organization:salvadoran government

  • Le shithole country se surpasse : Pompeo nomme Elliott Abrams envoyé spécial pour le Vénézuéla
    http://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/2019/01/25/97001-20190125FILWWW00365-venezuela-pompeo-nomme-un-nouvel-emissaire.php

    Le chef de la diplomatie américaine Mike Pompeo a nommé aujourd’hui un émissaire, Elliott Abrams, pour contribuer à « restaurer la démocratie » au Venezuela, où les Etats-Unis ont reconnu Juan Guaido comme « président par intérim » en lieu et place de Nicolas Maduro.

    Elliott Abrams, dont les grandes œuvres humanitaires sont ‘par exemple documentées ainsi sur Kikipédia :

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elliott_Abrams

    They accused him of covering up atrocities committed by the military forces of U.S.-backed governments, such as those in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, and the rebel Contras in Nicaragua.

    El Salvador

    In early 1982, when reports of the El Mozote massacre of hundreds of civilians by the military in El Salvador began appearing in U.S. media, Abrams told a Senate committee that the reports of hundreds of deaths at El Mozote “were not credible,” and that “it appears to be an incident that is at least being significantly misused, at the very best, by the guerrillas.”[13] The massacre had come at a time when the Reagan administration was attempting to bolster the human rights image of the Salvadoran military. Abrams implied that reports of a massacre were simply FMLN propaganda and denounced U.S. investigative reports of the massacre as misleading. In March 1993, the Salvadoran Truth Commission reported that over 500 civilians were “deliberately and systematically” executed in El Mozote in December 1981 by forces affiliated with the Salvadoran government.[14]

    Also in 1993, documentation emerged suggesting that some Reagan administration officials could have known about El Mozote and other human rights violations from the beginning.[15] However, in July 1993, an investigation commissioned by Clinton secretary of state Warren Christopher into the State department’s “activities and conduct” with regard to human rights in El Salvador during the Reagan years found that, despite U.S. funding of the Salvadoran government that committed the massacre at El Mozote, individual U.S. personnel “performed creditably and occasionally with personal bravery in advancing human rights in El Salvador.”[16] Unrepentant Reaganite Abrams claimed that Washington’s policy in El Salvador was a “fabulous achievement.”[17]

    Nicaragua

    When Congress shut down funding for the Contras’ efforts to overthrow Nicaragua’s Sandinista government with the 1982 Boland Amendment, members of the Reagan administration began looking for other avenues for funding the group.[18] Congress opened a couple of such avenues when it modified the Boland Amendment for fiscal year 1986 by approving $27 million in direct aid to the Contras and allowing the administration to legally solicit funds for the Contras from foreign governments.[19] Neither the direct aid, nor any foreign contributions, could be used to purchase weapons.[19]

    Guided by the new provisions of the modified Boland Amendment, Abrams flew to London in August 1986 and met secretly with Bruneian defense minister General Ibnu to solicit a $10-million contribution from the Sultan of Brunei.[20][21] Ultimately, the Contras never received this money because a clerical error in Oliver North’s office (a mistyped account number) sent the Bruneian money to the wrong Swiss bank account.[20]

    Iran-Contra affair and convictions

    During investigation of the Iran-Contra Affair, Lawrence Walsh, the Independent Counsel tasked with investigating the case, prepared multiple felony counts against Abrams but never indicted him.[20] Instead, Abrams cooperated with Walsh and entered into a plea agreement wherein he pleaded guilty to two misdemeanor counts of withholding information from Congress.[22] He was sentenced to a $50 fine, probation for two years, and 100 hours of community service.

  • ’My Only Friend Is My Conscience’: Face to Face With El Salvador’s Cold Killer | by Jonathan Blitzer | NYR Daily | The New York Review of Books
    http://www.nybooks.com/daily/2017/12/07/my-only-friend-is-my-conscience-face-to-face-with-el-salvadors-cold-killer

    I was due to fly to El Salvador the next night, because I wanted to confront Ochoa about the theft. While I was packing my bags in New York, the Salvadoran police began rounding up the culprits. Within hours, four were in custody, and several others had gone into hiding. The names of the officers appeared on television sets across El Salvador, listed by rank on the local news. These were aged and haggard men, geriatric fugitives. Two of them had been arrested before, in 1991, but were released from prison after the passage of the amnesty law.

    Around the time that the Jesuit priests were killed, Ochoa had retired from military service and was working as the head of the state electric company, a privileged civilian post, and his name was circulating among officials at the State Department and CIA as a possible presidential candidate. He wasn’t personally implicated in the Jesuit killings, but he was friendly with another colonel who’d been found guilty of orchestrating the murders. Several months after the assassinations, Ochoa appeared on 60 Minutes saying that his friend was acting on someone else’s orders. This was farther than even the friend was willing to go—he had known enough to stay quiet. But Ochoa, who felt unencumbered by institutional allegiances, declared that “it was all planned beforehand,” implying that a group of military and political leaders had organized the crime. This flummoxed the Salvadoran government, which had no choice but to issue a string of denials.

    Soon, there was talk in political circles of sacking Ochoa and forcing him to “wallow in the assembly, where he could talk to his heart’s content,” as one US Embassy cable summarized. (It is a mark of the times that a spot in congress was considered a demotion, a posting far from the action.) Ultimately, American officials cautioned their Salvadoran counterparts against making a martyr out of Ochoa. It was a lesson that would never be fully learned. In 2012, the left-wing president of El Salvador, reacting to another of Ochoa’s typically incendiary public comments, tried to remove him from contention for congress by reactivating his military status and conscripting him back into service. Ochoa coasted to reelection.

  • 26th anniversary of the Jesuit martyrs of El #Salvador
    http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2015/11/26th-anniversary-of-jesuit-martyrs-of.html

    On Monday, the world commemorated the 26th anniversary of the murders of six Jesuit priests and their housekeeper and her daughter at the UCA in San Salvador. The murders were ordered by the Salvadoran high command in response to an offensive launched by the FMLN earlier in the month. The Jesuits were not the only pro-peace advocates targeted by the government in November but their deaths shocked the world, even many of those who had been sympathetic to the military and Salvadoran government.

    Reflections on the Martyrs from Jesuits provides some details as to how their deaths affected younger Jesuits in-training in 1989. One Jesuit who I spoke to here at Scranton and who was in Rome at the time retold a story about how several of the Jesuits around him in the Vatican assumed that the Jesuits were murdered by the FMLN. They just had no clue as to the reality of El Salvador at that time.

    I remember sitting in my guidance counselor’s office at Regis in NYC when I first heard the news of the Jesuits’ deaths. In many ways, it was a life changing moment for me. Their deaths, as well as that of Sr. Maura Clarke who was from my neighborhood, aroused my interest in El Salvador and Central America. I learned more about the country during my remaining years of high school and then in college at Fairfield.

    Even then, I chose to study abroad in Argentina during my junior year. I loved learning about and traveling in Latin America. Fortunately, for me, I was awarded a Fulbright Scholarship to study in El Salvador following graduation from Fairfield in 1996. And the rest is somewhat history.

    I am giving a talk this afternoon on the University of Scranton campus entitled “IDPs, Asylees, Refugees, Migrants: What’s the Difference?” Tomorrow I have telephonic testimony in an asylum case related to an individual who fled El Salvador. I am reminded of how many Salvadorans and Guatemalans were denied asylum in the US during the 1980s because of politics. They fled governments we were supporting so therefore it would look bad on our country if we then granted them asylum in large numbers. On the other hand, if you came from Nicaragua the threshold for asylum was much lower. We just didn’t like their government and anything we could do to make them look even worse was okay with us. Then on Friday, I’ll be discussing recent developments in Central America as Freedom House prepares its next Freedom in the World Report.

    Finally, I just watched an advance copy of Blood of the Martyrs. The film should be available next year and I highly recommend it.

    #etats-unis #dictature #amerique_latine

  • El Salvador’s Other Crisis

    A couple of nights ago, I tweeted an article—which inspired a blog post—about the dramatic rise in murders reported by the Salvadoran government in the last year. The alarming spike in killings is, at least in part, connected with the end of a peace truce established in 2012 between the country’s most powerful gangs. Since the pact fell apart in March, violence exploded and increasingly seems beyond the control of the government to do anything about it.


    http://www.warscapes.com/blog/el-salvadors-other-crisis

    #el_salvador #assassinat #violence

    • By law, women and girls who are discovered to have had abortions face are subject to prison sentences, according to Amnesty International. Even more disturbing, “women who have had miscarriages have been charged with aggravated homicide, a charge which can bring a sentence of up to fifty years in prison.” Faced with such punitive possibilities in the case of an unwanted pregnancy, it’s little wonder that suicide accounts for more than half of all deaths of pregnant women in El Salvador between the ages of “ten and nineteen in El Salvador, though it is likely many more cases have gone unreported.”

      #femmes #avortement #répression