “Even though we are now weak, our strength lies in our weakness, and your strength in your Dimona [i.e., nuclear] project. But we will come back to life. We know that the way is long and the war will continue. But neither a fence nor a tank nor a plane, neither the Arrow nor Iron Dome will be able to withstand the will of a people to live with dignity. I give talks as a volunteer in schools and I teach our children love of the homeland and how it can be realized. I teach them that an uprising is not only with weapons, it is also with the pen, with a poem, with music, with a play – a weapon is the last thing.

    “The only resource the Palestinians have is people. We have no other resources. Accordingly, we have to forge a people who will have values, who will know how to love the homeland and preserve it, who will understand that weapons are only a small part of this. This morning, on the way to taking my daughter to my mother, I saw cartridges all over the road. That is the instrument of incitement, and it is everywhere. Your children are not familiar with this. All you have is the pepper spray that mothers carry in their purses, and the knives that young people take to clubs.

    “Netanyahu wants to put cardboard over the eyes of Israelis, so you will see reality only through the holes he makes in it. In war there are victims, but what is happening now is executions. There is a famous photograph from the second intifada of an Israeli soldier confronting a child with a stone and not shooting him. There was a time when you took pride in that picture.”

    #Palestine

  • What Do Settler Women and Female Suicide Attackers Have in Common? - Books - Haaretz -
    Israeli and Palestinian women will ‘transgress’ by suspending religious beliefs if it serves a political cause, discovers political scientist Lihi Ben Shitrit.

    Dahlia Scheindlin Feb 02,

    http://www.haaretz.com/jewish/books/1.700711

    “Righteous Transgressions: Women’s Activism on the Israeli and Palestinian Religious Right,” by Lihi Ben Shitrit, Princeton University Press, 304 pp., $22.95
    In late January, Israeli settlers tussled with Israel Defense Forces soldiers charged with evicting them from two homes in Hebron. In a familiar sight on the Israeli news, settler women balanced small children on their hips as they berated and harangued the soldiers. The very next day, a 13-year-old Palestinian girl attempted to stab a security guard in the West Bank and was shot dead – joining numerous Palestinian women and youngsters who have participated in such attacks since October.
    Israelis tend to seek personal explanations for female Palestinian violence, as if political extremism is understood when it comes to men, but contradicts typically “feminine” qualities. Activism among women in conservative Jewish religious movements may seem counterintuitive as well, since traditional “feminine” behavior is not thought to include political activism or leadership.
    In “Righteous Transgressions: Women’s Activism on the Israeli and Palestinian Religious Right,” Lihi Ben Shitrit, an assistant professor at the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia in Athens, probes women’s activism in four conservative religious or religious-nationalist movements in Israel and its environs – Jewish settlers, the ultra-Orthodox Israeli political party Shas, the Islamic Movement in Israel and Hamas – in a search for shared ways of thinking. It’s unlikely that her research subjects would appreciate being categorized together, but social scientists who question gender, religious extremism, nationalism or social movements will.
    While Ben Shitrit’s academic discourse of contestation, intentionality, performatives, diagnostic and prognostic frames will at times alienate the average reader, it would be unfortunate to forgo the book by this Israeli-born author for that reason. Interested observers could learn much from the rare, up-close look at hugely influential political movements, beyond the subject of women’s roles within them.
    The political scientist and women’s studies expert conducted a formidable amount of research and displayed substantial tenacity in reaching her subjects. She spent several years winning the personal trust of leaders and members of the first three groups, who represent tight-knit and often highly suspicious social communities. She built relationships, attended events, transcribed extensive conversations and pored over media sources – especially in the case of Hamas where, as an Israeli, she could not forge personal ties. She read both Hebrew and Arabic texts, and when researching Shas, her Moroccan background prompted openness among some of the party’s figures.
    Ben Shitrit observes that gender and feminist researchers typically presume that women naturally seek greater empowerment and liberation. That leads such academics to puzzle over why some women work to advance conservative political movements that constrain them within gender roles. She believes these questions reflect a Western liberal feminist bias and mislead the inquiry.
    Instead, Ben Shitrit accepts as a given that women take part prominently and often enthusiastically in religiously conservative or religious-nationalist movements. In all four movements she examines, women have become active as participants, organizers or sometimes leaders. The question for the author is: How do these women justify activism and participation sometimes in front-line struggles that contradict traditional gender norms of Orthodox Judaism or conservative Islam? And could these justifications ultimately, or unwittingly, aid in shifting traditional roles?
    Thus, Jewish women settlers sometimes physically struggle with male IDF soldiers, although Orthodox Jewish law strictly proscribes touching a male stranger. On the Palestinian side, a woman suicide bomber abandons her role as mother (or future mother) and becomes a supporter of male fighters to advance a political-religious goal.

  • Two Palestinians, From Different Walks of Life, Brought Together in Death at a Checkpoint -
    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Jan 16, 2016 11:24 AM
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.697481

    One man was the well-to-do owner of a company, the other a poor student. Israeli soldiers killed both of them at a West Bank checkpoint. Why did they die? Was there a connection between them?

    A poster hanging in Al-Jadida, where Ali Abu Maryam resided. Alex Levac

    They were not “from the same village,” as the Naomi Shemer song goes, nor did they have the same iconic forelock, as it continues. In fact, they probably never met. One was a very affluent businessman, propertied and with a family; the other was an abjectly poor student and occasional farmhand.

    They lived in two neighboring villages, Zawiya and Al-Jadida, outside Jenin in the northern West Bank. People in Zawiya say it’s possible that the wealthy resident of their village gave the poor worker a lift last Saturday in the rain and cold. People in Al-Jadida believe that they never met – until their deaths – and that the student arrived at the checkpoint in a vehicle carrying laborers.

    What is not in doubt is that these two people were killed together, by volleys of live fire unleashed by Israel Defense Forces soldiers last Shabbat morning at the Beka’ot checkpoint – called Hamra by the Palestinians – that abuts the partially annexed Jordan Valley. Rich and poor were unequal in death, too: The soldiers fired a total of 11 rounds into the affluent man but made do with three for the needier one.

    Much about the incident is not clear, beyond the oppressive thought that, as in most cases of deaths caused by Israeli security forces in recent months, here too there was no need to shoot to kill, certainly not both men. But the lives of Palestinians continue to be cheap: Their deaths were barely reported in the Israeli media.

    Said Abu al-Wafa owned one company that imports and sells food, and another that imports cars from Germany. It’s important for his family to elaborate on his financial situation, to show that their loved one could not possibly have been involved in terrorism.

    They bring us to the jam-packed food warehouses belonging to Wafa Brothers, of which Said was the founder and driving spirit. Inside the warehouses, situated not far from one of the brothers’ homes, there are snacks from Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, candy from India and China, cooking oil and flour from Egypt, cookies from Belgium and soft drinks from Ramallah. Parked outside are Said’s Mitsubishi Pajero SUV and the new Hyundai he bought his brother-in-law as a present two days before he was killed. His own spacious home is situated in the valley below, amid his olive groves.

    This week the courtyard outside the Wafas’ warehouses was converted into a mourning site, with a huge poster of the deceased hanging in the center.

    Said was 35, married to Ghadir and the father of Mohammed, 8; Shirin, 6; Darin, 5; and Jaudath, 4. All are now cuddling up to their uncle Shaher, their father’s brother, a lawyer of 30.

    Said Abu al-Wafa’s family.Alex Levac

    Shaher recounts what happened on Saturday. It was his brother’s day to distribute merchandise in Jericho. Twice a week, on Saturday and Monday, Said would drive there through the Jordan Valley in his 2015 Mercedes van, loaded with food products. The last day of his life was no different.

    Said apparently left home around 5 A.M., by himself, as usual. People in the village of Farah, abutting the valley, saw him driving alone. Did he pick up someone on the way? Shaher says it’s possible, though only because of the cold and the heavy rain; his brother did not generally pick up hitchhikers.

    Said arrived at Beka’ot around 6. About an hour later, Shaher got a call from the Palestinian security forces asking who was driving the company’s Mercedes, which had stopped at the checkpoint. Shaher set out for there immediately, filled with foreboding. The checkpoint was closed. The Mercedes was parked in the middle of the road, where soldiers usually stand. The only damage seemed to be to the two front windows on both sides, which were shattered.

    After Shaher identified himself, the soldiers allowed him to approach the vehicle. Next to it there was a body – that of his brother. Shaher remembers now that he thought to himself that the soldiers had, unusually, behaved respectfully: They had placed the body on a stretcher and covered it with a blanket.

    The Shin Bet security men and police officers who were at the site questioned Shaher about the identity of another dead man, whose body he was shown only in the form of a photo on a cell phone. Did he know him? Did his brother know him? Did he work for their company? Shaher replied that he had no idea who the person was. “I know my brother,” he told his interlocutors. “He knew the rules at the checkpoint. I’m positive he did not make a mistake of any kind.”

    According to Shaher, a Shin Bet man said they knew his brother was a prominent businessman. “Allah yerhamo,” one officer said. God have mercy on him.

    Someone told Shaher that his brother was killed while he was still behind the wheel. The van was standing at exactly the spot where it was supposed to stop when approaching the checkpoint.

    About an hour later the family received Said’s body. That’s an important detail, because the IDF typically takes its time when it comes to returning the bodies of terrorists.

    Shaher hurried to the home of their elderly mother, Adila, to be with her in the ordeal.

    The courtyard is now filling up with mourners, dozens of them. Shaher says he thinks his brother was killed because of something the other dead man did. The body of that man, whom Said apparently did not know, was also returned immediately to his family. But Shaher still has no idea what happened at the Beka’ot checkpoint.

    About 15 minutes away from Zawiya is a different village, a different mourners’ tent, a different reality. Here, in Al-Jadida, poverty is rampant. While Said was on his way to Jericho, Ali Abu Maryam, in his early twenties and unmarried, was also heading for the Jordan Valley, where he worked in the fields of herbs owned by the Israeli settlement of Beka’ot. A third-year management student at Al-Quds Open University, he provided for his family as well: His father, Mohammed, has been ill and unemployed for years. Now Mohammed, his features ravaged by illness or grief, mourns his dead son.

    The locals dismiss the idea that Ali got a lift with Said; they say he got to work in a vehicle that picked up laborers. These villagers seem to know even less (or are saying less) than the residents of Zawiya about what happened at the checkpoint on Saturday. Mohammed thinks Ali left the house at 4 A.M. and wanted to recite the morning prayers at work. At about 6, a worker called Mohammed to say Ali had been wounded. The caller added that he hadn’t seen what happened, he only heard shots.

    The checkpoint has two lanes for vehicles and a fenced-off walkway for workers. What happened there? Did Ali pull a knife? No one has any answers.

    An oppressive pall due to the death of a son of this remote village hovers almost palpably over the yard in which dozens of mourners have gathered. Israel Air Force planes slice through the skies, with an earsplitting din.

    The IDF Spokesman’s Office told Haaretz this week, in reply to a request for information about the incident: “During the course of a routine security check of a car at the Beka’ot checkpoint, there was a stabbing attempt. The incident is still under investigation, and for that reason, cannot be discussed in detail. When the investigation is complete, its findings will be sent to the office of the military advocate general.”

    During the week, Israeli security forces arrived in the middle of the night at the poor dwelling belonging to the Abu Maryam family and, according to the bereaved father, measured and photographed the house, signaling its imminent demolition. The family relates that Ali had just paid his tuition for the next semester, a sure sign he wasn’t planning a terrorist attack. One bullet penetrated his eye and from there entered his brain, they said; the eye had been covered in the photograph we saw. His father says Ali was thinking of becoming a bus driver. Meanwhile, Mohammed adds, no one has told him what happened to his son. Mohammed’s brother, Ali’s uncle, was also killed by Israeli soldiers. Back in 1993.

    Later on, at the checkpoint, one of the two lanes was closed and traffic was sparse. Bored-looking soldiers were standing around, seemingly in all innocence, as if two people hadn’t been killed there two days earlier, apparently for no reason.

    #Palestine_assassinée

  • Netanyahou déclare que les propos de Wallström sont « scandaleux et injustes » | i24news - Voir plus loin
    http://www.i24news.tv/fr/actu/israel/99161-160114-netanyahou-declare-que-les-propos-de-wallstrom-sont-scandaleux-

    Benyamin Netanyahou, s’est adressé aux journalistes lors d’un événement annuel organisé pour le Nouvel An du Bureau de presse du gouvernement (GPO) à Jérusalem, où il a déclaré que les commentaires de la ministre étaient « scandaleux, injustes et tout simplement faux ».

    « Je pense que ce qu’a dit la ministre suédoise des Affaires étrangères est scandaleux, je pense que c’est immoral, que c’est injuste et que c’est tout bonnement faux », a dit M. Netanyahou à la presse.

    "L’autre jour à Paris, un terroriste brandissant un couteau a été abattu, est-ce que ça, c’était une exécution extra-judiciaire ?

    OUI !

    • Yes, Israel Is Executing Palestinians Without Trial
      Gideon Levy Jan 17, 2016
      http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.697788

      We should call it like it is: Israel executes people without trial nearly every day. Any other description is a lie. If there was once discussion here about the death penalty for terrorists, now they are executed even without trial (and without discussion). If once there was debate over the rules of engagement, today it’s clear: we shoot to kill – any suspicious Palestinian.

      Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan outlined the situation clearly when he said, “Every terrorist should know he will not survive the attack he is about to commit” – and almost every politician joined him in nauseating unison, from Yair Lapid on up. Never have so many licenses to kill been handed out here, nor has the finger been so itchy on the trigger.

      In 2016, one doesn’t have to be Adolf Eichmann to be executed here – it’s enough to be a teenage Palestinian girl with scissors. The firing squads are active every day. Soldiers, police and civilians shoot those who stabbed Israelis, or tried to stab them or were suspected of doing so, and at those who run down Israelis in their cars or appear to have done so.

      In most cases, there was no need to shoot – and certainly not to kill. In a good many of the cases, the shooters’ lives were not in danger. They shot people to death who were holding a knife or even scissors, or people who just put their hands in their pockets or lost control of their car.

      They shot them to death indiscriminately – women, men, teenage girls, teenage boys. They shot them when they were standing, and even after they were no longer a threat. They shot to kill, to punish, to release their anger, and to take revenge. There is such contempt here that these incidents are barely covered in the media.

      Last Saturday, soldiers at the Beka’ot checkpoint (called Hamra by the Palestinians) in the Jordan Valley killed businessman Said Abu al-Wafa, 35, a father of four, with 11 bullets. At the same time, they also killed Ali Abu Maryam, a 21-year-old farm laborer and student, with three bullets. The Israel Defense Forces did not explain the killing of the two men, except to say there was a suspicion that someone had drawn a knife. There are security cameras at the site, but the IDF has not released video footage of the incident.

      Last month, other IDF soldiers killed Nashat Asfur, a father of three who worked at an Israeli chicken slaughterhouse. They shot him in his village, Sinjil, from 150 meters away, while he was walking home from a wedding. Earlier this month, Mahdia Hammad – a 40-year-old mother of four – was driving home through her village, Silwad. Border Police officers sprayed her car with dozens of bullets after they suspected she intended to run them over.

      The soldiers didn’t even suspect cosmetology student Samah Abdallah, 18, of anything. Soldiers shot her father’s car “by mistake,” killing her; they had suspected a 16-year-old pedestrian, Alaa al-Hashash, of trying to stab them. They executed him as well, of course.

      They also killed Ashrakat Qattanani, 16, who was holding a knife and running after an Israeli woman. First a settler ran her over with his car, and when she was lying injured on the ground, soldiers and settlers shot her at least four times. Execution – what else?

      And when soldiers shot Lafi Awad, 20, in his back while he was fleeing after throwing stones, was that not an execution?

      These are only a few of the cases I have documented over the past few weeks in Haaretz. The website of the human rights group B’Tselem has a list of 12 more cases of executions.

      Swedish Foreign Minister Margot Wallström, one of the few ministers with a conscience left in the world, demanded that these killings be investigated. There is no demand more moral and just than this. It should have come from our own justice minister.

      Israel responded with its usual howls. The prime minister said this was “outrageous, immoral and unjust.” And Benjamin Netanyahu understands those terms: That is exactly how to describe Israel’s campaign of criminal executions under his leadership.

  • The Face of Collateral Damage: Palestinian Student Killed by Israeli Forces - Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Dec 25, 2015 7:00 PM
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.693675

    After Israel Defense Forces soldiers killed Samah Abdallah , the Israeli media did not even bother to mention that the 18-year-old was shot in the head while she was riding, along with other family members, in her father’s car.

    Samah Abdallah was a beautician and cosmetology student from a little-known Palestinian village, who was shot to death either on purpose or by accident – but most assuredly without any legitimate reason. Five or six bullets were fired at the car, fired by a soldier from a fortified watchtower nearby; one hit her directly in the head. Samah sustained mortal injuries, and died a few weeks later in an Israeli hospital.

    It all began on November 23, with a concerned and anxious father: Abed Abdallah, 42, worked in construction in Israel until recently. He did not want his daughter to use public transportation to get home from the Nablus school where she was studying with her younger sister Hanin, 17. Samah had been thinking of enrolling in university next year, in order to get a teaching degree.

    It has been an extremely tense few months on the roads of the West Bank, for Palestinian residents too, and Abed decided to pick up his two daughters that day, lest they run into trouble on the way home. He does this every so often, primarily when tensions run high.

    The family lives in one of the tiniest of villages – a hilly, remote place called Amoriya, with breathtaking scenery, southeast of Salfit and the settlement of Ariel.

    That morning, Samah and Hanin set out at 7:30 for school in a shared taxi. At noon, Abed left Amoriya together with his wife, Hala, and their son Ahmed, 15, to pick them up. The drive went without mishap, and took less than half an hour. The daughters got into the back seat, with Samah in the middle; their parents were in front.

    After passing the Hawara checkpoint, which was not manned at the time by IDF soldiers, they approached a bus stop. Abed noticed a teenage boy and a few soldiers there; he says now that he was certain the boy was a Jew. Worried that stones would be thrown at the car, Abed continued to drive and had gone a few meters when he heard gunfire.

    No one had ordered him to stop. In the rearview mirror, Abed saw the boy fall to the ground, bleeding profusely. He says he did not see a knife or any other weapon in the boy’s hands. Subsequently, it developed that the youth, Alaa al-Hashash, 16, from the nearby Balata refugee camp, had been shot dead by one of the soldiers at the bus stop. The death of Hashash was reported by the Israeli media in a single sentence, “Another attempted terrorist attack was thwarted today near the Hawara checkpoint.” That same day, there were two other such attempts at other sites, so perhaps the killing of the teenager was of no special interest.

    Soon after Abed saw the youth collapse, a hail of bullets hit his car. Abed shouted to his wife and children to get down, but the rear seat was crowded and Samah was unable to crouch low enough. The bullets came from the rear, fired by soldiers standing near the bus stop, but also from the front – from an army watchtower. The lethal bullet was fired by a soldier in the tower, penetrating the windshield and hitting Samah in the middle of her forehead before exiting through the back of her neck. Her face was covered in blood.

    “Father – there’s blood!” yelled Ahmed. Abed thought it was his son who had been hit. Getting out of the car, he discovered that his daughter had been shot. The terrified family pulled Samah out and lay her on the road. Abed says now that he was certain she was already dead. A Palestinian ambulance quickly arrived, and evacuated her to Rafidia Hospital in Nablus.

    The Abdallah family’s car. Alex Levac

    “Why did you do that?” Ahmed says he screamed at the soldiers who began to approach. “The soldier told me: You had a knife. I told him: There’s no knife. He said: There is. I said: There isn’t. I said: Where’s the officer? He said: There is no officer.”

    Abed says that a few minutes later, the same soldier admitted about the shots fired at Samah that, “It was a mistake.”

    Samah was rushed to Rafidia. When her parents arrived, they were informed that she was in critical condition. A few hours later, it was decided to transfer her to an Israeli hospital. After initial admission to to Schneider Children’s Medical Center, she was transferred to the neurosurgery department at nearby Beilinson Hospital.

    In her report, Dr. Gili Kadmon, a specialist in pediatric intensive care, wrote: “Patient was shot yesterday in the Nablus area, at a range of 10-20 meters. Entry hole in the frontal lobe and exit hole in the occipitoparietal lobe. Extensive cranial injury. Upon admission, patient was unconscious and artificially ventilated; opens her eyes at moments of pain and coughs in response to suction …”

    Samah’s mother accompanied her to the hospital in Israel and didn’t leave her for a moment. Abed joined them the following day, once he received an entry permit. Samah was hospitalized for over three weeks, during which she underwent two operations. Last Wednesday, she passed away, her parents at her bedside. She never reopened her eyes.

    Asked for comment by Haaretz, the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit released the following statement: “During the incident, in which a terrorist was running while brandishing a knife toward civilians standing at a bus stop, IDF forces opened fire to neutralize the threat and protect the civilians. From the shooting, injuries were apparently incurred by passengers in the car behind the terrorist. The IDF regrets any injury to uninvolved bystanders and acts to avoid this as much as possible. The incident has been investigated and the results are being examined by the military prosecutor’s office.”

    Note the evasive wording: “From the shooting, injuries were apparently incurred by passengers in the car behind the terrorist.” As if the dying Samah had not been transferred to Israel for medical care with the army’s approval, as if there was any doubt she was killed by IDF soldiers.

    Abed says that the soldiers didn’t only kill Samah: “They killed our entire family. The soldiers didn’t have to shoot. Why did they shoot? They also could have shot Alaa al-Hashash in his legs, without killing him. Salah happened to be there, without having done anything. Nothing justifies this shooting. She died for no reason.”

    ANo government or army official thought to telephone the family following Samah’s death. Now Abed is preparing to submit a claim for compensation from Israel. For that purpose, he approached attorney Ghaslan Mahajna from Umm al-Fahm.

    Posted on the outskirts of her village are photos of Samah, who was buried in the little cemetery across from the family’s home. Mourners are served the customary dates and bitter coffee.

    Parked outside is the rundown Opal Ascona. Pictures of Abed’s daughter are taped to the windows, and a single memorial poster has been placed in the middle of the backseat, the exact place where Samah Abdallah was sitting before being shot to death.

    Gideon Levy
    Haaretz Correspondent

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • After Israel Defense Forces soldiers killed Samah Abdallah , the Israeli media did not even bother to mention that the 18-year-old was shot in the head while she was riding, along with other family members, in her father’s car.

      “Why did you do that?” Ahmed says he screamed at the soldiers who began to approach. “The soldier told me: You had a knife. I told him: There’s no knife. He said: There is. I said: There isn’t. I said: Where’s the officer? He said: There is no officer.”

      Abed says that a few minutes later, the same soldier admitted about the shots fired at Samah that, “It was a mistake.”

  • For Religious Zionists, Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Is Holy War, Scholar Says - Israel News - Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.692401

    There is nothing new about the fact that the presence of the religious public in the Israel Defense Forces is increasingly expanding. But you claim that under the radar, a process of theocratization is underway. In other words, rabbis are meddling in what is happening in the army and dictating policy.

    [...]

    There is a clear trend here. In the view of these people, Israel is waging a war that fulfills a mitzvah involving the settlement of the land. This is a religious commandment, and we religious Jews have a role in leading the army to fulfill it. That is how we educate our soldiers – and not without knowledge or awareness of the fact that this sort of education opposes the political authority of the state, because we believe the authority to relinquish territory held by the state is not within the government’s purview.

    #Théocratie #guerre_sainte #Israël #Israel #nettoyage_ethnique

  • Don’t Shoot Down Breaking the Silence, It’s Just the Messenger - Israel News - Haaretz -
    Amos Harel Dec 19, 2015
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.692603

    Breaking the Silence was founded in the spring of 2004. Four freshly released soldiers from the Nahal Brigade, who served long tours in Hebron during the height of the second intifada, organized an exhibition that documented their experiences, which was displayed at the Academic College of Tel Aviv-Jaffa. Although some people were outraged by the exhibition, the discussion about the soldiers’ claims was conducted far more calmly than it is today – despite the fact that, back then, suicide bombers were still blowing themselves up on buses in Israeli cities.

    The current Israel Defense Forces chief of staff, Lt. Gen. Gadi Eisenkot, was the commander of all IDF forces in the West Bank at the time, and he raised a concern: Why did the founders of the organization not oppose the army actions while they were serving, or at least report on them in real time? His argument was unconvincing. In most cases, a corporal will have a hard time going before the company or battalion commander in real time and saying, “That’s not allowed.” They are not equals. Few soldiers – particularly during regular service – have the ability to make such complaints, especially at a time when military casualties are high and the atmosphere is charged.

    As the years went on, the IDF made two other, more substantial claims. The first regarded the difficulty in translating the soldiers’ testimonies into legal or disciplinary proceedings. Breaking the Silence has always maintained the testifiers’ anonymity, in order to protect them. And during cases where the military prosecutor was interested in investigating, such probes generally ended without results. IDF officials got the impression that publishing the testimonies was more important to Breaking the Silence than any legal proceedings. The IDF’s second claim pertains to the organization’s activities abroad. One can assume that this activity is mostly done for fundraising purposes, but holding exhibitions abroad and making claims about Israeli war crimes certainly offended many.

    This week, there was a new low point in the public campaign against the organization. This combined two trends, only one of which was open and obvious. The first is the direct attack on Breaking the Silence by the right, comprised mostly of McCarthyesque attempts to silence it. These attacks have a sanctimonious air to them. In the eyes of the attackers, the international community is ganging up on Israel, and Breaking the Silence is the source of all our troubles – everything would be fine if it weren’t for this group of despicable liars slandering Israel’s reputation.

    It is hard to shake the suspicion that the attacks against Breaking the Silence aren’t the act of an extensive network operating with at least a degree of coordination. What began as some accusations on Channel 20 continued with a venomous video published by the Im Tirtzu movement, which was immediately followed by demands from the My Israel group (founded by Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Shaked) to prohibit Breaking the Silence representatives from visiting schools. Somehow, Education Minister Bennett succumbed to their demands within a day. In the background, there was also a blatant attack on President Reuven Rivlin. At first, they tried to link him to Breaking the Silence. That failed, because the president made sure to defend the IDF’s moral standing at the HaaretzQ conference in New York. And then the “flag affair” happened, involving Rivlin, Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat and the Israeli flag.

    As usual, Im Tirtzu delivered the most extreme elements of the assault. Its ubiquitous video showed the word “Shtulim” – Hebrew for implanted, or mole – above pictures of four left-wing activists who looked like they’d been plucked from a “Wanted” list. The video didn’t leave much room for the imagination: “Shtulim” is another way of saying “traitors.”

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=02u_J2C-Lso


    Im Tirtzu accuses leftist activists of being foreign agents. YouTube/Im Tirtzu

    When one of the four featured activists, Dr. Ishai Menuchin – executive director of the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel – says he felt as if the spilling of his blood was being permitted, you can understand why he reached that conclusion. (By the way, Menuchin did reserve duty until an advanced age – in the Givati Brigade, of all places.) The claims that these four organizations are “collaborating with the enemy” have been rejected by the two previous military advocate generals, Avichai Mendelblit and Danny Efroni. Indeed, the two told Haaretz that they are often assisted by these human rights organizations.

    The mainstream media has provided the complementary side of the trend by airing Im Tirtzu’s videos. As journalists, they cluck their tongues and mock the style of the videos, but reap higher ratings. This approach works well in conjunction with media coverage of the current terror outbreak, which is treated relatively superficially and is often an attempt to tackle these issues without providing any broader context. Here, the goal is not to damage the left-wing organizations, but rather marketing a slant on the current reality for Israelis – as if we have the exclusive capability to both maintain the occupation indefinitely and remain the most moral army in the world. But the truth is, it’s impossible to do both. Also, there’s no empirical proof that the IDF is the most moral army in the world (a cliché Rivlin himself employed earlier this week).

    In many cases, the IDF makes an effort – and sometimes a tremendous effort. But it is still a giant war machine. When it is forced to act to defend Israeli civilians and advance into crowded, urban Palestinian territory – as it did last year in Gaza – it causes lots of casualties, which will include innocent civilians. And its control of the occupied territories involves, by its very nature, many unjust acts: limiting movement, entering civilians’ homes, making arrests and humiliating people.

    It is a reality that every combat solider in the West Bank, regular or reservist, rightist or leftist, is aware of. I can attest to it myself: For more than 10 years I was called up to serve in the West Bank many times, as a junior commander in a reserve infantry battalion – before and during the second intifada. I didn’t witness anything I considered to be a war crime. And more than once, I saw commanders going to great lengths to maintain human dignity while carrying out complex missions, which they saw as essential for security. Even so, many aspects of our operations seemed to me, and to many others, to fall into some kind of gray area, morally speaking. In my battalion, there were also cases of inhuman treatment and abuse of Palestinian civilians.

    Those who believe, like I do, that much of the blame for the lack of a peace agreement in recent years stems from Palestinian unwillingness to compromise; and those who think, like I do, that at the moment there is no horizon for an arrangement that guarantees safety for Israelis in exchange for most of the West Bank, because of the possibility that the arrangement would collapse and the vacuum be filled by Hamas or even ISIS, must admit: There is no such thing as a rose-tinted occupation.

    Breaking the Silence offers an unpleasant voice to many Israeli ears, but it speaks a lot of truth. I’ve interviewed many of its testifiers over the years. What they told me wasn’t the stuff of fantasy but rather, descriptions from below – from the perspective of the corporal or lieutenant, voices that are important and should be heard, even if they don’t present the whole picture. There is a price that comes with maintaining this abnormal situation for 48 years. Covering your ears or blaming the messenger won’t achieve anything.

    The interesting thing is that when you meet high-ranking IDF officers, you don’t hear about illusions or clichés. The senior officers don’t like Breaking the Silence, but they also don’t attack it with righteous indignation (although it’s possible that sentiments for the organization are harsher among lower ranks). In recent months, I’ve been privy to closed talks with most of the chain of command in the West Bank: The chief of staff, head of Central Command, IDF commander in the West Bank, and nine brigade chiefs. As I’ve written here numerous times recently, these officers speak in similar tones. They don’t get worked up, they aren’t trying to get their subordinates to kill Palestinians when there is no essential security need, and they aren’t looking for traitors in every corner.

    Last Tuesday, when Im Tirtzu’s despicable campaign was launched, I had a prescheduled meeting with the commander of a regular infantry brigade. In a few weeks, some of his soldiers will be stationed in the West Bank. Last year, he fought with them in Gaza. What troubles him now, he says, is how to sufficiently prepare his soldiers for their task, to ensure that they’ll protect themselves and Israeli civilians from the knife attacks, but also to ensure that they won’t recklessly shoot innocent people, or kill someone lying on the ground after the threat has been nullified.

    The picture painted by the brigade commander is entirely different to the one painted by Channel 20 (which posted on Facebook this week that “the presidency has lost its shame” following Rivlin’s appearance in New York). But it is also much more complex than the daily dose of drama being supplied by the mainstream media.

    Another victory for Ya’alon

    Last Sunday, the cabinet approved the appointment of Nir Ben Moshe as director of security for the defense establishment. The appointment was another bureaucratic victory for Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon, part of a series of such appointments over the past year. The pattern remains the same: Ya’alon consults with Eisenkot; Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has reservations, delays the process or even opposes outright; Ya’alon insists, but takes care not to let the rift become public; and in the end Ya’alon gets what he wants.

    Ya’alon isn’t generally considered a sophisticated bureaucrat. His political power is also rather limited. He has almost no sources of power within the Likud Central Committee. The fact that he remains in his position, despite the close coordination with Netanyahu and the joint positions they held during the war in Gaza last year and during the current strife in the West Bank, seems to hinge only upon Netanyahu’s complex political considerations. Still, through great patience it seems the defense minister ultimately gets what he desires.

    Ben Moshe’s appointment was first approved by a committee within the Defense Ministry last month. Ya’alon asked that the appointment be immediately submitted to the cabinet for approval, but Netanyahu postponed the decision for weeks before ultimately accepting it. This is partly because of the prime minister’s tendency to procrastinate, which also played a part in the late appointment of Yossi Cohen as the next Mossad chief. But in many cases, there are other considerations behind such hesitations, with the appointment of the current IDF chief of staff a prime example: Ya’alon formulated his position on Eisenkot months before the decision was announced. Eisenkot’s appointment was brought before Netanyahu numerous times, but the prime minister constantly examined other candidates and postponed the decision until last December – only two and a half months before Benny Gantz’s term was set to end.

    Even the appointment of the new military advocate general, Brig. Gen. Sharon Afek, which had been agreed by Ya’alon and Eisenkot, was delayed for months by Netanyahu’s reservations – which, formally speaking, should not be part of the process. Here, it seems the stalling was due to claims from settlers about Afek’s “left-leaning” tendencies, not to mention the incriminating fact that Afek’s cousin is Michal Herzog – the wife of opposition leader Isaac Herzog.

    Over the next month, numerous other appointments to the IDF’s General Staff are expected, but Eisenkot will call the shots and Ya’alon needs to approve his nominations. The chief of staff is expected to appoint a new naval commander; a new ground forces commander; new head of the technology and logistics directorate; new head of the communications directorate; and new military attaché to Washington. In most cases, generals will make way for younger brigadier generals. Eisenkot will likely want to see a more seasoned general assume command of the ground forces, though, and could give it to a current general as a second position under that rank. However, this creates another problem – any general given this job would see it as being denied a regional command post, which is considered an essential stop for any budding chief of staff.

    #Breaking_the_Silence #Briser_le_silence

  • Why I Broke My Silence
    Ari Shavit Dec 16, 2015

    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.692278

    I broke my first silence when I was 20. In the late 1970s, the brigade in which I served conducted a wide-ranging operation in south Lebanon. Both during and after the fighting, serious looting took place; prisoners of war were beaten and some of them disappeared. It was too much for me to bear. The naïve, young Zionist I was at that time did not know how to deal with the fact that our moral army did not always maintain its purity of arms. In his distress, that youth wrote a touching letter to the Israel Defense Forces chief of staff. Surprisingly, it was brought to his attention and he ordered an investigation. The investigation was papered over. But some time later the story reached the media, and the ensuing storm had a positive effect. When the first Lebanon War was launched, four years later, there were explicit orders that included explicit instructions that prevented such conduct from being repeated on the same scale.
    I broke my second silence when I was 33. In the early ‘90s I was called up for reserve duty at the Gaza coast detention center. Those were still the days of the first intifada and in my job as jailer I saw and heard terrible things that obligated me to do something. The report I later wrote for the Haaretz Magazine was the most painful I have ever written.

  • Yaalon declares war on rights group Breaking the Silence
    Dec. 15, 2015
    https://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=769349

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Yaalon said on Tuesday that he had banned Israeli veteran group Breaking the Silence from participating in any official activities with Israeli forces, Israeli media reported.

    Yaalon’s statement was made on social media, where he called the left-wing veteran group hypocrites spreading “false propaganda” against Israeli forces and the state of Israel in attempt to “delegitimize” them.

    Breaking the Silence responded to the comment on social media, saying the group has been under attack for the past several months, “through a pre-meditated campaign, in which members of the extreme right-wing, including Israeli parliamentarians and elected officials, along with public figures and right-wing organizations, are trying to silence both us and every debate related to the 48-year-long occupation.”

    • Le ministre de la Défense israélien s’en prend à une organisation de lanceurs d’alerte
      15 déc. 2015,
      https://francais.rt.com/international/12179-ministre-defense-israelien-d%C3%A9fend-armee

      Moshe Yaalon a estimé que l’organisation « Briser le silence » dégrade l’image d’Israël en publiant des témoignages d’anciens soldats qui dénoncent l’occupation de la Cisjordanie et les opération en Palestine.

      Fondé en 2004, le groupe rassemble et publie en effet les témoignages d’anciens soldats qui ont servi en Palestine ou dans les territoires occupés de Cisjordanie. Il révèle ainsi aux israéliens les abus commis contre la population palestinienne, ce qui est souvent difficile pour les médias, fournies en informations par des porte-paroles de l’armée.

      Moshe Yaalon entend donc lutter contre cette organisation et montrer le « prix moral » qu’Israël paie pour l’occupation. Selon lui, « Briser le silence » mène une politique de « propagande mensongère contre les soldats et les l’Etat, et contribue à délégitimer l’image du pays ».

      Surtout, pour Moshe Yaalon, les témoignages relatés par l’organisation « se sont plusieurs fois révélés sans fondement. Cette organisation agit pour des motifs malveillants, et nous devons donc nous engager totalement dans la lutte contre ce groupe. »

    • Il y a trois ans ils se sont attaqués à Btselem qui a survécu. Il faut soutenir « briser le silence » à tout prix. Sans eux nous ne saurons rien. Ils sont le seuls lien avec la vérité et la réalité de l’occupation israélienne en Palestine.

    • Un message de la FMEP ce soir à propos de cette affaire :

      Yesterday, the right-wing Israeli group Im Tirzu released an inflammatory and offensive video attacking four leading Israeli human rights activists as dangerous “foreign agents.” Among the activists targeted were Hagai El Ad, director of B’tselem, and Avner Gvaryahu of Breaking the Silence.

      In response to this attack, the Foundation for Middle East Peace strongly affirms its support for Hagai and Avner, for our grantee organizations Breaking the Silence and B’tselem, and for all of those who work toward the cause of human rights and peace in Israel and Palestine. FMEP’s support for these groups is based on shared values of democracy, equality, and tolerance. Hateful attacks like the one launched by Im Tirzu undermine those values. The activists named in the video represent the best of an open, democratic civil society, something of which all Israelis should be proud, just as we at FMEP are proud to share in the common work of advancing human rights in our societies.

      We call on other pro-Israel, pro-Palestinian, and pro-peace organizations in the U.S. to join us in standing in solidarity with our Israeli colleagues against the increasing atmosphere of incitement against Israeli human rights organizations.

      Sincerely,

      Matthew Duss

      President

      Foundation for Middle East Peace

    • La droite israélienne s’attaque à une association d’anciens soldats
      Par Cyrille Louis, Correspondant à Jérusalem | Mis à jour le 16/12/2015
      http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2015/12/16/01003-20151216ARTFIG00297-la-droite-israelienne-s-attaque-a-une-association

      De nombreuses voix pressent le gouvernement de légiférer contre l’ONG « Rompre le silence », dont les vétérans dévoilent, depuis bientôt douze ans, les coulisses de l’occupation en Cisjordanie.

    • Breaking the Silence: Why Take the Message Abroad?

      The left-wing NGO made up of former soldiers found itself at the center of a public storm and under ferocious attack from across the Israeli political spectrum.
      Ilan Lior Dec 18, 2015
      http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.692518

      “Why abroad?” was the most persistent question members of Breaking the Silence were asked this week in interviews, on social media, and in personal messages. The small NGO, more used to being sidelined, found itself at the center of a public storm and under ferocious attack.

      It was accused of slandering Israel around the world and of damaging its international image. The radical right-wing Im Tirtzu movement issued a video accusing the activists of being “moles” – agents for foreign states. That led to a spate of curses and threats on the lives of the NGO’s activists, all former Israel Defense Forces combatants.

      Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu blasted Breaking the Silence in the Knesset for “spreading libel about IDF soldiers in the world.” Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon instructed the IDF not to cooperate with the NGO, whose motives he said were “malicious.” and “blackens our soldiers’ faces abroad.” Education Minister Naftali Bennett forbade the group to enter schools. Even Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid attacked the NGO from the opposition and said it “harms and sullies the IDF abroad, spreading lies about our combatants.”

      Breaking the Silence was set up 11 years ago by combatants who served in Hebron. They recounted their personal experiences from their service in the West Bank and started to gather testimonies from others about the violation of human rights under the occupation. Today, the organization has collected testimonies from more than 1,000 soldiers and has published them in the media, on the Internet, in booklets and at events and exhibitions.

      Today it employs 15 people, who all gave their own testimonies, as well as dozens of volunteers. The organization’s staff guide Hebrew and English tours in Hebron, take part in conferences, meet youth and students and hold demonstrations.

      Over the past year, NGO have members met senior White House officials for the first time. They also took part in events in the United States, Spain, The Netherlands and Scotland and held photo exhibitions in Switzerland. Amidst the storm raised by the group’s activity, the NGO’s founder, Yehuda Shaul gave a lecture in Denmark.

      A visitor takes a picture at the ’Breaking the Silence’ exhibition at the Kulturhaus Helferei in Zurich June 8, 2015.Reuters

      “The absolute majority – at least 85 percent – of the organization’s activity takes place in Israel, in Hebrew, or with Jews,” says director Yuli Novak in an interview with Haaretz. “We do a lot of work with Diaspora Jews, mainly in Israel, with youngsters who come in various groups and meet with us.”

      As for the activity overseas, “the occupation isn’t an internal Israeli matter,” says Novak, who served as an Air Force officer. “The Israeli occupation that we see as immense damaging to Israel, is maintained and supported abroad. Millions of dollars, mostly tax money, are invested in telling the world ‘if you’re for Israel you’re for the occupation.’”

      “We bring to this debate an Israeli, patriotic voice that says ‘we love Israel, but the occupation harms it.’ It’s critical that the world knows there are Israeli soldiers who think the state’s future depends on ending the occupation.”

      Achiya Schatz, a former combatant in the Duvdevan special operations unit, says, “People are silenced and gagged in Israel. Anyone who opposes the occupation is seen as a traitor.”

      “When the settlers’ Yesha Council speaks abroad how come nobody criticizes it? It’s sheer hypocrisy. The attempt to divert the debate to [our activity] abroad is government spin,” he says.

      The NGO’s critics say it strengthens the BDS. “We don’t support BDS, we never supported them or cooperated with them,” Schatz says.

      “Obviously Breaking the Silence statements raise objection. When you see the unpleasant sight in the mirror we put up, your first instinct is to look aside,” she says.

      But “Israel’s problem is the occupation. What makes Israel look bad is that for 48 years we’ve been ruling another nation and not showing any sign that we mean to change it – not soldiers telling what the occupation looks like,” she says.

      Novak says former combatants who have undergone special training in gathering information take the testimonies. Only those that are checked, cross-checked with others and verified are published. “No Breaking the Silence testimony has ever been refuted,” says Shatz.

      Novak refutes the claim that a Palestinian fund gave the NGO more than a million shekels to produce negative testimonies against the IDF. The fund, he says, works from Ramallah, but belongs to European states. “My work is not determined by the donors’ wishes,” he says. “The organization’s activity is entirely open and transparent.”

      The last few days have been especially difficult for the NGO’s people. Their email and Facebook accounts and mobile phones were filled with death threats and curses.

      “Some people fear for their life all the time. We all have families and they’re worried. It’s difficult, but the price of silence is too high,” says Shatz.

      On the upside, the number of supporters and people wanting to give testimony is also rising.

      “We’re in the company of the state’s president, Supreme court judges and other figures the right is trying to silence. So the attack isn’t only us, it’s dangerous to Israel. We’d expect our government and Knesset to stand by our side – not because they agre with us, but because democracy is crumbling,” she says.