organization:united states army

  • The Church Committee - United States Senate Select Committee to Stu...

    The Church Committee - United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities

    By the early years of the 1970s, a series of troubling revelations had appeared in the press concerning intelligence activities. First came the revelations by Army intelligence officer Christopher Pyle in January 1970 of the U.S. Army’s spying on the civilian population and Senator Sam Ervin’s Senate investigations produced more revelations. Then on December 22, 1974, The New York Times published a lengthy article by Seymour Hersh detailing operations engaged in by the CIA over the years ... involving assassination attempts on foreign leaders and covert attempts to subvert foreign governments were reported for the first time. In addition, the (...)

  • L’entropisation des forces armées US

    L’entropisation des forces armées US

    La semaine dernière, il y a eu aux États-Unis le Memorial Day, qui est le jour où les armées US et la communauté nationale regroupée autour d’elles célèbrent leurs vétérans, tous ces hommes et femmes qui se sont battus pour leur patrie et, pour certains, ont donné leurs vies pour elle. Comme l’écrit le texte ci-dessous, c’est en général l’occasion, pour le Système, pour ses dirigeants-zombies, pour la presseSystème, d’étaler un enthousiasme guerrier et belliciste, et cela particulièrement depuis le 11 septembre 2001. Cette année, ce fut un peu, beaucoup très-différent jusqu’à son contraire...

    Pour ce Memorial Day, l’U.S. Army avait eu la malencontreuse idée de tweeter une sorte de référendum d’initiative plutôt impopulaire, sur ce thème, s’adressant aux vétérans : « (...)

  • Marines seize an airfield and small island while testing tactics for fight against China

    Marines with Charlie Company, Battalion Landing Team, 1st Battalion, 4th Marines, run toward security positions during a live-fire range as part of the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit’s simulated Expeditionary Advanced Base Operations, Camp Schwab, Okinawa, Japan, March 13, 2019.
    Gunnery Sgt. T. T. Parish/Marine Corps

    Marines with the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit, or MEU, seized a small island and airfield with elite special operations airmen and soldiers as part of a test of its future fighting concept.

    That fighting concept, known as expeditionary advanced base operations, or EABO, will see Marines spread thinly across the vastness of the Pacific Ocean, operating from small bases — a tactic that will help Marines stay alive in a high-end fight with China.

    EABO is still in the early stages of experimentation. The concept recently was signed off by Commandant of the Marine Corps Gen. Robert B. Neller, but still awaits the signature of Chief of Naval Operations Adm. John Richardson.

    It’s a fight that will require assistance from the other services and the recent exercise that spanned March 11–14 included participation by U.S. Air Force 353rd Special Operations Group and soldiers with 1st Battalion, 1st Special Forces Group, according to details in a command release.
    The exercise kicked off with the insertion of Marine reconnaissance via a military free-fall jump over Ie Shima Training Facility on Ie Jima Island, which is located off the coast of Okinawa, Japan, according to details in a command release.

    Grunts with 1st Battalion, 4th Marines then carried out a long-range raid to seize the island’s airfield, moving nearly 600 miles by MV-22 Ospreys supported by KC-130 air refuelers, the command release detailed.

    • vu par qui souligne l’absence quasi complète d’écho médiatique.

      The US just ‘invaded’ an island in the East China Sea & no one noticed — RT Op-ed

      FILE PHOTO An MV-22B Osprey tiltrotor aircraft flies over U.S. Marines on their way to checkpoint during a vertical assault on Ie Shima Island, Japan, March 24, 2017
      © Global Look Press / Plouffe/U.S. Marines

      Just recently, the US military launched a full-on invasion of an island in the East China Sea to send a strong message to China, and yet barely any mainstream media outlet has covered the story or its massive implications.
      Media blackout
      No one will come right out and say it, but it certainly seems as though the US military is actively preparing for a third world war. If this media blackout on the implications of these recent developments wasn’t bad enough; even more bizarre is the complete silence from the media on the enormous geopolitical activity itself.

      A brief search of Google News reveals that only a handful of media outlets even covered the event, many of which are not typically regarded as internationally mainstream sources. A ProQuest search for media coverage of the story in fact returned zero results. The most prominent western outlet that covered the story is Business Insider, as well as a number of military sites.

      I cannot find any mention of this story on any of the major news sites, whether it’s CNN, MSNBC, the Guardian, BBC, the New York Times – take your pick. Remember that the adversarial, independent and free media who is entrusted with informing you and keeping you up to date barely even mentions geopolitical manoeuvres that could lead to a global conflict.

  • How Virtual Reality Can Help You Take Customers From Competitors

    Virtual Reality is like dreaming with your eyes openThough the technology recently gained global accolades, it had been around since long. Initially adopted by the US army, followed by a few more brands, however, Virtual Reality was never accepted on a mass level for user engagement.With technology having so much potential and scope, the primary expertise lies in understanding the way it can be utilized to meet objectives. Be it user engagement or attaining new audience, virtual reality can indeed be a key ingredient to boost your customer experience. An early adopter of the technology will have a greater competitive advantage in grabbing the attention of potential customers.The Virtual Reality Market is Set to be HugeAccording to a report shared by statista, the Virtual Reality market (...)

    #augmented-reality #customer-experience #branding #virtual-reality

  • Elliott Abrams Isn’t Going to Bring “Democracy” to Venezuela

    On December 11, 1981 in El Salvador, a Salvadoran military unit created and trained by the U.S. Army began slaughtering everyone they could find in a remote village called El Mozote. Before murdering the women and girls, the soldiers raped them repeatedly, including some as young as 10 years old, and joked that their favorites were the 12-year-olds. One witness described a soldier tossing a 3-year-old child into the air and impaling him with his bayonet. The final death toll was over 800 people.

    The next day, December 12, was the first day on the job for Elliott Abrams as assistant secretary of state for human rights and humanitarian affairs in the Reagan administration. Abrams snapped into action, helping to lead a cover-up of the massacre. News reports of what had happened, Abrams told the Senate, were “not credible,” and the whole thing was being “significantly misused” as propaganda by anti-government guerillas.

    This past Friday, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo named Abrams as America’s special envoy for Venezuela. According to Pompeo, Abrams “will have responsibility for all things related to our efforts to restore democracy” in the oil-rich nation.

    The choice of Abrams sends a clear message to Venezuela and the world: The Trump administration intends to brutalize Venezuela, while producing a stream of unctuous rhetoric about America’s love for democracy and human rights. Combining these two factors — the brutality and the unctuousness — is Abrams’s core competency.

  • U.S. Army to Divest a Majority of its Watercraft and Maritime Capability – gCaptain

    U.S. Landing Craft Utility 2000 class. U.S. Army Photo

    U.S. Army Maritime capabilities will be radically reduced this year as the service deactivates and divests itself of numerous vessels, watercraft equipment, watercraft systems, Soldiers, and Units. At least eighteen (18) of its 35 Landing Craft Utility (LCU) will be sold off or transferred to the Defense Reutilization and Marketing Office (DRMO). Landing Craft Utility (LCU), a versatile 174- foot landing craft capable of carrying 500 tons of cargo, personnel and containers, is the workhorse of the Army Watercraft field.

    Joint Logistics Over the Shore (JLOTS), a combined service capability to ensure US Military units are able to offload personnel, supplies, equipment, fuel, and water in austere environments, depends heavily on Army LCUs and the US Army’s Watercraft command and control capability. Army Harbormasters, LSVs, LTs, LCMS, and its dedicated Watercraft Soldiers, specifically trained as mariners, are essential to the functioning of JLOTS for both military and humanitarian missions.
    As stated in the Army’s Memo initiating this decision, “Army Watercraft Transformation Through Divestment of Capability and Force Structure by Inactivation of Units”, the intent is to “eliminate all United States Army Reserve and National Guard Bureau AWS (Army Watercraft Systems) capabilities and/or supporting structure”.

    There appears to be no discussion on how the US Army plans to support their present maritime operations, and possible future commitments while eliminating nearly 80% of its present force, which resides in the US Army Reserve. Soldiers who are now in the Maritime field, and who have spent their careers training to be Army Mariners, will be “assessed into units where they can best serve the needs of the Army Reserve whiles also being gainfully employed”.
    Our questions include asking how the Army now plans to respond to military and humanitarian aid in remote and austere locations, where ports and harbor infrastructure do not exist?

  • A Day, a Life: When a Medic Was Killed in Gaza, Was It an Accident?
    The New York Times - By David M. Halbfinger - Dec. 30, 2018

    KHUZAA, Gaza Strip — A young medic in a head scarf runs into danger, her only protection a white lab coat. Through a haze of tear gas and black smoke, she tries to reach a man sprawled on the ground along the Gaza border. Israeli soldiers, their weapons leveled, watch warily from the other side.

    Minutes later, a rifle shot rips through the din, and the Israeli-Palestinian drama has its newest tragic figure.

    For a few days in June, the world took notice of the death of 20-year-old Rouzan al-Najjar, killed while treating the wounded at protests against Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip. Even as she was buried, she became a symbol of the conflict, with both sides staking out competing and mutually exclusive narratives.

    To the Palestinians, she was an innocent martyr killed in cold blood, an example of Israel’s disregard for Palestinian life. To the Israelis, she was part of a violent protest aimed at destroying their country, to which lethal force is a legitimate response as a last resort.

    Palestinian witnesses embellished their initial accounts, saying she was shot while raising her hands in the air. The Israeli military tweeted a tendentiously edited video that made it sound like she was offering herself as a human shield for terrorists.

    In each version, Ms. Najjar was little more than a cardboard cutout.

    An investigation by The New York Times found that Ms. Najjar, and what happened on the evening of June 1, were far more complicated than either narrative allowed. Charismatic and committed, she defied the expectations of both sides. Her death was a poignant illustration of the cost of Israel’s use of battlefield weapons to control the protests, a policy that has taken the lives of nearly 200 Palestinians.

    It also shows how each side is locked into a seemingly unending and insolvable cycle of violence. The Palestinians trying to tear down the fence are risking their lives to make a point, knowing that the protests amount to little more than a public relations stunt for Hamas, the militant movement that rules Gaza. And Israel, the far stronger party, continues to focus on containment rather than finding a solution.

    In life, Ms. Najjar was a natural leader whose uncommon bravery struck some peers as foolhardy. She was a capable young medic, but one who was largely self-taught and lied about her lack of education. She was a feminist, by Gaza standards, shattering traditional gender rules, but also a daughter who doted on her father, was particular about her appearance and was slowly assembling a trousseau. She inspired others with her outward jauntiness, while privately she was consumed with dread in her final days.

    The bullet that killed her, The Times found, was fired by an Israeli sniper into a crowd that included white-coated medics in plain view. A detailed reconstruction, stitched together from hundreds of crowd-sourced videos and photographs, shows that neither the medics nor anyone around them posed any apparent threat of violence to Israeli personnel. Though Israel later admitted her killing was unintentional, the shooting appears to have been reckless at best, and possibly a war crime, for which no one has yet been punished. (...)

    Rouzan al-Najjar, 20, was killed by an Israeli sniper on June 1 while she was treating the wounded at protests at the Gaza border.CreditIbraheem Abu Mustafa/Reuters

  • Sic Semper Tyrannis : Two new US bases in western Iraq.

    The generals’ club is probably at work in this, seeking to limit the effect of Trump’s order for US forces to withdraw from Syria.

    The one in roumana sub-district is the location from which US Army 155mm artillery is firing in support of continuing SDF attacks against the hajin pocket in the SE corner of Syria. There will be US Army GBs with the SDF adjusting these fires. IMO those GBs will be left in Syria to do what only they do best, keep the locals in the fight. This base will be useful as a forward staging point for any raids that SOF forces might want to make into Syria (kill Baghdadi, etc.)

    The other base is at rutbah and is positioned astride the highway from al-tanf in Syria. In this position it will continue to obstruct the Damascus-Baghdad-Iran main ground route. 

    These two facilities will surely be supported and supplied from the al-asad air bast which Trump visited. pl

    #Syrie #Etats-Unis #Irak

  • USA trekker seg ut, Russland rykker inn – NRK Urix – Utenriksnyheter og -dokumentarer

    Alors que les États-unis semblent réduire peu à peu leur présence en Afrique, la Russie a signé des accords de coopération militaire avec au moins la moitié des pays africains.

    USA trekker seg ut, Russland rykker inn

    Afrika består av 54 selvstendige stater. Russland har i løpet av de fire siste årene inngått et militært samarbeid med over halvparten av dem.
    Russiske og egyptiske spesialstyrker under en øvelse i Egypt i august 2018.

    Det handler om å lære moderne krigføring. Hvordan nedkjempe og utslette militsgrupper som ikke følger vanlige regler som gjelder for krigføring ?

    I tillegg trekker supermakten USA seg ut av Afrika. Mange av landene på det afrikanske kontinentet ser seg om etter en ny samarbeidspartner og militær støttespiller.


    U.S. Prepares to Reduce Troops and Shed Missions in Africa - The New York Times

    STUTTGART, Germany — Hundreds of American troops in Africa would be reassigned and the number of Special Operations missions on the continent would be wound down under plans submitted by a top military commander, a response to the Trump administration’s strategy to increasingly focus on threats from China and Russia.

    Defense Department officials said they expected most of the troop cuts and scaled-back missions to come from Central and West Africa, where Special Operations missions have focused on training African militaries to combat the growing threat from extremist Islamist militant groups.

    The plan by Gen. Thomas D. Waldhauser, the leader of United States Africa Command, follows an ambush in Niger last fall that killed four American soldiers and an attack in southwestern Somalia that killed another in June.

    In an interview with The New York Times, General Waldhauser said his plan would help streamline the military’s ability to combat threats around the world — but not retreat from Africa.


    Russia to increase military presence in Central African Republic | Central African Republic News | Al Jazeera

    Russia to increase military presence in Central African Republic

    With an arms embargo in place on the Central African Republic, Russia is ready to send military trainers to the country.

    #afrique #russie #états-unis #armement #présence_militaire

  • Strong Economy Poses Recruitment Challenge for the U.S. Army – Foreign Policy

    The healthy state of the U.S. economy is posing a challenge for the U.S. Army, which is struggling to lure young people away from the hot job market and into military service.

    For the first time since the height of the Iraq War 13 years ago, the U.S. Army failed to reach it recruitment goals for the year, falling thousands of troops short of the target. The issue is especially troubling at a time when President Donald Trump is promising to expand the military.
    Foreign Policy: In September, the Army announced that it failed to meet its recruiting goal of 76,500 new recruits for fiscal year 2018 by 8.5 percent. What are you doing to beef up the Army’s recruitment numbers?

    [Army Secretary] Mark Esper ]a former defense industry executive]: We missed our numbers last year, but I was proud that we still put quality over quantity. Despite the miss, we actually had the highest retention rates in the last 10 or 11 years, and we recruited more soldiers, 70,000, than we did in that same time period.


  • Who writes history? The fight to commemorate a massacre by the Texas #rangers

    In 1918, a state-sanctioned vigilante force killed 15 unarmed Mexicans in #Porvenir. When their descendants applied for a historical marker a century later, they learned that not everyone wants to remember one of Texas’ darkest days.

    The name of the town was Porvenir, or “future.” In the early morning hours of January 28, 1918, 15 unarmed Mexicans and Mexican Americans were awakened by a state-sanctioned vigilante force of Texas Rangers, U.S. Army cavalry and local ranchers. The men and boys ranged in age from 16 to 72. They were taken from their homes, led to a bluff over the Rio Grande and shot from 3 feet away by a firing squad. The remaining residents of the isolated farm and ranch community fled across the river to Mexico, where they buried the dead in a mass grave. Days later, the cavalry returned to burn the abandoned village to the ground.

    These, historians broadly agree, are the facts of what happened at Porvenir. But 100 years later, the meaning of those facts remains fiercely contested. In 2015, as the centennial of the massacre approached, a group of historians and Porvenir descendants applied for and was granted a Texas Historical Commission (THC) marker. After a three-year review process, the THC approved the final text in July. A rush order was sent to the foundry so that the marker would be ready in time for a Labor Day weekend dedication ceremony planned by descendants. Then, on August 3, Presidio County Historical Commission Chair Mona Blocker Garcia sent an email to the THC that upended everything. Though THC records show that the Presidio commission had been consulted throughout the marker approval process, Garcia claimed to be “shocked” that the text was approved. She further asserted, without basis, that “the militant Hispanics have turned this marker request into a political rally and want reparations from the federal government for a 100-year-old-plus tragic event.”

    Four days later, Presidio County Attorney Rod Ponton sent a follow-up letter. Without identifying specific errors in the marker text, he demanded that the dedication ceremony be canceled and the marker’s production halted until new language could be agreed upon. Ponton speculated, falsely, that the event was planned as a “major political rally” for Beto O’Rourke with the participation of La Raza Unida founding member José Ángel Gutiérrez, neither of whom was involved. Nonetheless, THC History Programs Director Charles Sadnick sent an email to agency staff the same day: “After getting some more context about where the marker sponsor may be coming from, we’re halting production on the marker.”

    The American Historical Association quickly condemned the THC’s decision, as did the office of state Senator José Rodríguez, a Democrat whose district includes both Presidio County and El Paso, where the ceremony was to be held. Historians across the country also spoke out against the decision. Sarah Zenaida Gould, director of the Museo del Westside in San Antonio and cofounder of Latinos in Heritage Conservation, responded in an email to the agency that encapsulates the views of many of the historians I interviewed: “Halting the marker process to address this statement as though it were a valid concern instead of a dog whistle is insulting to all people of color who have personally or through family history experienced state violence.”

    How did a last-gasp effort, characterized by factual errors and inflammatory language, manage to convince the state agency for historic preservation to reverse course on a marker three years in the making and sponsored by a young Latina historian with an Ivy League pedigree and Texas-Mexico border roots? An Observer investigation, involving dozens of interviews and hundreds of emails obtained through an open records request, reveals a county still struggling to move on from a racist and violent past, far-right amateur historians sowing disinformation and a state agency that acted against its own best judgment.

    The Porvenir massacre controversy is about more than just the fate of a single marker destined for a lonely part of West Texas. It’s about who gets to tell history, and the continuing relevance of the border’s contested, violent and racist past to events today.

    Several rooms in Benita Albarado’s home in Uvalde are almost overwhelmed by filing cabinets and stacks of clipboards, the ever-growing archive of her research into what happened at Porvenir. For most of her life, Benita, 74, knew nothing about the massacre. What she did know was that her father, Juan Flores, had terrible nightmares, and that in 1950 he checked himself in to a state mental hospital for symptoms that today would be recognized as PTSD. When she asked her mother what was wrong with him, she always received the same vague response: “You don’t understand what he’s been through.”

    In 1998, Benita and her husband, Buddy, began tracing their family trees. Benita was perplexed that she couldn’t find any documentation about her grandfather, Longino Flores. Then she came across the archival papers of Harry Warren, a schoolteacher, lawyer and son-in-law of Tiburcio Jáquez, one of the men who was murdered. Warren had made a list of the victims, and Longino’s name was among them. Warren also described how one of his students from Porvenir had come to his house the next morning to tell him what happened, and then traveled with him to the massacre site to identify the bodies, many of which were so mutilated as to be virtually unrecognizable. Benita immediately saw the possible connection. Her father, 12 at the time, matched Warren’s description of the student.

    Benita and Buddy drove from Uvalde to Odessa, where her father lived, with her photocopied papers. “Is that you?” she asked. He said yes. Then, for the first time in 80 years, he began to tell the story of how he was kidnapped with the men, but then sent home because of his age; he was told that the others were only going to be questioned. To Benita and Buddy’s amazement, he remembered the names of 12 of the men who had been murdered. They were the same as those in Harry Warren’s papers. He also remembered the names of the ranchers who had shown up at his door. Some of those, including the ancestors of prominent families still in Presidio County, had never been found in any document.

    Talking about the massacre proved healing for Flores. His nightmares stopped. In 2000, at age 96, he decided that he wanted to return to Porvenir. Buddy drove them down an old mine road in a four-wheel-drive truck. Flores pointed out where his old neighbors used to live, even though the buildings were gone. He guided Buddy to the bluff where the men were killed — a different location than the one commonly believed by local ranchers to be the massacre site. His memory proved to be uncanny: At the bluff, the family discovered a pre-1918 military bullet casing, still lying on the Chihuahuan desert ground.

    Benita and Buddy began advocating for a historical marker in 2000, soon after their trip to Porvenir. “A lot of people say that this was a lie,” Buddy told me. “But if you’ve got a historical marker, the state has to acknowledge what happened.” Their efforts were met by resistance from powerful ranching families, who held sway over the local historical commission. The Albarados had already given up when they met Monica Muñoz Martinez, a Yale graduate student from Uvalde, who interviewed them for her dissertation. In 2013, Martinez, by then an assistant professor at Brown University, co-founded Refusing to Forget, a group of historians aiming to create broader public awareness of border violence, including Porvenir and other extrajudicial killings of Mexicans by Texas Rangers during the same period. The most horrific of these was La Matanza, in which dozens of Mexicans and Mexican Americans were murdered in the Rio Grande Valley in 1915.

    In 2006, the THC created the Undertold Markers program, which seemed tailor-made for Porvenir. According to its website, the program is designed to “address historical gaps, promote diversity of topics, and proactively document significant underrepresented subjects or untold stories.” Unlike the agency’s other marker programs, anyone can apply for an undertold marker, not just county historical commissions. Martinez’s application for a Porvenir massacre marker was accepted in 2015.

    Though the approval process for the Porvenir marker took longer than usual, by the summer of 2018 everything appeared to be falling into place. On June 1, Presidio County Historical Commission chair Garcia approved the final text. (Garcia told me that she thought she was approving a different text. Her confusion is difficult to understand, since the text was attached to the digital form she submitted approving it.) Martinez began coordinating with the THC and Arlinda Valencia, a descendant of one of the victims, to organize a dedication ceremony in El Paso.
    “They weren’t just simple farmers. I seriously doubt that they were just killed for no reason.”

    In mid-June, Valencia invited other descendants to the event and posted it on Facebook. She began planning a program to include a priest’s benediction, a mariachi performance and brief remarks by Martinez, Senator Rodríguez and a representative from the THC. The event’s climax would be the unveiling of the plaque with the names of the 15 victims.

    Then the backlash began.

    “Why do you call it a massacre?” is the first thing Jim White III said over the phone when I told him I was researching the Porvenir massacre. White is the trustee of the Brite Ranch, the site of a cross-border raid by Mexicans on Christmas Day 1917, about a month before the Porvenir massacre. When I explained that the state-sanctioned extrajudicial execution of 15 men and boys met all the criteria I could think of for a massacre, he shot back, “It sounds like you already have your opinion.”

    For generations, ranching families like the Brites have dominated the social, economic and political life of Presidio County. In a visit to the Marfa & Presidio County Museum, I was told that there were almost no Hispanic surnames in any of the exhibits, though 84 percent of the county is Hispanic. The Brite family name, however, was everywhere.

    White and others in Presidio County subscribe to an alternative history of the Porvenir massacre, centering on the notion that the Porvenir residents were involved in the bloody Christmas Day raid.

    “They weren’t just simple farmers,” White told me, referring to the victims. “I seriously doubt that they were just killed for no reason.” Once he’d heard about the historical marker, he said, he’d talked to everyone he knew about it, including former Texas Land Commissioner Jerry Patterson and Mona Blocker Garcia.

    I visited Garcia at her Marfa home, an 1886 adobe that’s the same age as the venerable Marfa County Courthouse down the street. Garcia, 82, is Anglo, and married to a former oil executive whose ancestry, she explained, is Spanish and French Basque. A Houston native, she retired in the 1990s to Marfa, where she befriended the Brite family and became involved in local history. She told me that she had shared a draft text of the marker with the Brites, and they had agreed that it was factually inaccurate.

    Garcia cited a story a Brite descendant had told her about a young goat herder from Porvenir who purportedly witnessed the Christmas Day raid, told authorities about the perpetrators from his community and then disappeared without a trace into a witness protection program in Oklahoma. When I asked if there was any evidence that the boy actually existed, she acknowledged the story was “folklore.” Still, she said, “the story has lasted 100 years. Why would anybody make something like that up?”

    The actual history is quite clear. In the days after the massacre, the Texas Rangers commander, Captain J.M. Fox, initially reported that Porvenir residents had fired on the Rangers. Later, he claimed that residents had participated in the Christmas Day raid. Subsequent investigations by the Mexican consulate, the U.S. Army and state Representative J.T. Canales concluded that the murdered men were unarmed and innocent, targeted solely because of their ethnicity by a vigilante force organized at the Brite Ranch. As a result, in June 1918, five Rangers were dismissed, Fox was forced to resign and Company B of the Texas Rangers was disbanded.

    But justice remained elusive. In the coming years, Fox re-enlisted as captain of Company A, while three of the dismissed lawmen found new employment. One re-enlisted as a Ranger, a second became a U.S. customs inspector and the third was hired by the Brite Ranch. No one was ever prosecuted. As time passed, the historical records of the massacre, including Harry Warren’s papers, affidavits from widows and other relatives and witness testimony from the various investigations, were largely forgotten. In their place came texts like Walter Prescott Webb’s The Texas Rangers: A Century of Frontier Defense, which played an outsize role in the creation of the heroic myth of the Texas Rangers. Relying entirely on interviews with the murderers themselves, Webb accepted at face value Fox’s discredited version of events. For more than 50 years, Webb’s account was considered the definitive one of the massacre — though, unsurprisingly, he didn’t use that word.

    An Observer review of hundreds of emails shows that the state commission was aware of potential controversy over the marker from the very beginning. In an email from 2015, Executive Director Mark Wolfe gave John Nau, the chair of the THC’s executive committee, a heads-up that while the marker was supported by historical scholarship, “the [Presidio County Historical Commission] opposes the marker.” The emails also demonstrate that the agency viewed the claims of historical inaccuracies in the marker text made by Mona Blocker Garcia and the county commission as minor issues of wording.

    On August 6, the day before the decision to halt the marker, Charles Sadnick, the history programs director, wrote Wolfe to say that the “bigger problem” was the ceremony, where he worried there might be disagreements among Presidio County residents, and which he described as “involving some politics which we don’t want a part of.”

    What were the politics that the commission was worried about, and where were these concerns coming from? Garcia’s last-minute letter may have been a factor, but it wasn’t the only one. For the entire summer, Glenn Justice, a right-wing amateur historian who lives in a rural gated community an hour outside San Angelo, had been the driving force behind a whisper campaign to discredit Martinez and scuttle the dedication ceremony.

    “There are radicals in the ‘brown power’ movement that only want the story told of Rangers and [the] Army and gringos killing innocent Mexicans,” Justice told me when we met in his garage, which doubles as the office for Rimrock Press, a publishing company whose catalog consists entirely of Justice’s own work. He was referring to Refusing to Forget and in particular Martinez, the marker’s sponsor.

    Justice has been researching the Porvenir massacre for more than 30 years, starting when he first visited the Big Bend as a graduate student. He claims to be, and probably is, the first person since schoolteacher Harry Warren to call Porvenir a “massacre” in print, in a master’s thesis published by the University of Texas at El Paso in 1991. Unlike White and Garcia, Justice doesn’t question the innocence of the Porvenir victims. But he believes that additional “context” is necessary to understand the reasons for the massacre, which he views as an aberration, rather than a representatively violent part of a long history of racism. “There have never been any problems between the races to speak of [in Presidio County],” he told me.

    In 2015, Justice teamed up with former Land Commissioner Jerry Patterson and Sul Ross State University archaeologist David Keller on a privately funded excavation at the massacre site. He is working on a new book about the bullets and bullet casings they found — which he believes implicate the U.S. Army cavalry in the shooting — and also partnered with Patterson to produce a documentary. But they’d run out of money, and the film was taken over by noted Austin filmmaker Andrew Shapter, who pitched the project to PBS and Netflix. In the transition, Justice was demoted to the role of one of 12 consulting historians. Meanwhile, Martinez was given a prominent role on camera.

    Justice was disgruntled when he learned that the dedication ceremony would take place in El Paso. He complained to organizer Arlinda Valencia and local historical commission members before contacting Ponton, the county attorney, and Amanda Shields, a descendant of massacre victim Manuel Moralez.

    “I didn’t want to take my father to a mob scene,” Shields told me over the phone, by way of explaining her opposition to the dedication ceremony. She believed the rumor that O’Rourke and Gutiérrez would be involved.

    In August, Shields called Valencia to demand details about the program for the ceremony. At the time, she expressed particular concern about a potential Q&A event with Martinez that would focus on parallels between border politics and violence in 1918 and today.

    “This is not a political issue,” Shields told me. “It’s a historical issue. With everything that was going on, we didn’t want the ugliness of politics involved in it.” By “everything,” she explained, she was referring primarily to the issue of family separation. Benita and Buddy Albarado told me that Shields’ views represent a small minority of descendants.

    Martinez said that the idea of ignoring the connections between past and present went against her reasons for fighting to get a marker in the first place. “I’m a historian,” she said. “It’s hard to commemorate such a period of violence, in the midst of another ongoing humanitarian crisis, when this period of violence shaped the institutions of policing that we have today. And that cannot be relegated to the past.”

    After communicating with Justice and Shields, Ponton phoned THC Commissioner Gilbert “Pete” Peterson, who is a bank investment officer in Alpine. That call set in motion the sequence of events that would ultimately derail the marker. Peterson immediately emailed Wolfe, the state commission’s executive director, to say that the marker was becoming “a major political issue.” Initially, though, Wolfe defended the agency’s handling of the marker. “Frankly,” Wolfe wrote in his reply, “this might just be one where the [Presidio County Historical Commission] isn’t going to be happy, and that’s why these stories have been untold for so long.” Peterson wrote back to say that he had been in touch with members of the THC executive committee, which consists of 15 members appointed by either former Governor Rick Perry or Governor Greg Abbott, and that an email about the controversy had been forwarded to THC chair John Nau. Two days later, Peterson added, “This whole thing is a burning football that will be thrown to the media.”

    At a meeting of the Presidio County Historical Commission on August 17, Peterson suggested that the executive board played a major role in the decision to pause production of the marker. “I stopped the marker after talking to Rod [Ponton],” Peterson said. “I’ve spent quite a bit of time talking with the chairman and vice-chairman [of the THC]. What we have said, fairly emphatically, is that there will not be a dedication in El Paso.” Through a spokesperson, Wolfe said that the executive committee is routinely consulted and the decision was ultimately his.

    The spokesperson said, “The big reason that the marker was delayed was to be certain about its accuracy. We want these markers to stand for generations and to be as accurate as possible.”

    With no marker to unveil, Valencia still organized a small commemoration. Many descendants, including Benita and Buddy Albarado, chose not to attend. Still, the event was described by Jeff Davis, a THC representative in attendance, as “a near perfect event” whose tone was “somber and respectful but hopeful.”

    Most of THC’s executive committee members are not historians. The chair, John Nau, is CEO of the nation’s largest Anheuser-Busch distributor and a major Republican party donor. His involvement in the Porvenir controversy was not limited to temporarily halting the marker. In August, he also instructed THC staff to ask the Presidio historical commission to submit applications for markers commemorating raids by Mexicans on white ranches during the Mexican Revolution, which Nau described as “a significant but largely forgotten incident in the state’s history.”

    Garcia confirmed that she had been approached by THC staff. She added that the THC had suggested two specific topics: the Christmas Day raid and a subsequent raid at the Neville Ranch.

    The idea of additional plaques to provide so-called context that could be interpreted as justifying the massacre — or at the very least setting up a false moral equivalence — appears to have mollified critics like White, Garcia and Justice. The work on a revised Porvenir massacre text proceeded quickly, with few points of contention, once it began in mid-September. The marker was sent to the foundry on September 18.
    “It’s hard to commemorate such a period of violence, in the midst of another ongoing humanitarian crisis, when this period of violence shaped the institutions of policing that we have today.”

    In the end, the Porvenir descendants will get their marker — but it may come at a cost. Martinez called the idea of multiple markers “deeply unsettling” and not appropriate for the Undertold Marker program. “Events like the Brite Ranch raid and the Neville raid have been documented by historians for over a century,” she said. “These are not undertold histories. My concern with having a series of markers is that, again, it casts suspicion on the victims of these historical events. It creates the logic that these raids caused this massacre, that it was retribution for these men and boys participating.”

    In early November, the THC unexpectedly announced a dedication ceremony for Friday, November 30. The date was one of just a few on which Martinez, who was still planning on organizing several public history events in conjunction with the unveiling, had told the agency months prior that she had a schedule conflict. In an email to Martinez, Sadnick said that it was the only date Nau could attend this year, and that it was impossible for agency officials to make “secure travel plans” once the legislative session began in January.

    A handful of descendants, including Shields and the Albarados, still plan to attend. “This is about families having closure,” Shields told me. “Now, this can finally be put to rest.”

    The Albarados are livid that the THC chose a date that, in their view, prioritized the convenience of state and county officials over the attendance of descendants — including their own daughters, who feared they wouldn’t be able to get off work. They also hope to organize a second, unofficial gathering at the marker site next year, with the participation of more descendants and the Refusing to Forget historians. “We want people to know the truth of what really happened [at Porvenir],” Buddy told me, “and to know who it was that got this historical marker put there.”

    Others, like Arlinda Valencia, planned to stay home. “Over 100 years ago, our ancestors were massacred, and the reason they were massacred was because of lies that people were stating as facts,” she told me in El Paso. “They called them ‘bandits,’ when all they were doing was working and trying to make a living. And now, it’s happening again.”

    #mémoire #histoire #Texas #USA #massacre #assassinat #méxicains #violence #migrations #commémoration #historicisation #frontières #violence_aux_frontières #violent_borders #Mexique

  • SIMD Wrapper Libraries with Jeff Amstutz

    Rob and Jason are joined by Jeff Amstutz to discuss SIMD and SIMD wrapper libraries. Jeff is a Software Engineer at Intel, where he leads the open source OSPRay project. He enjoys all things ray tracing, high performance and heterogeneous computing, and code carefully written for human consumption. Prior to joining Intel, Jeff was an HPC software engineer at SURVICE Engineering where he worked on interactive simulation applications for the U.S. Army Research Laboratory, implemented using high performance C++ and CUDA. News Freestanding in San Diego Getting Started Qt with WebAssembly Trip Report: Fall ISO C++ standards meeting (San Diego) Jeff Amstutz @jeffamstutz Links CppCon 2018: Jefferson Amstutz “Compute More in Less Time Using C++ SIMD Wrapper Libraries” tsimd - (...)

  • Les Américains & 14-18

    Les Américains & 14-18

    Ce texte divisé en trois parties comprend deux parties datant du 23 juin 2008 et la troisième sur Le mythe du Sauveur américain datant du 14 juin 2017, le tout s’attachant au thème des Américains par rapport à la Grande Guerre, notamment du point de vue de leurs rapports avec les Français. Ce texte est le cinquième d’une série de dix reprises du site (plus un inédit), concernant la Grande Guerre. Cette série nous mènera jusqu’au 11-novembre, date du centenaire de la fin de ce conflit.

    L’histoire retrouvée

    Le texte de William S. Lind, que nous commentions le 17 juin (2008), fait largement référence à Robert A. Doughty, général de l’U.S. Army et chef des services historiques de l’U.S. Army lorsqu’il quitta le service actif en 2005. Doughty a été et reste le maître (...)

  • ‘I spent seven years fighting to survive’: #Chelsea_Manning on #whistleblowing and #WikiLeaks | US news | The Guardian

    Perhaps the most revealing part of my conversation with Chelsea Manning is what she doesn’t say. What she can’t or won’t talk about. It’s not that she doesn’t have a whole lot to say – she does, particularly about technology and how it can be used against us. Her job as an intelligence analyst for the US army, using data to profile enemy combatants – to be targeted and maybe killed – gave her an acute understanding of its potential uses and abuses. She understood the power of Facebook to profile and target long before the Cambridge Analytica scandal erupted. “Marketing or death by drone, it’s the same math,” she says. There’s no difference between the private sector and the military. “You could easily turn Facebook into that. You don’t have to change the programming, just the purpose of why you have the system.”

  • U.S. Navy Commences Oil Removal from Capsized German Cruiser ’Prinz Eugen’ in Marshall Islands – gCaptain

    The U.S. Army, in partnership with the U.S. Navy and the Republic of the Marshall Islands, are safely recovering oil from the capsized World War II German heavy cruiser Prinz Eugen in the Kwajalein Atoll.
    U.S. Navy Photo by LeighAhn Ferrari

    The Prinz Eugen was transferred to the U. S. Navy as a war prize from the British Royal Navy after the war, and in 1946, it was loaded with oil and cargo and used to test the survivability of warships during the Operation Crossroads atomic bomb tests at Bikini Atoll.

    During the test, the cruise withstood the initial blast but sustained heavy damage. Five months later, however, she capsized and sank in Kwajalein Lagoon, approximately 3.6 miles from Kwajalein.

    The wreck contained about 2,767 metric tons of oil when it sank, and an assessment of the wreckage has shown that there remains a high risk of a spill of more than 1,000 metric tons.

    A U.S. Navy report on the oil spill risk conducted in 1974 recommended that oil be removed from the wreck within 30 years, but Ownership of the wreckage was eventually transferred to the Republic of Marshall Islands in 1986.

    • German cruiser Prinz Eugen - Wikipedia

      The ship survived two atomic bomb blasts: Test Able, an air burst on 1 July 1946 and Test Baker, a submerged detonation on 25 July. Prinz Eugen was moored about 1,200 yards (1,100 m) from the epicenter of both blasts and was only lightly damaged by them; the Able blast only bent her foremast and broke the top of her main mast. She suffered no significant structural damage from the explosions but was thoroughly contaminated with radioactive fallout. The irradiated ship was towed to the Kwajalein Atoll in the central Pacific, where a small leak went unrepaired due to the radiation danger. On 29 August 1946, the US Navy decommissioned Prinz Eugen.

      By late December 1946, the ship was in very bad condition; on 21 December, she began to list severely. A salvage team could not be brought to Kwajalein in time, so the US Navy attempted to beach the ship to prevent her from sinking, but on 22 December, Prinz Eugen capsized and sank.

    • Je viens de remonter le temps avec gg:earth sur l’embouchure du détroit de Johor, la progression des terres à partir de 1995 est assez impressionnante.

      Quant aux paquets de bateaux qui sont mouillés en rade, la vingtaine qui sont devant les chantiers navals de ces nouvelles terres a l’air d’être là depuis un bon bout de temps (au minimum 3 ans) et on les voit éviter au fil des vents et des courants… Ceci dit, ils sont dans les eaux malaisiennes, la délimitation remontant à avant les polders passe maintenant presque à toucher la côte singapourienne.

      Je me demande, d’ailleurs, pour cette « flotte fantôme » s’il y a une quelconque forme de gardiennage et, donc, dans quel état se trouvent les navires ? En particulier l’équipement de passerelle (radar, radio, compas, …) et les apparaux de manœuvres. Ont-ils été démontés avant abandon, laissés en place en vue d’une réactivation éventuelle du navire (une partie est censée avoir été « mise sous cocon » ou vandalisés par les pirates dont la renommée n’est plus à faire dans ces détroits ?…

      On trouve quelques (en fait, pas temps que ça) photos des files de navires, mais jamais vues des ponts ou des machines. Bon, il faut déjà pouvoir grimper à bord et ce doit être une sacrée expédition. La surveillance singapourienne doit (devrait ?) être relativement sérieuse, mais qu’en est-il de celle exercée par les autorités de Malaisie ?

      Peut-être terrain glissant…

    • U.S. Navy Salvage Team Completes Oil Removal from Former German Cruiser Prinz Eugen – gCaptain

      The U.S. Army, in partnership with the U.S. Navy and the Republic of the Marshall Islands, are safely recovering oil from the capsized World War II German heavy cruiser Prinz Eugen in the Kwajalein Atoll.
      U.S. Navy photo by LeighAhn Ferrari, chief mate, U.S. Naval Ship Salvor

      A U.S. Navy-led salvage team has successfully removed 229,000 gallons of oil from the sunken World War II vessel ex-Prinz Eugen located in the Kwajalein Atoll in the Marshall Islands.

      229000 gallons -> 866 mètres cube (à peu près autant de tonnes, entre 1/3 et 1/4 de piscine olympique, pour prendre les éléments de comparaison habituels ;-)

  • A Toronto, Michael Moore célèbre la résistance à Donald Trump

    Le réalisateur a présenté « Fahrenheit 11/9 », brûlot politique qui assimile le président américain à Adolf Hitler.

    Il n’y a pas de raison pour que le Festival de Toronto, dont la 43e édition a commencé le 6 septembre, se distingue du reste de l’Amérique du Nord – et du monde. Donald Trump règne en maître absolu sur les ­conversations, et pour l’une des soirées d’ouverture – celle de la section documentaire – sur l’écran.

    Michael Moore a présenté ­Fahrenheit 11/9 (le 9 novembre 2016, les médias américains ont admis la victoire de Donald Trump sur Hillary Clinton), ­un pamphlet colérique, sincère et roublard, divaguant et provocant – un retour à la manière de son plus grand succès, Fahrenheit 9/11.

    Le film de Michael Moore est à l’avant-garde d’une série de films politiques américains, documentaires ou fictions attendus au long du festival. Dans la première catégorie, on trouve les films de deux autres grandes figures du genre, que tout – méthode, style et inclinations politiques – oppose : Frederick Wiseman a filmé une petite ville au milieu des « flyover states » (les Etats qu’on ne fait que survoler) dans Monrovia, Indiana, pendant qu’Errol Morris a tenté de comprendre l’ancien conseiller du locataire de la Maison Blanche Steve Bannon dans American Dharma, déjà présenté à Venise. Les dirigeants du festival se demandent si le politicien d’extrême droite s’invitera à Toronto comme il l’a fait sur le Lido, ce qui pourrait provoquer quelque ­agitation dans une ville plutôt à gauche.

    Côté fiction, on a déjà vu ­Monsters and Men, de Renaldo Marcus Green, qui examine en un récit éclaté les conséquences de la mort d’un ancien combattant afro-américain tué par la police de New York et l’on attend, entre autres The Frontrunner, de Jason Reitman, dans lequel Hugh Jackman incarne Gary Hart, candidat démocrate à la Maison Blanche en 1988, défait par un scandale sexuel.

    Obsession de Trump pour sa fille

    De sexe, il en est question dans Fahrenheit 11/9, car Michael Moore fait sienne la fameuse phrase de Malcolm X : « Par tous les moyens nécessaires ».

    Dans la brillante série de montages qui ouvre son film, il aligne les interviews agressives d’Hillary Clinton par des journalistes mâles en superposant à l’image les accusations d’agressions sexuelles dont ces censeurs – Charlie Rose, Matt Lauer, Bill O’Reilly… – ont fait l’objet. Un peu plus loin, la succession d’images fixes ou animées ressassant l’obsession du président des Etats-Unis pour sa fille Ivanka.

    Après avoir établi sommairement et vigoureusement les raisons de la défaite d’Hillary Clinton (au premier rang desquelles l’hubris de ses partisans, dont on voit les plus célèbres, de Nancy Pelosi à Jay Z, annoncer son inévitable victoire) et celles pour lesquelles son concurrent n’aurait jamais dû mettre les pieds dans le bureau Ovale, Michael Moore prend la tangente. Il ne s’agit plus de dépeindre les turpitudes de Donald Trump ou les carences de l’appareil démocrate, mais de fouiller dans le terreau sur lesquels ces plantes se sont épanouies.


    Comme il aime à le faire, le réalisateur retourne chez lui, à Flint, Michigan. La ville ravagée par la désindustrialisation de Roger et moi (1989) est devenue un enfer pour ses habitants, dont les enfants ont été condamnés à boire de l’eau empoisonnée, dont les bâtiments abandonnés sont devenus des cibles pour l’artillerie de l’US Army qui s’entraîne là au combat de rue.

    Chacun décidera si Michael Moore force le trait ou s’il se contente d’exprimer en termes simples des situations dont les hommes politiques aiment à dire qu’elles sont compliquées. C’est ce que fait un représentant républicain à la chambre de ­Floride, lorsque l’un des étudiants du lycée de Parkland, ravagé par l’irruption d’un tueur armé d’un fusil d’assaut, l’interroge sur sa position quant à la vente libre de ces armes. Il était inévitable que le réalisateur de Bowling for ­Columbine passe par le lycée ­Marjorie Stoneman et célèbre ses élèves militants. Car cette deuxième partie de Fahrenheit 11/9 prend la forme d’un tour des Etats-Unis de la résistance. En présentant son film, Michael Moore a revendiqué le terme, l’associant explicitement à la résistance en France sous l’occupation nazie.

    Montagnes russes militantes

    On a mieux compris cette assimilation en découvrant la troisième partie de son documentaire : elle compare systématiquement les Etats-Unis à l’Allemagne de Weimar et Donald Trump à Adolf Hitler. Le renfort d’historiens, d’un ancien magistrat au tribunal de Nuremberg ne suffit pas à muer cette comparaison en raison. A la fin de la projection, il suffisait de voir Michael Moore, entouré de lycéens de Parkland et de militants de Flint pour comprendre qu’il ne s’agit plus seulement de cinéma mais d’urgence politique, d’intervenir avant qu’il ne soit trop tard.

    Il revenait à l’esprit l’un des ­innombrables faits énoncés ­pendant ces deux heures de montagnes russes militantes : depuis 1992, les démocrates ont remporté le vote populaire dans toutes les élections présidentielles, sauf en 2004. Quatre mois avant ce dernier scrutin, sortait le plus grand succès de Michael Moore, Fahrenheit 9/11.

  • L’héroïque 9/11 de Tulsi Gabbard

    L’héroïque 9/11 de Tulsi Gabbard

    A chacun son 9/11... Comme nous l’avons déjà vu et signalé avec force à plusieurs reprises et à propos de diverses situations dont évidemment et particulièrement la Syrie, la Représentante démocrate d’Hawaii Tulsi Gabbard, qui servit plusieurs fois en Irak dans l’US Army, reste dans le concert du simulacre conformiste des “experts” de la presseSystème, des lobbyistes et des parlementaires de l’establishment de “D.C.-la-folle”, et de Trump tel qu’il est advenu, une voix surprenante disant tout haut la vérité-de-situation dans une enceinte (le Congrès) dévolue à l’hypocrisie et à l’inversion-Système. Deux jours après la commémoration de 9/11, et en directe référence à cette attaque, elle s’est à nouveau signalée par le courage sinon l’héroïsme d’une condamnation publique du (...)

    • Gabbard juge et dénonce cette évidence que l’actuelle politique US en Syrie, provocatrice et interventionniste, de « se tenir aux côtés de 20 000 à 40 000 terroristes d’al Qaïda et d’autres groupe djihadistes, et de menacer d’attaquer militairement la Russie, la Syrie et l’Iran s’ils osent attaquer ces terroristes », constitue une « trahison du peuple américain, et spécialement des victimes de l’attaque 9/11 », et également de « ses compagnons d’arme » ayant servi et servant dans les nombreuses campagnes depuis 9/11. Elle accuse Trump de se conduire dans cette circonstance en « parrain protecteur d’al Qaïda et des autres terroristes ».

  • Army, UPENN uncover ways to better predict viral information | U.S. Army Research Laboratory

    Neuroscientists at the University of Pennsylvania and the U.S. Army Research Laboratory have forecasted what content will get passed along repeatedly. In an article published in August 2018 in the journal Cerebral Cortex, researchers analyzed the brain responses of 40 people as they read real New York Times health article headlines and abstracts. They found that those who don’t regularly read the news were best able to predict the popularity of those articles among real readers.

    dédicace spéciale à tous les paranoïaques :)

    il y a tellement de choses dans cet article, je ne sais même pas par où commencer…

    #mémétique #armée #manipulation #NYT #recherche #journalisme

    • Un copain me répond : « Intéressant de voir que les gens qui s’intéressent à ce domaine (la santé) ont tous une activation du cortex frontal ventro-médian, comparé aux gens qui s’en foutent un peu mais qui de temps en temps vont se faire accrocher par un titre qui les concerne. Je ne sais pas ce que ça peut être, mais je ne serais pas surpris, comme dans l’exemple donné dans l’image, que ça ait rapport avec quelques chose de fondamental du point de vue évolutif, donc survie, peur, danger, sexe, etc. Au fond, les publicitaires et les gens de com’ savent ça depuis longtemps, mais on le voit là dans un motif général d’activation cérébrale. Pas de quoi fouetter un chat, mais puisque l’armée est en train de perdre du temps avec ça, alors laissons-les faire... »

      #cerveau #USA

  • Special Report: Children poisoned by lead on U.S. Army bases as hazards ignored | Reuters

    Like most family housing on U.S. bases today, the home wasn’t owned and operated by the military. It was managed by Villages of Benning, a partnership between two private companies and the U.S. Army, whose website beckons families to “enjoy the luxuries of on-post living.”

    The symptoms began suddenly. At 18 months, JC would awake screaming. He began refusing food, stopped responding to his name and lost most of his words.

    #privatisation #sous_traitance #etats-unis #santé

  • Aux #Etats-Unis, lumière sur les disparitions et meurtres d’#Amérindiennes

    Autre facteur : les polices tribales n’ont pas autorité pour poursuivre les non-#Amérindiens, même pour des agressions commises sur leurs terres. La police fédérale délaisse beaucoup de cas et quand elle prend en charge un dossier, des mois ont parfois été perdus.

  • Vietnam: A Television History; Roots of a War; Interview with Archimedes L. A. Patti, 1981

    04/01/1981- Archimedes Patti was an officer in the United States Army and, after World War Two, the Office of Strategic Services. Mr. Patti describes the U.S. position on Southeast Asia during World War Two, and the emerging Vietnamese Independence Movement. He describes his first meetings with Ho Chi Minh and details the assistance of the Viet Minh in the war effort. He recalls the scene in Hanoi after the war and the attempts by the French to recoup their colony. He details his talks with Ho, and notes that the Vietnamese Declaration of Independence was quite similar to that of the United States. He concludes with his views of the Vietnam War from the perspective of one who understood the roots of the conflict and knew how it could have been avoided.

    #USA #Vietnam #histoire #guerre

  • Founder Interviews: John Lee Dumas of #entrepreneur On Fire

    JLD is the founder of the award winning #podcast Entrepreneur On Fire, which has done over $13 million in revenue since launching in 2012.Davis Baer: What’s your background, and what are you working on?​John Lee Dumas: I have my entire story on my About page :) short version is that I graduated college and was commissioned as an officer in the US Army. I spent 18 months in Iraq during my 4 years active, then spent 4 years in the reserves. After that I tried Corporate Finance, tried Law School — but wasn’t happy. I knew there had to be more out there.I started listening to podcasts and fell in love with the free, actionable, inspiring content they provided — especially the ones that interviewed entrepreneurs who had created their own lifestyle freedom through doing (...)

    #podcasting-tips #podcasting #founder-stories

  • The feminist storm troopers
    The battle for equal rights is being won, but do women really want the right to perpetrate war crimes or to maintain the occupation?
    Gideon Levy - Jul 01, 2018 -

    Merav Michaeli admires MJ Hegar. She even says she would vote for her – although, as far as is known, the Israeli Knesset member has no voting rights in Texas, where Hegar is vying for a Congress seat. Hegar was a helicopter pilot who served in Afghanistan until her chopper was shot down during her third tour. She’s since been on a crusade, aimed at opening combat roles in the U.S. Army up to women without discrimination.

    Michaeli, the queen of Israeli feminists and a representative of the center-left, wants to see more American female helicopter pilots in Afghanistan and Yemen – who can continue bombing no matter what, who and how much is on the receiving end. She also wants more female pilots in Israel to take part in airstrikes against Gaza, along with female tank combatants who can shell whatever the female helicopter pilots leave standing.

    The Labor Party meat grinder, which distorts the moral image of anyone elected to its list, alongside blind and rapacious feminism, have caused even Michaeli – one of the most impressive and committed members of the Knesset – to temporarily lose her moral compass. Just give her more female bombers. Let them bomb and shell in Afghanistan and Gaza, only let them be women.

    Four female soldiers who completed a tank commanders’ course last week induced drooling militaristic pride among numerous men and women in Israel: the feminist in the tank rules! Now there are female combatants in the air, on land and at sea, and the Israel Hayom and Yedioth Ahronoth dailies could not let the opportunity pass without spouting headlines such as “Queens of the skies” and “Armor piercing.”

    Corp. Keren Beit-On will complete her Snapir course this week and join a unit of naval speedboats patrolling the Gaza coast. On a good day, she might participate in the shooting of desperate Palestinian fishermen who exceeded the boundaries of their cages for their livelihoods, or at least spray them with water cannon until, helpless, they fall off their flimsy and pathetic surfboards into the water. This time, it won’t be at the hands of a macho male combatant, but one of the first female graduates of the feminist Snapir course. Beit-On, like Hegar the helicopter pilot, will fulfill the ideal of gender equality, without any discrimination. In the air, on land and at sea.

    The just and triumphant feminist train is racing ahead and no one stops to ask: Sorry, but equality in what? In oppression? In tyranny over another people? Female equality in abuse? Gender equality in perpetrating war crimes?

    A course instructor of the Snapir ("Fin") Unit, a mixed male and female combat unit, practicing in inflatable rubber boats in the Haifa Bay.IDF Spokesperson’s Unit

    Is this what you want? Is this what you deserve? Is this what we deserve? After this goal is achieved, the feminists will be able to advance toward their next objective: gender equality in organized crime. That’s another arena where male dominion must be ended – to the barricades, until Rinat Abergil controls the family business equally with her husband Meir!

    Of course, the IDF should not be compared to crime families in order to understand the depth of the darkness. In order to achieve a goal that itself is absolutely correct – namely, gender equality in society – men and women are prepared to abandon any other moral value. It is true that the entrance to many halls of power still runs through service in combat units, though happily this is diminishing. But nothing could justify turning this service – a major part of which is geared toward perpetuating the occupation and the settlements – into a desired objective for women seeking equality.

    No Border Policewoman, armed from head to toe while evacuating a family in Silwan, raiding a house in Nablus in the middle of the night while brutally waking up female household members, or lording it over Palestinian passersby in the Muslim Quarter of Jerusalem’s Old City in order to protect a handful of settlers, will add an iota of dignity to the struggle for gender equality. It will only bring shame by the fact that women are also participating in these actions.

    Women, you should be proud that you don’t have an equal role in maintaining the occupation. Be proud that you don’t share equally in bombing kite warehouses in Gaza, and that there isn’t yet gender equality in the disgraceful nightly arrest raids in the West Bank. There are more than enough male occupation-serving storm troopers doing this work.

    The road to equality, just and absolute, should be pursued using other, more moral, paths.