Avec une revue des oligarques restant (ou revenant) au parlement.
Although never elected to parliament, chemicals tycoon Dmytro Firtash has had close associates in power and in the legislature. In the previous decade he played a major role in importing Russian natural gas to Ukraine. He currently is the nation’s leading nitrogen fertilizer producer.
Yuriy Boyko, the former energy minister who was Firtash’s power-of-attorney in the past, got elected with the Opposition Bloc, a newly formed political force that is a reincarnation of the former ruling Party of Regions. Firtash’s former business partner in gas trader RosUkrEnergo, Ivan Fursin, got elected in a single-seat district in Odesa Oblast. Yevhen Bakulin, the former CEO of state-owned Naftogaz when Boyko was energy minister, successfully ran in a Luhansk Oblast constituency. Serhiy Lyovochkin, with whom Firtash co-owns the Inter television channel, also got in with the Opposition Bloc.
“I have close relations with (Opposition Bloc leader Yuriy) Boyko, we’re friends. With Seryozha (Serhiy Lyovochkin) too, for many years,” Firtash said in an Oct. 20 interview with Lb.ua conducted in Vienna where he is awaiting extradition to the U.S. on racketeering charges.
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Opposition Bloc remains the biggest hope of oligarchs like Firtash and Rinat Akhmetov, the nation’s richest man, who made his $10.5 billion fortune, by Bloomberg estimates, on energy and metallurgy. Former Deputy Prime Minister Oleksandr Vilkul got elected with the Opposition Bloc – he formerly ran several companies belonging to Akhmetov’s System Management Capital.
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Former Russian citizen Vadim Novinsky, worth an estimated $1.4 billion, is a member of the Opposition Bloc too, as well as Vadim Rabinovych, whose fortune was valued at $255 million before the 2008-2009 economic crisis, according to Focus, a weekly magazine. Novinsky voted for the so-called “dictator laws” on Jan. 16 at the height of the EuroMaidan Revolution that severely curbed civil liberties.
The bloc’s seventh spot was Nestor Shufrych, who controls 25 percent of Naftogazvydobuvannya, a major privately-owned oil and gas producer, according to an investigation by The Insider, a Ukrainian website. He also voted for the January draconian laws.
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Former energy oligarch Yulia Tymoshenko re-enters parliament as a leader of Batkivshchyna party. She has been known for her personal opposition to Firtash. “Please notice, I haven’t touched her. It’s she who waged war against me. Why, I don’t understand. I didn’t have a business with her, I didn’t share any money with her. No intersection points,” Firtash said in the Lb.ua interview.
Ihor Kolomoisky, the billionaire Dnipropetrovsk governor who controls the country’s largest bank, Privat, and several major assets in energy and metals, tried to reach an agreement with populist politician Oleh Lyashko, whose Radical Party received 7.4 percent of the votes, according to The Insider. However, Kolomoisky didn’t succeed and is looking for another parliamentary force for support.
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Breaking up Naftogaz and selling large stakes to private investors has been on the agenda of current Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk. This issue will likely lead to conflicts between oligarchs vying for control of the company, especially its profitable gas transportation and storage system. Kolomoisky is close to Yatsenyuk’s People’s Front as well as to Samopomich and several members of Poroshenko’s Bloc, according to Fesenko. His deputy governor, Borys Filatov, got elected in a single-seat district of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.
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Billionare Viktor Pinchuk owns a major pipe-making business and is also close to Yatsenyuk, Fesenko says. Pinchuk didn’t respond too.
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Meanwhile, Samopomich’s leader Andriy Sadovy, the mayor of Lviv who refused to take a seat in the Rada, can be seen as a business-related figure too, despite Samopomich’s numerous statements about being absolutely independent of any businesses. Sadovy controls Lux, a radio and television company in western Ukraine, through his wife. The company’s key asset is Channel 24, a popular television station. Since Lux, like the rest of the local media market, is unlikely to make earnings, Sadovy needs to subsidize it.