organization:shin bet

  • Israël place un journaliste palestinien en détention sans procès pour quatre mois
    AFP / 02 mai 2016 20h25
    http://www.romandie.com/news/700013.rom

    Ramallah (Territoires palestiniens) - Un tribunal militaire israélien a placé lundi un journaliste palestinien en détention sans procès ni inculpation pour quatre mois l’accusant d’appartenir à une organisation terroriste alors que les Palestiniens estiment qu’il s’agit d’une atteinte supplémentaire à la liberté de la presse de la part d’Israël.

    Omar Nazzal , Cadre du Syndicat des journalistes palestiniens, avait été arrêté le 23 avril à la frontière entre la Cisjordanie, territoire palestinien occupé par Israël, et la Jordanie, d’où il devait prendre l’avion pour se rendre à un Congrès de la Fédération européenne des journalistes en Bosnie.

    Dimanche, un tribunal militaire israélien a tenu une audience et il a annoncé lundi sa décision de le placer en détention administrative pour quatre mois, a indiqué l’agence officielle palestinienne Wafa.

    Une porte-parole de l’armée israélienne a confirmé à l’AFP que M. Nazzal serait placé en détention administrative jusqu’au 22 août en raison de sa participation à une organisation terroriste.

    II est important de souligner que sa détention repose sur des informations relatives à sa participation à une organisation terroriste et pas à ses actions en tant que journaliste, a précisé la porte-parole de l’armée dans un communiqué.

    Le Shin Bet, le service de sécurité intérieur israélien, avait auparavant souligné que M. Nazzal a été arrêté non pas en raison de son travail de journaliste, mais de son implication dans les activités d’un groupe terroriste (...), le Front populaire de libération de la Palestine (FPLP), la gauche historique palestinienne, considérée comme une organisation terroriste par Israël.(...)

  • Édifiant. Quand un nazi devient un tueur du Mossad

    The Strange Case of a Nazi Who Became an Israeli Hitman
    Otto Skorzeny, one of the Mossad’s most valuable assets, was a former lieutenant colonel in Nazi Germany’s Waffen-SS and one of Adolf Hitler’s favorites.

    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/1.711115

    On September 11, 1962, a German scientist vanished. The basic facts were simple: Heinz Krug had been at his office, and he never came home.

    The only other salient detail known to police in Munich was that Krug commuted to Cairo frequently. He was one of dozens of Nazi rocket experts who had been hired by Egypt to develop advanced weapons for that country.

    HaBoker, a now defunct Israeli newspaper, surprisingly claimed to have the explanation: The Egyptians kidnapped Krug to prevent him from doing business with Israel.

    But that somewhat clumsy leak was an attempt by Israel to divert investigators from digging too deeply into the case — not that they ever would have found the 49-year-old scientist.

    We can now report — based on interviews with former Mossad officers and with Israelis who have access to the Mossad’s archived secrets from half a century ago — that Krug was murdered as part of an Israeli espionage plot to intimidate the German scientists working for Egypt.
    Moreover, the most astounding revelation is the Mossad agent who fired the fatal gunshots: Otto Skorzeny, one of the Israeli spy agency’s most valuable assets, was a former lieutenant colonel in Nazi Germany’s Waffen-SS and one of Adolf Hitler’s personal favorites among the party’s commando leaders. The Führer, in fact, awarded Skorzeny the army’s most prestigious medal, the Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross, for leading the rescue operation that plucked his friend Benito Mussolini out from the hands of his captors.
    But that was then. By 1962, according to our sources — who spoke only on the promise that they not be identified — Skorzeny had a different employer. The story of how that came to be is one of the most important untold tales in the archives of the Mossad, the agency whose full name, translated from Hebrew, is “The Institute for Intelligence and Special Missions.”
    Key to understanding the story is that the Mossad had made stopping German scientists then working on Egypt’s rocket program one of its top priorities. For several months before his death, in fact, Krug, along with other Germans who were working in Egypt’s rocket-building industry, had received threatening messages. When in Germany, they got phone calls in the middle of the night, telling them to quit the Egyptian program. When in Egypt, some were sent letter bombs — and several people were injured by the explosions.

    Krug, as it happens, was near the top of the Mossad’s target list.

    During the war that ended 17 years earlier, Krug was part of a team of superstars at Peenemünde, the military test range on the coast of the Baltic Sea, where top German scientists toiled in the service of Hitler and the Third Reich. The team, led by Wernher von Braun, was proud to have engineered the rockets for the Blitz that nearly defeated England. Its wider ambitions included missiles that could fly a lot farther, with greater accuracy and more destructive power.

    According to Mossad research, a decade after the war ended, von Braun invited Krug and other former colleagues to join him in America. Von Braun, his war record practically expunged, was leading a missile development program for the United States. He even became one of the fathers of the NASA space exploration program. Krug opted for another, seemingly more lucrative option: joining other scientists from the Peenemünde group — led by the German professor Wolfgang Pilz, whom he greatly admired — in Egypt. They would set up a secret strategic missile program for that Arab country.

    In the Israelis’ view, Krug had to know that Israel, the country where so many Holocaust survivors had found refuge, was the intended target of his new masters’ military capabilities. A committed Nazi would see this as an opportunity to continue the ghastly mission of exterminating the Jewish people.

    The threatening notes and phone calls, however, were driving Krug crazy. He and his colleagues knew that the threats were from Israelis. It was obvious. In 1960, Israeli agents had kidnapped Adolf Eichmann, one of the chief administrators of the Holocaust, in far-off Argentina. The Israelis astonishingly smuggled the Nazi to Jerusalem, where he was put on trial. Eichmann was hanged on May 31, 1962.

    It was reasonable for Krug to feel that a Mossad noose might be tightening around his neck, too. That was why he summoned help: a Nazi hero who was considered the best of the best in Hitler’s heyday.
    On the day he vanished, according to our new information from reliable sources, Krug left his office to meet Skorzeny, the man he felt would be his savior.

    Skorzeny, then 54 years old, was quite simply a legend. A dashing, innovative military man who grew up in Austria — famous for a long scar on the left side of his face, the result of his overly exuberant swordplay while fencing as a youth— he rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel in Nazi Germany’s Waffen-SS. Thanks to Skorzeny’s exploits as a guerrilla commander, Hitler recognized that he had a man who would go above and beyond, and stop at nothing, to complete a mission.

    The colonel’s feats during the war inspired Germans and the grudging respect of Germany’s enemies. American and British military intelligence labeled Skorzeny “the most dangerous man in Europe.”

    Krug contacted Skorzeny in the hope that the great hero — then living in Spain — could create a strategy to keep the scientists safe.

    The two men were in Krug’s white Mercedes, driving north out of Munich, and Skorzeny said that as a first step he had arranged for three bodyguards. He said they were in a car directly behind and would accompany them to a safe place in a forest for a chat. Krug was murdered, then and there, without so much as a formal indictment or death sentence. The man who pulled the trigger was none other than the famous Nazi war hero. Israel’s espionage agency had managed to turn Otto Skorzeny into a secret agent for the Jewish state.

    After Krug was shot, the three Israelis poured acid on his body, waited awhile and then buried what was left in a hole they had dug beforehand. They covered the makeshift grave with lime, so that search dogs — and wild animals — would never pick up the scent of human remains.

    The troika that coordinated this extrajudicial execution was led by a future prime minister of Israel, Yitzhak Shamir, who was then head of the Mossad’s special operations unit. One of the others was Zvi “Peter” Malkin, who had tackled Eichmann in Argentina and in later life would enter the art world as a New York-based painter. Supervising from a distance was Yosef “Joe” Raanan, who was the secret agency’s senior officer in Germany. All three had lost large numbers of family members among the 6 million Jews murdered by the cruel, continent-wide genocide that Eichmann had managed.
    Israel’s motivation in working with a man such as Skorzeny was clear: to get as close as possible to Nazis who were helping Egypt plot a new Holocaust.

    The Mossad’s playbook for protecting Israel and the Jewish people has no preordained rules or limits. The agency’s spies have evaded the legal systems in a host of countries for the purpose of liquidating Israel’s enemies: Palestinian terrorists, Iranian scientists, and even a Canadian arms inventor named Gerald Bull, who worked for Saddam Hussein until bullets ended his career in Brussels in 1990. Mossad agents in Lillehammer, Norway, even killed a Moroccan waiter in the mistaken belief that he was the mastermind behind the 1972 Munich Olympics massacre of 11 Israeli athletes by the terrorist group known as Black September. Ahmed Bouchikhi was shot down in 1973 as he left a movie theatre with his pregnant wife. The Israeli government later paid compensation to her without officially admitting wrongdoing. The botched mission delayed further Mossad assassinations, but it did not end them.

    To get to unexpected places on these improbable missions, the Mossad has sometimes found itself working with unsavory partners. When short-term alliances could help, the Israelis were willing to dance with the proverbial devil, if that is what seemed necessary.

    But why did Skorzeny work with the Mossad?

    He was born in Vienna in June 1908, to a middle-class family proud of its military service for the Austro-Hungarian Empire. From an early age he seemed fearless, bold and talented at weaving false, complex tales that deceived people in myriad ways. These were essential requirements for a commando officer at war, and certainly valuable qualities for the Mossad.

    He joined Austria’s branch of the Nazi Party in 1931, when he was 23, served in its armed militia, the SA, and enthusiastically worshipped Hitler. The führer was elected chancellor of Germany in 1933 and then seized Austria in 1938. When Hitler invaded Poland in 1939 and World War II broke out, Skorzeny left his construction firm and volunteered — not for the regular army, the Wehrmacht, but for the Leibstandarte SS Panzer division that served as Hitler’s personal bodyguard force.

    Skorzeny, in a memoir written after the war was over, told of his years of SS service as though they were almost bloodless travels in occupied Poland, Holland and France. His activities could not have been as innocuous as his book made them seem. He took part in battles in Russia and Poland, and certainly the Israelis believed it was very likely that he was involved in exterminating Jews. The Waffen-SS, after all, was not the regular army; it was the military arm of the Nazi Party and its genocidal plan.
    His most famous and daring mission was in September 1943: leading commandos who flew engineless gliders to reach an Italian mountaintop resort to rescue Hitler’s friend and ally, the recently ousted Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini and spirit him away under harrowing conditions.

    This was the escapade that earned Skorzeny his promotion to lieutenant colonel — and operational control of Hitler’s SS Special Forces. Hitler also rewarded him with several hours of face-to-face conversation, along with the coveted Knight’s Cross. But it was far from his only coup.

    In September 1944, when Hungary’s dictator, Admiral Miklos Horthy, a Nazi ally, was on the verge of suing for peace with Russia as Axis fortunes plunged, Skorzeny led a contingent of Special Forces into Budapest to kidnap Horthy and replace his government with the more hard-line Fascist Arrow Cross regime. That regime, in turn, went on to kill or to deport to concentration camps tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews who had managed to survive the war up to that point.

    Also in 1944, Skorzeny handpicked 150 soldiers, including some who spoke fair to excellent English in a bold plan to fend off the Allies after they landed in Normandy on D-Day in June. With the Allies advancing through France, Skorzeny dressed his men in captured U.S. uniforms, and procured captured American tanks for them to use in attacking and confusing Allied troops from behind their own lines.

    The bold deception — including the act of stealing U.S. soldiers’ property — plunged Skorzeny into two years of interrogation, imprisonment and trial after the war ended. Eventually, Allied military judges acquitted him in 1947. Once again, the world’s newspapers headlined him as Europe’s most dangerous man. He enjoyed the fame, and published his memoirs in various editions and many languages, including the 1957 book “Skorzeny’s Special Missions: The Autobiography of Hitler’s Commando Ace,” published by Greenhill Books. He spun some tall-tale hyperbole in the books, and definitely downplayed his contacts with the most bloodthirsty Nazi leaders. When telling of his many conversations with Hitler, he described the dictator as a caring and attentive military strategist.

    There was much that Skorzeny did not reveal, including how he escaped from the American military authorities who held him for a third year after his acquittal. Prosecutors were considering more charges against him in the Nuremberg tribunals, but during one transfer he was able to escape — reputedly with the help of former SS soldiers wearing American military police uniforms.

    Skorzeny’s escape was also rumored to have been assisted by the CIA’s predecessor agency, the Office of Special Services, for which he did some work after the war. It is certainly notable that he was allowed to settle in Spain — a paradise for Nazi war veterans, with protection from the pro-Western Fascist, Generalissimo Francisco Franco. In the years that followed he did some advisory work for President Juan Peron in Argentina and for Egypt’s government. It was during this period that Skorzeny became friendly with the Egyptian officers who were running the missile program and employing German experts.
    In Israel, a Mossad planning team started to work on where it could be best to find and kill Skorzeny. But the head of the agency, Isser Harel, had a bolder plan: Instead of killing him, snare him.

    Mossad officials had known for some time that to target the German scientists, they needed an inside man in the target group. In effect, the Mossad needed a Nazi.

    The Israelis would never find a Nazi they could trust, but they saw a Nazi they could count on: someone thorough and determined, with a record of success in executing innovative plans, and skilled at keeping secrets. The seemingly bizarre decision to recruit Skorzeny came with some personal pain, because the task was entrusted to Raanan, who was also born in Vienna and had barely escaped the Holocaust. As an Austrian Jew, his name was originally Kurt Weisman. After the Nazis took over in 1938, he was sent — at age 16 — to British-ruled Palestine. His mother and younger brother stayed in Europe and perished.

    Like many Jews in Palestine, Kurt Weisman joined the British military looking for a chance to strike back at Germany. He served in the Royal Air Force. After the creation of Israel in 1948, he followed the trend of taking on a Hebrew name, and as Joe Raanan he was among the first pilots in the new nation’s tiny air force. The young man rapidly became an airbase commander and later the air force’s intelligence chief.

    Raanan’s unique résumé, including some work he did for the RAF in psychological warfare, attracted the attention of Harel, who signed him up for the Mossad in 1957. A few years later, Raanan was sent to Germany to direct the secret agency’s operations there — with a special focus on the German scientists in Egypt. Thus it was Raanan who had to devise and command an operation to establish contact with Skorzeny, the famous Nazi commando.

    The Israeli spy found it difficult to get over his reluctance, but when ordered, he assembled a team that traveled to Spain for “pre-action intelligence.” Its members observed Skorzeny, his home, his workplace and his daily routines. The team included a German woman in her late 20s who was not a trained, full-time Mossad agent but a “helper.” Known by the Hebrew label “saayanit” (or “saayan” if a male), this team member was like an extra in a grandly theatrical movie, playing whatever role might be required. A saayanit would often pose as the girlfriend of an undercover Mossad combatant.

    Internal Mossad reports later gave her name as Anke and described her as pretty, vivacious and truly flirtatious. That would be perfect for the job at hand — a couples game.

    One evening in the early months of 1962, the affluent and ruggedly handsome — though scarred — Skorzeny was in a luxurious bar in Madrid with his significantly younger wife, Ilse von Finckenstein. Her own Nazi credentials were impeccable; she was the niece of Hjalmar Schacht, Hitler’s talented finance minister.

    They had a few cocktails and were relaxing, when the bartender introduced them to a German-speaking couple he had been serving. The woman was pretty and in her late 20s, and her escort was a well-dressed man of around 40. They were German tourists, they said, but they also told a distressing story: that they had just survived a harrowing street robbery.

    They spoke perfect German, of course, the man with a bit of an Austrian accent, like Skorzeny’s. They gave their false names, but in reality they were, respectively, a Mossad agent whose name must still be kept secret and his “helper,” Anke.

    There were more drinks, then somewhat flamboyant flirting, and soon Skorzeny’s wife invited the young couple, who had lost everything — money, passports and luggage — to stay the night at their sumptuous villa. There was just something irresistible about the newcomers. A sense of sexual intimacy between the two couples was in the air. After the four entered the house, however, at a crucial moment when the playful flirting reached the point where it seemed time to pair off, Skorzeny — the charming host — pulled a gun on the young couple and declared: “I know who you are, and I know why you’re here. You are Mossad, and you’ve come to kill me.”

    The young couple did not even flinch. The man said: “You are half-right. We are from Mossad, but if we had come to kill you, you would have been dead weeks ago.”

    “Or maybe,” Skorzeny said, “I would rather just kill you.”

    Anke spoke up. “If you kill us, the ones who come next won’t bother to have a drink with you, You won’t even see their faces before they blow out your brains. Our offer to you is just for you to help us.”

    After a long minute that felt like an hour, Skorzeny did not lower his gun, but he asked: “What kind of help? You need something done?” The Mossad officer — who even now is not being named by colleagues — told Skorzeny that Israel needed information and would pay him handsomely.

    Hitler’s favorite commando paused for a few moments to think, and then surprised the Israeli by saying: “Money doesn’t interest me. I have enough.”

    The Mossad man was further surprised to hear Skorzeny name something that he did want: “I need for Wiesenthal to remove my name from his list.” Simon Wiesenthal, the famous Vienna-based Nazi-hunter, had Skorzeny listed as a war criminal, but now the accused was insisting he had not committed any crimes.

    The Israeli did not believe any senior Nazi officer’s claim of innocence, but recruiting an agent for an espionage mission calls for well-timed lies and deception. “Okay,” he said, “that will be done. We’ll take care of that.”

    Skorzeny finally lowered his weapon, and the two men shook hands. The Mossad man concealed his disgust.

    “I knew that the whole story about you being robbed was bogus,” Skorzeny said, with the boastful smile of a fellow intelligence professional. “Just a cover story.”

    The next step to draw him in was to bring him to Israel. His Mossad handler, Raanan, secretly arranged a flight to Tel Aviv, where Skorzeny was introduced to Harel. The Nazi was questioned and also received more specific instructions and guidelines. During this visit, Skorzeny was taken to Yad Vashem, the museum in Jerusalem dedicated to the memory of the 6 million Jewish victims of the Holocaust. The Nazi was silent and seemed respectful. There was a strange moment there when a war survivor pointed to Skorzeny and singled him out by name as “a war criminal.”

    Raanan, as skilled an actor as any spy must be, smiled at the Jewish man and softly said: “No, you’re mistaken. He’s a relative of mine and himself is a Holocaust survivor.”

    Naturally, many in Israeli intelligence wondered if the famous soldier for Germany had genuinely — and so easily — been recruited. Did he really care so much about his image that he demanded to be removed from a list of war criminals? Skorzeny indicated that being on the list meant he was a target for assassination. By cooperating with the Mossad, he was buying life insurance.

    The new agent seemed to prove his full reliability. As requested by the Israelis, he flew to Egypt and compiled a detailed list of German scientists and their addresses.

    Skorzeny also provided the names of many front companies in Europe that were procuring and shipping components for Egypt’s military projects. These included Heinz Krug’s company, Intra, in Munich.

    Raanan continued to be the project manager of the whole operation aimed against the German scientists. But he assigned the task of staying in contact with Skorzeny to two of his most effective operatives: Rafi Eitan and Avraham Ahituv.

    Eitan was one of the most amazing characters in Israeli intelligence. He earned the nickname “Mr. Kidnap” for his role in abducting Eichmann and other men wanted by Israeli security agencies. Eitan also helped Israel acquire materials for its secret nuclear program. He would go on to earn infamy in the 1980s by running Jonathan Pollard as an American Jewish spy in the United States government.

    Surprisingly flamboyant after a life in the shadows, in 2006, at age 79, Eitan became a Member of Parliament as head of a political party representing senior citizens.

    “Yes, I met and ran Skorzeny,” Eitan confirmed to us recently. Like other Mossad veterans, he refused to go on the record with more details.

    Ahituv, who was born in Germany in 1930, was similarly involved in a wide array of Israeli clandestine operations all around the globe. From 1974 to 1980 he was head of the domestic security service, Shin Bet, which also guarded many secrets and often conducted joint projects with the Mossad.

    The Mossad agents did try to persuade Wiesenthal to remove Skorzeny from his list of war criminals, but the Nazi hunter refused. The Mossad, with typical chutzpah, instead forged a letter — supposedly to Skorzeny from Wiesenthal— declaring that his name had been cleared.

    Skorzeny continued to surprise the Israelis with his level of cooperation. During a trip to Egypt, he even mailed exploding packages; one Israeli-made bomb killed five Egyptians in the military rocket site Factory 333, where German scientists worked.

    The campaign of intimidation was largely successful, with most of the Germans leaving Egypt. Israel stopped the violence and threats, however, when one team was arrested in Switzerland while putting verbal pressure on a scientist’s family. A Mossad man and an Austrian scientist who was working for Israel were put on trial. Luckily, the Swiss judge sympathized with Israel’s fear of Egypt’s rocket program. The two men were convicted of making threats, but they were immediately set free.

    Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, however, concluded that all of this being out in public was disastrous to Israel’s image — and specifically could upset a deal he had arranged with West Germany to sell weapons to Israel.

    Harel submitted a letter of resignation, and to his shock, Ben-Gurion accepted it. The new Mossad director, commander of military intelligence Gen. Meir Amit, moved the agency away from chasing or intimidating Nazis.

    Amit did activate Skorzeny at least once more, however. The spymaster wanted to explore the possibility of secret peace negotiations, so he asked Israel’s on-the-payroll Nazi to arrange a meeting with a senior Egyptian official. Nothing ever came of it.

    Skorzeny never explained his precise reasons for helping Israel. His autobiography does not contain the word “Israel,” or even “Jew.” It is true that he sought and got the life insurance. The Mossad did not assassinate him.

    He also had a very strong streak of adventurism, and the notion of doing secret work with fascinating spies — even if they were Jewish — must have been a magnet for the man whose innovative escapades had earned him the Iron Cross medal from Hitler. Skorzeny was the kind of man who would feel most youthful and alive through killing and fear.

    It is possible that regret and atonement also played a role. The Mossad’s psychological analysts doubted it, but Skorzeny may have genuinely felt sorry for his actions during World War II.

    He may have been motivated by a combination of all these factors, and perhaps even others. But Otto Skorzeny took this secret to his grave. He died of cancer, at age 67, in Madrid in July 1975.

    He had two funerals, one in a chapel in Spain’s capital and the other to bury his cremated remains in the Skorzeny family plot in Vienna. Both services were attended by dozens of German military veterans and wives, who did not hesitate to give the one-armed Nazi salute and sing some of Hitler’s favorite songs. Fourteen of Skorzeny’s medals, many featuring a boldly black swastika, were prominently paraded in the funeral processions.

    There was one man at the service in Madrid who was known to no one in the crowd, but out of habit he still made sure to hide his face as much as he could. That was Joe Raanan, who by then had become a successful businessman in Israel.

    The Mossad did not send Raanan to Skorzeny’s funeral; he decided to attend on his own, and at his own expense. This was a personal tribute from one Austrian-born warrior to another, and from an old spy handler to the best, but most loathsome, agent he ever ran.

    Dan Raviv, a CBS News correspondent based in Washington, and Israeli journalist Yossi Melman are co-authors of five books about Israel’s espionage and security agencies, including “Spies Against Armageddon: Inside Israel’s Secret Wars” (Levant Books, 2014). Contact them at feedback@forward.com

    For more stories, go to www.forward.com. Sign up for the Forward’s daily newsletter at http://forward.com/newsletter/signup

    The Forward

    Haaretz Contributor

    #Israel #Mossad #Nazi #Egypte #Histoire #Allemagne #Hitman

  • #israël Confidential du 30 mars 2016, Israël Confidential : RTBF Vidéo
    http://www.rtbf.be/video/detail_israel-confidential?id=2096262

    Oscar du Meilleur #documentaire en 2013, ce film nous plonge au cœur du service israélien de sécurité et de renseignement. Pour la première fois, six anciens directeurs du Shin Bet ont accepté de partager leurs expériences et de commenter publiquement leurs décisions et leurs actions depuis 1967 et la guerre des six jours. — Permalink

    #palestine

  • The IDF is putting Palestinians on trial for Facebook posts | +972 Magazine

    http://972mag.com/the-idf-is-putting-palestinians-on-trial-for-facebook-posts/117910/?can_id=c04bd6c1866a7591ea05420e1dd77aec&source=email-what-were-reading-endi

    Roughly 150 Palestinians have been put on trial in Israeli military courts for alleged incitement on Facebook. Now, the army and Shin Bet are having a hard time proving what incitement is, and often times just give up. Instead of releasing suspects as its own courts order, the army is putting them in administrative detention.

    By Hagar Shezaf
    Israeli soldiers arresting a Palestinian man, September 27, 2008. (Photo by Anne Paq/Activestills.org)

    Israeli soldiers arresting a Palestinian man, September 27, 2008. (Photo by Anne Paq/Activestills.org)

    In a small caravan that serves as a courtroom at the Israeli army’s Ofer Military Court, a boy in his late teens from the West Bank village of Silwad is standing trial on charges of incitement on online social networks. In the hearing, which lasts only a few minutes, the military prosecutor argues that the fact that the teen shared a photo of a martyr constitutes a threat to the security of the region; the defense attorney counters that sharing a photo falls under the right to freedom of expression.

    #israël #palestine #réseaux_sociaux #facebook #résistance

  • Un agent du Shin Bet tué en opération le long de la frontière avec Gaza | i24news - Publié : 09/03/2016
    http://www.i24news.tv/fr/actu/israel/diplomatie-defense/105524-160309-un-agent-du-shin-bet-tue-en-operation-le-long-de-la-frontiere-

    Un agent des services de la Sécurité intérieure (Shin Bet) est mort mardi soir au cours d’une opération le long de la frontière avec la bande de Gaza, ont révélé mercredi les autorités israéliennes.

    Amir Mimouni, âgé de 29 ans, était originaire de Zohar, une localité située près de Kiryat Gat, dans le sud d’Israël

    Selon les premièrs éléments de l’enquête, l’agent aurait pu êté tué par erreur par une unité de Tsahal à la suite d’une erreur d’identification, cependant les investigations ne sont pas terminées. l’éventualité d’une balle perdue ou de tirs croisés n’est pas écartée.

    #tir_ami

    • Israël : un agent du Shin Beth abat un collègue
      Par Lefigaro.fr avec AFP | Mis à jour le 10/03/2016
      http://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/2016/03/10/97001-20160310FILWWW00190-israel-un-agent-du-shin-beth-abat-un-collegue.php

      (...) « Il s’agissait d’une opération nécessaire et complexe à laquelle vous participiez en tant que combattant et commandant », a déclaré Yoram Cohen lors des funérailles de l’agent hier soir.
      De telles activités « sont très intenses et complexes, [elles] se déroulent parfois dans des circonstances peu claires, dans le secret et un environnement hostile », a-t-il poursuivi. « Un de ses camarades combattants du Shin Beth a commis une erreur d’identification et a tiré sur Amir », a-t-il ajouté sans fournir plus de précisions.

      L’ancien chef du Shin Beth, Avi Dichter, a dit jeudi à la radio publique qu’il lui fallait remonter à il y a plus de vingt ans pour retrouver un cas semblable. Israël exerce une surveillance de tous les instants sur la bande de Gaza, territoire palestinien gouverné sans partage par le mouvement islamiste Hamas.

      #Oraison_funèbre

  • جهاز الامن الداخلي الاسرائيلي : نصف الفلسطينيين منفذي العمليات الفردية دون العشرين عاما.. 11 % منهم إناث | رأي اليوم
    http://www.raialyoum.com/?p=390630

    Statistiques du Shin Beth pour les attaques perpétrées en Palestine depuis le 1/10 jusqu’au 10/02 :
    – 47% par des moins de 20 ans
    – 10% ont moins de 16 ans, 37% entre 16 et 20
    – 11% femmes
    – 75% des attaques dans les territoires occupés, 16% Jérusalem et 10% Israël
    – 40% des « attaquants » viennent de Galilée, 25% de Ramallah
    – 172 Pamestiniens sont morts, 26 Israéliens, 1 Erythréen, 1 Soudanais, 1 Américain.

    #palestine

  •  Des hauts gradés israéliens font publiquement la promotion d’une solution à deux États
    Richard Falk - 8 février 2016 - The Palestine Chronicle Traduction : Info-Palestine.eu - MJB -dimanche 14 février 2016 -
    http://www.info-palestine.eu/spip.php?article15896

    (...) Cette déclaration est suivie de courtes citations de soutien sous un trombinoscope de seize personnalités des services de sécurité d’Israël : trois rangées de photos, celle du haut de six anciens chefs d’état major de l’IDF israélienne, celle du milieu de cinq anciens directeurs du Shin Bet (agence de sécurité intérieure), et celle du bas de cinq anciens directeurs du Mossad (agence du renseignement international). C’est pour sûr une pléiade imposante de responsables israéliens de premier plan exprimant ensemble indirectement leur consternation collective devant l’abandon de la solution à deux états par le gouvernement du Likoud dirigé par M. Netanyahou.

    C’est en soi une expression impressionnante de l’élite israélienne et de l’opinion éclairée, mais quelle soit le reflet d’un consensus doté d’un levier politique, que ce soit ici aux États-Unis ou en Israël, est sujet à caution. Elle traduit au minimum la forte impression qu’une partie influente de l’establishment israélien n’a plus confiance en la capacité de M. Netanyahou à protéger les intérêts vitaux d’Israël, et ceci est en soi significatif.

    L’annonce se compose de deux éléments principaux ; les photos de ces militaires et responsables du renseignement, dont le nom d’un grand nombre est connu de ceux qui suivent la politique israélienne et celui de certains notoire, accompagnées d’une citation de chacun d’entre eux exprimant en une phrase l’urgente nécessité de mettre en œuvre une forme de solution à deux états dans l’intérêt de la sécurité d’Israël. Et ce qui n’est guère surprenant, ces 16 hommes ont tous joué un rôle dans la dépossession et l’oppression du peuple palestinien au cours de leur carrière.

    Tout aussi peu étonnant, l’annonce exprime clairement que la rupture avec l’optique de Netanyahou n’a rien à voir avec la quête d’une justice différée pour les Palestiniens ou une quelconque forme de compassion pour leur long calvaire. Le soutien à un état palestinien est exclusivement lié à la nécessité présumée de désamorcer la soi-disant ‘bombe démographique.’ Ou comme formulé dans l’annonce, « La seule façon pour Israël de rester un état juif, démocratique c’est que les Palestiniens aient un état palestinien démilitarisé. »

    Ce postulat mène à la conclusion imprimée en caractères gras de grande dimension : « Il est temps : Deux États pour Deux Peuples. » Et pour ne laisser subsister aucun doute, il y a sur le côté un encadré résumant les données démographiques : 2015 52% de juifs, 2020 49% de juifs, 2030 44% de juifs.(...)

  • Two Palestinians, From Different Walks of Life, Brought Together in Death at a Checkpoint -
    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Jan 16, 2016 11:24 AM
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.697481

    One man was the well-to-do owner of a company, the other a poor student. Israeli soldiers killed both of them at a West Bank checkpoint. Why did they die? Was there a connection between them?

    A poster hanging in Al-Jadida, where Ali Abu Maryam resided. Alex Levac

    They were not “from the same village,” as the Naomi Shemer song goes, nor did they have the same iconic forelock, as it continues. In fact, they probably never met. One was a very affluent businessman, propertied and with a family; the other was an abjectly poor student and occasional farmhand.

    They lived in two neighboring villages, Zawiya and Al-Jadida, outside Jenin in the northern West Bank. People in Zawiya say it’s possible that the wealthy resident of their village gave the poor worker a lift last Saturday in the rain and cold. People in Al-Jadida believe that they never met – until their deaths – and that the student arrived at the checkpoint in a vehicle carrying laborers.

    What is not in doubt is that these two people were killed together, by volleys of live fire unleashed by Israel Defense Forces soldiers last Shabbat morning at the Beka’ot checkpoint – called Hamra by the Palestinians – that abuts the partially annexed Jordan Valley. Rich and poor were unequal in death, too: The soldiers fired a total of 11 rounds into the affluent man but made do with three for the needier one.

    Much about the incident is not clear, beyond the oppressive thought that, as in most cases of deaths caused by Israeli security forces in recent months, here too there was no need to shoot to kill, certainly not both men. But the lives of Palestinians continue to be cheap: Their deaths were barely reported in the Israeli media.

    Said Abu al-Wafa owned one company that imports and sells food, and another that imports cars from Germany. It’s important for his family to elaborate on his financial situation, to show that their loved one could not possibly have been involved in terrorism.

    They bring us to the jam-packed food warehouses belonging to Wafa Brothers, of which Said was the founder and driving spirit. Inside the warehouses, situated not far from one of the brothers’ homes, there are snacks from Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, candy from India and China, cooking oil and flour from Egypt, cookies from Belgium and soft drinks from Ramallah. Parked outside are Said’s Mitsubishi Pajero SUV and the new Hyundai he bought his brother-in-law as a present two days before he was killed. His own spacious home is situated in the valley below, amid his olive groves.

    This week the courtyard outside the Wafas’ warehouses was converted into a mourning site, with a huge poster of the deceased hanging in the center.

    Said was 35, married to Ghadir and the father of Mohammed, 8; Shirin, 6; Darin, 5; and Jaudath, 4. All are now cuddling up to their uncle Shaher, their father’s brother, a lawyer of 30.

    Said Abu al-Wafa’s family.Alex Levac

    Shaher recounts what happened on Saturday. It was his brother’s day to distribute merchandise in Jericho. Twice a week, on Saturday and Monday, Said would drive there through the Jordan Valley in his 2015 Mercedes van, loaded with food products. The last day of his life was no different.

    Said apparently left home around 5 A.M., by himself, as usual. People in the village of Farah, abutting the valley, saw him driving alone. Did he pick up someone on the way? Shaher says it’s possible, though only because of the cold and the heavy rain; his brother did not generally pick up hitchhikers.

    Said arrived at Beka’ot around 6. About an hour later, Shaher got a call from the Palestinian security forces asking who was driving the company’s Mercedes, which had stopped at the checkpoint. Shaher set out for there immediately, filled with foreboding. The checkpoint was closed. The Mercedes was parked in the middle of the road, where soldiers usually stand. The only damage seemed to be to the two front windows on both sides, which were shattered.

    After Shaher identified himself, the soldiers allowed him to approach the vehicle. Next to it there was a body – that of his brother. Shaher remembers now that he thought to himself that the soldiers had, unusually, behaved respectfully: They had placed the body on a stretcher and covered it with a blanket.

    The Shin Bet security men and police officers who were at the site questioned Shaher about the identity of another dead man, whose body he was shown only in the form of a photo on a cell phone. Did he know him? Did his brother know him? Did he work for their company? Shaher replied that he had no idea who the person was. “I know my brother,” he told his interlocutors. “He knew the rules at the checkpoint. I’m positive he did not make a mistake of any kind.”

    According to Shaher, a Shin Bet man said they knew his brother was a prominent businessman. “Allah yerhamo,” one officer said. God have mercy on him.

    Someone told Shaher that his brother was killed while he was still behind the wheel. The van was standing at exactly the spot where it was supposed to stop when approaching the checkpoint.

    About an hour later the family received Said’s body. That’s an important detail, because the IDF typically takes its time when it comes to returning the bodies of terrorists.

    Shaher hurried to the home of their elderly mother, Adila, to be with her in the ordeal.

    The courtyard is now filling up with mourners, dozens of them. Shaher says he thinks his brother was killed because of something the other dead man did. The body of that man, whom Said apparently did not know, was also returned immediately to his family. But Shaher still has no idea what happened at the Beka’ot checkpoint.

    About 15 minutes away from Zawiya is a different village, a different mourners’ tent, a different reality. Here, in Al-Jadida, poverty is rampant. While Said was on his way to Jericho, Ali Abu Maryam, in his early twenties and unmarried, was also heading for the Jordan Valley, where he worked in the fields of herbs owned by the Israeli settlement of Beka’ot. A third-year management student at Al-Quds Open University, he provided for his family as well: His father, Mohammed, has been ill and unemployed for years. Now Mohammed, his features ravaged by illness or grief, mourns his dead son.

    The locals dismiss the idea that Ali got a lift with Said; they say he got to work in a vehicle that picked up laborers. These villagers seem to know even less (or are saying less) than the residents of Zawiya about what happened at the checkpoint on Saturday. Mohammed thinks Ali left the house at 4 A.M. and wanted to recite the morning prayers at work. At about 6, a worker called Mohammed to say Ali had been wounded. The caller added that he hadn’t seen what happened, he only heard shots.

    The checkpoint has two lanes for vehicles and a fenced-off walkway for workers. What happened there? Did Ali pull a knife? No one has any answers.

    An oppressive pall due to the death of a son of this remote village hovers almost palpably over the yard in which dozens of mourners have gathered. Israel Air Force planes slice through the skies, with an earsplitting din.

    The IDF Spokesman’s Office told Haaretz this week, in reply to a request for information about the incident: “During the course of a routine security check of a car at the Beka’ot checkpoint, there was a stabbing attempt. The incident is still under investigation, and for that reason, cannot be discussed in detail. When the investigation is complete, its findings will be sent to the office of the military advocate general.”

    During the week, Israeli security forces arrived in the middle of the night at the poor dwelling belonging to the Abu Maryam family and, according to the bereaved father, measured and photographed the house, signaling its imminent demolition. The family relates that Ali had just paid his tuition for the next semester, a sure sign he wasn’t planning a terrorist attack. One bullet penetrated his eye and from there entered his brain, they said; the eye had been covered in the photograph we saw. His father says Ali was thinking of becoming a bus driver. Meanwhile, Mohammed adds, no one has told him what happened to his son. Mohammed’s brother, Ali’s uncle, was also killed by Israeli soldiers. Back in 1993.

    Later on, at the checkpoint, one of the two lanes was closed and traffic was sparse. Bored-looking soldiers were standing around, seemingly in all innocence, as if two people hadn’t been killed there two days earlier, apparently for no reason.

    #Palestine_assassinée

  • Israel Bans Novel on Arab-Jewish Romance From Schools for ’Threatening Jewish Identity’ - Israel News - Haaretz

    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.694620

    Move comes despite the fact that the official responsible for teaching of literature in secular state schools recommended the book for use in advanced literature classes, as did a professional committee of academics and educators.

    Or Kashti Dec 31, 2015 12:57 AM
     

    Israel’s Education Ministry has disqualified a novel that describes a love story between an Israeli woman and a Palestinian man from use by high schools around the country. The move comes even though the official responsible for literature instruction in secular state schools recommended the book for use in advanced literature classes, as did a professional committee of academics and educators, at the request of a number of teachers.
    Among the reasons stated for the disqualification of Dorit Rabinyan’s “Gader Haya” (literally “Hedgegrow,” but known in English as “Borderlife”) is the need to maintain what was referred to as “the identity and the heritage of students in every sector,” and the belief that “intimate relations between Jews and non-Jews threatens the separate identity.” The Education Ministry also expressed concern that “young people of adolescent age don’t have the systemic view that includes considerations involving maintaining the national-ethnic identity of the people and the significance of miscegenation.”
    The book, published in Hebrew by Am Oved about a year and a half ago, tells the story of Liat, an Israeli translator, and Hilmi, a Palestinian artist, who meet and fall in love in New York, until they part ways for her to return to Tel Aviv and he to the West Bank city of Ramallah. The book was among this year’s winners of the Bernstein Prize for young writers.
    A source familiar with the ministry’s approach to the book said that in recent months a large number of literature teachers asked that “Borderlife” be included in advanced literature classes. After consideration of the request, a professional committee headed by Prof. Rafi Weichert from the University of Haifa approved the request. The committee included academics, Education Ministry representatives and veteran teachers. The panel’s role is to advise the ministry on various educational issues, including approval of curriculum.
    According to the source, members of the professional committee, as well as the person in charge of literature studies, “thought that the book is appropriate for students in the upper grades of high schools – both from an artistic and literary standpoint and regarding the topic it raises. Another thing to remember is that the number of students who study advanced literature classes is anyhow low, and the choice of books is very wide.”
    Another source in the Education Ministry said that the process took a number of weeks, and that “it’s hard to believe that we reached a stage where there’s a need to apologize for wanting to include a new and excellent book into the curriculum.”

    Dorit Rabinyan.David Bachar
    Education Minister Naftali Bennett’s office said: “The minister backs the decision made by the professionals.”
    Two senior ministry officials, Eliraz Kraus, who is in charge of society-and-humanity studies, and the acting chair of the pedagogic secretariat, Dalia Fenig, made the decision to disqualify “Borderlife.”
    At the beginning of December, the head of literature studies at the ministry, Shlomo Herzig, appealed their decision, but his appeal was recently denied.

    • Israel Has Always Been Xenophobic, It Just Used to Be Better at Hiding It
      Gideon Levy Jan 03, 2016 3:13 AM
      http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.695077

      This is the way we were, long before Naftali Bennett was education minister: the children of nationalists, closed off, quite ignorant – we just didn’t know it. That’s the way it was in those beautiful years when education ministers were from the left – the years it is customary to long for.

      The brainwashing, censorship and indoctrination were much worse then than they are today, only opposition to them was much less. We thought that everything was fine with our education system. On Fridays, we had to wear blue and white, the national colors; we gave to the Jewish National Fund (Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael), so it would plant forests to cover the ruins of the Arab villages they did not want us to see.

      At a time when the author Dorit Rabinyan had not yet been born, we had never met an Arab. They lived under military rule and were not allowed to come near us without authorization. A Jewish-Arab love story could not even have been considered science fiction, happening in a galaxy far, far away from where we were growing up. Druze were slightly more acceptable; they served in the army. I remember the first Druze I met; it was in 11th grade.

      We never heard a word about the Nakba, the Palestinian term for the formation of the State of Israel, either. We saw the ruins of houses – and did not see anything. Long before the “wedding of hate,” at our Lag Ba’omer campfires we burned effigies of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser – we called him “the Egyptian tyrant.” In the secular schools of Tel Aviv, we kissed Bibles if, heaven forbid, they fell on the floor. We wore kippas in Bible studies, long before the establishment of “centers for deepening Jewish identity.” We hardly heard about the New Testament. No one would think of studying it in school: it was considered almost as dangerous as “Mein Kampf.”

      Many of us spit when we passed a church door. Few of us dared venture inside and, if we did, felt very guilty about it. Making the sign of the cross, even in jest, was considered an act of suicide. To us, Christians were “idolaters” – and idolaters, as we knew, were the lowest of all. We knew there was a “mission” in Jaffa, from which we had to keep away as if from fire. One child who went to study there was considered lost. The first generation of independence knew that all the Christians were anti-Semites. We knew, of course, that we were the chosen people and the be-all and end-all. That was inculcated in us by the enlightened education system of the nascent state.

      Assimilation was considered the greatest sin of all – even greater than leaving the country to live elsewhere. The rumor that the uncle of one of the kids had married a non-Jewish woman was considered a disgrace to be kept secret. The chilling significance of the sick concept of “assimilation” didn’t even cross our minds. We grew up in a unified society, racially pure, in that little Tel Aviv: without foreigners, without Arabs, almost without Jews of Middle Eastern descent. Jaffa was the back of beyond and no one thought of going there: it was dangerous.

      They taught us to think in a uniform manner and be wary of any deviation. The most subversive discussion I can remember from those days was whether the Jews “went like sheep to the slaughter.” Once, I stopped next to a tiny demonstration of the left-wing Matzpen organization on the steps of Beit Sokolov, the headquarters of the Israeli Journalists Association, to talk with N., who was in my class at school. The next day, I was called urgently to the vice principal’s office: he whipped out a photo of me from the demonstration – which the Shin Bet security service had passed on to him – and demanded explanations. That was long before the “NGO law” and the “Boycott law.”

      Long before Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked and the banning of Rabinyan’s “Borderlife,” there was no real democracy here. Long before anti-assimilationist Bentzi Gopstein and right-wing activist Itamar Ben-Gvir, there was xenophobia here and plenty of hatred of Arabs. But everything was hidden, wrapped in the noisy cellophane of excuses, buried deep in the earth.

      And what is better? That remains an open question.

    • traduction française :
      Israël a toujours été xénophobe, mais jadis savait mieux le dissimuler [Gideon Levy]
      http://www.pourlapalestine.be/israel-a-toujours-ete-xenophobe

      Longtemps avant que Benjamin Netanyahou soit Premier ministre et que Ayalet Shaked soit Ministre de la Justice, il n’y avait pas de réelle démocratie en Israël. Il y avait beaucoup de haine des Arabes, mais tout était dissimulé, contrairement à aujourd’hui. Finalement, qu’est-ce qui vaut le mieux ?

      C’est ainsi que nous étions, bien avant que Naftali Bennet soit ministre de l’Éducation : des enfants de nationalistes, enfermés, tout à fait ignorants – nous ne le savions tout simplement pas. C’est ainsi que les choses allaient durant des merveilleuses années où les ministres de l’Éducation étaient de gauche – des années qu’il est de bon ton de regretter.

      Le lavage de cerveaux, la censure et l’endoctrinement étaient bien pires alors que ce qu’ils sont aujourd’hui, seulement ils rencontraient beaucoup moins de résistance. Nous pensions que tout allait bien avec notre système d’éducation. Le vendredi, nous devions porter du bleu et du blanc, les couleurs nationales ; nous donnions de l’argent au Fonds National Juif (Keren Kayemet LeIsrael) [1], pour qu’il puisse planter des forêts destinées à recouvrir les ruines des villages arabes qu’ils ne voulaient pas que nous puissions voir.

      A une époque où l’écrivaine Dorit Rabinyan [2] n’était même pas née, nous n’avions jamais rencontré un Arabe. Ils vivaient sous la loi militaire [3] et ils n’étaient pas autorisés à nous approcher sans autorisation. Une histoire d’amour entre une Juive et un Arabe n’aurait même pas été envisageable dans une histoire de science fiction, dans une galaxie lointaine, très loin de là où nous grandissions.Les Druzes étaient légèrement plus acceptables : ils servaient dans l’armée. Je me souviens du premier Druze que j’ai rencontré, c’était en 11ème année [4].

  • Don’t Be So Shocked by the Israeli ’Wedding of Hate’ @haaretz

    This is what a climate of tolerance and acceptance of violence, racism and hatred looks like.

    Anshel Pfeffer Dec 25, 2015 8:17 AM

    Stabbing the picture of Ali Dawabsheh while dancing with knives at a wedding among right-wing activists in Jereusalem.Courtesy of Channel 10 TV

    Who taught the Jewish radical settler youth to celebrate murder?
    I’m at that stage in my life where I don’t get invited to many weddings. Most of my friends already got hitched years ago and their children are still too young to take the fateful step.
    So for a while I’ve been blissfully ignorant of the latest wedding trends in the community to which I once belonged. From the handful I’ve attended in recent years, I got the impression that the standard Jewish Orthodox wedding hasn’t changed that much, except for a slight improvement in the catering. The wine is still atrocious.
    One thing though that has seem to undergone a transformation is the dancing. Back in the nineties, there was a standard medley of biblical oldies, which were regarded as cool just because they were played on a synthesizer and there was only one form of dance. Sweaty circles of three-step-sideways-half-step-jerk-back hora, and that’s it. If you were a close family member you were in the inner circle. Boys and young men did it fast in the middle circle and anyone over 30 plodded along on the outside. It sounds boring, it probably was, but at the time you believed that by being a link in the chain, in the very sweat soaking your white shirt (everyone was dressed identically of course), you were fulfilling the a mitzvah of lesameach hatan ve’kala – bringing joy to the groom and bride. Of course on the women’s side of the hall, there were slightly more varied forms of Israeli folk dancing, but you weren’t really supposed to be looking there.

    In my more recent, very occasional forays back into that world, usually at the weddings of much younger cousins, I’ve seen it all change. Bands play a wider array of instruments and styles ranging from 18th Century Hasidic to hip-hop and many of the songs seem to have their own steps. I lack the vocabulary to describe the new religious choreography; all I can say is that after a few minutes, the traditional circles break up and are replaced by, to my eye, frenzied bobbing up-and-down and weird arching pirouettes. Which is fine by me, as my dancing days, such as they were, are long over.
    A couple of years ago, at a family wedding, which I hasten to emphasize was the most mainstream affair, held in a (west) Jerusalem hall, and not on some outpost deep in the West Bank, I saw one of my relatives, a devout yet worldly man, rather agitated. “They shouldn’t have played that tune” he said. “Someone should have told the band not to put it on their play list. But at least no one was waving a knife or a gun.” Apparently they had been playing “Zachreni na,” a song based on the last words of Samson, blinded and chained in the Temple of Dagon – “Remember me and strengthen me just once more, God. And let me take one vengeance for my two eyes on the Philistines.”
    I hadn’t noticed anything untoward in the way anyone was dancing. Actually, I doubt that at that particular wedding, knowing the crowd, many there were aware it was a song from a sub-genre known as “revenge songs,” with similar biblical quotes, which came into vogue around 15 years ago during the period of the second intifada. I had heard racist anti-Arab songs before, but they were juvenile ditties, adapted from standard religious songs, not a semi-professional production and not the kind of thing anyone would have played at their wedding. But I wasn’t particularly surprised to hear the tune. Not that I believed that any of the guests at the wedding were the kind of people to dance around waving knives and M-16s and wishing actual vengeance on anyone. I thought it was either an in-joke of a few people there or just something the band had on their play list.

    I wasn’t shocked because I had been to the hilltops in the West Bank. I had seen what they were like, had my tires slashed, been chased away and come back to try to interview the hilltop settlers. Succeeded on one hilltop, got chased away from another. The difference between this and the wedding was clear. This wasn’t about a silly song but about the deadly serious game being played by teenagers and few charismatic elders who won’t let anyone stand in their way.
    skip - Jewish youths dancing at a Jerusalem wedding three weeks ago with guns and knives. The video also shows one masked youth holding up a firebomb while another is seen stabbing a photo of Ali Dawabsheh, the toddler who was killed in the Duma firebomb attack

    On Wednesday evening, Channel 10’s Roy Sharon broadcast a recent wedding video showing dozens of young men dancing to “Zachreni Na” and waving guns. One of them, his face covered, is holding a mock Molotov cocktail, while another slices a knife through a poster of 18-month-old Ali Dawabsheh, the Palestinian toddler burned to death along with his parents in a West Bank arson attack. This is no longer a case of a silly song known to a few insiders. These are the friends of the suspects currently being held by the Shin Bet security service for the murder of the Dawabshehs.
    Sharon’s scoop is quite possibly a ploy by the Shin Bet to shock the Israeli public and throw cold water on the debate over the use of “enhanced measures,” or torture, in the suspects’ questioning. And it worked.
    The Shin Bet seems to be doing a better job right now at media management than at extracting a legitimate confession from the suspects. Even most of the settlers’ leaders and their representatives in the Knesset have joined the chorus of denunciation of the “Jewish terrorists” and offered blanket support for the security service. But this is not the conclusion we should be drawing from the bloodcurdling footage.
    Torture, whether of Palestinian or Jewish terror suspects is wrong, and as we are likely to see once the suspects are either arraigned or released, usually results in a miscarriage of justice. It’s the song itself which should bother us.
    I don’t need any religious politician to tell me that those who sing and believe in its words, and support those who practice them, are a minority within the national-religious community. In some ways they have long ago cut themselves off from the community by openly identifying as non-Zionist and announcing their contempt for the state. But in many other ways they remain part of that community which today is a central component of Israeli society.
    Three people told me separately Thursday that they had to give clear instructions to the bands at their weddings not to play “Zachreni Na.” Over 13 years ago Rabbi Yuval Cherlow, a founder of the religious Zionist organization Tzohar, instructed his not inconsiderable number of followers not to dance to revenge songs lest “revenge spoil us and we fall in love with it and the evil it spreads in the world.” But the fact that the song is still played at some weddings (even though many don’t understand its deeper darker meaning); that those who dance to it have not been ostracized; and that all the guns waved at the wedding either belong to serving soldiers or are held under license — all this illustrates one thing: No one from the religious leadership or law-enforcement authorities has done anything more serious to tackle the problem than tut-tutting. This is what a climate of tolerance and acceptance of violence, racism and hatred looks like.
    Since the “wedding of hate” was broadcast, pundits have been labelling the dancers “JudeoDaesh” and apologists have been explaining how they’re basically poor deluded dropouts who found a home on the hilltops and have been radicalized by seeing their friends murdered in Palestinian terror attacks. Both approaches are disingenuous. This is not a freak mutation of Judaism or a symptom of a sociological problem. And while they are a minority on the fringes of both the political and religious spectra, they are still a part of mainstream Israeli society, a natural outcropping of our failure to recognize how the occupation of another nation has ultimately eaten away at out moral values. It’s much too easy to be shocked at these vile creatures from another world. They’re not that far away.

    Anshel Pfeffer
    Haaretz Correspondent

    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.693763

    • En #Israël les images choquantes d’extrémistes juifs célébrant la mort d’un bébé palestinien
      http://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2015/12/24/en-israel-les-images-choquantes-d-extremistes-juifs-celebrant-la-mort-d-un-b

      Selon les médias israéliens, le marié qui apparaît sur la vidéo était un membre connu de l’extrême droite, questionné dans le passé sur son rôle présumé dans des actes de « terrorisme juif », et nombre des invités étaient des amis ou des proches des suspects arrêtés dans le cadre de l’enquête sur l’incendie [criminel qui a décimé la famille Dawabsheh].

      Selon le Shin Beth, le service de sécurité intérieur, les suspects arrêtés dans le cadre de cette enquête sont tous « des jeunes soupçonnés d’appartenir à une organisation terroriste juive et d’avoir commis des attentats ». Près de cinq mois après les faits, aucune inculpation n’a encore eu lieu, même si les autorités ne cessent de dire qu’elles sont imminentes.

      De l’avis général, ce retard judiciaire a contribué à la multiplication des attaques menées par de jeunes Palestiniens depuis plusieurs mois.

  • What Drove a Popular Palestinian Girl to Attempt a Stabbing Attack? -
    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Nov 28, 2015 4:30 AM
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/twilight-zone/.premium-1.688557
    A Palestinian teen who tried to stab an Israeli woman in the West Bank was run over and shot to death. Her father, imam of the refugee camp where she grew up, says his daughter was ’responding to the occupation.’

    A memorial poster of Ashrakat Qattanani on the wall of the Askar refugee camp. ’If the Israelis want to live in peace and security, our children too must live in peace and security.’ Credit : Alex Levac

    One can, of course, label a 16-year-old girl a “terrorist” and also justify, with unbelievable, knee-jerk insensitivity, the wild car-ramming and then the confirmation-of-kill that occurred immediately after her attack – the two bullets fired by a settler, and the two others by a soldier, into the body of the girl who was run over and lying injured on the road.

    No one is questioning the fact that this past Sunday morning, the teenager Ashrakat Qattanani, wielding a knife, chased an Israeli woman at the Hawara junction, near Nablus, attempting to stab her. But we must ask what motivated the daughter of the imam from the Askar refugee camp to tell her father that she was going to school – where she was a good student and a popular girl – and then instead to go to the junction and try to stab an Israeli woman.

    The next day, memorial posters were pasted in the narrow alleys of Askar, a crowded, desperately poor refugee camp on the southern outskirts of Nablus. But Qattanani’s funeral has not yet been held, because Israel hasn’t yet returned her body. (“That is something that takes time,” a Shin Bet security service officer told her father on the day of her death.)

    On Monday traffic in the camp was slow and totally chaotic; only one car at a time can travel through the crowded streets here. Groups of young people huddled on street corners. Even this battle-weary camp hasn’t yet come to terms with the idea of a 16-year-old shahida (martyr).

    Taha Qattanani, the girl’s father and the local imam, is an impressive man in a traditional robe and with a well-groomed beard. Speaking softly, he doesn’t try to conceal the fact that his daughter set out to stab Jews.

    “Ashrakat responded to the occupation,” he says with self-control, hiding his emotions. Those are the emotions of a newly bereaved father who must face the loss of his daughter alone, because Israel continues to deny Ashrakat’s mother entry into the West Bank, even during the mourning period.

    Such was the reality in which Ashrakat grew up and in which she went to her death. Her mother, Abala, 46, a Kuwaiti-born Palestinian, had been living with her family in the West Bank without a proper entry permit. In 2006, when Ashrakat was 4, Abala went to Jordan to visit her parents. Taha was being detained by Israel at the time for being active in Islamic Jihad.

    Taha explains now that his wife went to Jordan in the wake of psychological pressure and a campaign of intimidation conducted against her by the Shin Bet in an effort to extract information about him. Her plan was to stay in Jordan until Taha was released from prison. That happened on the last day of 2007, but since then, Israel has refused to allow Abala to return home to her husband and what were, until Ashrakat’s death, their three children, even for a short visit.

    Nine years without a mother. That is the lot of those who live in their own country, defying the law, the law of the occupation, and then are banned from returning after they’ve left it.

    Until her father’s release, then, Ashrakat and her siblings were without either parent and resided with the family of her uncle, Yassin, her father’s brother.

    Every summer the children went to Jordan to be with their mother. This past summer they were accompanied by their uncle Hassan, Taha’s brother, who speaks fluent Hebrew and is familiar with almost every residential building in the affluent Tel Aviv neighborhood of Ramat Aviv, some of which he renovated. He spent two months in Jordan with the Qattanani children.

    This year Ashrakat was in the 11th grade in the Cordoba School in the old section of Askar, not far from the new camp, where her family lives. She’d already begun preparing for the first high-school matriculation exams. Her father shows us her photo on his cell phone, taken a few days before her death. She’s giving a sermon to the girls in the schoolyard, a white kerchief on her head, a sheet of paper in her hand, wearing the striped school uniform and using a microphone to be heard.

    What happened to the 16-year-old on Sunday morning? She got up around 5 o’clock for the morning prayers, fed her cat and added water to the birdcage. She asked her father how he was doing; he had felt sick during the night. She left home after a quick breakfast, at about 7:30. She said nothing to him about her plans. Nor did anything in her behavior indicate what was about to happen, he says.

    At around 9 o’clock, news spread in the camp that there had been a stabbing attempt at the Hawara junction by a local girl and that she had been run over by a settler and shot to death. Shortly afterward, a Shin Bet agent who called himself “Zechariah” phoned Taha Qattanani and instructed him to come to the army base at Harawa. The caller promised that he would not be arrested. Taha went with Hassan; he already understood that he was being summoned about his daughter. Zechariah told the two brothers what had happened and asked them to try and calm tensions in the refugee camp and not call for revenge. “We have to move on from these things,” the agent said.

    The stunned father left immediately. Hassan stayed on to speak to the Shin Bet man. He says that the agent expressed regret over the incident. “He related that the girl had come to the junction that morning and tried to stab someone, and then the settler ran over her. She was knocked to the ground but got up and then was shot by settlers and soldiers,” Hassan says.

    The settler who hit the teenager with his car was Gershon Mesika, the former head of the Samaria Regional Council, who was forced to resign from that post earlier this year after being suspected of corruption offenses involving the Yisrael Beiteinu party and turned state’s witness in the police investigation of the affair. This is not the first time Mesika, recipient of a 2012 national award from the Education Ministry on behalf of his regional council, has run over a Palestinian. In 2001, he hit a 90-year-old pedestrian but was acquitted of causing death by negligence.

    In the meantime, Ashrakat’s mother, in Jordan, was given the news by phone. Here’s the last text message between mother and daughter – Taha reads it out from his cell phone: “What were you cooking?” Ashrakat asked. “We woke up in the morning from the noise of the army coming into the camp. The intifada is starting. I hope we get through this year safely,” she wrote her mother. Ashrakat concluded the correspondence with the parting words, “Salamu alaykum” – peace be upon you. That was on the eve of her death. As her father reads out his daughter’s last words to her mother, tears well up in his eyes for the first time. He quickly wipes them away.

    In the past month, he tells us, Ashrakat spoke a great deal about her dream of praying at the Al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem. “The occupation prevented her from living with her mother, and the occupation also prevented her from praying at the holiest place for her in her country,” he says. She often watched television reports of the recent acts of stabbing and the killing of the assailants, he says.

    “I will not beg the Israelis: If they want to live in peace and security, our children too must live in peace and security,” he says. Pointing to a soft-drink bottle on the table, he adds, “This bottle has a price.” The import of that comment is that the occupation, too, has a price.

    Ashrakat’s uncle, Hassan, adds, “Since the Dawabsheh family in Duma was burned to death, all our children see on television what is going on – the terrorist behavior of the settlers and the army that supports them. No respect for women or the aged. The humiliation is so deep in the soul of every Palestinian. The way our women are pushed around at Al-Aqsa. Everyone starts to light a bonfire in his head, and that is not good for the Jews or for the Arabs. It’s one big bonfire.”

    “You are deepening the hatred,” Khaled Abu Hashi, who lives in Askar, tells us. His son, Nur a-Din, stabbed a soldier to death in an attack at a Tel Aviv train station a year ago. He has not been allowed to visit him in prison even once, and is waiting for Israeli forces to demolish his home.

    “I don’t care about the house, I care about the children who are growing up with all this,” he says. “As a father, I know what effect all these photographs have on our children. How will we live together with all this hatred?” Abu Hashi relates that he built and renovated “all of Ra’anana, from Kfar Sava to Kiryat Sharett,” and that, like most of the older people in the camp, he misses the old, beautiful days of friendship with the Jews.

  • Alaa Tartir : Israël, l’Etat islamique et les attentats de Paris | Par Alaa Tartir, 24 Novembre 2015 | Traduction : EC pour l’Agence
    http://www.agencemediapalestine.fr/blog/2015/11/27/alaa-tartir-israel-letat-islamique-et-les-attentats-de-paris

    (...) Au niveau local, Israël a utilisé les attentats de Paris de la semaine dernière pour sévir contre les Palestiniens en Cisjordanie occupée et à Gaza, et également en Israël, surtout contre les citoyens palestiniens d’Israël qui sont de mouvance ou d’idéologie islamiste. Mardi, le gouvernement israélien a interdit et déclaré illégal le principal mouvement islamique du pays.

    Après les attentats de Paris, c’était le bon moment pour Israël d’appliquer sa politique d’ « éradication de l’ennemi ». Le Shin Bet, le service de renseignement intérieur d’Israël, a aussi profité de ce moment pour révéler que sept habitants d’une ville arabe en Israël avaient prévu de rejoindre l’Etat islamique en Syrie, et d’après Al-Monitor, un ministre d’Etat du Likoud a déclaré :

    « Les attentats de Paris ont donné au gouvernement l’appui dont il avait besoin pour interdire le Mouvement islamique… dès que le contexte des attentats de Paris est devenu clair, il était évident que c’était le bon moment. Le monde entier subit la terreur islamique. De telles mesures sont légitimes et l’attention se portera moins sur nous désormais… C’est bien dommage que nous ne l’ayons pas fait plus tôt ».

    Il fut étonnant de voir la rapidité à laquelle Israël a pu criminaliser une organisation socio-économique et politique, perquisitionnant ses bureaux et 17 organismes de bienfaisance et associations liés au mouvement. Israël a interdit le Mouvement Islamique sur la base des lois d’urgence datant de la période du mandat britannique. Adalah, le Centre juridique pour les droits de la minorité arabe en Israël, voit en cette décision une « violation et une répression des droits du Mouvement Islamique à la liberté d’association et d’expression politique, et elle nuit à toute la minorité palestino-arabe d’Israël. » (...)

  • So These Are Israel’s New Heroes? -
    Gideon Levy Nov 21, 2015

    Israel’s recent military operations in Palestinian hospitals are a blatant violation of the Geneva Convention, and make you wonder how low the country can sink.
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.687530

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=12&v=6DMFJry4xDk

    This is the next step in our decline: the storming of hospitals and abducting patients from their beds. The undercover forces carry out another kind of war crime, clearly against the Geneva Convention, and Israelis applaud in wonder. Heroes overcoming the wounded and medical staff. Over the weekend, the current affairs show “Uvda” (“Fact”) disgustingly salivated in awe at their actions.

    It’s not hard to imagine what would happen if a Palestinian terrorist were to break into an Israeli hospital, abduct a patient from his bed and kill the cousin who was nursing him. But when the police counterterrorism unit and Shin Bet security service do it, they are cheered here. Next time Israeli propagandists complain about the use Palestinians make of hospitals, they should be reminded of Makassed Hospital in East Jerusalem, Al-Ahli Hospital in Hebron, and the private hospital in Nablus, where our undercover heroes raided, confiscated, abducted and killed.

    The first violent raid was at the end of last month in East Jerusalem. Dozens of armed police twice raided Makassed Hospital, looking for the medical file of a 15-year-old boy suspected of throwing a firebomb. The intrusion in Nablus followed a week later. Anybody who didn’t hear about it saw it on “Uvda,” which loves to cheer actions like these without asking too many questions about their legality, morality or necessity. The target was a wounded member of the cell that murdered Eitam and Na’ama Henkin at the beginning of October.

    “Not a simple operation,” “Uvda” explained, as if discussing the bombing of a nuclear reactor site in Iran. The forces dressed up as people accompanying an injured man in a wheelchair.

    “Did you know what room he was in?” the worshipful reporter asked the daring commander. “We knew,” the warrior replied. “And what bed?” “We knew.” Wow, way to go! “We had our weapons drawn,” the officer said, describing the heroism of Israel in its war against nurses and orderlies. For a moment, it looked as if the real purpose of the action was the television segment – which army magazine Bamahane would have been ashamed to publish in its very worst days.

    But this record was broken with the storming of Al-Ahli. This time, at dawn, the forces raided, seeking a suspect in a stabbing. Rambo dressed up like an expectant mother – what a stroke of genius! And the objective was another wounded man pulled from his bed. On the way, as they say, they killed the man’s cousin, who was just coming out of the bathroom and tried to attack them, they said. It’s not clear how or if at all.

    “Civilian hospitals organized to give care to the wounded and sick, the infirm and maternity cases, may in no circumstances be the object of attack but shall at all times be respected and protected by the Parties to the conflict” – Article 18, Geneva Convention, to which Israel is a signatory. And Article 19: “The protection to which civilian hospitals are entitled shall not cease unless they are used to commit, outside their humanitarian duties, acts harmful to the enemy ... The fact that sick or wounded members of the armed forces are nursed in these hospitals ... shall not be considered to be acts harmful to the enemy.”

    This is crystal clear, but not in Israel, which thinks treaties and international law are very important but don’t apply to it; that it is a special case, a country that is fighting for its life in the face of the devil that also hides in hospitals. But this is precisely the reason why these treaties were formulated.

    These are essentially acts of revenge, for show. The wanted individuals can be taken into custody after they recover, without violating the principle of the protection of hospitals and without creating anxiety among thousands of sick and injured people. Next thing we know, a new unit will be established for fighting in hospitals: maybe a specialist labor room unit, or a force that specializes in raiding the ICU (there are more nurses there).

    Beyond the ridiculous and the moral pall, the question asked by the physician from Nablus, Dr. Samir Khayat, reverberates: “From your point of view, are they heroes?” Yes, Dr. Khayat, these are Israel’s heroes.

  • L’interdiction israélienne d’un parti islamique marque un « tournant dangereux » | Middle East Eye
    http://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/reportages/l-interdiction-isra-lienne-d-un-parti-islamique-marque-un-tournant-da

    Le Mouvement islamique a été fondé dans les années 70 à la fois comme un parti politique et un fournisseur de services religieux et sociaux. Il s’est scindé en deux factions au milieu des années 90, avec le refus de la « branche nord » de Salah de prendre part aux élections parlementaires.

    L’organisation gère des crèches, des dispensaires, des mosquées, un journal et une ligue sportive.

    C’est également un membre clé du Comité de suivi, seul organisme national représentant la minorité palestinienne. Mohammed Barakeh, à la tête du comité, a déclaré que le Mouvement islamique continuera à y prendre part au mépris de cette interdiction.

    Il y a seulement une quinzaine de jours, le quotidien israélien Haaretz a rapporté qu’une enquête d’un an du service de renseignement intérieur israélien, le Shin Bet, n’avait pas permis de trouver de raisons de sécurité justifiant la fermeture de l’organisation.

    Deux ministres du gouvernement ont confié au journal que Yoram Cohen, le chef du Shin Bet, avait dit au cabinet de sécurité qu’il était opposé à toute initiative visant à criminaliser les plus de 10 000 membres du mouvement. Cela ferait « plus de mal que de bien », leur aurait-il dit.

    Ghanem a déclaré que l’avis du Shin Bet reposait sur le constat que permettre au Mouvement islamique de fonctionner « assurait que ses activités politiques étaient plus ouvertes et plus conventionnelles et permettrait d’éviter qu’il soit contraint de passer dans la clandestinité ».

    « L’adoption du point de vue opposé par Netanyahou nous montre qu’il s’agit d’une décision politique, pas sécuritaire. »

    Zahalka et Ghanem ont tous deux déclaré qu’ils craignaient que Netanyahou cible ensuite le parti nationaliste démocratique de Zahalka, Balad. Le mois dernier, le Premier ministre israélien a accusé le parti Balad de conspirer avec le Hamas et l’État islamique.

  • Un Palestinien tué lors d’un raid israélien à Hébron
    AFP / 12 novembre 2015
    http://www.romandie.com/news/Un-Palestinien-tue-lors-dun-raid-israelien-a-Hebron/647879.rom

    Jérusalem - Un Palestinien, parent de l’auteur d’une attaque anti-israélienne hospitalisé à Hébron, en Cisjordanie occupée, a été tué dans la nuit de mercredi à jeudi dans un raid des forces spéciales israéliennes dans l’hôpital, a indiqué le ministère palestinien de la Santé.

    Abdallah Azzam Shalaldeh , âgé de 27 ans, a été tué par une unité des moustarabine (composés de soldats infiltrés) à l’hôpital de Hébron, a indiqué cette source.

    Le ministère a précisé que 21 agents de l’unité des moustarabine avait mené le raid dans la chambre de Azzam Shalaldeh, dans le département de chirurgie, touchant mortellement son cousin Abdallah de plusieurs balles.

    Le Shin Bet, le service de sécurité intérieure israélien, a confirmé dans un communiqué le raid, précisant que les forces israéliennes avaient tiré lorsqu’un proche de Azzam Shalaldeh avait tenté de s’opposer à son arrestation de ce dernier.

    Selon le Shin Bet, un raid des forces spéciales a été mené pour arrêter Azzam Shalaldeh, fils d’une famille de militants du Hamas, auteur d’une attaque au couteau le 25 octobre lors de laquelle un Israélien avait été grièvement blessé près de la colonie de Mezad, près de Hébron. L’assaillant avaient alors réussi à prendre la fuite.

    Lors de l’arrestation, un des proches (de Azzam Shalaldeh) a été blessé par balles alors qu’il attaquait les forces (israéliennes), précise le Shin Bet.

    “““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““
    Undercover Israeli forces shoot dead Palestinian in Hebron hospital
    Nov. 12, 2015 9:45 A.M. (Updated : Nov. 12, 2015 11:06 A.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=768776

    HEBRON (Ma’an) — Undercover Israeli forces on Thursday shot dead a Palestinian during a hospital raid in the occupied West Bank city of Hebron, witnesses and hospital staff said.

    Abdullah Azzam Shalaldah , 28, was shot several times by forces who raided the surgery unit of al-Ahli hospital in order to detain his cousin, Azzam Ezzat Shalaldah, 20, who was shot by an Israeli settler last month, hospital staff told Ma’an.

    Abdullah and another relative were in the hospital visiting Azzam when around 20 undercover Israeli soldiers entered the hospital at 3:00 a.m., witnesses said.

    The forces tied up the relative while Abdullah, who was in the bathroom at the time, entered the room and was shot dead on scene.

    The undercover forces then retreated from the hospital with Azzam, taking him into custody, witnesses added.

    An Israeli army spokesperson was unable to comment on the presence of undercover forces during the raid, while Israeli media reported that the forces arrived in two large vans and entered with someone pretending to be pregnant.

    The army spokesperson told Ma’an that a combined force of Israeli army and police members had entered the hospital in order to detain Azzam, when an “additional suspect attacked the forces.”

    The forces responded with live fire, killing the man, the spokesperson confirmed.

    The spokesperson said that the forces detained Azzam on the grounds that he “stabbed an Israeli in the chest in Gush Etzion” on Oct. 25, wounding him severely, adding that the man he stabbed shot Azzam as he fled the scene.

    The spokesperson added that the Shalaldah family are “known Hamas operatives.”

    Palestinian security sources told Ma’an on Oct. 25 following the attack that Azzam was shot by an Israeli settler.

    A spokesperson for Hadassah hospital said at the time that the settler, 58, had received a light “stab” wound to his chest, and had possibly been hit with a stone in his head.

    Palestinian witnesses told Ma’an that they believed that the alleged Palestinian attacker had fled the scene unharmed and that Azzam had been working in agricultural fields when he was shot.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Israël envoie ses « escadrons de la mort » dans les hôpitaux palestiniens
      jeudi 12 novembre 2015 - 18h:46 - Ma’an News
      http://www.info-palestine.net/spip.php?article15717

      Un commando israélien a assassiné ce jeudi un Palestinien lors d’un raid dans un hôpital de la ville de Hébron en Cisjordanie occupée, ont fait savoir les témoins et le personnel de l’hôpital.

      Abdullah Azzam Shalaldah, âgé de 28 ans, a été abattu de plusieurs balles par le commando israélien qui a attaqué l’unité de chirurgie de l’hôpital al-Ahli dans le but de kidnapper son cousin, Azzam Ezzat Shalaldah, âgé de 20 ans et blessé par un colon israélien le mois dernier.

      Abdullah et un autre parent étaient à l’hôpital, tenant compagnie à Azzam, quand près de 20 soldats israéliens habillés en civil ont fait irruption dans l’hôpital vers 4 heures du matin, selon des témoins.

      Le commando a immobilisé les personnes présentes, et Abdullah, qui était dans la salle de bain à ce moment-là, est entré dans la pièce et a été abattu sur les lieux.

      Le commando s’est ensuite retiré de l’hôpital emmenant de force Azzam, ont ajouté les témoins.

      Les images vidéo des caméras de sécurité montrent un groupe d’environ 16 hommes marchant dans les couloirs de l’hôpital juste avant 4 heures, poussant un fauteuil roulant, quand tout à coup l’homme assis enlève sa couverture, se lève, et tous les hommes sortent des armes et se dirigent vers le fond du hall.

      Le film montre aussi ce qui semble être un agent israélien habillé comme une femme palestinienne et d’autres soldats israéliens habillés comme des hommes musulmans palestiniens, portant keffieh et paraissant avoir de fausses barbes.

      L’armée israélienne d’occupation a prétendu que ses forces ont kidnappé Azzam au motif qu’il aurait « poignardé un Israélien à Gush Etzion » le 25 octobre, le blessant gravement, ajoutant que « la victime lui a tiré dessus », alors qu’il s’enfuyait.

  • The Question Isn’t Why Violence Is Erupting in Hebron but Why Now? - Friction is inevitable when hundreds of settlers live among hundreds of thousands of Palestinians.

    Amira Hass Haaretz Nov 09, 2015

    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.684893

    The riddle the Israeli security establishment has been trying to solve for past few weeks, as to the reason the focus of escalation moved between Jerusalem and Hebron, is not complicated. These are the two cities in which settlers are living in the heart of the Palestinian population. In both, settlers are under a heavy guard, which means constantly running into armed Israelis – soldiers, police, security people and the settlers themselves. In other cities life can go on, almost forgetting the settlements and military positions surrounding them. In Jerusalem and Hebron that is impossible; protection of a few hundred settlers constantly disrupts the lives of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians.
    From the Palestinian perspective, life goes on under the shadow of daily violent provocation and endless humiliation. And so the real riddle is why the wave of popular protest, including individual attempts at stabbing, broke out now and not before this. It cannot be known yet whether Friday’s shooting attacks are a new phase and whether Israeli attempts at suppression will block it or encourage others to use guns.
    One of the tasks of the Palestinian security services in recent weeks has been to see to it that armed individuals do not approach points of friction with the Israeli army – but that is not the only explanation for the fact that guns have not been used. So far, even without instructions from above, most Palestinians agree that it is better not to be dragged into the use of guns because of the bitter experience of the second intifada and the fear of Israeli suppression. The people who shot and wounded three Israelis have apparently reached the conclusion that now Palestinians will accept it and are prepared to be subjected to more suppression.
    As expected, on the night between Friday and Saturday the Israel Defense Forces raided a number of neighborhoods. A news website identified with Hamas reported that in the Abu Sneina neighborhood soldiers arrested a man serving in the Palestinian security forces. It was apparently from this neighborhood, part of which is under Israeli security control, that the two young Israelis were shot near the Tomb of the Patriarchs.
    According to Palestinian sources, Friday night and Saturday morning Israelis attacked a number of Palestinian homes in Tel Rumeida and the Jaber neighborhood, through which the road passes connecting Hebron’s old city with Kiryat Arba. They tried to break into houses and threw stones at least at one of them, with Israeli soldiers nearby. On Sunday the IDF took over at least three houses in Hebron’s old city, held the residents of each house in one room and announced that the houses had become military positions for 24 hours.
    Last week, direct access roads connecting Hebron with neighboring villages and towns were blocked. In the old city of Hebron, anyone who does not live on Shuhada Street or Tel Rumeida is not allowed to enter these neighborhoods. The checkpoint at the entrance to the Al-Ibrahimi Mosque (Tomb of the Patriarchs) has been closed. On Friday afternoon Muslims were not allowed to enter their holy place.
    IDF and Shin Bet security service forces have raided every home in which a family member has been killed recently by soldiers or police. In at least some of the houses, soldiers surveyed every room and examined the construction materials. Residents told Haaretz that Shin Bet personnel told them the intention was to blow up the houses. These were not cases in which an Israeli soldier or civilian was killed by a member of these families, but rather stabbing attempts that ended in slight or no injury.
    The families say they are certain that if the soldiers had wanted to, they could have made do with wounding or arresting their relative. After the killing, which the families see as intentional, the next greatest punishment is withholding the body. For the families and their wider circles, the thought that their loved ones are lying in a morgue and not afforded proper burial raises the level of hatred and abhorrence of Israel and Israelis.

  • La Palestinienne abattue à Afula n’avait rien d’une terroriste, conclut le Shin Bet | Pour la Palestine
    Publié le 28 octobre 2015
    http://www.pourlapalestine.be/palestinienne-abattue-rien-d-une-terroriste

    La jeune palestinienne Israa Abed, 30 ans, mère de trois enfants originaire de Nazareth, qui été abattue par des policiers israéliens à la gare centrale des bus d’Afula le 9 octobre dernier n’a rien d’une terroriste et à aucun moment elle n’a cherché à commettre un crime quelconque. C’est la conclusion de l’enquête officielle du Shin Bet. La seule vision de la vidéo qui a circulé sur l’internet le démontrait déjà, il est vrai.

    Cette jeune palestinienne, qui a survécu, est une mère divorcée qui a perdu la garde de ses enfants, et selon les enquêteurs israéliens la tentative de meurtre de sang froid dont elle a été victime par des policiers, pour qui elle n’a à l’évidence jamais représenté une menace sérieuse, était en fait… une tentative de suicide commise par une femme souffrant de déséquilibre mental. (...)

    • Shot woman : Israeli police alter story again
      http://www.jonathan-cook.net/blog/2015-10-29/shot-woman-israeli-police-alter-story-again

      Éclaircir/rappeler les choses, sachant que les MSM vont nous vendre sans vergogne la chose comme une preuve de la grandeur d’Israel

      Let’s be clear: the main reason the police have repeatedly revised their account of the events of Oct 9 is because the visual evidence has conclusively refuted their claims. They have been forced to back-pedal.

      [...]

      Pause for a second as you digest that argument. According to the police, Israa went to the bus station with the intention of pulling out a knife but not harming anyone, knowing that doing so would be enough to get her shot and maybe killed. And why would she think that? Because she looks Arab (she wears a headscarf), and, like most Palestinian citizens, understands that in any confrontation with the security services that is reason enough for the police to shoot without justifiable cause.

      Even more disconcertingly, the Israeli police seem to agree that Israa’s assumptions were warranted.

      Further, the claim that Israa wanted to be shot is pretty convenient for the four security staff who, even according to the official account, fired their weapons at a woman who posed absolutely no threat to anyone at the bus station.

      Might they be disciplined, or, more properly, punished, for shooting a woman six times for no reason at all? Apparently not. They have been investigated and it has been decided that “there is no reason to take disciplinary measures against them, given the extenuating circumstances of the incident”. One might well ask: what were those “extenuating circumstances”?

      Finally, the police are still claiming that Israa pulled out a knife. Given their series of bogus claims till now, there is no reason to assume even this part of their story to be true.

    • Israël : la justice affirme que l’attaque au couteau d’une jeune arabe était une tentative de suicide
      29 oct. 2015, 17:25
      https://francais.rt.com/international/9297-israel-justice-attaque-couteau-suicide

      (...)Mais aujourd’hui, le ministère de la Justice israélien présente une toute autre version, affirmant que l’acte de cette jeune femme, « perturbée psychiquement », était volontaire : elle aurait « fait semblant de mener une attaque pour que les forces de sécurité lui tirent dessus ». Le communiqué ajoute qu’Esraa Abed avait finalement été inculpée pour « possession d’un couteau » et « menaces ».(...)

      #sans_vergogne

  • Palestinian shot dead after Beersheba attack kills Israeli, wounds 9
    Oct. 18, 2015 8:00 P.M. (Updated: Oct. 18, 2015 10:35 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=768337

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — A suspected Palestinian was shot dead in the southern Israeli city of Beersheba after he allegedly opened fire in the city’s central bus station, killing one soldier and injuring at least nine other Israelis, Israeli police said.

    Israeli police spokesperson Micky Rosenfeld told Ma’an that nine Israelis had been hospitalized following the attack.

    He said the attacker was shot dead, although he was unable to confirm that he was Palestinian.

    He initially said that there had been two attackers, one of whom was apprehended.

    Although it remained clear who the second individual was, Israeli media suggested the second man may have been an Eritrean asylum seeker.

    Israeli news site Haaretz reported that the asylum seeker was shot by Israeli police after they “misidentified him as a terrorist.”

    Haaretz quoted the southern district chief of police, Deputy Commissioner Yoram Levi, as saying that after killing the Israeli soldier, the attacker “took the soldier’s gun and continued shooting in the central bus station.”

    “Forces in the area responded quickly, he managed to escape the central bus station but ran into forces, was shot and killed. In his belongings we found a knife and a pistol with ammunition.”

    Rosenfeld said that the area around the central bus station was closed off.

    The attack follows a series of stabbing attacks that have left seven Israelis dead since the beginning of the month.

    Some 42 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces in the same period — some after carrying out the alleged attacks, but others at demonstrations.

    There have been clashes across Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory.

    They were prompted by Israeli army and settler reprisals after four Israelis were killed in two separate attacks at the beginning of October, although tensions had been mounting for weeks.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Au moins un mort et huit blessés après une attaque dans le sud d’Israël
      18/10/2015
      http://www.france24.com/fr/20151018-israel-territoires-palestiniens-attaque-gare-routiere

      L’attaque d’une gare routière dans le sud d’Israël a fait au moins un mort et huit blessés, dimanche. L’assaillant, qui a été tué, n’a pas encore été identifié.

      Un homme armé a attaqué dimanche 18 octobre la gare routière de Beersheba, dans le sud d’Israël, tuant une personne et en blessant huit autres, rapporte la police. Il s’agit d’un des épisodes les plus violents de la vague de violence qui secoue Israël et les territoires occupés depuis le début du mois d’octobre.

      Selon les premières informations, les assaillants étaient au nombre de deux mais le chef de la police régionale israélienne, Yoram Halévy, a déclaré par la suite que l’enquête avait conclu à l’action d’un seul homme. Ce dernier, dont l’identification était en cours, a pénétré dans la gare routière, abattu un militaire à l’aide d’une arme de poing avant de lui prendre son fusil d’assaut, dont il s’est servi pour tirer sur ses autres victimes.

      Les islamistes du Hamas, qui contrôlent la bande de Gaza, ont qualifié l’attaque de Beersheba de « réaction naturelle aux exécutions de Palestiniens par Israël ».

      Depuis deux semaines, 42 Palestiniens et sept Israéliens sont morts dans des heurts et des agressions en Cisjordanie, à Jérusalem-Est, à la frontière entre la bande de Gaza et l’Etat hébreu ainsi que dans des villes israéliennes.

    • One Killed, 11 Wounded in Shooting Attack in Southern Israel

      Gunman goes on shooting spree at central bus station in Be’er Sheva before he is shot down; security guard shoots asylum seeker after misidentifying him as an assailant.
      Almog Ben Zikri Oct 18, 2015 9:56 PM
      http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/1.681069

      An Israeli soldier was killed and 11 others were wounded in a shooting at the Central Bus Station in the Southern Israeli city of Be’er Sheva on Sunday evening.

      Among the wounded, two are in serious condition. The others sustained light to moderate wounds. An Eritrean asylum seeker was shot and wounded by a security guard after he misidentified him as a terrorist. The terrorist was shot and killed.

      According to the police, the identity of the terrorist is currently being ascertained.

      The bus station is a closed compound with security guards posted at the entrances. It is unclear how the gunmen managed to get past the guards.

    • Israeli security identify Beersheba attack suspect, detain relative
      Oct. 19, 2015 10:41 A.M. (Updated : Oct. 19, 2015 11:06 A.M.
      http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=768344

      BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Israeli security forces have identified a Palestinian suspect who opened fire at a Beersheba bus station on Sunday killing an Israeli soldier and injuring nine other people, detaining one of the man’s relatives in relation to the incident.

      The suspect was identified as Muhannad al-Aqabi , 21, a Bedouin citizen of Israel from the Negev town of Hura, Israeli police said.

      Israel’s Shin Bet security agency have questioned al-Aqabi’s relatives on suspicion that he had help, including weapon training, to carry out the attack.

      One family member was detained on suspicion of helping to plan the attack.

      Al-Aqabi attacked Israelis at the central bus station in the southern Israeli city after entering the terminal with a knife and gun, killing an Israeli soldier and injuring nine people, including four other soldiers.

      He was shot dead at the scene.

      The Israeli soldier was identified as Omri Levi, 19.

      Meanwhile, an Eritrean man who was shot after being suspected of being a second attacker died from his injuries on Monday.

      The man was identified as Haftom Zarhum, 29, and had traveled to Beersheba to obtain a visa, Israeli news site Haaretz reported.

      Graphic video footage shows Zarhum being assaulted and kicked in the head as he lies bleeding on the ground, with several benches thrown at him as an angry Israeli mob surrounds him, believing the asylum seeker to be involved in the attack.

      Israeli police have not said whether anyone has been detained for the attack on the Eritrean.

    • Gunman Behind Be’er Sheva Shooting Attack Identified as Bedouin Man

      Israeli soldier was killed and 11 people were wounded in Sunday’s attack; Eritrean asylum seeker, who was shot after being mistaken for terrorist, dies of wounds.
      Almog Ben Zikri and Ido Efrati Oct 19, 2015 9:51 AM
      http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.681151

      Among the wounded in the attack, two suffered serious wounds, with another said to be in critical condition. The soldier who was killed in the attack has been named as 19-year-old Sgt. Omri Levy from Sdei Hemed.

      The asylum seeker who was killed in the attack was identified as Haftom Zarhum, 29, of Eritrea. He had traveled to Be’er Sheva to obtain a visa and was on his way home when he was shot in the Central Bus Station. In videos captured at the scene, the asylum seeker is seen attacked by the people around him, including a soldier, after being shot. People are seen kicking him, throwing a bench at him and pinning him to the ground with a chair. Some of the witnesses made efforts to stop the attackers.

  • Abbas ne peut pas contrôler sa génération perdue d’Oslo | Pour la Palestine | Amira Hass – 11 octobre 2015 | Traduction : JPP pour le Collectif Solidarité Palestine de Saint-Nazaire
    http://www.pourlapalestine.be/abbas-ne-peut-pas-controler-sa-generation-perdue-doslo

    Une jeune Palestinienne blessée, étendue à terre, pendant les affrontements avec les troupes israéliennes près de la colonie juive de Beit EI, près de Ramallah en Cisjordanie, le 8 octobre 2015. (Reuters)

    Des dizaines de milliers de familles en Cisjordanie et à Jérusalem-Est vivent actuellement dans la crainte que leurs enfants soient tués, blessés ou arrêtés dans les affrontements avec l’armée israélienne ou en tentant de porter des attaques en loups solitaires.

    Quand leurs enfants partent le matin, elles ne savent pas s’ils vont vraiment à l’école, ou retrouver des amis, ou manifester à un check-point militaire, ou attaquer un Israélien au couteau. Pas moins que les forces de renseignements israéliennes et palestiniennes, les parents sont stupéfaits de la vague inorganisée, massive, qui balaie la jeune génération de Palestiniens et les met en danger.

    Face à cette incertitude, chaque famille sait que, elle aussi, elle peut devenir une statistique, être sujette à une punition collective – sujette à voir sa maison démolie ou murée, à avoir un membre de la famille expulsé de Jérusalem, ou des frères et des sœurs ou des parents arrêtés et frappés par les forces de sécurité, où à être ciblée pendant de longs mois par le service de sécurité du Shin Bet. À l’instant présent, il semble que le feu vert que le Premier ministre Benjamin Netanyahu a donné pour une punition collective et tirer sur les manifestants ne dissuade aucunement les jeunes loups solitaires et les milliers de jeunes gens rassemblés aux check-points qui défient le destin et les soldats.

    L’une des hypothèses des renseignements israéliens et palestiniens est que les auteurs de ces attaques en solitaire sont influencés par les médias sociaux. Cela est vrai, mais ils sont aussi influencés par des clips vidéo, dont certains apparaissent d’abord sur des sites israéliens, dépeignant la violence quotidienne qu’Israël dirige contre les Palestiniens. Ceux qui parlent d’incitation sous-estiment l’influence qu’ont les soldats israéliens en train de tuer des civils palestiniens.

    Par exemple, il y a les cas d’ Ahmed Khatatbeh de Beit Furik et d’ Hadil Hashlamun d’Hébron, que les Forces de défense israéliennes prétendent avoir abattus après qu’ils ont attaqué les soldats. Une enquête de la presse a révélé qu’aucune attaque de ce genre n’avait eu lieu. Et puis, dimanche dernier en début de journée, il y a eu le cas de Fadi Alon , d’Isawiya à Jérusalem. Selon la police, il aurait poignardé un Juif et par suite, il aurait été abattu. Une vidéo Youtube sur des sites israéliens montre clairement que, même s’il avait agressé au couteau, il ne représentait aucun danger pour quiconque au moment où il a été abattu. Elle montre aussi que des jeunes juifs avaient dit à un policier de l’abattre sans se préoccuper de ce qu’Alon était censé avoir fait. Les vidéos sont du fourrage, prêt à enflammer la situation, mais elles n’en sont pas la cause. (...)

    #Palestine #Résistance
    #occupation #colonisation

  • Une 3ème intifada ? La seule surprise est qu’il ait fallu l’attendre 10 ans | Gideon Lévy | « Middel East Eye » le 5 octobre 2015. | Pour la Palestine | Traduction par Mathieu Vigouroux pour « Arrêt sur Info » (amendée par Luc Delval)
    http://www.pourlapalestine.be/une-3eme-intifada-la-seule-surprise-est-quil-ait-fallu-lattendre-10-

    (...) Les dés sont déjà jetés car le comportement d’Israël, dans toute son insupportable arrogance et intransigeance, ne peut manquer de provoquer une nouvelle et terrible explosion.

    La Cisjordanie est paisible depuis près de dix ans, au cours desquels Israël a prouvé avec persévérance aux Palestiniens que la tranquillité ne pourrait s’accompagner que d’une intensification de l’occupation, de l’expansion des colonies, d’une augmentation des démolitions de logements et des arrestations en masse — dont des milliers de soi-disant détenus administratifs qui sont jetés en prison sans procès —, sans oublier la poursuite des confiscations de terres, les incursions et arrestations complètement inutiles, ces doigts que la gâchette démange et qui provoquent des dizaines de morts chaque année, et les innombrables provocations à al-Aqsa/Mont du Temple qui froissent la susceptibilité des musulmans.[*]

    Les Palestiniens doivent-ils accepter tout cela en silence ? Doivent-ils faire preuve de retenue lorsque la famille Dawabsha est brûlée vive à Duma et que personne n’est arrêté ni jugé par Israël, tandis que le ministre de la Défense Moshe Ya’alon fanfaronne en prétendant qu’Israël sait qui a commis ce crime scandaleux mais qu’il n’arrêtera pas les responsables pour préserver son réseau de renseignement ?

    Quel peuple pourrait donc faire preuve de retenue face à une telle succession d’événements, à l’arrière-plan desquels se trouve toute la puissance de l’occupation, sans espoir, sans perspectives, sans issue en vue ?

    ““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““
    Even Gandhi would understand the Palestinians’ violence.
    Gideon Levy • Haaretz • 08 Oct 2015 •
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.679268

    Through the haze of self-righteousness, media propaganda, incitement, distraction, brainwashing and victimhood of the past few days, the simple question returns in full force: Who’s right?

    There are no justified arguments left in Israel’s arsenal, the kind a decent person could accept. Even Mahatma Gandhi would understand the reasons for this outburst of Palestinian violence. Even those who recoil from violence, who see it as immoral and useless, can’t help but understand how it breaks out periodically. The question is why it doesn’t break out more often.

    From the question of who started it to the question of who’s to blame, the finger is rightfully pointed at Israel, at Israel alone. It’s not that the Palestinians are blameless, but the main blame lies on Israel’s shoulders. As long as Israel doesn’t shake off this blame, it has no basis for making even a scrap of a demand from the Palestinians. Everything else is false propaganda.

    As veteran Palestinian activist Hanan Ashrawi wrote recently, the Palestinians are the only people on earth required to guarantee the security of the occupier, while Israel is the only country that demands protection from its victims. And how can we respond?

    As Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has asked in a Haaretz interview, “How do you expect the Palestinian street to react after the burning of the teenager Mohammed Abu Khdeir, the torching of the Dawabsheh home, the settlers’ aggression and the damage to property under the eyes of the soldiers?” And what are we to answer?

    To the 100 years of dispossession and 50 years of oppression we can add the past few years, marked by intolerable Israeli arrogance that’s exploding once again in our faces.

    These were the years Israel thought it could do anything and pay no price. It thought the defense minister could boast he knew the identity of the Dawabsheh murderers and not arrest them, and the Palestinians would restrain themselves. It thought that nearly every week a boy or teenager could be killed by soldiers, and the Palestinians would stay quiet.

    It thought military and political leaders could back the crimes and no one would be prosecuted. It thought houses could be demolished and shepherds expelled, and the Palestinians would accept it all humbly. It thought settler thugs could damage, burn and act as if Palestinian property were theirs, and the Palestinians would bow their heads.

    It thought that Israeli soldiers could burst into Palestinian homes every night and terrorize, humiliate and arrest people. That hundreds could be arrested without trial. That the Shin Bet security service could resume torturing suspects with methods handed down by Satan.

    It thought that hunger strikers and freed prisoners could be rearrested, often for no reason. That Israel could destroy Gaza once every two to three years and Gaza would surrender and the West Bank remain calm. That Israeli public opinion would applaud all this, with cheers at best and demands for more Palestinian blood at worst, with a thirst that’s hard to understand. And the Palestinians would forgive.

    This could go on for many more years. Why? Because Israel is stronger than ever and the West is indifferent and letting it run wild as it never has. The Palestinians, meanwhile, are weak, divided, isolated and bleeding as they haven’t been since the Nakba.
    So this could continue because Israel can — and the people want it to. No one will try to stop it other than international public opinion, which Israel dismisses as Jew-hatred.

    And we haven’t said a word about the occupation itself and the inability to end it. We’re tired. We haven’t said a word about the injustice of 1948, which should have ended then and not resumed with even more force in 1967 and continued with no end in sight. We haven’t spoken about international law, natural justice and human morality, which can’t accept any of this in any way.

    When young people kill settlers, throw firebombs at soldiers or hurl rocks at Israelis, this is the background. You need a great deal of obtuseness, ignorance, nationalism and arrogance – or all the above – to ignore this.

  • Israeli Terrorists, Born in the U.S.A. - The New York Times
    By SARA YAEL HIRSCHHORNSEPT. 4, 2015

    http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/06/opinion/sunday/israeli-terrorists-born-in-the-usa.html?smid=tw-share&_r=0

    Jerusalem — ON July 31, in the West Bank village of Duma, 18-month-old Ali Dawabsheh was burned alive in a fire. All available evidence suggests that the blaze was a deliberate act of settler terrorism. More disturbingly, several of the alleged instigators, currently being detained indefinitely, are not native-born Israelis — they have American roots.

    But there has been little outcry in their communities. Settler rabbis and the leaders of American immigrant communities in the West Bank have either played down their crime or offered muted criticism.

    It’s worth recalling the response of the former prime minister Yitzhak Rabin to another heinous attack two decades ago, when an American-born doctor, Baruch Goldstein, gunned down dozens of Palestinians while they prayed in Hebron.

    “He grew in a swamp whose murderous sources are found here, and across the sea; they are foreign to Judaism, they are not ours,” thundered Mr. Rabin before the Knesset in February 1994. “You are a foreign implant. You are an errant weed. Sensible Judaism spits you out.”

    The shocking 1994 massacre was, at the time, the bloodiest outbreak of settler terrorism Israelis and Palestinians had ever seen. Less than two years later, Mr. Rabin himself would be dead, felled by an ultranationalist assassin’s bullet.

    Suddenly, a group of American Jewish immigrants that had existed on the fringes of society became a national pariah. A former president of Israel, Chaim Herzog, labeled the United States “a breeding ground” for Jewish terror; the daily newspaper Maariv castigated American Jews who “send their lunatic children to Israel.” One Israeli journalist even demanded “operative steps against the Goldsteins of tomorrow” by banning the immigration of militant American Jews.

    But tomorrow has arrived.

    After years of impunity for settlers who commit violent crimes, Israel’s internal security agency, the Shin Bet, has now supposedly cracked down by rounding up a grand total of four youths believed to be connected to recent acts of settler terrorism — three of whom trace their origins to the United States.

    The agency’s “most wanted” Jewish extremist is 24-year-old Meir Ettinger, who has an august pedigree in racist and violent circles. He is a grandson of Meir Kahane, a radical American rabbi who in 1971 immigrated to Israel, established the Kach party and served as its lone Knesset member until it was banned in 1988. (Kahane was assassinated in New York in 1990, but his career laid the groundwork for ultranationalist and antidemocratic parties in Israel.)

    Another is Mordechai Meyer, 18, from the settlement of Maale Adumim outside Jerusalem. He is the son of American immigrants who claimed he simply wanted to study the Torah and have an adventure in the West Bank. Another American settler, Ephraim Khantsis, was detained for threatening Shin Bet agents in court. The fourth, Eviatar Slonim, is the child of Australian Jews.

    Mr. Ettinger, Mr. Meyer and Mr. Khantsis join a long list of settler extremists with American roots. A Brooklyn-born settler, Era Rapaport, played a prominent role in the car-bombing of the mayor of Nablus in 1980. In 1982, a Baltimore transplant, Alan Goodman, opened fire at the Dome of the Rock, killing two Palestinians and wounding 11. That same year, a former Brooklynite, Yoel Lerner, was jailed for leading a movement to overthrow the Israeli government and blow up the Temple Mount.

    These days, rabbis like the St. Louis-born Yitzhak Ginsburg, who heads a yeshiva in the radical settlement of Yizhar, are inculcating the next generation.

    Today, according to American government sources and several other studies, an estimated 12 to 15 percent of settlers (approximately 60,000 people) hail from the United States. This disproportionately large American contingent — relative to the total number of American-Israelis — has joined secular, religious and ultra-Orthodox Israelis, and other more recent immigrants. Few of them live in extremist hilltop outposts; a majority live in suburbanized settlements near Jerusalem, but they are considered among the most highly ideological.

    RATHER than quoting the Bible or rhapsodizing about a messianic vision, they tend to describe their activities in the language of American values and idealism — as an opportunity to defend human rights and live in the “whole land of Israel” — often over a cup of Starbucks coffee in their boxy aluminum prefab houses or in the mansions of settlement suburbia. To them, living in the West Bank is pioneering on the new frontier; it’s merely an inconvenience that they’re often staking their claims on private Palestinian land. And for a fanatical fringe among them, this Wild West analogy has extended to indiscriminate violence.

  • Occupés autrement : au programme du Shin Bet, café et torture
    2 septembre | Amira Hass pour Haaretz |Traduction SF pour l’AURDIP
    http://www.aurdip.fr/occupes-autrement-au-programme.html

    (...) Comme tout autre Palestinien, Jarrar devrait savoir qu’elle est condamnée avant même le début du procès.

    La raison principale qui fait que ce procès n’a pas de couverture de presse est qu’écrire sur ce qui se passe dans les baraquements du camp d’Ofer est une façon de collaborer avec la duperie qui est à la source de ce mécanisme. Il faut de nouveaux mots pour remplacer des termes fallacieux tels que « procès », « chefs d’accusation », « audition de témoins » et « mon éminent ami ».

    Une deuxième raison est qu’il est impossible d’interviewer Jarrar et de lui demander : « qu’est ce que ça fait d’être assise ici, dans cette baraque, sans comprendre l’essentiel de ce qui se dit sur ton cas (étant donné que la traduction de l’hébreu à l’arabe est tellement indigente) ? Et comment as-tu fait pour rester éveillée (et sourire à l’intention de ta famille) depuis 4h du matin, alors que tu as été extraite de ta cellule à 3h du matin et secouée dans un bus qui ramasse des prisonniers menottés jusqu’à presque 8h du matin ? Les gens qui ont assisté au « procès » sont rentrés chez eux exténués.(...)

  • Israel’s Military Intelligence Monitoring Dozens of BDS Groups Around the World
    While the IDF is responsible for foreign groups, local groups supporting BDS are monitored by the Shin Bet.

    Gili Cohen Aug 18, 2015
    Haaretz Daily Newspaper Israel News
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.671785

    The Israel Defense Forces routinely gathers information on foreign, left-wing organizations that it believes are working to delegitimize the State of Israel, Haaretz has learned.
    The Military Intelligence Research Division’s Delegitimization Department was established as part of the lessons learned after the Mavi Marmara affair in 2010. As Haaretz revealed in 2011, the department focuses on studying the activities of anti-Israeli groups operating overseas, including some that promote sanctions on Israel.
    Nine foreign nationals were killed when IDF commandos boarded the Mavi Marmara, part of a flotilla trying to break the embargo on Gaza, in May 2010. A tenth died in 2014, after being in a coma for four years.
    As part of its activities, the Delegitimization Department gathered proof of Hamas violations of international law during 2014’s Operation Protective Edge in Gaza.
    Among the overseas organizations monitored by Military Intelligence are dozens affiliated with the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, though groups with the same goals working within Israel are not monitored by the department. Such activity inside Israel was criticized in the past, due to its political connotations.
    The BDS movement conducts campaigns aimed at promoting boycotts of Israel and persuading companies to withdraw their investments from the country.
    The monitoring of every BDS-linked group is approved in advance by a senior officer in the research division, following a decision not to follow groups which have indirect contacts with Israeli activists.
    The IDF has emphasized in recent weeks that it does not collect information on Israeli citizens. That is the job of the Shin Bet security service, which monitors Israeli citizens involved in what are regarded as delegitimization activities.
    In the past, left-wing activists belonging to the BDS movement have reported being contacted by a woman from the Shin Bet who calls herself Rona. Re’ut Mor, a media consultant for the Joint Arab List, said in June that she was questioned by Rona after returning from a trip abroad. The questioning covered a flotilla that had attempted to reach Gaza at the time and her positions on the BDS movement, the IDF and Zionism.