organization:jewish national fund

  • #Ground_Truth. Destruction and Return in al-’Araqīb

    Ground Truth is an ongoing project that aims to provide historical and juridical evidence on behalf of communities in the illegalised Palestinian Bedouin villages in the northern threshold of the Negev/Naqab desert, Israel. While forced physical displacement and illegalisation render these communities non-existent on maps and aerial imaging, state-led land works and afforestation transform and erase their land and material cultural remains. The project aims to document and collate disparate legal, historical, and material evidence for the continuity of the sedentary presence of the Bedouin population on this land, as well as traces of their repeated displacement and destruction by government forces.

    At the heart of the project are a community-led photographic dossier and a 3DGiS platform that utilises contemporary and historical images to map the presence and remnants of the Bedouin’s inhabitation. This first iteration of the project centres on the case of the al-’Araqīb village, which has been demolished over 116 times over the past 60 years. A second phase of the project would wish to expand the work into more unrecognised villages where establishing proof of continuity of presence would be helpful.

    Through a collaborative process of DIY aerial photography with Public Lab, Zochrot, and the local families of al-’Araqīb, a kind of ’civic satellite’ is formed. We use kites and balloons equipped with simple cameras to form a methodology through which aerial and ground views can be gathered across multiple expeditions. These are assembled through photogrammetry into stacked geo-referenced 3D point-cloud photo terrains. Photographs, taken by residents and activists, document not only expulsion and destruction but also their ongoing life and resistance. These photographs, along with other media, data, and testimony, attest to an inflicted violence by connecting the history of this local land struggle to larger-scale and longer-term environmental transformations and to the conflicts that such changes have provoked.


    https://www.naqab.org

    Et le #film :
    https://vimeo.com/223268224


    #vidéo
    –-> on montre dans le film qu’Israël détruit les habitations puis plante des #arbres (#forêt) pour effacer définitivement les traces qui restent de la vie palestinienne sur le territoire...
    A mettre en lien avec :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/317236

    #destruction #paysage #palestine #Israël #Néguev #cartographie_radicale #contre-cartographie #cartographie_critique #Forensics_Architecture #architecture_forensique #effacement #traces #désert_du_Néguev
    #al-Araqib #expropriation #bédouins
    ping @sinehebdo @reka @nepthys @albertocampiphoto

  • A law that tells the truth about Israel
    The nation-state law makes it plain. Israel is for Jews only, on the books. It’s easier this way for everyone
    Gideon Levy Jul 12, 2018 5:01 AM - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-a-law-that-tells-the-truth-about-israel-1.6267705

    The Knesset is about to legislate one of its most important laws ever, and the one most in keeping with reality. The nation-state law will put an end to Israel’s vague nationalism and present Zionism as it is. The law will also put an end to the farce about Israel being “Jewish and democratic,” a combination that never existed and could never exist because of the inherent contradiction between the two values that cannot be reconciled, except by deception.

    If the state is Jewish, it cannot be democratic, because of the lack of equality; if it’s democratic, it cannot be Jewish, because a democracy does not bestow privilege based on ethnicity. So now the Knesset has decided: Israel is Jewish. Israel is declaring that it is the nation-state of the Jewish people, not a state of its citizens, not a state of the two peoples that live within it, and has therefore ceased to be an egalitarian democracy, not just in practice but also in theory. That’s why this law is so important. It is a truthful law.

    The uproar over the bill was intended mainly as an effort to continue the policy of national ambiguity. The president and the attorney general, the ostensible guardians of decency, protested and received compliments from the liberal camp. The president shouted that the law would be “a weapon in the hands of Israel’s enemies,” and the attorney general warned about the “international ramifications.”

    The prospect of Israel’s veil being removed before the world prompted them to act. Reuven Rivlin, it must be said, cried out with great vigor and courage against the clause allowing community-acceptance committees to screen residents and its implications for the regime, but most liberals were simply horrified to read the reality when it was worded as a law.

    Mordechai Kremnitzer, in Tuesday’s Haaretz, also cried out in vain when he said the bill would “foment a revolution, no less. It will spell the end of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state ...” He added that the bill would make Israel “a leader among nationalist countries like Poland and Hungary,” as if it isn’t already and hasn’t been for a long time. In Poland and Hungary there is no tyranny over another people lacking rights, which has become a permanent reality and an inseparable part of how this state and its regime operate, with no end in sight.

    All those years of hypocrisy were pleasant. It was nice to say that apartheid was only in South Africa, because there everything was rooted in racial laws, and we had no such laws. To say that Hebron is not apartheid, the Jordan Valley is not apartheid, and that the occupation really isn’t part of the regime. To say that we were the only democracy in the region, even with the occupation.

    It was nice to claim that since Israeli Arabs can vote, we are an egalitarian democracy. To point out that there’s an Arab party, even if it’s excluded from any influence. To point out that Arabs can be admitted to the Jews’ hospitals; that they can study in the Jews’ universities and live anywhere they choose. (You bet.)

    How enlightened we are; our Supreme Court ruled in the Kaadan case that an Arab family could buy a home in Katzir, after years of litigation and endless evasion. How tolerant we are that the Arabs are permitted to speak Arabic, an official language. The latter was certainly a fiction; Arabic never was remotely treated as an official language, the way Swedish is in Finland, where the minority is far smaller than the Arab minority here.

    It was comfortable to ignore that the lands owned by the Jewish National Fund, which include most of the state’s lands, were for Jews only – with the progressive Supreme Court backing that stance – and claim we’re a democracy. It was much more pleasant to think of ourselves as egalitarian.

    Now there will be a law that tells the truth. Israel is for Jews only, on the books. The nation-state of the Jewish people, not of its residents. Its Arabs are second-class citizens and its Palestinian subjects are hollow, nonexistent. Their fate is determined in Jerusalem, but they aren’t part of the state. It’s easier this way for everyone.

    There remains a small problem with the rest of the world, and with Israel’s image, which this law will tarnish somewhat. It’s no big deal. Israel’s new friends will be proud of this law. For them it will be a light unto the nations. And people of conscience all over the world already know the truth and have long been struggling against it. A weapon for the BDS movement? Certainly. Israel has earned it, and will now legislate it.

  • Church of Holy Sepulchre crisis: Israel burns its bridges with the Christian world

    Decision makers have continually ignored the political, religious and diplomatic sensitivities when trying to solve problems that concern Jerusalem’s Christian community

    Nir Hasson Feb 26, 2018

    The Church of the Holy Sepulchre in the Old City of Jerusalem is a place that runs to the beat of the Middle Ages and according to an uncompromising series of rules set in the mid-19th century. One of the unwritten traditions is a continual dispute between the three churches that run it: Catholic, Greek Orthodox and Armenian.
    To really understand the Middle East - subscribe to Haaretz
    Knowing all this, the incident that occurred on Sunday was a historic event. The heads of three communities, the Greek Orthodox patriarch, the Armenian patriarch and the Catholic custodian of the Holy Land, met at the entrance to the church. They cleared the place of tourists and had the heavy doors shut. Large signs, printed up ahead of time, were hung outside with images of the church’s two enemies: Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat and Knesset member Rachel Azaria of Kulanu. At the top was written, “Enough is Enough.”
    The protest came in response to two recent major steps. One was Barkat’s decision to end the municipal tax exemption for church-owned properties in Jerusalem and to put liens on the churches’ bank accounts for the tax debts. The second was a bill sponsored by Azaria that would allow the expropriation of lands sold by churches to private buyers. It was on Sunday’s agenda for a Knesset committee that decides whether or not the governing coalition will support legislation.

    Worshippers kneel and pray in front of the closed doors of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem’s Old City, February 25, 2018.\ AMIR COHEN/ REUTERS
    The churches’ action on Sunday shows that they are in an impossible situation, with pressure from all sides: Israel, their Palestinian faithful, church institutions, pilgrims and their sponsor countries (Jordan, Greece, Armenia and the Vatican). Decision makers continually ignore the political, religious and diplomatic sensitivities when they try to solve problems that concern the churches.
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    According to the churches, the agreement that had allowed the churches not to pay municipal taxes existed since Ottoman times, and British, Jordanian and Israeli governments have all honored it. They say the move to collect the taxes is part of Barkat’s fight against the national government and Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon over the city’s budget. Meanwhile, the mayor maintains that the agreement on taxes only applies to houses of worship and not commercial properties owned by the churches.

    Between the taxes and the legislation put forward by Azaria, it’s the latter that has church leaders worried the most. According to the proposed law, the government would be able to expropriate land that had been church-owned and was sold to private real estate companies. The law discriminates against the churches compared to other institutions or private citizens. (A relevant question is what Israel would say if such a move was taken in another country for synagogue-owned property.) Furthermore, it would be applied retroactively.
    The law would force the churches to pay for the failures of the Jewish National Fund and the Israel Lands Administration. To understand their missteps, one must look no further than the land deal in Jerusalem’s Rehavia neighborhood, which was developed in the first half of the 20th century. At the time, churches leased lands in Rehavia and other neighborhoods to the JNF for 99 years.

    A protest sign hangs outside of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, in Jerusalem, February 25, 2018.Mahmoud Illean/AP
    In the Rehavia sale, which is rocking the lives of 1,300 families, a private company bought the lease rights to 500 dunams (125 acres) of land in the heart of Jerusalem for 200 years for only 78 million shekels ($22.3 million). If the government had acted in a smarter fashion, it could easily have bought the rights to this land for a similar amount – small change considering the size of the area and its importance. It could have made part of the money back from residents and businesses extending their leases. But those in charge didn’t act, paving the way for private developers to enter the picture.
    Once the 99-year lease is over, instead of having the JNF renew it almost automatically for a symbolic fee, the land will be transferred to the private company. Residents who live in buildings affected by the sale will need negotiate with private developers over what will happen to their homes, which have already lost as much as half of their value.
    If the law passes, no one will want to do business with the churches, because who wants to buy land that can be expropriated tomorrow?
    Anyone dealing with this law – including those who drafted it – knows very well that it has no chance of passing at the Knesset in its present form. It violates so many constitutional principles that it is a perfect case for being annulled by the Supreme Court. The law is intended to be a threat for real estate developers and speculators, so they reach a deal with the government. But in the meantime, the question is whether this is the way Israel wants to communicate with the Christian world.

  • Greek Orthodox church quietly selling off Israeli real estate at fire sale prices - Israel News - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.816980

    An anonymous company registered in a tax shelter paid $3.3 million for 240 apartments, a commercial center and open areas in the center of Jerusalem.
    The deal, for what appears to be a ridiculously low price, was made by the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem, the second largest real estate owner in Israel, after the Israel Lands Authority. In recent years the Patriarchate has been quietly selling off its properties in various parts of the country to companies hidden in tax shelters, for sums so low one wonders whether the church is trying to get rid of its assets at any cost.
    While the reason for the numerous sales and the low price remain a mystery, three agreements obtained by Haaretz shed some light on the transactions. For example, the lands sold in Jerusalem have meanwhile been resold to another company, also registered in a tax shelter. Also, some six dunams near the Clock Tower square in Jaffa, consisting of dozens of businesses, have been sold for a mere $1.5 million and 430 dunams in Caesarea, including large parts of the national park and amphitheater, were sold for only $1 million.
    All the purchasers are foreign companies registered in tax shelters, so it is impossible to obtain information about their owners. In a few decades, when the existing leases for those lands expire, their fate will be determined by those unknown purchasers.
    The church bought or acquired most of its lands during the 19th century. Traditionally the church didn’t sell its lands but leased them out, usually for 99 years, to public bodies like the Jewish National Fund or the Israel Lands Authority.

  • The Palestinians who didn’t flee during the #Nakba
    Historian #Adel_Manna tells the story of the 120,000 Palestinians who remained in Israel in 1948 while 750,000 were driven out
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.813251

    Did Prime Minister David #Ben-Gurion pursue a policy or issue an order aimed at getting rid of the Muslims?

    “I am not looking for a directive or a document bearing Ben-Gurion’s signature. He addressed the subject often, and I quote his statements in the book. For example, on September 26, 1948, he declared, ‘Only one task remains for the Arabs in the Land of Israel: to flee.’ The Israeli leadership understood and also concurred that, for the Jewish state, the fewer Arabs the better. The subject was mooted already in the late 1930s. Yosef Weitz, a senior official of the Jewish National Fund, supported extensive expulsion of Arabs and advocated a population transfer. The IDF commanders at different levels knew what the leadership wanted and acted accordingly. Massacres were not perpetrated everywhere. When you shell a village or a city neighborhood, the residents flee. In the first half of 1948, at least, they believed they would be able to return. When the fighting in Haifa ended, many residents tried to return from Acre in boats, but the Haganah blocked them.”

    Does your study confirm, or prove, that ethnic cleansing took place?

    “The book’s goal is not to prove whether ethnic cleansing occurred. My disagreement with [the review of my book in Haaretz by] #Benny_Morris did not revolve around the question of ‘whether ethnic cleansing took place or not,’ but deals with the question of whether the leadership did or did not make a decision in a particular meeting to implement a policy of ethnic cleansing.” In this connection, Manna quotes Daniel Blatman’s response (Haaretz, Aug. 4) to a review of his book by Morris (Haaretz, July 29). One might think from Morris’ book, Blatman noted, that “when Ratko Mladic decided to slaughter over 7,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys in Srebrenica in 1995, he made his orders public.”

    Indeed, Manna points out, “The first historian who uncovered the fact that ethnic cleansing occurred and that there were also cases of massacre, rape and expulsion was Benny Morris. He reached the conclusion that there was no [official] policy, in light of the fact that no authoritative archival documentation exists. In one village, they decided a certain way and in another, differently. Still, there is a pattern: The soldiers perpetrated another massacre and carried out another expulsion, and another #massacre and another expulsion, and no one was brought to trial. If there was no policy, why weren’t these war criminals tried?”

  • A message from the children of Johnny Cash:

    We were alerted to a video of a young man in Charlottesville, a self-proclaimed neo-Nazi, spewing hatred and bile. He was wearing a t-shirt emblazoned with the name of Johnny Cash, our father. We were sickened by the association.

    Johnny Cash was a man whose heart beat with the rhythm of love and social justice. He received humanitarian awards from, among others, the Jewish National Fund, B’nai Brith, and the United Nations. He championed the rights of Native Americans, protested the war in Vietnam, was a voice for the poor, the struggling and the disenfranchised, and an advocate for the rights of prisoners. Along with our sister Rosanne, he was on the advisory board of an organization solely devoted to preventing gun violence among children. His pacifism and inclusive patriotism were two of his most defining characteristics. He would be horrified at even a casual use of his name or image for an idea or a cause founded in persecution and hatred. The white supremacists and neo-Nazis who marched in Charlottesville are poison in our society, and an insult to every American hero who wore a uniform to fight the Nazis in WWII. Several men in the extended Cash family were among those who served with honor.
    Our dad told each of us, over and over throughout our lives, ‘Children, you can choose love or hate. I choose love.’

    We do not judge race, color, sexual orientation or creed. We value the capacity for love and the impulse towards kindness. We respect diversity, and cherish our shared humanity. We recognize the suffering of other human beings, and remain committed to our natural instinct for compassion and service.

    To any who claim supremacy over other human beings, to any who believe in racial or religious hierarchy: we are not you. Our father, as a person, icon, or symbol, is not you. We ask that the Cash name be kept far away from destructive and hateful ideology.

    We Choose Love.

    Rosanne Cash
    Kathy Cash
    Cindy Cash
    Tara Cash
    John Carter Cash

    August 16, 2017

    ‘Not one of us can rest, be happy, be at home, be at peace with ourselves, until we end hatred and division.’ Rep. John Lewis

  • With New Israel Aid Deal, Obama Is Patron of the Occupation
    U.S. generosity, which costs American taxpayers $300 a year, is detrimental to Israel will only help Israel make more war.

    Gideon Levy Sep 17, 2016
    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.742521 - Opinion - Haaretz - Israel News Haaretz.com

    Barack Obama is a bad president for Israel. If the military aid he approved for the coming decade is the largest ever, then as a president he is the worst ever for Israel. The last thing Israel needs is more arms, which will push it toward more acts of violence. But Obama is president in a country in which each home has a small tin container — like the blue and white Jewish National Fund boxes over here — into which every U.S. citizen must place a few coins as assistance and charity for poor, needy Israel, weak as a frail leaf.
    One hundred and fifty dollars per person or $300 for each U.S. taxpayer for the next 10 years. Not toward America’s considerable social needs, not to assist truly needy countries – imagine what $38 billion would do for Africa – but to provide weapons for an army that is one of the most powerfully armed in the world, one of whose main enemies are girls brandishing scissors; to finance an army that is not fighting any other serious army now; the army of a country that few others can match in sheer recalcitrance, one which methodically defies the United States and the international community. And worst of all, this country will receive another free gift, without having to give anything in return. The money will go only toward arming it, which will push it toward more acts of aggression. That’s the deal and there has been no serious debate over it, neither in Israel nor in the United States.
    In America only a few are asking why. What for? How long? What comes in exchange? And not even what American interest is served by the huge outlay of the American taxpayer. But let’s leave America to the Americans. The only discussion in Israel is whether the Americans can be squeezed for more. It’s good that it stopped at $38 billion. MK Shelly Yacimovich (Zionist Union) said the prime minister has already told senior security officials that they can “go wild.” More assistance would ensure even more wildness. Some of the money will go for defense systems but another part will go for maintaining the occupation and especially to fund violent showy actions, in Gaza and Lebanon, and megalomaniacal useless training exercises against imagined dangers.

  • The Mahmoud Darwish Poem That Enraged Lieberman and Regev - Poem of the Week - Haaretz

    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/culture/poem-of-the-week/1.732421

    Aux chiottes Lieberman, aux chiottes.

    ID Card

    Mahmoud Darwish

    Write it down! I’m an Arab
    My card number is 50000
    My children number eight
    And after this summer, a ninth on his way.
    Does this make you rage?
    I am an Arab.
    With my quarry comrades I labor hard
    My children number eight
    I tug their bread, their clothes
    And their notebooks
    From within the rock
    I don’t beg at your door
    I don’t cower on your threshold
    So does this make you rage?
    Write it down!
    I am an Arab.
    I am a name with no honorific.
    Patient in a land
    Where everything lives in bursting rage
    My roots were planted before time was born
    Before history began
    Before the cypress and the olive trees
    Before grass sprouted
    My father is from the plough clan
    Not from the noble class
    My grandfather was a peasant farmer
    Had no pedigree
    Taught me the pride of the sun
    Before teaching me to read
    A shack to guard groves is my home,
    Made of branches and reeds
    Are you pleased with my status?
    I am a name with no honorific.
    Write it down!
    I am an Arab.
    Hair color: charcoal
    Eye color: brown
    Attributes:
    A cord around the quffiyeh on my head
    My hand as hard as rock
    That scratches if you touch it
    My address:
    I am from a forgotten abandoned village
    Its streets nameless
    All its men in the fields and quarries
    Does this make you rage?
    Write it down!
    I am an Arab.
    You have stolen my ancestors’ groves
    And the land we cultivated
    I and all my children
    Leaving nothing for us and all my grandchildren
    Except these rocks
    Will your government take them
    Like people say?
    Therefore,
    Write down on the top of the first page:
    I do not hate people
    And I do not steal from anyone
    But if I starve
    I will eat my oppressor’s flesh
    Beware, beware of my starving
    And my rage.

    1964. Translated from Arabic by Salman Masalha and Vivian Eden

    In yet another swipe by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government at freedom of the press, Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman summoned Army Radio commander Yaron Dekel for a dressing-down over the broadcast last week of a discussion of this poem by Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish – in a series on formative Israeli texts on the station’s “University on the Air” program.

    Earlier, Culture and Sport Minister Miri Regev slammed the radio station, which has been on the government’s hit list for a while, for having “gone off the rails.”

    #darwish for ever

    • Inscris « Je suis Arabe », Mahmoud Darwich

      Inscris !
      Je suis Arabe
      Le numéro de ma carte : cinquante mille
      Nombre d’enfants : huit
      Et le neuvième. . . arrivera après l’été !
      Et te voilà furieux !

      Inscris !
      Je suis Arabe
      Je travaille à la carrière avec mes compagnons de peine
      Et j’ai huit bambins
      Leur galette de pain
      Les vêtements, leur cahier d’écolier
      Je les tire des rochers. . .
      Oh ! je n’irai pas quémander l’aumône à ta porte
      Je ne me fais pas tout petit au porche de ton palais
      Et te voilà furieux !

      Inscris !
      Je suis Arabe
      Sans nom de famille – je suis mon prénom
      « Patient infiniment » dans un pays où tous
      Vivent sur les braises de la Colère
      Mes racines. . .
      Avant la naissance du temps elles prirent pied
      Avant l’effusion de la durée
      Avant le cyprès et l’olivier
      . . .avant l’éclosion de l’herbe
      Mon père. . . est d’une famille de laboureurs
      N’a rien avec messieurs les notables
      Mon grand-père était paysan – être
      Sans valeur – ni ascendance.
      Ma maison, une hutte de gardien
      En troncs et en roseaux
      Voilà qui je suis – cela te plaît-il ?
      Sans nom de famille, je ne suis que mon prénom.

      Inscris !
      Je suis Arabe
      Mes cheveux. . . couleur du charbon
      Mes yeux. . . couleur de café
      Signes particuliers :
      Sur la tête un kefiyyé avec son cordon bien serré
      Et ma paume est dure comme une pierre
      . . .elle écorche celui qui la serre
      La nourriture que je préfère c’est
      L’huile d’olive et le thym

      Mon adresse :
      Je suis d’un village isolé. . .
      Où les rues n’ont plus de noms
      Et tous les hommes. . . à la carrière comme au champ
      Aiment bien le communisme
      Inscris !
      Je suis Arabe
      Et te voilà furieux !

      Inscris
      Que je suis Arabe
      Que tu as rafflé les vignes de mes pères
      Et la terre que je cultivais
      Moi et mes enfants ensemble
      Tu nous as tout pris hormis
      Pour la survie de mes petits-fils
      Les rochers que voici
      Mais votre gouvernement va les saisir aussi
      . . .à ce que l’on dit !

      DONC

      Inscris !
      En tête du premier feuillet
      Que je n’ai pas de haine pour les hommes
      Que je n’assaille personne mais que
      Si j’ai faim
      Je mange la chair de mon Usurpateur
      Gare ! Gare ! Gare
      À ma fureur !

    • The Late Palestinian National Poet Will Continue to Haunt Israel

      Mahmoud Darwish insists on mentioning what Israelis don’t want to acknowledge: A great sin took place here when the State of Israel was founded in 1948.
      Gideon Levy Jul 23, 2016 11:53 PM
      http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.732885

      The specter of Palestinian national poet Mahmoud Darwish will never leave us. Every few years, a witch hunt will erupt over his poetry, stirring emotions and riling Israelis until they compare him to Hitler. It subsides but then revives again. There’s no escaping it. None of the ghosts of the 1948 War of Independence will leave us until we recognize the guilt, acknowledge the sin and take responsibility for it by apologizing, paying compensation and, above all, changing ourselves. Until then, the ghosts will continue to torment us and not give us rest.

      The most recent Darwish scandal, which was fanned by two ignorant ministers – Culture and Sports Minister Miri Regev and Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman, whom it’s doubtful ever read a Darwish poem – is another link in the chain. Even in their ignorance, the two knew whom to attack. They knew that, more than any other figure, Darwish hits Israeli society’s most sensitive nerve and drives Israelis crazy every time. They always try to cover up any way they can – concealing, denying, lying and repressing – but always without success.

      Darwish touches on the original sin, which makes him Hitler. He exposes the gaping wound, which makes him off-limits. If Israelis had been convinced that there was no sin and no bleeding wound, they wouldn’t have been so afraid of his poetry. If they were convinced that everything had been done properly back then, in 1948, and that nothing could have been different, Darwish would have been left to the realm of literature departments.

      But the late poet insists on mentioning what Israelis don’t want to know: a great sin took place here. The establishment of Israel – just as it was – was accompanied by the unforgiveable crime of ethnic cleansing of wide parts of the country. No Jewish National Fund grove can cover up the moral ruins on which the state was built. Israel added insult to injury by not allowing the Palestinians who were expelled or fled to return. A thousand historical testimonies, which we also avoid like fire, are not equal to one line of Darwish poetry: “Where will you take me, my father?”

      I will never forget that punch to the stomach, or rather, the dagger to my heart, from the Spring 1996 issue of the Hebrew journal Hadarim, edited by Halit Yeshurun. A dozen pages of Darwish poems from “Why Did You Leave the Horse Alone?” (translated into Hebrew by Anton Shammas): “And who will live in the house after us, my father? / The house, my son, will remain as it was! / Why did you leave the horse alone? / To keep the house company, my son. / When their residents go, the houses will die. / Together we will hold on / until we return. / When, my father? / Tomorrow, my son, and perhaps in another day or two! / That tomorrow trailed behind them, chewing the wind / in the endless winter nights.”

      I didn’t know at the time, and don’t know today, what we as Israelis do with those lines. With: “In our hut, the enemy rids himself of his rifle / which he lays on my grandfather’s chair. He eats of our bread / like guests do, and without being moved. Grabs a little nap / on the bamboo chair.”

      Or: “Ask how my home is doing, foreign sir. / My small coffee cups / of our bitter coffee / still left as they were. Will it enter your nose / the scent of our fingers on the cups?” Or: “And I will carry the yearning / until / my beginning and until its beginning / and I will go on my way / until my end and until its end”!

      Darwish’s end came too early, unfortunately, and some time ago, in 2008. But it was not the end of his poetry – just ask Regev and Lieberman. The year 1948 was also some time ago but, just like Darwish’s poetry, it has never ended, not even for a moment. Israel has never altered its conduct – not its violent and overbearing approach to the Palestinians, who were born here, not their dispossession, the occupation and sometimes also their expulsions.

      In 2016, Israel is handling the Palestinians exactly like it did in 1948. That’s why Darwish isn’t leaving Israel alone, and that’s why he’s so frightening to the country: He confronts Israel with the most primordial truth about itself.

  • Israel’s obsession with hummus is about more than stealing Palestine’s food | The National

    http://www.thenational.ae/opinion/comment/israels-obsession-with-hummus-is-about-more-than-stealing-palestines-foo

    Pep Montserrat for The National

    son travail ici http://pepmontserrat.com/artwork

    When Israel expelled hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their villages and homes in 1948, many left with little more than the clothes on their back. Food was left on the stove. Crops were left unharvested. But the land emptied of its inhabitants was soon occupied by new residents.

    From 1948 to 1953, almost all new Jewish settlements were established on refugees’ property. The myth of making the desert bloom is belied by the facts: in mid-1949, two-thirds of all land sowed with grain in Israel was Palestinian land. In 1951, “abandoned” land accounted for nearly 95 per cent of all Israel’s olive groves and almost 10,000 acres of vineyards.

    During these early years, many Palestinian refugees attempted to return to their lands. By 1956, as many as 5,000 so-called “infiltrators” had been killed by Israeli armed forces, the vast majority of them looking to return home, recover possessions, or search for loved ones. Palestinian women and children who crossed the frontier to gather crops were murdered.

    The Nakba in 1948 was the settler colonial conquest of land and the displacement of its owners, a dual act of erasure and appropriation. Citing “reasons of state”, Israel’s first premier David Ben-Gurion appointed a Negev Names Committee to remove Arabic names from the map. By 1951, the Jewish National Fund’s “Naming Committee” had “assigned 200 new names”.

    http://www.geog.bgu.ac.il/members/yiftachel/books/Hagar-Bedouins-%20articles.pdf
    reference page 6 (State Archives; Prewar Archive, C/2613, cited in Benvenisti, 1997:8–9).

    But it did not stop with dynamite and new maps. The Zionist colonisation of Palestine has also included culture, notably cuisine. This is the context for the so-called “hummus wars”: it is not about petty claims and counterclaims, rather, the story is one of colonial, cultural appropriation and resistance to those attempts.

    In the decades since the establishment of the State of Israel on the ruins and ethnically cleansed lands of Palestine, various elements of the indigenous cuisine have been targeted for appropriation: falafel, knafeh, sahlab and, of course, hummus.

    Though these dishes are common to a number of communities across the Mediterranean and Middle East, Israel claims them as its own: falafel is the “national snack”, while hummus, according to Israeli food writer Janna Gur, is “a religion”.

    In a 2002 article on recipes, the Israeli embassy in Washington acknowledged that “Israel lacks a long-standing culinary heritage”, adding that “only a few years ago, Israelis even doubted the existence of their own authentic cuisine”.

    Introduction to Israeli Foods | Jewish Virtual Library
    http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Society_&_Culture/foodintro.html

    Such an admission is hard to find these days, as appropriation has become propaganda.

    In 2011, Jerusalem-based chef Michael Katz visited Australia and told a local newspaper how the Israeli government had “decided, through culture, to start improving Israel’s image”.

    “They started sending artists, singers, painters, filmmakers and then the idea came of sending chefs.”

    Israel’s cuisine not always kosher but travelling well
    http://www.theage.com.au/entertainment/restaurants-and-bars/israels-cuisine-not-always-kosher-but-travelling-well-20110521-1ey1s.html

    In 2010, the Israeli government decided to distribute pamphlets at Tel Aviv airport, to equip Israelis who go abroad with, in the words of then-public diplomacy minister Yuli Edelstein, the “tools and tips to help them deal with the attacks on Israel in their conversations with people”. Included in the literature was the claim that “Israel developed the famous cherry tomato.”

    http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Israel-to-use-ordinary-people-for-PR

    Now, as the Jewish Telegraphic Agency put it earlier this year, “Israel has been on the culinary ascent of late, with dozens of food blogs, new high-end restaurants, cooking shows and celebrity chefs, and a fascination with everything foodie”.

    http://www.jta.org/2015/01/28/arts-entertainment/exploring-israels-ethnic-cuisine

    It is not just food that is enlisted in Israel’s global PR initiatives. A few year ago, pro-Israel students at Brandeis University, in Massachusetts, held a “hookah night” with the help of campus-based “hasbara fellows”, professional Israel advocates who noted without any irony that “hookah is not specifically an Israeli cultural facet”.

    In addition to smoking and snacks, the “cultural” evening also included belly dancers. Explaining the rationale for the event, a member of the Brandeis Zionist Alliance said they had found that “students are more receptive to Israel-related education when we use a cultural lens”.

    http://www.hasbarafellowships.org/cgblog/255/Brandeis-Embraces-Israeli-Culture-with-Hookah-Night

    Now we have “International Hummus Day”, launched by an Israeli, Ben Lang, who is explicit about the propaganda value of his project: “The idea was to connect people around hummus and get more people talking about it and hopefully get people to see the good things that are happening in Israel.”

    “I just wanted to make sure that people saw that the initiative started in Israel.”

    http://www.ibtimes.com/international-hummus-day-israeli-entrepreneurs-middle-eastern-food-celebrat

    As everything from food to the keffiyeh is used to “rebrand” the state that colonised Palestine in the first place, Palestinians and their supporters have fought back.

    When an Israeli choreographer included the dabke traditional dance in his company’s repertoire in 2013,

    http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/02/arts/dance/dance-listings-for-aug-2-8.html?_r=0

    a New York-based dabke troupe responded with a thoughtful critique that noted how, by “appropriating dabke, and labelling it Israeli”, the “power imbalance” is only furthered.

    They added: “This makes us feel taken advantage of. Exploited. Commodified.”

    NYC Dabke Dancers respond to ZviDance “Israeli Dabke” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JM9-2Vmq524

    In December 2014, after a campaign by Palestinian students and their allies, the student assembly at Wesleyan University in Connecticut agreed to remove Sabra hummus from campus dining facilities. The product symbolises Israeli appropriation and ongoing brutality; its parent company, the Strauss Group, donates to the Israeli military.

    http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/12/10/wesleyan-hummus-boycott_n_6289238.html

    Accusations of cultural appropriation can produce some misleading responses. It’s not about who is “allowed” to eat what, or even about an objection to the natural cross-pollination that occurs in culture through language, cuisine and more.

    That is not the point. It is about the claim of ownership in a context of historic and ongoing violent erasure and displacement.

    It is about efforts to create an artificial history that justifies the establishment and continued existence of a settler colonial state.

    Even a mainstream Israeli food writer like Gil Hovav has pointed to this reality. “Food is about memory and identity,” he told the Israeli media last year. “Claiming ownership over a food is a way to assert a nation’s narrative. Israeli Jews have made hummus their own.”

    http://www.haaretz.com/misc/iphone-article/.premium-1.571496

    Cuisine is where efforts to both deny the existence of Palestine and appropriate its land and heritage meet. It is both an act of theft itself, and a way of justifying that theft.

    Ben White is a journalist and the author of Israeli Apartheid: A Beginner’s Guide

    On Twitter: @benabyad

    #Palestine #Israel #Appropriation_Culturelle #Cuisine #Houmouss #Propagande #Héritage

    • Ici au Canada, ils ont aussi inventé le « israeli couscous », c’est très énervant ! C’est juste une céréale, une autre céréale, du moyen orient, qui existait bien avant 1948 (on me dit que c’est du Maftoul), mais c’est un outil de propagande très efficace, les gens ne pensant pas faire de la politique en utilisant ce terme...

    • @sinehebdo de plus le terme couscous n’a rien à voir avec la région

      Le couscous est un plat berbère originaire du Maghreb . Il est à base de semoule de blé dur. Les légumes qui composent le couscous varient d’une recette à l’autre.
      ...
      Le mot seksu (devenu kuskus, kuskusūn en arabe d’Afrique du Nord, puis couscous en français[1]), existe dans tous les parlers berbères de l’Afrique du Nord et désigne le blé bien modelé et bien roulé [2],[3]. Suivant les régions, le mot a plusieurs prononciations comme kseksu et seksu[4] . Un autre terme qui dérive de la même racine que seksu est le verbe berkukkes, de kukkes « rouler la semoule » et de ber qui signifie « redoubler le travail dans le but d’agrandir les grains »[3]. Le mot taseksut (prononcé en français thasseksouth) est la passoire dans laquelle on fait cuire le couscous.

      Un verbe seksek est utilisé par les Touaregs dans le sens de « passer au crible », rappelant l’usage du tamis dans la préparation[4].

      https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Couscous

      #couscous

    • La Chakchouka, nouveau plat tendance
      http://www.huffpostmaghreb.com/2014/04/15/chakchouka-plat-tendance_n_5153680.html

      Une origine qui fait débat

      Aux Etats-Unis, la plupart des restaurants israéliens servent de la Chakchouka, et c’est notamment le chef israélien Yotam Ottolenghi qui a fait la réputation de ce plat au Royaume-Uni, d’où un amalgame quant à son origine.

      Ce dernier précise toutefois dans son livre de recettes « Jerusalem » que _ "la Chakchouka est à l’origine un plat tunisien, mais est devenu extrêmement populaire à Jerusalem". _

      Sa provenance exacte fait néanmoins toujours débat, cette spécialité étant également un incontournable des cuisines algérienne, marocaine, égyptienne et libyenne.

      Dans un autre article du site Buzzfeed, la Chakchouka est citée en tant qu’une des « 13 spécialités gastronomiques qui ne sont pas israéliennes », dénonçant une « colonisation » culinaire et soulignant que « l’appropriation culturelle est pour le moins inappropriée ».

      Essayez (à vos risques et périls) de dire à un Tunisien que la Chakchouka est un plat israélien ou américain !

      #Chakchouka #Tunisie

    • Après lecture je ne comprend toujours pas ce qu’est Le #Shawarma israélien. On peut résumer l’article ainsi : Le Shawarma fait son retour, des restaurants turcs et grecs le font très bien, des restaurants « israéliens » aussi => Le Shawarma Israélien est donc celui fait par des Israéliens descendants des colons Juifs ? (en admétant que les turcs et grecs des restaurants de telaviv sont aussi des citoyens israéliens)

      ici l’article

      The end-of-year summaries are over, and in any case this column doesn’t usually make them – we’d rather eat instead – but if there was one pleasing mini-trend that is worth noting, it’s the ostensible return of shawarma. If in the middle of the last decade, Tel Aviv was full of dozens of shawarma joints, most of which closed pretty quickly, fans of this popular delicacy, frequently called the “queen of the street food,” have lately encountered some new eateries that are making successful attempts to return the dish to its glory days. These include the Mutfak and Babacim Turkish restaurants, and the quasi-Greek Pitos.

      This is all good. In fact it’s very good – but it’s not enough. If it’s to be a true revival we need to talk about what is called “Israeli” shawarma. True shawarma connoisseurs tend to wrinkle their noses when confronted with a skewer of turkey meat, but even they will have to admit that during a time of distress or mere craving, this is the (relatively) lightest, most available and popular solution. Two new places have given us the opportunity to examine the possibility of a shawarma comeback.

      Welcome minimalism

      Mifgash Habracha (65 Hakishon St., Tel Aviv) is the type of place that rarely opens in the city anymore, mainly because it looks and acts as if it has been here for at least 20 or 30 years. Who calls themselves by such a name anymore, unless it’s trying to hint at pseudo authenticity? Who makes do with a simple sign, with no “brand,” no website and no Facebook page?

      This welcome minimalism continues inside, with (turkey) shawarma and schnitzel. The shawarma ranges from 34 to 45 shekels ($9.20 to $12.15); the schnitzel sells for 25 to 35 shekels, depending on whether it’s served in a pita, lafa or baguette, or on a plate. And that’s it.

      Shawarma isn’t at all cheap, for its vendors or its consumers, but I’m happy to say that the portions sold at Mifgash go for somewhat less than the average in Tel Aviv. Take an uncharacteristically generous portion of sliced meat (I ordered it in pita, for 34 shekels), and add to it a counter full of pickles, fried eggplant and grilled hot peppers to be sampled freely, plus classic, fresh, oil-drenched (and addictive) french fries – and you get why this place quickly became a hit among the residents and workers in the Florentine neighborhood (including several employees of Haaretz, whose offices are nearby).

      Condiments and salads for shawarmas at Nurman. Eran Laor

      The retro continues with the turkey meat on the rotating spit, which is huge and coarse in texture, with thick pieces sliced off in a manner that is uncharacteristic of our times – not with some cutting robot, not even with an electric slicer, but with a regular knife by the guy at the counter. The result is uneven meat chunks that are far different from the thin shavings we get elsewhere. The use of the wrong spices (whether too weak or too aggressive) or dry spots on the meat can easily ruin such shawarma, but fortunately that doesn’t happen here. This one doesn’t taste much different from any other turkey shawarma, but one does recognize the cautious use of cumin and turmeric, which makes this shawarma no less tempting, but much less yellowish and phosphorescent.

      Branded design

      A small jump to the center-of-the-center of Tel Aviv and the price for shawarma in pita jumps 10 percent: 38 shekels at Nurman (96 Hahashmonaim St.), whose location under the Gindi Towers left it no alternative but to put on a more sophisticated, modern face. Once – okay, 10 years ago – a place like this would have been called a “high-tech shawarma joint,” but today it is now the standard and it’s places like Mifgash Habracha that are considered a sensation.

      There are two shawarma rotisseries here, with veal/lamb or turkey meat (you can mix them if you like), and a spanking-clean glass case in front of them containing a more than ample selection of toppings: two types of hot pepper (red and green), pickled lemons, pepper spread and the other usual suspects in this genre.

      The turkey shawarma was reasonable. Very thin pieces that were a little less juicy than one might expect (the requisite dome of fat on top was already shrunken when we arrived; while it’s correct to give customers a piece of it if they ask, one must remember that it has a role to play here). The seasoning was the type you find in other places. No complaints, but no special praise here, either.

      The second spit was more successful. The shawarma was dark, soft and juicier – and naturally and understandably less seasoned. I know plenty of people who love meat but still avoid lamb because of its dominant taste that remains long after it’s eaten. That doesn’t happen here, because the lamb mostly takes the form of fat, while the meat itself is decent veal. Forgetting the hummus-tahini option and taking advantage of an unexpected addition of pickled (and sharp) lemon created a portion of shawarma that was relatively original and refreshing.

      In both cases there was nothing sensational. But you know what? We weren’t looking for that. We’d be happy with a few other options like these. If Mifgash Habracha and Nurman survive 2019, we could officially declare that shawarma is back. We hope it won’t ever abandon us again.

    • Avec Cyril Lignac, Israël fait découvrir son patrimoine et sa gastronomie – Le Quotidien du Tourisme
      http://www.quotidiendutourisme.com/destination/avec-cyril-lignac-israel-fait-decouvrir-son-patrimoine-et-sa-gastronomie/160786

      Ici tout y passe : du humous à la chawarma en passant par les aubergines grillées avec la peau et ce petit goût fumé (baba ghanouch) on notera cette phrase qui me file des urticaire

      Il livre aussi une appétissante recette de houmous avec Caleb, « une recette transmise de génération en génération »…

      et sinon,

      Une année record pour le tourisme en Israël
      A l’occasion des vœux de l’Office national israélien du tourisme (Onit) en France, Lina Haddad, sa directrice, a annoncé les bons chiffres de 2017. Une « année record », avec tous les marchés touristiques en hausse qui ont permis de passer la barre des 3 millions de touristes. En 2017, le pays a accueilli « 3.611.800 touristes, soit 700.000 de plus que l’année précédente ». L’Onit explique cette croissance par trois axes : une nouvelle stratégie marketing, des incentives aux compagnies aériennes et des partenariats avec des OTAs (Expedia et Lastminute). La communication sur des destinations (Jérusalem/Tel-Aviv, Eilat et la mer Rouge, le Néguev) comme sous-marques de la destination principale a porté ses fruits. « Ces campagnes ont déclenché l’envie de partir » explique-t-on à l’Onit. Quant aux subventions aux compagnies aériennes, elles ont facilité l’ouverture de routes (low cost notamment) et l’augmentation des rotations. Le premier marché touristique pour Israël reste les Etats-Unis (778.000 arrivées, +20%). La France se classe troisième (308.600, +7%) derrière la Russie (331.500, +25%). Les recettes touristiques ont dépassé l’an dernier les 20 milliards de shekels (environ 4,79 milliards d’euros). Le tourisme a créé 25.000 nouveaux emplois.

  • Israel Bans Novel on Arab-Jewish Romance From Schools for ’Threatening Jewish Identity’ - Israel News - Haaretz

    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.694620

    Move comes despite the fact that the official responsible for teaching of literature in secular state schools recommended the book for use in advanced literature classes, as did a professional committee of academics and educators.

    Or Kashti Dec 31, 2015 12:57 AM
     

    Israel’s Education Ministry has disqualified a novel that describes a love story between an Israeli woman and a Palestinian man from use by high schools around the country. The move comes even though the official responsible for literature instruction in secular state schools recommended the book for use in advanced literature classes, as did a professional committee of academics and educators, at the request of a number of teachers.
    Among the reasons stated for the disqualification of Dorit Rabinyan’s “Gader Haya” (literally “Hedgegrow,” but known in English as “Borderlife”) is the need to maintain what was referred to as “the identity and the heritage of students in every sector,” and the belief that “intimate relations between Jews and non-Jews threatens the separate identity.” The Education Ministry also expressed concern that “young people of adolescent age don’t have the systemic view that includes considerations involving maintaining the national-ethnic identity of the people and the significance of miscegenation.”
    The book, published in Hebrew by Am Oved about a year and a half ago, tells the story of Liat, an Israeli translator, and Hilmi, a Palestinian artist, who meet and fall in love in New York, until they part ways for her to return to Tel Aviv and he to the West Bank city of Ramallah. The book was among this year’s winners of the Bernstein Prize for young writers.
    A source familiar with the ministry’s approach to the book said that in recent months a large number of literature teachers asked that “Borderlife” be included in advanced literature classes. After consideration of the request, a professional committee headed by Prof. Rafi Weichert from the University of Haifa approved the request. The committee included academics, Education Ministry representatives and veteran teachers. The panel’s role is to advise the ministry on various educational issues, including approval of curriculum.
    According to the source, members of the professional committee, as well as the person in charge of literature studies, “thought that the book is appropriate for students in the upper grades of high schools – both from an artistic and literary standpoint and regarding the topic it raises. Another thing to remember is that the number of students who study advanced literature classes is anyhow low, and the choice of books is very wide.”
    Another source in the Education Ministry said that the process took a number of weeks, and that “it’s hard to believe that we reached a stage where there’s a need to apologize for wanting to include a new and excellent book into the curriculum.”

    Dorit Rabinyan.David Bachar
    Education Minister Naftali Bennett’s office said: “The minister backs the decision made by the professionals.”
    Two senior ministry officials, Eliraz Kraus, who is in charge of society-and-humanity studies, and the acting chair of the pedagogic secretariat, Dalia Fenig, made the decision to disqualify “Borderlife.”
    At the beginning of December, the head of literature studies at the ministry, Shlomo Herzig, appealed their decision, but his appeal was recently denied.

    • Israel Has Always Been Xenophobic, It Just Used to Be Better at Hiding It
      Gideon Levy Jan 03, 2016 3:13 AM
      http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.695077

      This is the way we were, long before Naftali Bennett was education minister: the children of nationalists, closed off, quite ignorant – we just didn’t know it. That’s the way it was in those beautiful years when education ministers were from the left – the years it is customary to long for.

      The brainwashing, censorship and indoctrination were much worse then than they are today, only opposition to them was much less. We thought that everything was fine with our education system. On Fridays, we had to wear blue and white, the national colors; we gave to the Jewish National Fund (Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael), so it would plant forests to cover the ruins of the Arab villages they did not want us to see.

      At a time when the author Dorit Rabinyan had not yet been born, we had never met an Arab. They lived under military rule and were not allowed to come near us without authorization. A Jewish-Arab love story could not even have been considered science fiction, happening in a galaxy far, far away from where we were growing up. Druze were slightly more acceptable; they served in the army. I remember the first Druze I met; it was in 11th grade.

      We never heard a word about the Nakba, the Palestinian term for the formation of the State of Israel, either. We saw the ruins of houses – and did not see anything. Long before the “wedding of hate,” at our Lag Ba’omer campfires we burned effigies of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser – we called him “the Egyptian tyrant.” In the secular schools of Tel Aviv, we kissed Bibles if, heaven forbid, they fell on the floor. We wore kippas in Bible studies, long before the establishment of “centers for deepening Jewish identity.” We hardly heard about the New Testament. No one would think of studying it in school: it was considered almost as dangerous as “Mein Kampf.”

      Many of us spit when we passed a church door. Few of us dared venture inside and, if we did, felt very guilty about it. Making the sign of the cross, even in jest, was considered an act of suicide. To us, Christians were “idolaters” – and idolaters, as we knew, were the lowest of all. We knew there was a “mission” in Jaffa, from which we had to keep away as if from fire. One child who went to study there was considered lost. The first generation of independence knew that all the Christians were anti-Semites. We knew, of course, that we were the chosen people and the be-all and end-all. That was inculcated in us by the enlightened education system of the nascent state.

      Assimilation was considered the greatest sin of all – even greater than leaving the country to live elsewhere. The rumor that the uncle of one of the kids had married a non-Jewish woman was considered a disgrace to be kept secret. The chilling significance of the sick concept of “assimilation” didn’t even cross our minds. We grew up in a unified society, racially pure, in that little Tel Aviv: without foreigners, without Arabs, almost without Jews of Middle Eastern descent. Jaffa was the back of beyond and no one thought of going there: it was dangerous.

      They taught us to think in a uniform manner and be wary of any deviation. The most subversive discussion I can remember from those days was whether the Jews “went like sheep to the slaughter.” Once, I stopped next to a tiny demonstration of the left-wing Matzpen organization on the steps of Beit Sokolov, the headquarters of the Israeli Journalists Association, to talk with N., who was in my class at school. The next day, I was called urgently to the vice principal’s office: he whipped out a photo of me from the demonstration – which the Shin Bet security service had passed on to him – and demanded explanations. That was long before the “NGO law” and the “Boycott law.”

      Long before Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked and the banning of Rabinyan’s “Borderlife,” there was no real democracy here. Long before anti-assimilationist Bentzi Gopstein and right-wing activist Itamar Ben-Gvir, there was xenophobia here and plenty of hatred of Arabs. But everything was hidden, wrapped in the noisy cellophane of excuses, buried deep in the earth.

      And what is better? That remains an open question.

    • traduction française :
      Israël a toujours été xénophobe, mais jadis savait mieux le dissimuler [Gideon Levy]
      http://www.pourlapalestine.be/israel-a-toujours-ete-xenophobe

      Longtemps avant que Benjamin Netanyahou soit Premier ministre et que Ayalet Shaked soit Ministre de la Justice, il n’y avait pas de réelle démocratie en Israël. Il y avait beaucoup de haine des Arabes, mais tout était dissimulé, contrairement à aujourd’hui. Finalement, qu’est-ce qui vaut le mieux ?

      C’est ainsi que nous étions, bien avant que Naftali Bennet soit ministre de l’Éducation : des enfants de nationalistes, enfermés, tout à fait ignorants – nous ne le savions tout simplement pas. C’est ainsi que les choses allaient durant des merveilleuses années où les ministres de l’Éducation étaient de gauche – des années qu’il est de bon ton de regretter.

      Le lavage de cerveaux, la censure et l’endoctrinement étaient bien pires alors que ce qu’ils sont aujourd’hui, seulement ils rencontraient beaucoup moins de résistance. Nous pensions que tout allait bien avec notre système d’éducation. Le vendredi, nous devions porter du bleu et du blanc, les couleurs nationales ; nous donnions de l’argent au Fonds National Juif (Keren Kayemet LeIsrael) [1], pour qu’il puisse planter des forêts destinées à recouvrir les ruines des villages arabes qu’ils ne voulaient pas que nous puissions voir.

      A une époque où l’écrivaine Dorit Rabinyan [2] n’était même pas née, nous n’avions jamais rencontré un Arabe. Ils vivaient sous la loi militaire [3] et ils n’étaient pas autorisés à nous approcher sans autorisation. Une histoire d’amour entre une Juive et un Arabe n’aurait même pas été envisageable dans une histoire de science fiction, dans une galaxie lointaine, très loin de là où nous grandissions.Les Druzes étaient légèrement plus acceptables : ils servaient dans l’armée. Je me souviens du premier Druze que j’ai rencontré, c’était en 11ème année [4].

  • In Turnaround, Jewish National Fund Agrees to Transfer Funds to the State - Business - Haaretz

    http://www.haaretz.com/business/.premium-1.674228

    Rien que ça...

    The Jewish National Fund has agreed to the government’s demand to transfer large sums to the state from the sale of JNF land.

    The organization had previously resisted government efforts to pass legislation requiring the transfer of the funds, but on Wednesday its director general, Meir Spiegler, said the JNF would invest 1 billion shekels ($254 million) to fund projects to encourage housing construction.

    #israël #colonisation #occupation #fonds_national_juif

  • Projets urbains financés par le Jewish National Fund en Israël

    Israel’s rich uncle - Israel Opinion, Ynetnews
    http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4643712,00.html

    Israel’s rich uncle
    Op-ed: The JNF is handing out millions to projects across Israel, but some are more controversial than others.

    Of all the cities in Israel, the most enviable is Afula, the capital of the valley. For on Thursday, Afula receives two massive holiday gifts that came as a surprise, as though from the heavens.


    It happens when the board of directors of the Jewish National Fund meets to approve the budget for a long list of projects across the country.

    A perusal of the list reveals some interesting items. Two relate to Afula. The JNF intends to bestow two projects upon Afula – NIS 1.9 million to partially fund a bike path around the city, and NIS 7.72 million for “a peripheral walking route around the Emek Hospital.”

    The bike path is understandable. The JNF has put bike paths in many places, at a similar price; but spending nearly eight million shekels on a trail around a hospital is a little hard to swallow. Does the JNF intend to pave it with diamonds? With gold?

    Will the trail also encompass the Kinneret? How far does the hospital in Afula extend, and why is the Clalit HMO, which owns the hospital, not required to invest a single shekel? (A hospital spokeswoman said this week that the route will be a fitness route around the perimeter fence of 2.5-3 km in length.)

    And why Afula? The answer to that puzzle, says a source in the company, leads to Eli Aflalo, co-chairman of the JNF. Despite his exalted position, Aflalo has never forgotten his beloved city, and if he does forget, there are plenty of others in the organization to remember and who are eager to please.

    The JNF board of directors has 37 members (Microsoft only has 10, but what do they know?). The board members come from a variety of political parties and persuasions, including some that are long gone.

    The JNF’s main income is the sale of land, and the rise in real estate prices of recent years has brought in billions. But the wealth has attracted unwelcome attention: former ministers Yair Lapid and Tzipi Livni demanded the nationalization of the JNF - and its coffers; and those in need of housing slammed it of over the high price of housing. The JNF came to the conclusion that it was better to spend the money, and fast. The list to be approved Thursday represents an expenditure of close to NIS 200 million.

    When the list was discussed by the JNF Finance Committee last Thursday, one member, Matthew Sperber of the Reform Movement objected to the disbursement of JNF funds over the Green Line.

    Sperber claimed that appropriation for settlements makes it difficult for the Jewish National Fund to raise money from donors abroad and would endanger its tax-exempt status. He was joined by five other board members, who wrote an emotional letter of protest. Alon Tal, a representative of the Green Party, spoke personally with the JNF world chairman, Labor Party stalwart Efi Stenzler. “You are endangering the status of the JNF,” Tal warned him.

    The reality in this case is a little more complex. Firstly, the JNF has been handing money to the settlements for years; secondly, the amount - approximately NIS 17 million out of the 200 million - is not unusual, and only part of it is invested in the heart of the West Bank.

    We refused to pay for construction in the settlements, said one of the JNF heads, all projects in the West Bank are environmental, and are open to everyone.

    That made me smile. Anyone who thinks that this new bike path will see Arabs and Jews riding side by side is living in a fantasy; ditto for those who think the parks established by the Jewish National Fund in the settlements will be open to the children of Palestine.

    But why complain when a rich uncle is handing out cash? When it’s offered, do you not take it?

  • #film LE VILLAGE SOUS LA FORÊT
    De Heidi GRUNEBAUM et Mark J KAPLAN


    En #1948, #Lubya a été violemment détruit et vidé de ses habitants par les forces militaires israéliennes. 343 villages palestiniens ont subi le même sort. Aujourd’hui, de #Lubya, il ne reste plus que des vestiges, à peine visibles, recouverts d’une #forêt majestueuse nommée « Afrique du Sud ». Les vestiges ne restent pas silencieux pour autant.

    La chercheuse juive sud-africaine, #Heidi_Grunebaum se souvient qu’étant enfant elle versait de l’argent destiné officiellement à planter des arbres pour « reverdir le désert ».

    Elle interroge les acteurs et les victimes de cette tragédie, et révèle une politique d’effacement délibérée du #Fonds_national_Juif.


    « Le Fonds National Juif a planté 86 parcs et forêts de pins par-dessus les décombres des villages détruits. Beaucoup de ces forêts portent le nom des pays, ou des personnalités célèbres qui les ont financés. Ainsi il y a par exemple la Forêt Suisse, le Parc Canada, le Parc britannique, la Forêt d’Afrique du Sud et la Forêt Correta King ».

    http://www.villageunderforest.com

    Trailer :
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ISmj31rJkGQ

    #israel #palestine #carte @cdb_77 @reka
    #Israël #afrique_du_sud #forêt #documentaire

    –-

    Petit commentaire de Cristina pour pour @reka :
    Il y a un passage du film que tu vas adorer... quand un vieil monsieur superpose une carte qu’il a dessiné à la main du vieux village Lubya (son village) sur la nouvelle carte du village...
    Si j’ai bien compris la narratrice est chercheuse... peut-etre qu’on peut lui demander la carte de ce vieil homme et la publier sur visionscarto... qu’en penses-tu ? Je peux essayer de trouver l’adresse email de la chercheuse...

    • Effacer la Palestine pour construire Israël. Transformation du paysage et enracinement des identités nationales

      La construction d’un État requiert la nationalisation du territoire. Dans le cas d’Israël, cette appropriation territoriale s’est caractérisée, depuis 1948, par un remodelage du paysage afin que ce dernier dénote l’identité et la mémoire sionistes tout en excluant l’identité et la mémoire palestiniennes. À travers un parcours historique, cet article examine la façon dont ce processus a éliminé tout ce qui, dans l’espace, exprimait la relation palestinienne à la terre. Parmi les stratégies utilisées, l’arbre revêt une importance particulière pour signifier l’identité enracinée dans le territoire : arracher l’une pour mieux (ré)implanter l’autre, tel semble être l’enjeu de nombreuses politiques, passées et présentes.

      http://journals.openedition.org/etudesrurales/8132

    • v. aussi la destruction par gentrification de la Bay Area (San Francisco), terres qui appartiennent à un peuple autochtone :

      “Nobody knew about us,” said Corrina Gould, a Chochenyo and Karkin Ohlone leader and activist. “There was this process of colonization that erased the memory of us from the Bay Area.”

      https://seenthis.net/messages/682706

    • La lutte des Palestiniens face à une mémoire menacée

      Le 15 mai, les Palestiniens commémorent la Nakba, c’est-à-dire l’exode de centaines de milliers d’entre eux au moment de la création de l’Etat d’Israël : la veille, lundi 14 mai, tandis que plusieurs officiels israéliens et américains célébraient en grande pompe l’inauguration de l’ambassade américaine à Jérusalem, 60 Palestiniens étaient tués par des tirs israéliens, et 2 400 autres étaient blessés lors d’affrontements à la frontière de la bande de Gaza.
      Historiquement, la Nakba, tout comme la colonisation de Jérusalem-Est et des Territoires palestiniens à partir de 1967, a non seulement eu des conséquences sur le quotidien des Palestiniens, mais aussi sur leur héritage culturel. Comment une population préserve-t-elle sa mémoire lorsque les traces matérielles de son passé sont peu à peu effacées ? ARTE Info vous fait découvrir trois initiatives innovantes pour tenter de préserver la mémoire des Palestiniens.

      https://info.arte.tv/fr/la-lutte-des-palestiniens-face-une-memoire-menacee

    • Effacer la Palestine pour construire Israël. Transformation du #paysage et #enracinement des identités nationales

      La construction d’un État requiert la nationalisation du territoire. Dans le cas d’Israël, cette appropriation territoriale s’est caractérisée, depuis 1948, par un remodelage du paysage afin que ce dernier dénote l’identité et la mémoire sionistes tout en excluant l’identité et la mémoire palestiniennes. À travers un parcours historique, cet article examine la façon dont ce processus a éliminé tout ce qui, dans l’espace, exprimait la relation palestinienne à la terre. Parmi les stratégies utilisées, l’arbre revêt une importance particulière pour signifier l’identité enracinée dans le territoire : arracher l’une pour mieux (ré)implanter l’autre, tel semble être l’enjeu de nombreuses politiques, passées et présentes.

      https://journals.openedition.org/etudesrurales/8132

    • Il y aurait tout un dossier à faire sur Canada Park, construit sur le site chrétien historique d’Emmaus (devenu Imwas), dans les territoires occupés depuis 1967, et dénoncé par l’organisation #Zochrot :

      75% of visitors to Canada Park believe it’s located inside the Green Line
      Eitan Bronstein Aparicio, Zochrot, mai 2014
      https://www.zochrot.org/en/article/56204

      Dont le #FNJ (#JNF #KKL) efface la mémoire palestinienne :

      The Palestinian Past of Canada Park is Forgotten in JNF Signs
      Yuval Yoaz, Zochrot, le 31 mai 2005
      https://zochrot.org/en/press/51031

      Canada Park and Israeli “memoricide”
      Jonathan Cook, The Electronic Intifada, le 10 mars 2009
      https://electronicintifada.net/content/canada-park-and-israeli-memoricide/8126

    • Israel lifted its military rule over the state’s Arab community in 1966 only after ascertaining that its members could not return to the villages they had fled or been expelled from, according to newly declassified archival documents.

      The documents both reveal the considerations behind the creation of the military government 18 years earlier, and the reasons for dismantling it and revoking the severe restrictions it imposed on Arab citizens in the north, the Negev and the so-called Triangle of Locales in central Israel.

      These records were made public as a result of a campaign launched against the state archives by the Akevot Institute, which researches the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

      After the War of Independence in 1948, the state imposed military rule over Arabs living around the country, which applied to an estimated 85 percent of that community at the time, say researchers at the NGO. The Arabs in question were subject to the authority of a military commander who could limit their freedom of movement, declare areas to be closed zones, or demand that the inhabitants leave and enter certain locales only with his written permission.

      The newly revealed documents describe the ways Israel prevented Arabs from returning to villages they had left in 1948, even after the restrictions on them had been lifted. The main method: dense planting of trees within and surrounding these towns.

      At a meeting held in November 1965 at the office of Shmuel Toledano, the prime minister’s adviser on Arab affairs, there was a discussion about villages that had been left behind and that Israel did not want to be repopulated, according to one document. To ensure that, the state had the Jewish National Fund plant trees around and in them.

      Among other things, the document states that “the lands belonging to the above-mentioned villages were given to the custodian for absentee properties” and that “most were leased for work (cultivation of field crops and olive groves) by Jewish households.” Some of the properties, it adds, were subleased.

      In the meeting in Toledano’s office, it was explained that these lands had been declared closed military zones, and that once the structures on them had been razed, and the land had been parceled out, forested and subject to proper supervision – their definition as closed military zones could be lifted.

      On April 3, 1966, another discussion was held on the same subject, this time at the office of the defense minister, Levi Eshkol, who was also the serving prime minister; the minutes of this meeting were classified as top secret. Its participants included: Toledano; Isser Harel, in his capacity as special adviser to the prime minister; the military advocate general – Meir Shamgar, who would later become president of the Supreme Court; and representatives of the Shin Bet security service and Israel Police.

      The newly publicized record of that meeting shows that the Shin Bet was already prepared at that point to lift the military rule over the Arabs and that the police and army could do so within a short time.

      Regarding northern Israel, it was agreed that “all the areas declared at the time to be closed [military] zones... other than Sha’ab [east of Acre] would be opened after the usual conditions were fulfilled – razing of the buildings in the abandoned villages, forestation, establishment of nature reserves, fencing and guarding.” The dates of the reopening these areas would be determined by Israel Defense Forces Maj. Gen. Shamir, the minutes said. Regarding Sha’ab, Harel and Toledano were to discuss that subject with Shamir.

      However, as to Arab locales in central Israel and the Negev, it was agreed that the closed military zones would remain in effect for the time being, with a few exceptions.

      Even after military rule was lifted, some top IDF officers, including Chief of Staff Tzvi Tzur and Shamgar, opposed the move. In March 1963, Shamgar, then military advocate general, wrote a pamphlet about the legal basis of the military administration; only 30 copies were printed. (He signed it using his previous, un-Hebraized name, Sternberg.) Its purpose was to explain why Israel was imposing its military might over hundreds of thousands of citizens.

      Among other things, Shamgar wrote in the pamphlet that Regulation 125, allowing certain areas to be closed off, is intended “to prevent the entry and settlement of minorities in border areas,” and that “border areas populated by minorities serve as a natural, convenient point of departure for hostile elements beyond the border.” The fact that citizens must have permits in order to travel about helps to thwart infiltration into the rest of Israel, he wrote.

      Regulation 124, he noted, states that “it is essential to enable nighttime ambushes in populated areas when necessary, against infiltrators.” Blockage of roads to traffic is explained as being crucial for the purposes of “training, tests or maneuvers.” Moreover, censorship is a “crucial means for counter-intelligence.”

      Despite Shamgar’s opinion, later that year, Prime Minister Levi Eshkol canceled the requirement for personal travel permits as a general obligation. Two weeks after that decision, in November 1963, Chief of Staff Tzur wrote a top-secret letter about implementation of the new policy to the officers heading the various IDF commands and other top brass, including the head of Military Intelligence. Tzur ordered them to carry it out in nearly all Arab villages, with a few exceptions – among them Barta’a and Muqeible, in northern Israel.

      In December 1965, Haim Israeli, an adviser to Defense Minister Eshkol, reported to Eshkol’s other aides, Isser Harel and Aviad Yaffeh, and to the head of the Shin Bet, that then-Chief of Staff Yitzhak Rabin opposed legislation that would cancel military rule over the Arab villages. Rabin explained his position in a discussion with Eshkol, at which an effort to “soften” the bill was discussed. Rabin was advised that Harel would be making his own recommendations on this matter.

      At a meeting held on February 27, 1966, Harel issued orders to the IDF, the Shin Bet and the police concerning the prime minister’s decision to cancel military rule. The minutes of the discussion were top secret, and began with: “The mechanism of the military regime will be canceled. The IDF will ensure the necessary conditions for establishment of military rule during times of national emergency and war.” However, it was decided that the regulations governing Israel’s defense in general would remain in force, and at the behest of the prime minister and with his input, the justice minister would look into amending the relevant statutes in Israeli law, or replacing them.

      The historical documents cited here have only made public after a two-year campaign by the Akevot institute against the national archives, which preferred that they remain confidential, Akevot director Lior Yavne told Haaretz. The documents contain no information of a sensitive nature vis-a-vis Israel’s security, Yavne added, and even though they are now in the public domain, the archives has yet to upload them to its website to enable widespread access.

      “Hundreds of thousands of files which are crucial to understanding the recent history of the state and society in Israel remain closed in the government archive,” he said. “Akevot continues to fight to expand public access to archival documents – documents that are property of the public.”

  • The #Pete_Seeger I knew: Against #injustice, dedicated to dialogue
    http://www.haaretz.com/culture/arts-leisure/.premium-1.571056

    Partisan du #BDS

    In February, 2011, I again visited Pete at his home. My purpose was to inform him of the implications of his name being associated with the JNF [#jewish_National_Fund], but not to ask him to endorse the boycott, divestment, sanctions (BDS) movement per se. After we spoke of the dissonance between the #Arava Institute’s supposed “trans-boundary” work and the fact that it has never distanced itself from the racist, anti-Arab and ultimately anti-environment policies of its JNF patron – he volunteered the following statement: “ I appeared on that virtual rally because for many years I’ve felt that people should talk with people they disagree with. But it ended up looking like I supported the Jewish National Fund. I misunderstood the leaders of the Arava Institute because I didn’t realize to what degree the JNF was supporting Arava. Now that I know more, I support the BDS movement as much as I can. You can let my views be known.

  • If ’Palestine’ Jerseys Incite Hatred, What About JNF?
    http://blogs.forward.com/forward-thinking/190709/if-palestine-jerseys-incite-hatred-what-about-jnf

    ❝According to the #Simon_Wiesenthal Center’s January 6 statement, the jerseys are not only “inciting hatred among the large Arab community in Chile.” They are also “fomenting a terrorist intent.” The #Anti-Defamation_League added on January 8 that the one-state map constitutes “inappropriate political imagery” and a “clear delegitimization of Israel.” Both organizations called for the imposition of penalties on El Palestino soccer club.

    For these groups to take issue with imagery that depicts Israeli and Palestinian land as a single state makes perfect sense. But El Palestino isn’t the only group to do so: the #Jewish_National_Fund also favors one-state imagery. Their iconic blue donation boxes, ubiquitous in Jewish schools across the globe, feature a map depicting Israel without the Green Line. That means the JNF doesn’t distinguish Israel from the Palestinian-populated West Bank — ...-

    http://forward.com/articles/190178/jewish-national-funds-iconic-blue-box-sends-one-st/?p=all

    Paille #poutre

  • U.K. to probe JNF’s anti-discrimination law compliance after complaints by BDS activists
    By Chaim Levinson
    Haaretz Daily Newspaper

    http://www.haaretz.com/jewish-world/jewish-world-news/u-k-to-probe-jnf-s-anti-discrimination-law-compliance-after-complaints-by-b

    British authorities have announced that they intend to investigate whether Jewish National Fund activities infringe upon the principle of equality following Palestinian complaints regarding the organization’s activities.

    The JNF in general and JNF U.K. in particular have found themselves at the center of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign against Israel. One of the campaign’s goals is to remove British authorities’ recognition of JNF U.K.’s status as a charity organization. In the past year, 88 British members of Parliament, out of a total of 650, signed a letter calling for the revocation of the organization’s charity status. According to the campaign’s organizers, the JNF is a racist organization that took Arab land and took part in the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians.

    #BDS

  • Bill Clinton takes a cool half-million from Jewish National Fund for speech in Israel
    http://mondoweiss.net/2013/06/clinton-million-national.html

    The scandal that is never a scandal in the American press. Bill Clinton’s foundation has been given $500,000 by the Jewish National Fund, which has long been involved in taking Palestinian land and giving it to Jews. Is Hillary running for president? Where does she expect to raise her money? Will she ever oppose Jewish colonization in Palestine?

    #wag_the_dog

  • “JNF Judaizing Negev at Beduin expense” - Jerusalem Post
    http://www.jpost.com/Sci-Tech/Article.aspx?id=248124

    Following the Jewish National Fund’s announcement at last week’s Sderot Conference that it would be investing NIS 1 billion toward further Negev development, Beduin rights advocates have expressed concern that the investment will deepen already profound rifts between the Jewish and Beduin Negev residents.

    JNF chairman Efi Stenzler unveiled plans to invest NIS 1b. in the next few years toward the construction of thousands of new housing units and related infrastructural development, in the hope of strengthening the Negev region and fulfilling a “Zionist vision” by attracting young people to move there. While the Negev has an area of 1.2 million hectares, or 60 percent, of Israel’s territory, it is home to only 600,000 people, or 8% of the country’s population, according to the JNF.

    À noter que le Jerusalem Post, qui n’a pas de rubrique « Colonisation », se retrouve à publier ce genre d’information dans sa rubrique « Environnement et technologie ».

  • British Prime Minister ends ties with JNF | BDSmovement.net
    http://www.bdsmovement.net/2011/cameron-jnf-7139

    Prime Minister David Cameron has quietly terminated his status as an Honorary Patron of the controversial Jewish National Fund (JNF). His office confirmed he had “stepped down”. For many years leaders of all three main political parties became Honorary Patrons of the JNF by convention. According to Dick Pitt, a spokesperson for the Stop the JNF Campaign, “Cameron was the only leader of the three major parties remaining as a JNF Patron. This decline in political support for the JNF at the highest levels of the political tree may be a sign of the increasing awareness in official quarters that a robust defence of the activities of the JNF may not be sustainable.”

    The news of Cameron’s move has reached Palestinians in refugee camps, people whose land is under the control of the JNF. Salah Ajarma in Bethlehem’s Aida Refugee Camp was “delighted to hear the news that the British Prime Minister has decided to withdraw his support for this sinister organisation involved in ethnic cleansing. My village, Ajjur, was taken by force from my family and given to the JNF who used money from JNF UK to plant the British Park on its ruins. For the Palestinians who were evicted from their villages and have been prevented from returning, Cameron’s withdrawal is another victory on the road to achieving justice and freedom for the Palestinians”.

    #israël #grande-bretagne