The Reading of the Bible by the Rabbis (A Souvenir of Morocco) par Jean Jules Antoine Lecomte du Noüy (1842–1923)
Jean-Jules-Antoine Lecomte du Nouÿ
▻https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Jules-Antoine_Lecomte_du_Nou%C3%BF
En 1873, associé à la Ville de Paris, l’État passe commande à l’artiste de deux vastes compositions pour la décoration de l’église de la Sainte-Trinité, qu’il livrera quelques années plus tard ; il s’agit de Saint Vincent de Paul ramène des galériens à la foi (1876) et Saint Vincent de Paul secourant les Alsaciens et les Lorrains après la guerre de 1637 (1879).
▻https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Jules-Antoine_Lecomte_du_Nou%C3%BF#Artistic_style
Artistic style
The Orientalist style is largely characterized by its content, but also by its subdued realism and precision allotted towards depicting the human form. The latter is a prominent characteristic of the 19th century methods upheld by the Académie des Beaux-Arts. Du Nouÿ was a prominent figure within the sphere of academic art and thereby adhered to a rule-based artistic style of well-developed skill and formal composition. The artistic composition of his paintings was often complemented by the use of half-light, which added certain dramatic and melancholic qualities to his work. To this day some, like Alan Braddock, consider Du Nouÿ to have been decidedly modern for his time, because his work directly and indirectly broached some of the key issues of his day, albeit from a decidedly conservative perspective: colonialism, international trade, gender, religion, and history
Ramsès dans son harem (1887)
L’Esclave blanche (1888)
A l’entree du harem
►https://onlineonly.christies.com/s/kagan-collection/jean-jules-antoine-lecomte-du-nouy-paris-1842-1929-20/116706
Jean Jules Antoine Lecomte du Nouÿ Paris, 1842 - 1923 Entrée du Palais Morosini à San Salvator, Venise Huile sur toile
THE SENTINEL - by Jean Lecomte du Nouÿ
The Citrus Seller - Jean Jules Antoine Lecomte du Noüy
La prière du soir à Tanger
Le souper de Beaucaire, Château de Malmaison, Rueil-Malmaison
▻https://artifexinopere.com/blog/interpr/peintres/lecomte-du-nouy/jeunes-idoles-en-uniforme
Nous reprenons ici pour partie l’analyse très détaillée de François Thoraval, qui voit dans ce tableau « l’une des plus brillantes peintures d’histoire de la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle, trop longtemps reléguée au rang de vignette illustrée pour manuels d’après-guerre ».
Capitaine à la main gantée, vers 1876, Esquisse pour Saint Vincent de Paul ramenant les galériens à la foi, Huile sur toile, 22,3 x 24,5 cm
A Merchant in Cairo
Invocation À Neptune, 1866
Le Coup de vent, 1875 Huile sur toile - 48,7 x 77,2
▻https://www.epdlp.com/cuadro.php?id=8986
Win In Paintings
▻https://jenikirbyhistory.getarchive.net/topics/wind+in+paintings
Tombe de Valentine Peigné-Crémieux (1855-1876), épouse du sculpteur, médaillon, bronze, 1877, cimetière Montparnasse - Paris 14
▻http://parissculptures.centerblog.net/25.html
Collection Jean-Jules-Antoine Lecomte du Nouÿ sur #Pinterest
▻https://www.pinterest.com/mikisagax/jean-jules-antoine-lecomte-du-nou%C3%BF-18421923
Collection Jean-Jules-Antoine Lecomte du Nouÿ sur WikiArt
▻https://www.wikiart.org/fr/jean-jules-antoine-lecomte-du-nouy
–—
Le Kronprinz Wilhelm d’Allemagne à la cour de Roumanie
►https://onlineonly.christies.com/s/kagan-collection/jean-jules-antoine-lecomte-du-nouy-paris-1842-1929-20/116706
Photo prise au palais Cotroceni en avril 1909. Le fils aîné de Guillaume II séjournait en Roumanie à l’occasion du 70° anniversaire du roi Carol I (1).
1-prince héritier Guillaume (Wilhelm) d’Allemagne
2-Prince Karl Anton von Hohenzollern, frère du prince héritier Ferdinand
3-princesse héritière Marie de Roumanie
4-prince héritier Ferdinand de Roumanie
5-prince Carol de Roumanie
6-reine Elisabeth de Roumanie, née princesse zu Wied
7-prince Nicolas de Roumanie
8-princesse Maria (Mignon) de Roumanie
Collection Famille royale de Roumanie sur Pinterest
▻https://www.pinterest.com/dujaur/famille-royale-de-roumanie
▻https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Jules-Antoine_Lecomte_du_Nou%C3%BF#Later_life_and_death
Du Nouÿ spent most of the later years of his life in Romania. There he painted primarily the royal family and their subjects. However, he returned to Paris right before his death on 19 February 1923.
▻https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romania#World_Wars_and_Greater_Romania
Austria-Hungary quickly disintegrated after the war. The General Congress of Bukovina proclaimed the union of the province with Romania on 28 November 1918, and the Grand National Assembly proclaimed the union of Transylvania, Banat, Crișana and Maramureș with the kingdom on 1 December. Peace treaties with Austria, Bulgaria and Hungary delineated the new borders in 1919 and 1920, but the Soviet Union did not acknowledge the loss of Bessarabia. Romania achieved its greatest territorial extent, expanding from the pre-war 137,000 to 295,000 km2 (53,000 to 114,000 sq mi). A new electoral system granted voting rights to all adult male citizens, and a series of radical agrarian reforms transformed the country into a “nation of small landowners” between 1918 and 1921. Gender equality as a principle was enacted, but women could not vote or be candidates. Calypso Botez established the National Council of Romanian Women to promote feminist ideas. Romania was a multiethnic country, with ethnic minorities making up about 30% of the population, but the new constitution declared it a unitary national state in 1923. Although minorities could establish their own schools, Romanian language, history and geography could only be taught in Romanian.
▻https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roumanie#Royaume_de_Roumanie
Après quatre siècles d’autonomie sous l’influence ottomane, les principautés de Moldavie et Valachie fusionnent en 1859, à la suite de la défaite des Russes à la guerre de Crimée, pour former le Vieux Royaume de Roumanie, dont l’indépendance totale par rapport à l’Empire ottoman sera reconnue au congrès de Berlin en 1878 à la suite de la guerre d’indépendance menée avec les russes contre les Ottomans où la Roumanie perd à nouveau le Boudjak au profit de l’Empire russe mais acquiert les deux tiers de la Dobrogée (en roumain : Dobrogea, en bulgare : Dobroudja), la Bulgarie recevant le dernier tiers. Sous l’impulsion du Premier ministre Ion Brătianu, la Roumanie devient un royaume, Carol Ier étant couronné roi en mai 1881. C’est le « Vieux Royaume ».
▻https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%89lection_au_tr%C3%B4ne_de_Roumanie_de_1866#Cons%C3%A9quences_de_l
Indépendance de la Roumanie
Carol Ier vise dès le début de son règne à s’émanciper totalement de tutelle de l’Empire ottoman. En 1877, lorsque l’empire de Russie entre en guerre contre les Ottomans, la Roumanie combat aux côtés des Russes. La campagne militaire est longue, mais victorieuse et permet l’indépendance du pays, reconnue par le traité de San Stefano, puis lors du Congrès de Berlin en 1878. Le nouvel État perd cependant à nouveau le Boudjak au profit de la Russie, mais acquiert les deux tiers de la Dobrogée. Carol est couronné roi du nouveau royaume de Roumanie en mai 1881 et fonde, en désignant comme héritier son neveu Ferdinand, la dynastie des souverains qui règnent sur la Roumanie jusqu’en 1947
▻https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roumanie#L'entre-deux_guerres
L’entre-deux guerres
La défaite des Empires centraux et l’effondrement de l’Empire russe permettent à la Roumanie de voir sa population et sa superficie doubler par rapport à avant la guerre. La Bessarabie, auparavant russe, est occupée dès janvier 1918, et est annexée de fait. Le traité de Neuilly, le 27 novembre 1919, confirme le traité de Bucarest d’août 1913 qui concluait la Seconde Guerre Balkanique en retirant à la Bulgarie la Dobroudja du sud. Le traité de Saint-Germain du 10 décembre 1919 donne également à la Roumanie la Bucovine au nord, tandis que le traité du Trianon (4 juin 1920) lui attribue son plus gros gain territorial, la Transylvanie et le Banat, à l’ouest et au nord-ouest du pays.
La superficie de la Roumanie est donc passée de 137 177km2 en 1913 à 295 049 km2 en 1920.
On parle désormais de la « Grande Roumanie », dont la population est de 18 657 000 habitants contre seulement 7 897 311 selon le recensement d’avant-guerre. Parmi cette population, selon le recensement de 1930, il y a 28,1 % d’habitants issus de minorités : 1, 425 millions de Hongrois, 745 000 Allemands et 728 000 juifs, mais également des ukrainiens et des bulgares. Le statut de ces minorités est réglé par un traité imposé par la conférence de paix le 9 décembre 1919 à Alba Iulia, qui leur confère l’égalité des droits politiques34.
La Roumanie se dote en 1921 de l’Agence Rador et votera très rapidement, de 1921 à 1923, de nombreuses réformes (vote des femmes, naturalisation des Roms et des réfugiés juifs, partage des grandes propriétés).
De 1923 à 1938, la Roumanie fonctionne selon un système de démocratie parlementaire.
Ferdinand I. (Rumänien)
▻https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ferdinand_I._(Rum%C3%A4nien)#Leben
Ferdinand von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (auch Ferdinand I., der Treue; * 24. August 1865 in Sigmaringen; † 20. Juli 1927 in Sinaia, Rumänien) war vom 10. Oktober 1914 bis zu seinem Tod 1927 König von Rumänien.
...
Ferdinand wurde in Sigmaringen als zweiter Sohn des Fürsten Leopold von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen und Antonias von Sachsen-Coburg und Gotha geboren. Prinz Ferdinand von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen stammt aus der schwäbischen Linie des Hauses Hohenzollern. 1880 wurde er zum Thronfolger seines Onkels Karl I. von Rumänien (dessen einziges Kind, eine Tochter, mit drei Jahren gestorben war) proklamiert. Von 1887 bis 1889 studierte er Jura an den Universitäten Tübingen und Leipzig. Ab 1889 lebte er ständig in Rumänien. Am 10. Januar 1893 heiratete Ferdinand die englische Prinzessin Marie von Edinburgh, geboren als Prinzessin von Sachsen-Coburg und Gotha, die eine Enkelin der britischen Königin Victoria und des russischen Zaren Alexander II. war. Sie hatten drei Söhne, Karl II., Nicolae, Mircea (der schon sehr früh starb) und drei Töchter, Elisabeth, Maria, Ileana. Am 10. Oktober 1914 folgte er seinem Onkel König Karl I. von Rumänien auf den rumänischen Thron, indem er seiner Wahlheimat Loyalität schwor:
„Ich werde als ein guter Rumäne regieren.“
Obwohl er ein Mitglied der Hohenzollern, des deutschen Kaiserhauses, war, blieb Rumänien im Ersten Weltkrieg zunächst neutral und trat am 27. August 1916 mit einer Kriegserklärung an Österreich-Ungarn auf der Seite der Entente in den Konflikt ein. Weil er seinen Schwur hielt und gegen sein Geburtsland Deutschland Krieg führen sollte, erhielt Ferdinand von dem rumänischen Volk den Beinamen „der Treue“. Seiner Frau, der Königin Maria, wird erheblicher Einfluss auf die Entscheidung Ferdinands zu Gunsten der Alliierten zugesprochen. Nach einer kurzen Offensive in Siebenbürgen wurde die rumänische Armee im September gezwungen, sich auf die Grenze an den Karpaten zurückzuziehen. Der Durchbruch an der Karpaten-Front gelang den deutschen und k.u.k. Armeen erst im November 1916. Kurz darauf besetzten Truppen der Mittelmächte die Walachei und Dobrudscha und im Dezember/Januar stabilisierte sich die Front auf der Linie Ostkarpaten-Vrancea-Galați. 1917 gelang es den deutschen und k.u.k. Truppen nicht, die Moldau-Front zu durchbrechen, da deren Offensive an Mărășești scheiterte. Nachdem Russland aus dem Krieg ausgeschieden war, schloss Ferdinand am 7. Mai 1918 mit den Mittelmächten den Frieden von Bukarest, dessen Bestimmungen aber unerfüllt blieben, weil Ferdinand sich weigerte, das von den Mittelmächten Rumänien aufgezwungene Abkommen zu unterzeichnen. Ein halbes Jahr später hatten die Mittelmächte den Krieg verloren. Das Ende des Krieges brachte Rumänien beträchtliche Gebietsgewinne: Am 15. Oktober 1922, nach der Vereinigung Siebenbürgens, Bessarabiens und der Bukowina mit dem rumänischen Königreich, wurde Ferdinand in der neu erbauten Krönungskathedrale in Alba Iulia zum König Großrumäniens gekrönt. Mit der kleinen Entente 1921 stellte Ferdinand das Land an die Seite der Tschechoslowakei und Jugoslawiens und mit der großen Entente 1926 an die Frankreichs.
#colonialisme #orientalisme #juifs #art #peinture #religion #histoire #Prusse #Roumanie
]]>Doctorat en crétinerie ?
Dr. Eli David sur X :
“Palestine” 🇵🇸 is the only country in the world that has a name with a letter that doesn’t exist in its alphabet. There is no “P” in Arabic. The name “Palestine” comes from Philistines and Roman province of Judea-Palestina, nothing to do with today’s “Palestinians”.
]]>#Histoire de la sociologie coloniale
▻https://laviedesidees.fr/Histoire-de-la-sociologie-coloniale
La colonisation s’est accompagnée d’une volonté de savoir qui s’est appuyée sur des institutions spécifiques et qui, dans le champ des sciences sociales, a donné naissance à un #orientalisme tenace. À propos de : George Steinmetz, The Colonial Origins of Modern Social Thought. French Sociology and the Overseas Empire, Princeton
#colonialisme
▻https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/docx/20231026_fabiani.docx
Des deux cultures de Hichem Djaït
▻https://laviedesidees.fr/Des-deux-cultures-de-Hichem-Djait.html
À propos de : Hichem Djaït, Penser l’histoire, penser la #religion, Cérès éditions. Le dernier ouvrage publié par Hichem Djaït à la veille de sa disparition illustre son appartenance à deux cultures, l’islamique et l’occidentale, entre lesquelles il dit avoir « vogué ». Retour sur le parcours de cet historien et penseur tunisien méconnu.
#islam #Histoire #orientalisme
▻https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/docx/20230112_hichem.docx
▻https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20230112_hichem.pdf
▻https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/docx/20230113_hichem.docx
They are ‘civilised’ and ‘look like us’: the racist coverage of Ukraine | Moustafa Bayoumi | The Guardian
▻https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/mar/02/civilised-european-look-like-us-racist-coverage-ukraine
▻https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/0d0e08359c7bba730b13cce27e148aff0dbc14d8/0_440_4007_2405/master/4007.jpg?width=1200&height=630&quality=85&auto=format&fit=crop&overlay-ali
They are ‘civilised’ and ‘look like us’: the racist coverage of Ukraine
Moustafa Bayoumi
Moustafa Bayoumi
Are Ukrainians more deserving of sympathy than Afghans and Iraqis? Many seem to think so
Wed 2 Mar 2022 15.35 GMT
While on air, CBS News senior foreign correspondent Charlie D’Agata stated last week that Ukraine “isn’t a place, with all due respect, like Iraq or Afghanistan, that has seen conflict raging for decades. This is a relatively civilized, relatively European – I have to choose those words carefully, too – city, one where you wouldn’t expect that, or hope that it’s going to happen”.
If this is D’Agata choosing his words carefully, I shudder to think about his impromptu utterances. After all, by describing Ukraine as “civilized”, isn’t he really telling us that Ukrainians, unlike Afghans and Iraqis, are more deserving of our sympathy than Iraqis or Afghans?
Righteous outrage immediately mounted online, as it should have in this case, and the veteran correspondent quickly apologized, but since Russia began its large-scale invasion on 24 February, D’Agata has hardly been the only journalist to see the plight of Ukrainians in decidedly chauvinistic terms.
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The BBC interviewed a former deputy prosecutor general of Ukraine, who told the network: “It’s very emotional for me because I see European people with blue eyes and blond hair … being killed every day.” Rather than question or challenge the comment, the BBC host flatly replied, “I understand and respect the emotion.” On France’s BFM TV, journalist Phillipe Corbé stated this about Ukraine: “We’re not talking here about Syrians fleeing the bombing of the Syrian regime backed by Putin. We’re talking about Europeans leaving in cars that look like ours to save their lives.”
In other words, not only do Ukrainians look like “us”; even their cars look like “our” cars. And that trite observation is seriously being trotted out as a reason for why we should care about Ukrainians.
There’s more, unfortunately. An ITV journalist reporting from Poland said: “Now the unthinkable has happened to them. And this is not a developing, third world nation. This is Europe!” As if war is always and forever an ordinary routine limited to developing, third world nations. (By the way, there’s also been a hot war in Ukraine since 2014. Also, the first world war and second world war.) Referring to refugee seekers, an Al Jazeera anchor chimed in with this: “Looking at them, the way they are dressed, these are prosperous … I’m loath to use the expression … middle-class people. These are not obviously refugees looking to get away from areas in the Middle East that are still in a big state of war. These are not people trying to get away from areas in North Africa. They look like any.” Apparently looking “middle class” equals “the European family living next door”.
And writing in the Telegraph, Daniel Hannan explained: “They seem so like us. That is what makes it so shocking. Ukraine is a European country. Its people watch Netflix and have Instagram accounts, vote in free elections and read uncensored newspapers. War is no longer something visited upon impoverished and remote populations.”
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What all these petty, superficial differences – from owning cars and clothes to having Netflix and Instagram accounts – add up to is not real human solidarity for an oppressed people. In fact, it’s the opposite. It’s tribalism. These comments point to a pernicious racism that permeates today’s war coverage and seeps into its fabric like a stain that won’t go away. The implication is clear: war is a natural state for people of color, while white people naturally gravitate toward peace.
It’s not just me who found these clips disturbing. The US-based Arab and Middle Eastern Journalists Association was also deeply troubled by the coverage, recently issuing a statement on the matter: “Ameja condemns and categorically rejects orientalist and racist implications that any population or country is ‘uncivilized’ or bears economic factors that make it worthy of conflict,” reads the statement. “This type of commentary reflects the pervasive mentality in western journalism of normalizing tragedy in parts of the world such as the Middle East, Africa, south Asia, and Latin America.” Such coverage, the report correctly noted, “dehumanizes and renders their experience with war as somehow normal and expected”.
More troubling still is that this kind of slanted and racist media coverage extends beyond our screens and newspapers and easily bleeds and blends into our politics. Consider how Ukraine’s neighbors are now opening their doors to refugee flows, after demonizing and abusing refugees, especially Muslim and African refugees, for years. “Anyone fleeing from bombs, from Russian rifles, can count on the support of the Polish state,” the Polish interior minister, Mariusz Kaminski, recently stated. Meanwhile, however, Nigeria has complained that African students are being obstructed within Ukraine from reaching Polish border crossings; some have also encountered problems on the Polish side of the frontier.
In Austria, Chancellor Karl Nehammer stated that “of course we will take in refugees, if necessary”. Meanwhile, just last fall and in his then-role as interior minister, Nehammer was known as a hardliner against resettling Afghan refugees in Austria and as a politician who insisted on Austria’s right to forcibly deport rejected Afghan asylum seekers, even if that meant returning them to the Taliban. “It’s different in Ukraine than in countries like Afghanistan,” he told Austrian TV. “We’re talking about neighborhood help.”
Yes, that makes sense, you might say. Neighbor helping neighbor. But what these journalists and politicians all seem to want to miss is that the very concept of providing refuge is not and should not be based on factors such as physical proximity or skin color, and for a very good reason. If our sympathy is activated only for welcoming people who look like us or pray like us, then we are doomed to replicate the very sort of narrow, ignorant nationalism that war promotes in the first place.
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The idea of granting asylum, of providing someone with a life free from political persecution, must never be founded on anything but helping innocent people who need protection. That’s where the core principle of asylum is located. Today, Ukrainians are living under a credible threat of violence and death coming directly from Russia’s criminal invasion, and we absolutely should be providing Ukrainians with life-saving security wherever and whenever we can. (Though let’s also recognize that it’s always easier to provide asylum to people who are victims of another’s aggression rather than of our own policies.)
But if we decide to help Ukrainians in their desperate time of need because they happen to look like “us” or dress like “us” or pray like “us,” or if we reserve our help exclusively for them while denying the same help to others, then we have not only chosen the wrong reasons to support another human being. We have also, and I’m choosing these words carefully, shown ourselves as giving up on civilization and opting for barbarism instead.
Moustafa Bayoumi is the author of the award-winning books How Does It Feel To Be a Problem?: Being Young and Arab in America and This Muslim American Life: Dispatches from the War on Terror. He is professor of English at Brooklyn College, City University of New York. He is a contributing opinion writer at Guardian US
]]>Les candidates de Miss Univers sont des influenceuses qui font l’apologie du nettoyage ethnique et de l’effacement des Palestiniens et de leur culture sur la scène mondiale | السفير العربي
▻https://assafirarabi.com/fr/42196/2021/12/12/les-candidates-de-miss-univers-sont-des-influenceuses-qui-font-lapolog
Par le biais de messages sur les réseaux sociaux sponsorisés par le ministère israélien du tourisme, les candidates ont annoncé leur engagement dans la nourriture, les vêtements et les traditions de danse palestiniens – mais elles ont appelé cette culture palestinienne, ainsi que la terre et le peuple palestiniens dont elle est issue, « israélienne ». Et, alors qu’elles disaient vivre « la vie d’un Bédouin », elles ont négligé d’illustrer les conditions réelles de la vie bédouine, qui incluent les démolitions de maisons, les expulsions forcées et la violence de la police israélienne.
]]>« Dune , montagne de stéréotypes | « Géographies en mouvement
►https://geographiesenmouvement.com/2021/09/22/dune-montagne-de-stereotypes
Adaptation du roman de Franck Herbert, Dune, de Denis Villeneuve, est vendu comme l’évènement cinématographique de l’année. À l’instar de son modèle, le film se révèle surtout un amoncèlement de stéréotypes sur la race et le genre. Et une succession d’images de paysages aussi grandioses que banals.
#blam
]]>Zusammenhang #Kolonialismus und #Faschismus: "Den hier empfohlenen ...
▻https://diasp.eu/p/12900331
Zusammenhang #Kolonialismus und #Faschismus: „Den hier empfohlenen kompakten Überblick über eine richtungsweisende Debatte empfehle ich dringend, denn kürzer fand ich bislang keine Zusammenfassung von hoher Qualität, die die Haltung wichtiger Protagonisten skizziert.“ (piqd) ▻https://www.republik.ch/2021/05/05/wer-die-einzigartigkeit-des-holocaust-belegen-will-kommt-nicht-um-vergleich
]]>Passionnant article, d’actualité vu le confinement, sur l’histoire des vêtements d’intérieur et des vêtements confortables. Vous y apprendrez pourquoi le poète Hésiode et l’Église catholique soutenaient l’idée de porter des chaussettes avec les sandales.
▻https://next.liberation.fr/mode/2020/11/12/robes-de-chambre-survetements-le-vestiaire-d-interieur-toute-une-his
#pyjama #robe_de_chambre #survêtement #chaussettes #orientalisme #japonisme
]]>Y’a plus de saisons ! Invention d’un discours - Ép. 3/4 - Et l’homme créa la nature
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/le-cours-de-lhistoire/et-lhomme-crea-la-nature-34-ya-plus-de-saisons-invention-dun-discours
Les récentes évolutions de la situation climatique ont poussé les historiens et les scientifiques à envisager de nouvelles façons de penser notre rapport à la nature. Entre craintes d’apocalypse et rêves de domination, retour sur la longue histoire qui nous lie au #climat.
]]>1960 à 1964, la France danse aux rythmes du Cha-cha-cha oriental
▻https://www.fip.fr/chanson-francaise/1960-1964-la-france-danse-aux-rythmes-du-cha-cha-cha-oriental-18280
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9m5I9oLq_qU&list=PLqVOXTBjxpz4IXy0fu9pFEVW-MyHxq89-&index=10
Kemal Rachid et ses Ottomans - Au café turc
Au début des années 60 l’Europe est scindée en deux blocs après la crise des missiles cubains, l’indépendance de l’Algérie provoque une grave crise politique de l’hexagone qui conduit au retour de de Gaulle et la fin de la IVe République. Les Français du baby-boom rêvent d’ailleurs, de voyages et, à défaut d’un tourisme de masse encore inexistant, vont trouver cet « exotisme » dans le cinéma et surtout la myriade de productions de ces musiques mêlant jazz américain, musiques cubaines, brésiliennes ou orientales. Après TCHIC TCHIC - French Bossa Nova - 1963/1974, l’excellent label #Born_Bad_Records publie, le 21 août, la compilation Cha-Cha Au Harem Orientica - France 1960-1964 qui réunit une collection de titres rares ou oubliés de ce cha-cha-cha oriental au charme suranné.
Présentation par Alexandre Gimenez (français/anglais)
▻https://www.bornbadrecords.net/releases/cha-cha-au-harem-orientica-france-1960-1964
Ussama Makdisi sur Twitter :
"This image of the creation of “Grand #Liban” from 1920 sums up the tragedy of #Lebanon. And speaks volumes about the lasting legacy of French orientalism and colonialism: the idea that religious diversity in the Orient is inherently sectarian unless managed by Western power." / Twitter
▻https://twitter.com/UssamaMakdisi/status/1300763848627154946
The further tragedy is how many Arabs now accept this insidious myth. They ignore how much work and ideology goes into the creation of #sectarianism and its enabling structures. And they ignore how this region had a long history of #coexistence before Western colonialism.
We need to study this #coexistence critically, but this does not mean we should denigrate one of the most important ecumenical aspects of our historical experience, namely the insistence and ability of so many people in ME to transcend religious difference for common purpose.
]]>Ce que l’épidémie de Covid-19 révèle de l’orientalisme de nos catégories d’analyse du politique - #démocratie #dictature #Chine #occident #Asie_orientale
Eugénie Mérieau
▻http://sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/content/quel-meilleur-regime-politique-face-au-covid-ce-que-l-epidemie-revele-de-
La dichotomie à l’épreuve des faits : contrat social autoritaire et processus de légitimation
Les régimes autoritaires ont longtemps été étudiés sous l’angle uniquement répressif et souvent de façon caricaturale. Depuis une vingtaine d’années, les chercheurs en sciences sociales s’attachent à rattraper le temps perdu en s’intéressant aux modes de légitimation, notamment en analysant les modes de négociation du contrat social autoritaire, producteur de consentement29. Ce dernier repose souvent sur les résultats plus que sur les processus, et notamment sur le développement économique. Cette observation fait écho au large soutien de la population chinoise à son président Xi Jinping (ou de la population singapourienne à l’égard du Premier ministre Lee Hsien Loong), taux de soutien parmi les plus élevés au monde30.
Il en découle que les régimes autoritaires, dont la légitimité, fondée sur le principe méritocratique, repose sur les résultats (output legitimacy), peuvent plus difficilement se permettre de faire preuve d’incompétence face à une gestion de crise que les démocraties dont la légitimité, issue du principe représentatif, repose sur le processus de l’élection (input legitimacy)31. En ce qui concerne le volet répressif, il faut noter que les régimes autoritaires ont moins eu recours à l’état d’urgence face au coronavirus que les démocraties, qui se sont massivement engagées dans cette voie32 – or l’état d’urgence, qui vise précisément à déroger à l’état de droit, considéré comme l’un des marqueurs ultimes de la dichotomie démocratie-dictature33.
Ainsi, l’idée longtemps admise qu’il était impossible qu’un scénario apocalyptique de lockdown massif à la chinoise puisse être déclaré en démocratie, où la « transparence » et les flux d’information, combinés à l’existence d’une société civile organisée et mobilisée, seraient autant de leviers pour déclencher l’action d’un gouvernement qui, anticipant qu’il devra « rendre des comptes », ne pourrait être, par nature, que respectueuse des libertés, s’est heurtée à la réalité, révélant l’aveuglement idéologique né du narcissisme de nos catégories politiques.
La dichotomie comme obstacle épistémologique à l’analyse comparée des politiques publiques
Pourquoi les informations sur ce « virus chinois » n’ont-elles pas alerté à temps les autorités du monde occidental ? A côté des biais cognitifs habituels, les démocraties occidentales n’ont pas pris la mesure du danger du fait de leur représentation d’elles-mêmes comme fondamentalement distinctes de la Chine, appréhendée uniquement au prisme de son régime politique considéré comme totalitaire, dès lors ontologiquement incomparable à la France. L’association de la démocratie à l’Occident et de la dictature à l’Orient dans le cadre de la construction sociale de leur irréductible altérité est un obstacle épistémologique majeur à l’exercice nécessaire de la comparaison internationale. Cette association a eu pour effet de jeter une suspicion d’autoritarisme sur toute « bonne pratique » en provenance d’Orient et de provoquer son rejet, comme l’ont montré l’affirmation initiale de l’inutilité du port du masque et de la dangerosité du contact tracing alors que ces solutions étaient mises en œuvre avec succès dans toute l’Asie, démocratique comme non-démocratique34.
Le 24 janvier 2020, lors de son retour d’Israël, le président Emmanuel Macron déclarait : « La dictature est un régime où une personne ou un clan décide des lois. Une dictature est un régime où l’on ne change pas les dirigeants, jamais ». Une telle méconnaissance du monde au plus haut niveau de l’Etat révèle une faillite, en amont, des catégories construites et analysées par les sciences sociales, enseignées dans les universités et reprises par les médias. Mais les crises sont des moments de fluidité extrême, propices à l’anomie35. C’est ainsi qu’à la faveur de l’épidémie de Covid-19, l’ensemble du dispositif identitaire-idéologique démocratie-autoritarisme/Orient-Occident connaît un ébranlement profond. Si cette crise vient rappeler aux démocraties occidentales que leurs populations ne sont pas moins mortelles que celles des régimes autoritaires non-occidentaux, elle devrait également leur rappeler que la démocratie non plus n’est pas immortelle. Les illusions des régimes démocratiques quant à leur propre invulnérabilité sont en train d’accélérer leur déclin – quitte à emporter dans leur chute l’ensemble du modèle libéral occidental36.
]]>Israel finally releases a coronavirus ad in Arabic. Too bad it depicts Palestinians as Saudis - Opinion - Haaretz.com
▻https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-israel-s-health-ministry-can-t-tell-palestinians-from-saudis-1.882
Le ministère de la Santé israélien se décide à promouvoir l’informatioon contre le Corona auprès des Palestiniens, et met en lumière un effarante mépris et une ignorance confondante de la société arabe...
What made it clear that concern for our wellbeing during the pandemic was not sincere was the small number of tests conducted in Arab communities, a lack of information in Arabic and the non-allocation of resources to Arab local governments to fight the virus – even though they are in financial distress that has worsened with the crisis. Only under pressure was the Health Ministry so kind as to “change its policy,” and a decision was made to earmark resources for testing, and mostly for an advertising campaign before the holy month of Ramadan.
But the hope for change was dashed when the first ad campaign was launched. Its purpose was to set down rules for Ramadan – preserving social distancing, breaking the daily fast only with members of the nuclear family, maintaining hygienic conditions, etc. But the illustrations chosen to demonstrate the guidelines, exemplifying a family, looked as if they were directed at the citizens of Saudi Arabia: The style of dress is traditional Saudi, the women and girls are covered from head to toe, and a woman is pictured at the table serving the family while they break their fast.
The use of humiliating stereotypical representations sparked an emotional uproar among the Arab community, and the ads were removed immediately.
An ad campagin by Magen David Adom (Israel’s national emergency service), designed to help curb the spread of the coronavirus among Arabs in Israel during the Ramadan.
An ad campagin by Magen David Adom (Israel’s national emergency service), designed to help curb the spread of the coronavirus among Arabs in Israel during the Ramadan.
We thought this was an accident and stemmed from ignorance, but the next day another humiliating and stereotypical informational video clip was released – and this time it was purely chauvinistic and denigrated women. The goal was to address women, encouraging them to stay home and to ensure that the rest of the family remained there, too.
In the clip we see two women, grandmothers, wearing traditional garb, preparing stuffed “grape leaves.” They are calling on all other women, using all sorts of demeaning terms, to prepare grape leaves only at home. Is this the way the role of the Arab woman is seen? To remain at home and work diligently on preparing food? Are Arab women so stupid that they understand only simple language?
This clip, too, was taken down as a result of criticism.
Is the Health Ministry really that ignorant? If so, then it is a dangerous ignorance. But how could all this happen to begin with? After all, a substantial number of Arabs is employed by the ministry: Indeed, 30 percent of all medical staff in Israel are Arabs.
]]>L’islamisme en nos banlieues
▻http://www.laviedesidees.fr/Bernard-Rougier-territoires-conquis-islamisme.html
À propos de : Bernard Rougier (dir.), Les territoires conquis de l’islamisme, Puf. L’idéologie jihadiste européenne est-elle directement importée du monde oriental ? L’islamisme dans nos banlieues est-il absolument résistant à la culture laïque et républicaine ? Ces questions sont sensibles, et il faut se garder en la matière de tout essentialisme.
#Politique #Société #banlieue #islamisme #orientalisme #djihadisme
►https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/docx/20200409_rougier.docx
►https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20200409_rougier.pdf
L’islamisme en nos banlieues
▻http://www.laviedesidees.fr/L-islamisme-en-nos-banlieues.html
À propos de : Bernard Rougier (dir.), Les territoires conquis de l’islamisme, Puf. L’idéologie jihadiste européenne est-elle directement importée du monde oriental ? L’islamisme dans nos banlieues est-il absolument résistant à la culture laïque et républicaine ? Ces questions sont sensibles, et il faut se garder en la matière de tout essentialisme.
#Politique #Société #banlieue #islamisme #orientalisme #djihadisme
►https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/docx/20200409_rougier.docx
►https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20200409_rougier.pdf
La rue algérienne craint que la transition lui échappe
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2019/03/27/la-rue-algerienne-craint-que-la-transition-lui-echappe_5441906_3212.html
La rue algérienne craint que la transition lui échappe
Parle-t-on jamais de la « rue américaine », japonaise, russe ?
#orientalisme méprisant
]]>Anthropologue au boulot sur le terrain dans le Néguev dans une communauté bédouine
#orientalisme :)
]]>Capitalismo e orientalismo
Un nuovo libro analizza il lavoro di #Edward_Said alla luce del marxismo, mostrando che l’imperialismo non è soltanto un fenomeno culturale
THE COLLECTOR AND HIS COLLECTION | Dar El-Nimer
▻https://www.darelnimer.org/en/events/abboudi-abou-jaoud%C3%A9
Dar el-Nimer, de plus en plus essentielle à la vie culturelle libanaise, propose une riche exposition d’affiches tirées de la collection d’Abboudi Abou Jaoudé sur le thème de la représentation de l’Arabe dans le cinéma occidental.
Phénoménologie politique du voile (Hourya Bentouhami, Revue Philosophiques 44/2, automne 2017)
▻https://www.erudit.org/fr/revues/philoso/2017-v44-n2-philoso03291/1042334ar.pdf
On entend par #phénoménologie #politique la manière dont l’ordre des apparences, la réalité même de ce qui est vu, est déterminée par des #rapports_de_pouvoir reposant sur des logiques de #race, de #sexe et de #classe. Mon objet porte sur la constitution du #voile et des #femmes_musulmanes qui le portent, dans les pays occidentaux et tout particulièrement en France, comme un objet « #phobogène », qui suscite un dégoût à bout d’oeil. Comment expliquer une telle insistance médiatique et politique à vouloir régler l’ordre d’apparition des femmes voilées ? Ma thèse sera de montrer que la #laïcité à la française, dans sa nouvelle version, est fondée sur une théorie des apparences largement déterminée par un #imaginaire_nationaliste de la différence des sexes, par la réactivation d’un #orientalisme_sexuel et par l’#invisibilisation propre au travail du #care auquel les femmes musulmanes sont souvent assignées.
]]>Workshop de photo par #Fausto_Podavini organisé par #Witness_Journal —> « association de #promotion_sociale » (sic).
Voici la photo mise en avant sur twitter pour faire la promotion du workshop :
Et la photo mise en avant sur le site de WJ :
#photographie #exotisme #femmes #hommes #nudité #orientalisme #seins #soutien-gorge #sexe #zizi
Opinion : To Understand France’s Crisis, You Must First Understand Its Cheese
Karl Sharro, BuzzFeed, le 20 décembre 2018
▻https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/karlsharro/an-ancient-land-beset-by-ancient-rivalries
Karl Sharro is a Lebanese expert analyst on WENA (Western Europe and North American) affairs.
When you think of France, you think of fine cheeses and wines. Ironically — tragically, perhaps — it’s those cheeses and wines that explain the roots of France’s divisions. As the old French saying goes: “The people who make the cheese are not the ones who eat it.” The origins of the saying have been lost in time, but it’s thought to refer to the tension between the peasantry who produce but can’t afford their products and the bourgeoisie who produce nothing but consume the variety of French delicacies made in the countryside.
A French cheeseboard with several types of cheese is the perfect representation of the nation. Different parts that have never truly come together, as you know if you tried to mix a Camembert and a Roquefort. And at the center is Paris, the dominant baguette as it is referred to derogatorily. There are many fault lines in this nation, but none are stronger than those between the countryside and the city. At heart, this is a philosophical dispute, as all French disagreements are. It is a clash between the rustic and the Cartesian worldviews — the former has existed for centuries, the latter imposed after the 1789 revolution in the name of the Enlightenment.
As seasoned observers of the West like myself have become accustomed to in recent years, there is a tendency in Western culture to blame events on external actors and complex conspiracy theories. This strange trait can come as a shock to more rational Middle Eastern observers, but it is quite common across the WENA region, on the streets and in the media. Soon after the protests took off, some attributed them to a changing Facebook algorithm, and others argued they were caused by Russian agitation and propaganda.
#Karl_Sharro #KarlreMarks :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/730563
►https://seenthis.net/messages/738075
The Everyday Consumption of “#Whiteness”: The #Gaikokujin-fū (Foreign-Like) Hair Trend in Japan
In feminist literature, the beauty and the fashion industries have at times been criticized for being one of the means through which women are objectified.1 Likewise, Critical Race Studies have often pinpointed how the existence of a global beauty industry has the effect of propagating Eurocentric beauty ideals.2 Throughout this article I aim to explore the complicated ways in which beauty and racialized categories intersect in Japan through an analysis of the female-targeted hair trend of the gaikokujin-fū (foreigner-like) hair.
Essentialism is what prompts us to divide the world into two, “us” versus “them,” negating all that is in between the two categories or even changes within the categories themselves. Although this binary thinking has been subject to criticism by various disciplines, such as Critical Race Studies and Postcolonial Studies, it is still among the dominant ways in which human relations are performed in Japanese society. The essentialistic opposing duality between Foreignness and Japaneseness has been constructed in post-war Japan through widespread discourses known by the name nihonjinron (lit. the theories on the Japanese).3 Even though it could be understood as a powerful reply to American racism towards the Japanese, nihonjinron only confirms stereotypes by reversing their value, from negative to positive. Moreover, these theories have had the effect of emphasizing Japanese racial and cultural purity through the alienation and exoticization of the other, most often represented by the white “Westerner”4 (obeijin, seiyōjin, hakujin).
The ambivalent exoticism that surrounds the foreigner (gaikokujin) has made it possible for racialised categories and consumerism to intersect in the archipelago. The beauty industry is particularly susceptible to the segmentation between “self” and “other,” and the global white hegemony has a certain influence over it. However, as Miller rightly observes, dominant beauty standards in Japan are equally influenced by local values of “Japaneseness.”5 Torigoe goes even farther: in her essay, she positions whiteness as a power relation and through her analysis she demonstrates how white women are constructed as Others in Japanese media representations, thus creating “a racial ladder that places Japanese people on top.”6 The link between whiteness and widespread beauty practices has been criticized also in studies of the neighbouring country of Korea, with scholars arguing that cosmetic surgeries in the country are successful only if they enhance the body’s natural “Koreanness.”7
My aim in this paper is to tackle the capitalistic commercialization and fetishization of whiteness in contemporary Japan. As it will become clear throughout the analysis, the Japanese beauty industry is creating a particular image of whiteness that is suitable to the consumers’ needs and desires: this toned-down, less threating way of becoming “foreigner-like” is marketed as an accessory that far from overriding one’s natural features, is instrumental in accentuating and valorizing them. Investigating the peculiar position of this beauty trend, which has been affected by the influence of the two contrasting hegemonic discourses of white supremacy and the purity/superiority of the Japanese race, might be helpful in shedding some light on the increasingly complicated ways the concept of race is being constructed in a setting that has been often considered “other” to the Eurocentric gaze.
Whiteness and the Global Beauty Industry
Beauty is an important practice in our daily life, and as such it has been at the center of animated discussions about its social function. Seen as one of the practices through which gender is performed, it has been put into scrutiny by feminist literature. The approach used to analyze beauty has been dualistic. On the one hand, the beauty and fashion industries have been criticized for being among the reasons of women’s subordination, depriving them financially8 and imposing on them male normative standards of beauty.9 On the other, it has been cited as one of the ways in which female consumers could express their individuality in an oppressive world.10
The increasingly globalized beauty and fashion industries have also been subjects of criticism from the viewpoint of Critical Race Studies. It is not uncommon to hear that these industries are guilty of spreading Eurocentric tastes, thus privileging pale-skinned, thin women with light hair.11 The massive sale of skin-whitening creams in Asia and Africa as well as the creation of new beauty standards that privilege thinness over traditionally preferred plump forms are often cited to defend this argument. At the same time, there have been instances in which this denouncing of Eurocentrism itself has been charged guilty of the same evil. Practices such as plastic surgery in South Korea and Japanese preference for white skin have been often criticized as being born out of the desire to be “Western”: these analyses have been contested as simplistic and ignoring the cultural significance of local standards of beauty in shaping beauty ideals.12
Answers to these diatribes have not been yet found.13 It is nonetheless clear that beauty practices articulate a series of complex understandings about gender and race, often oscillating between particularisms and universalisms. Throughout this article I would like to contribute to this ongoing discussion analyzing how pre-existing notions of race and gender intersect and are re-shaped in a newly emerging trend aptly called gaikokujin-fū (foreigner-like) hair.
Us/Others in Japan: The Essentialization of the Foreign
Japan and the tan’itsu minzoku
It is not uncommon to hear that Japan is one of the most ethnically homogenous countries in the world. In Japanese, the locution tan’itsu minzoku (single/unique ethnic group, people, nation), was often used as a slogan when comparing the archipelago with significantly multi-ethnic countries such as the USA.14 The notion of Japan as a mono-ethnic country is being starkly criticized in recent years:15 minorities such as the zainichi Koreans and Chinese who have been living in the country since the end of the second world war, the conspicuous populations of foreign immigrants from Asia and Latin America, as well as mixed-race people, who were thought of as a social problem until these last ten years,16 have been making their voices heard. In the following paragraphs, I will trace how the idea of a racially homogeneous Japan was constructed.
The word minzoku (ethnic group, people, nation) first appeared in the Japanese language in the Taishō Period (1912-1926), as an alternative to the term jinshū (race).17 The concept of race did not exist prior to the Meiji period (1868-1912), when it was introduced by scholars as one of the ideas from the “West” that would have helped Japan become a modernized nation.18 It could be argued that while the opening up of Japan after the sakoku period was not the first time that the Japanese government had to interact with people of different racial features,19 it was the first time that the idea of racial hierarchies were introduced to the country. Japanese scholars recognized themselves to be part of the ōshoku jinshū (“yellow race”), hierarchically subordinate to the “white race.”20 With rising nationalism and the beginning of the colonization project during the Taishō period, the need arose for a concept that could further differentiate the Japanese people from the neighboring Asian countries such as the newly annexed Taiwan and Korea:21 the newly created minzoku fit this purpose well. Scholar Kawai Yuko compared the term to the German concept of Volk, which indicates a group whose identity is defined by shared language and culture. These traits are racialized, as they are defined as being “biological,” a natural component of the member of the ethnic group who acquires them at birth.22 It was the attribution of these intrinsic qualities that allowed the members of the naichi (mainland Japan) to be assigned in a superior position to the gaichi (colonies). Interestingly, the nationalistic discourse of the pre-war and of the war period had the double intent of both establishing Japanese supremacy and legitimizing its role as a “guide” for the colonies grounding it in their racial affinities: unlike the conquerors from Europe, the Japanese were of similar breed.
These hierarchies were ultimately dissociated from the term minzoku after the end of the Second World War, when it was appropriated by Leftist discourse. Opposing it to ta-minzoku (multiethnic nation or people)23
that at the time implied divisions and inequalities and was perceived as a characteristic of the Japanese Empire, Left-leaning intellectuals advocated a tan’itsu minzoku nation based on equality. The Leftist discourse emphasized the need of the “Japanese minzoku” to stand up to the American occupation, but the term gradually lost its critical nuance when Japan reached economic prosperity and tan’itsu minzoku came to mean racial homogeneity as a unique characteristic of Japanese society, advocated by the Right.24
Self-Orientalism
The term minzoku might have “lost his Volk-ish qualities,”25 but homogeneity in Japan is also perceived to be of a cultural nature. Sociologists Mouer and Sugimoto26 lament that many Japanese people believe to be the carriers of an “unique” and essentialized cultural heritage, that renders them completely alien to foreigners. According to the two scholars, the distinctive qualities that have been usually (self-)ascribed to Japanese people are the following: a weak individuality, the tendency to act in groups, and the tendency to privilege harmony in social situations.27 Essentialized “Japaneseness” is a mixture of these psychological traits with the products of Japanese history and culture. The perception that Japaneseness is ever unchanging and a cultural given of each Japanese individual was further increased by the popularity of the nihonjinron discourse editorial genre, which gained mass-media prominence in the archipelago after the 1970s along with Japan’s economic growth.28 Drawing on Said’s notion of Orientalism,29 Miller states that “in the case of Japan, we have to deal […] with the spectacle of a culture vigorously determined to orientalize itself.”30 According to Roy Miller, Japan has effectively constructed Japaneseness through a process of self-othering, which he refers to as self-Orientalism. The nihonjinron publications were very much influenced by cultural anthropologist Ruth Benedict’s highly influential “The Chrysanthemum and the Sword,” published in 1946. Benedict’s study of the “Japanese people” is based on the assumption that the USA and Japan are polar opposites where the former stands for modernity and individualism whereas the latter is characterized by tradition and groupism.31
Japanese anthropologists and psychoanalysts, such as Nakane and Doi32 further contributed to the study of Japaneseness, never once challenging the polar opposition between the “Japanese” and the “Westernerners.”
It would seem contradictory at first for a large number of people in Japan to have this tendency to think and consume their own culture through stereotypes. However, Iwabuchi draws attention to the fact that Japan’s self-Orientalism is not just a passive acceptance of “Western” values but is in fact used to assert the nation’s cultural superiority. It remains nonetheless profoundly complicit with Euro-American Orientalism insofar that it is an essentializing and reifying process: it erases all internal differences and external similarities.33 This essentialization that Japan is capitalizing on proves fundamental for the “West,” as it is the tool through which it maintains its cultural hegemony.
Images of the Foreigner
Images of the foreigner are not equal, and they form an important node in the (self-)Orientalistic relations that Japan entertains with the rest of the world. An essentialized view of both the Euro-American and Asian foreigner functions in different ways as a counterweight to the “we-Japanese” (ware ware Nihonjin) rhethoric.
In the Japanese language, gaikokujin (foreigner) refers to every person who doesn’t have the same nationality as the country she/he lives in.34 The term gaikokujin does not have racial connotations and can be used to effectively describe anyone that is not a Japanese citizen. However, the racially-charged related term gaijin35 refers especially to the “white” foreigner.36 Written very similarly to gaikokujin, the word gaijin actually has a different origin and the double meaning of “foreigner” and “outsider.” The word carries strong implications of “othering,” and refers to the construction of the Europe and America as other to the young nation-state in the Meiji period, during which knowledge was routinely imported from the “West.”37 Thus, gaijin and the representation of foreigners-as-other came to reflect the dominant hierarchies of nineteenth-century “Western” knowledge.38
Putting every white-skinned individual in the same category functions as a strategy to create the antithetical “West” that is so important as a marker of difference in self-Orientalism: it serves to create an “Other” that makes it possible to recognize the “Self.”39 At the same time, it perpetuates the perception of whiteness as the dominant position in America and Europe. In her analysis on the use of foreigner models in Japanese advertisements, Creighton notes that representation of gaijin positions them both as a source of innovation and style and as a potential moral threat.40
This splitting is not uncommon when dealing with representations of the Other. What generates it is the fetishistic component that is always present in the stereotype.41 Bhabha argues that this characteristic allows the Other to be understood in a contradictory way as a source of both pleasure and anxiety for the Non-Other. Stuart Hall draws on Bhabha’s theories to state that the stereotype makes it so that this binary description can be the only way in which is possible to think of the Other–they generate essentialized identities.42 In the Japanese context, the gaijin, fulfilling his role as a racially visible minority,43 is thus inscribed in the double definition of source of disruption and person to admire (akogare no taishō).
Whiteness in the Japanese Context
Akogare (admiration, longing, desire) is a word that young women44 in Japan often use when talking about the “white, Western” foreigner. Kelsky explains that the word indicates the longing for something that is impossible to obtain and she maintains that “it is a rather precise gloss […] of the term “desire” in Lacanian usage. […] Desire arises from lack and finds expression in the fetish. The fetish substitutes the thing that is desired but impossible to obtain.”45 Fulfilment of this unattainable desire can be realized through activities such as participation in English conversation classes and engaging in conversation with “Western” people.46 The consumption of “Western” images and representations as well as everyday practices associated with the Euro-American foreigner could also be considered a fetish that substitutes the unattainable object of desire. In this sense, the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend might be for the producers one such way of catering to young Japanese women’s akogare for the “Western” world.
Gaikokujin-fū is inextricably connected to gaijin, “white” foreigners. For instance, the Hair Encyclopedia section of the website Hotpepper Beauty reports two entries with the keyword gaikokujin-fū: gaikokujin-fū karā (foreigner-like color) and gaikokujin-fū asshu (foreigner-like ash). The “color” entry states the following:
Gaikokujin-fū karā means, as the name suggests, a dye that colors the hair in a tint similar to that of foreigners. The word “foreigner” here mostly stands for people with white skin and blond hair that are usually called “American” and “European.”47
Similarly, the “ash” entry explains the following:
The coloring that aims for the kind of blond hair with little red pigments that is often found among Americans is called gaikokujin-fū asshu.
Asshu means “grey” and its characteristic is to give a slightly dull (dark?) impression. It fits well with many hairstyles ranging from short cuts to long hair, and it can be done in a way to make you look like a “western” hāfu (mixed race individual).
It is clear from these descriptions that the term gaikokujin-fū is racially charged. What hairdresser discourse is trying to reproduce is a kind of hair color associated with America and Europe’s Caucasian population. They are selling “whiteness.”
Writing from the viewpoint of multicultural England, Dyer writes that the study of the representation of white people is important because “as long as white people are not racially seen and named, they/we function as a human norm.”49 White discourse is ubiquitous, and it is precisely this unmarked invisibility that makes it a position of dominance. The representation of people belonging to minority groups is inevitably marked or tied to their race or skin color, but Caucasians are often “just people.” At the base of white privilege there is this characteristic of universality that is implied in whiteness.
The marked positioning of the white foreigner in Japanese society would seem an exception to this rule. Torigoe, while acknowledging that the Japanese media “saturated [her] with images of young white females as the standard of beauty,”50 analyzes in her article how white beauty actually embodies values such as overt sexual attractiveness that would be considered deviant or over the top by standard societal norms.51 Likewise, Russell points to the scrutiny that the bodies of the white female woman receive on Japanese mass media, dominated by a male gaze. White females become subject to the sexual curiosity of the Japanese male, and being accompanied by one of them often makes him look more sophisticated and competitive in a globalized world.52 As the most easily, less controversially portrayed Other through which Japanese self-identity is created, the white individual is often subject to stereotyping and essentialization. Russell notes this happening in both advertisement and the portrayal of white local celebrities, that assume even “whiter” characteristics in order to better market their persona in the Japanese television environment.
However, it is my opinion that we must be careful to not be exceedingly uncritical of the marginality that Caucasians are subject to in Japanese society. I argue that whiteness is in an ambiguous position in the Japanese context: it would be wrong to say that in the archipelago white people do not benefit from the privileges that have accompanied their racialization up to the present times. The othering processes that whites are subject to is more often than not related to them being brought up and representing a different culture than to their racial difference.54 The word hakujin (lit. white person) is barely used in everyday conversation, whereas it is more common to hear the term kokujin (lit. black person): white people are not reduced to their racial characteristics in the same way as black people might be.55 Whiteness might not be the completely hegemonic in the Japanese context, but the country does not exist in a vacuum, and its standards have been influenced by the globally hegemonic white euro-centric values to some extent.
To reiterate, white people in the Japanese archipelago experience the contradictory position of being a visible minority subject to reifying “othering” processes while at the same time reaping many of the benefits and privileges that are usually associated with the color of their skin. They are socially and politically located at the margins but are a hegemonic presence in the aesthetic consciousness as an ideal to which aspire to. In the following sections, I will expand on gaikokujin’s ambiguous location by looking at the ways in which whiteness is consumed through the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend.
Producing Whiteness: Selling gaikokujin-fū Hair
Creating the “New”
In order to understand the meanings shaping the catchphrase gaikokujin-fū, I have used a mixture of different approaches. My research began by applying the methods of Visual Analysis56 to the latest online promotional material. I have tried to semiotically analyze the pictures on the websites in relation to the copywriting. In addition, I have complemented it with fieldwork, interviewing a total of seven hairdressers and four girls aged from 20 to 2457 in the period between April and June 2017. It was while doing fieldwork that I realized how important social networking is for the establishment of contemporary trends: this is frequently acknowledged also in the press by textually referencing hashtags.58 Instagram is a very important part of Japanese girls’ everyday life, and is used both as a tool for self-expression/self-promotion as well as a compass to navigate the ever-growing ocean of lifestyle trends. Japanese internet spaces had been previously analyzed as relatively closed spaces created and accessed by predominantly Japanese people, and this had implications on how online discourses about races were carried on.59 However, being a predominantly visual medium, Instagram also functions as a site where information can, to a large extent, overcome language barriers.
The gaikokujin-fū hashtag counts 499,103 posts on Instagram, whereas 381,615 pictures have been tagged gaikokujin-fū karā.60 Most of them are published by professional whose aim is to publicize their work, and it is not uncommon to find pricing and information for booking in the description.
Scrolling down the results of the Instagram search, it is easy to notice the high number of back and profile shots; what the hairdressers are trying to show through these pictures is their hairdressing skills. By cutting out the face they are putting the hair itself at the center of the viewer’s attention and eliminating any possibility of identification. The aim here is to sell “whiteness” as an object. The trendsetters are capitalizing on a term (gaikokujin-fū) that has already an appealing meaning outside the field of hair coloring, and that is usually associated with the wider desire or longing (akogare) for “Western” people, culture and lifestyle.
To the non-initiated, the term gaikokujin-fū might indicate anything that is not “Japanese like” such as curly hair, or blonde hair. However, it became clear when speaking to my hairdresser informants that they only used the term referring to the ash-like coloring. Professionals in the field are reclaiming it to define a new, emerging niche of products that only started appearing a couple of years ago.61 In doing so, Japanese hairdressers are creating a new kind of “whiteness” that goes beyond the “Western” cultural conception of white as blonde and blue-eyed, in order to make it more acceptable to Japanese societal standards. In fact, fair hair is considered extremely unnatural.62 The advantage that ash brown hair has over blonde is the relatively darker shade that allows consumers to stand out without being completely out of place.63
However, gaikokujin-fū hair comes at a cost. All of my informants told me during the interviews that the colors usually associated with this trend involve dyes have a blue or green base, and are very difficult to recreate on most people of the East Asia whose naturally black hair has a red base. The difficulty they experienced in reproducing the Ash (asshu) and Matt colors on Japanese hair constituted a fundamental charm point for hair technicians, and precisely because of this being able to produce a neat ash coloring might be considered synonymous with keeping on pace with the last technology in hair dying. The Wella “Illumina Color”64 series came out in September 2015, while Throw,65 a Japanese-produced series of hair dyes that eliminate the reddish undertones of Japanese black hair, went on sale very recently in June 2016.66 Another Japanese maker, Milbon, released its “Addichty Color”67 series as recently as February 2017. The globally dominant but locally peripheral whiteness has been “appropriated” and domesticated by Japanese hairdressers as a propeller of the latest trends, as a vital tool in creating the “new.”
To summarize, the technological developments in hair dyes certainly gave a big push to the popularizing of the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend. Moreover, in a very chicken-and-egg-like fashion, the technological advancing itself was at the same time motivated by the admiration and desire towards Euro-American countries. However, this desire for “Westerness” does not entail adopting whiteness in its essentialized “purest” form,68 as that would have negative implications in the context of Japanese society. Rather, Japanese trendsetters have operated a selection and chosen the variant of whiteness that would be different enough to allow the creation of the “latest” while minimizing its more threatening aspects.
Branding the “New”
In the previous section I mentioned the fact that most of pictures posted on the social network Instagram serve to amplify and diffuse existing values for consumption, and constantly refer to a set of meanings that are generated elsewhere reifying them. Throughout this section I will examine the production of these values through the branding of the aforementioned hair dye brands: Wella’s “Illumina Color,” THROW, and Milbon’s “Addichty Color.”
Wella’s “Illumina Color” offers an interesting case study as it is produced by an American multinational brand. Comparing the Japanese website with the international one, it is clear that we have before our eyes a prime example of “glocalization.”69 While on the international webpage70 the eye-catch is a picture of a white, blue-eyed blonde woman that sports an intricate braided hairstyle with some purplish accents in the braid, the Japanese71 version features a hāfu-like72 young woman with long, flowing straight dark brown hair. The description of the product also contains the suggestive sentence “even the hard and visible hair typical of the Japanese [can become] of a pale, soft color.” The keywords here are the terms hard (katai) and soft (yawaraka). Hardness is defined as being a characteristic typical of the Japanese hair texture (nihonjin tokuyū) and it is opposed to the desired effect, softness. The sentence implies by contrasting the two terms that softness is not a characteristic of Japanese hair, and the assumption could be taken further to understand that it is a quality typical of the “foreign.” Perhaps unsurprisingly, the international webpage contains no such reference and instead vaguely praises the hair dye’s ability to provide a light color. The visuals of the latter are consistent with Dyer’s definition of whiteness.
Unlike Wella, Milbon and beauty experience are Japanese companies, and their products ORDEVE Addichty and THROW are only geared to the Japanese marketplace. Milbon’s ORDEVE Addichty dye series is the most recent of the two. The product’s promotional webpage is almost entirely composed of pictures: the top half features 14 moving pictures, two for each of the seven colours available. The pictures slide in a way that shows the customer all the four sides of the model’s bust up, and each one of the girls is holding a sign with the name of the product. To the center left, we see a GIF image with the name of the brand in the roman and Japanese alphabet, accompanied by the catchphrase hajimete mitsukaru, atarashii watashirashisa (“I found it for the first time, a new way of being myself”), that slides into another text-filled picture that explains the concepts behind the branding.
Occidental-like (ōbeijin) voluminous hair with a shine (tsuya) never seen before. This incredible feeling of translucence (tōmeikan) that even shows on your Instagram [pictures], will receive a lot of likes from everybody. Let’s find the charm of a freer myself with Addichty color!
The red-diminishing dyes are here associated with both physical and ideological characteristics identified as “Western,” like the “feeling of translucence” (tōmeikan)73 and “freedom” (jiyū). The word tōmeikan is a constant of technical descriptions of gaikokujin-fū and it is generally very difficult for the hairdressers to explain what does it mean. My hairdresser informant N. quickly explained to me that having translucent hair means to have a hair color that has a low red component. Informants H. and S., also hair professionals, further explained that translucency is a characteristic typical of hair that seems to be semi-transparent when hit by light. While in the English-speaking world it would certainly be unusual to positively describe somebody’s hair as translucent, tōmeikan is a positive adjective often used as a compliment in other different contexts and it indicates clarity and brightness. In fact, the Japanese Daijisen dictionary lists two definitions for translucent, the second of which reads “clear, without impurities.”74 It is perhaps in relation to this meaning that the melanin-filled black core of the Japanese hair is considered “heavy” (omoi) and strong. Reddish and lighter brown colors are also defined in the same way. What is more, even hair colors at the other end of the spectrum can be “muddy”(nigori no aru): blonde hair is also described as such.75 It is clear that while tōmeikan is a quality of “occidental hair,” it is not a characteristic of all the shades that are usually associated with whiteness.
In the last sentence, “freedom” is linked to charm (miryoku) and the individual. These three concepts are also very often associated with the foreigner. The freedom of the gaijin is a freedom from social constraints and from the sameness that pervades dominant representations of Japaneseness.76 Individualism is further emphasized by the pronoun “myself,” which in the original Japanese is a possessive pronoun to the word “charm” (miryoku). As a word, miryoku has an openly sexual connotation, and because of this it might be linked to the concept of “foreignness.” As Torigoe found out in her analysis of Japanese advertisements, white women are often represented as a sexualized counterpart to the more innocent Japanese woman.77 Gaikokujin-fū hair offers customers the possibility to become closer to obtaining this sexiness, that distances the self from the monotone standards of society.
Of the three, THROW is possibly the most interesting to analyze, mostly because of the huge quantity of content they released in order to strengthen the brand image. In addition to the incredibly detailed homepage, they are constantly releasing new media contents related to gaikokujin-fū coloring on their “THROW Journal.”78
The “story” page of the website serves as an explanation of the brand identity. It is a vertically designed page heavy on images, possibly designed to be optimally visualized in mobile devices such as smartphones and tablets. The first image that the viewer encounters is that of a girl whose brown hair is flowing in the wind, which results in some strands covering the features of her pale-white face. This makes it hard to understand her nationality and makes it so that all the attention is focused on the light, airy qualities of the hair. As I said before, “lightness” (karusa) is associated to translucency and is one of the characteristics at the center of the marketing of gaikokujin-fū. This picture very clearly renders those sensations in a way that is very pleasant to the eye and indeed invites consumption.
Under the picture we find a very short narration that complements it. In bigger characters, the words dare de mo nai, watashi ni naru, that roughly translates as “I’ll become a myself, that is nobody else.” Here again we find an emphasis on individuality and difference. Scrolling down, we find the following paragraph written in a smaller font:
I leave my body to the blowing wind.
My hair is enveloped in light, and is filled by the pleasant air.
What I needed was this [facial] expression.
I got rid of what I did not need, and refreshingly freed my mind.
Gracefully, freely.
I should just enjoy myself more.79
Unlike the tagline in the Addichty webpage, THROW’s brand identity is here described in ideological terms only. Once again, “freedom” is the central theme, and is associated with a sensation of freshness (kaze, “the wind”; also, the onomatopoeia sutto, here rendered as “refreshingly”). The image of release is further emphasized by the fact that “I” of this text is in close contact with nature: her skin feels the wind, she is shrouded in light and breathes pure air. But what is the subject being released from? The fourth and the last line would suggest that she is being trapped by social constraints, something akin to the Freudian super-ego, that somehow renders her unable to enjoy herself for what she really is. My literal translation of the sixth line makes it hard to understand the hedonistic implications of its meaning: what the original Japanese implies is not simply that she should “have fun,” but she should be finding pleasure in what she is and not what she is expected to be. It is perhaps strange to the eyes of the Euro-American observer accustomed to the discourse of white supremacy that the consumption of whiteness comes with an invitation to spontaneity. The whiteness being sold here is certainly perceived in a radically different way from the Eurocentric “West,” where it is associated with self-constraint.80 It is being marketed to the Japanese public in a way that reminds the portrayal of minorities in the white-dominated world,81 and that makes it particularly appealing to the archipelago’s consumers.
Listening to the producers’ interviews, it becomes clear for them that the red pigments of the hair, as a symbol of this self-Orientalistically represented “Japaneseness” are represented as a further constraint. Producer Kimura Naoto speaks of a “liberation from redness for the women who hate it”;82 fellow member of the production team Horiuchi brings up the ever-present desire in Japanese women to “become like foreigners,”83 but neither of the two explains the connection between the deletion of red pigments from the hair and the possibility of becoming foreigner-like. It is perhaps this lack of an explicit connection in an explanation from an expert that makes it perceived as an “obvious truth.” In fact, nobody seems to refer to the fact that red undertones are common overseas as well, not to mention the existence of redheads in predominantly Caucasian regions. By hiding these facts, the red pigments are constructed as something that is peculiarly Japanese and juxtaposed to the exclusively foreign blue pigments, further contributing to the essentializing of the gaikokujin that propels self-Orientalism.
Consuming Whiteness: Gaikokujin-fū and Everyday Life
To understand the ways that gaikokujin-fū was being interpreted and consumed I conducted fieldwork for two months (April-June 2017) in Tokyo. Engaging in participant observation proved to be relatively easy, since superficial conversation about beauty trends is one of the most common ways that young women around my age use to socialize. Most of my peers were very quick to react every time I lightly introduced the subject. However, due to the perceived “lightness” of the topic, not many people showed to be willing to talk prolongedly about it. This prompted me to supplement the fieldwork with semi-structured interviews I conducted with four people aged 20-22.
The general reaction to the gaikokujin-fū buzzword was one of recognition–the existence of the trend was acknowledged both by people who were actually familiar with it as well as by others who were not really interested but had seen the phrase and recognized a more general idea behind it. As the reader might expect after having gone through the previous chapter, consumers of gaikokujin-fū hair all brought up the difficulties they had in obtaining the desired results. When I first contacted K., a 23-year-old university student in Tokyo, she told me to wait till the following week for the interview since she had an appointment to dye her hair of an ash-like color. Seven days later, I was surprised to see that her hair had not changed much. Turns out that her virgin hair was a very difficult base to work with: having never bleached it, it proved to be very resistant to blue-green dyes. Dying the hair of an ash-like color would have been impossible as the naturally red pigments of the hair would have completely nullified the effect.
Whiteness as Empowerment, Whiteness as Difference
K. was nonetheless very accommodating and answered my questions very enthusiastically. To her, the word gaikokujin had indeed a very positive meaning, and she specifically associated it to difference. My informant used a very harsh word when talking about her fellow Japanese: to her, Japanese style equals mass-production. Her image of Japan was perfectly congruent with those described by Mouer and Sugimoto in their critique of Nihonjinron. “Ordinary” Japanese girls were, in her opinion, the cutesy and quiet girls with straight black hair and bangs covering their foreheads. Why did she feel attracted to gaikokujin-fū in the first place? K. felt that the “traditional” Japanese image was constraining, and she had both very physical and empirical reasons (she does not like face with bangs) as well as a specific ideological background. It is worth nothing here that K. has had since her childhood a very strong akogare towards “Western countries”: she has studied English since she was a small child and is now studying Italian, which led her to spend a year abroad in the University of Venice. Moreover, she attended a very liberal protestant high school in Tokyo, where students were allowed to dye their hair and had no obligation to wear the school uniform. She herself stated that the liberal environment she was brought up in had a huge influence on her view of the world and thus she did not feel the need to “conform.” K. speaks from a privileged position that allowed her to glimpse a “different” world, in which she is promised freedom. In a similar fashion to the representations I analysed in the previous chapter, “Western” foreign becomes a symbol of liberation from the societal constraints of a traditionalistic society.
The liberating qualities of the akogare towards the essentialized “Western” foreign have been brought up in previous research as a space for young women to astray themselves from the hierarchies of everyday life. The link between freedom and diversity was indeed particularly strong in K., who feels somehow “oppressed” by certain aspects of society. However, this is far from being a universal mode of consumption: in fact, the other three girls never even mentioned anything ideological. To S., a 22-year-old girl I met while studying in Tokyo two years ago, dying her hair of an ash-like hue was an act genuinely finalized to the enhancement of her beauty: she thought the color made her face look brighter. While she too stated during the interview that foreigners are viewed as cool and fashionable, she did not allude to a desire to “become” one nor she mentioned any ideological values associated with them that she emphasized with. In her everyday practice, whiteness is consumed as a tool regardless of its hegemonic signified. Informants A. and H. talked about the trend in a similar way. H. initially dyed her hair because she liked how cute ash hair looked on her favourite model, and had little more to say other than that. Her friend A., who recently graduated from a fashion school, confessed that in her environment standing out was more the rule than a subversive act. Her ash phase was brief and followed by even more explosive hues such as blue and pink. S., A., and H., were very much less conscious of their ways of consumption, but, as French theorist Michel de Certeau argues,84 it is precisely the aimlessness of their wandering that make their practices subvert the hegemony established by the global white supremacy. Having gaikokujin-fū hair is one of the strategies that Japanese women have at their disposition to attain beauty, and while it is trendy, it is far from being superior to different styles. Whiteness becomes an accessory that enhances the natural beauty of the self, and it is not employed to override one’s original racial features but rather to enrich them through the display of individuality. Under this light, it is possible to see the consumption of foreign-like hair as an unconscious tentative of overcoming the racialized barriers that might generate uncanny feelings in the eyes of the “white” spectator.
Subdued Subversion and the Ambiguities of Consumption
There are however at least two factors that complicate the consumption of gaikokujin-fū hair, making it a multifaceted and complex process. Firstly, during my interview with K. we discussed the differences between this and other fashion trends that tend to refuse the stereotypical sameness of the constructed Japanese image. K. suggested the existence of an even more individualistic trend–Harajuku–style fashion. The Harajuku district of Tokyo is famous world-wide for hosting a wide range of colourful subcultures,85 which my interviewee described with terms such as dokusouteki (creative) and yancha (mischievous). Harajuku fashion is individuality taken to such a level in which it becomes even more openly contestant of society. S. described these subcultures as referencing the image of “an invented fantasy world, completely out of touch with reality.” The gaikokujin-fū hair colour is indeed a way to break out of the “factory mould,” but it is a relatively tame way of doing it as it is the consumption of a domesticized otherness. As I also pointed out during the analysis of the production processes, the aesthetics of the trend are largely shaped in relation to societal norms and purposely do not excessively break out of them. Especially in its darker tones, foreign-like ash hair is visually closer (albeit chemically harder to obtain) than platinum blonde, and it is precisely in these shades that the hue is being consumed by girls like K. and S.
Furthermore, one could say that Gaikokujin-fū hues can at times be experimentations instrumental to the formation of one’s identity. H. and S. both explained that they tried out ash dyes as a phase, only then to move on to something that they thought better reflected their own selves. In both cases, that meant going back to their natural black color and to darker tones. H., in particular, after spending her three years of freedom in university experimenting with various hues, finally concluded in her fourth and final year that natural black hair was “what suits Japanese people best.”. After trying out the “Other” and recognizing it as such, her identification acted as what Stuart Hall might have called a suture between her as an acting subject and the discursive practices of “Japaneseness.”86 As “foreignness,” and whiteness as one of its variants, cannot be easily conceived outside the dominant self-Orientalistic discourses, even gaikokujin-fū is inevitably bound to the essentialized “Japaneseness” of the Nihonjinron. This is only worsened by the fact that foreign-like hair colors are a product in the beauty market: they need to be marketed to the consumers, and this necessitates simplification. Essentialization and the reinforcement of self-Orientalism are the high prices that one must pay for the consumption of the other, and constitute a big limitation of its subversive power.
Conclusion
I have attempted to analyse the ways in which whiteness is produced and consumed in Japan, a country with significant economic and cultural power that does not have a significant Caucasian population. I have chosen as the topic a feature of the human body that is usually considered peripherical to the construction of racialized categories, and I have attempted to demonstrate how it becomes central in the production of an occidentalistic image of “whiteness” in the Japanese Archipelago.
What this trend helps us to understand is the complexities and multiplicities of whiteness. By shedding some light on the way that hairdressers in Japan construct and sell the gaikokujin-fū trend we become aware of the fact that an aspect such as hair color that we do not usually pay much attention to in relation to this racialized category can be central when the same is consumed in a different setting. It is significant that what is being marketed here it is a slightly different paradigm from the Eurocentric or conventional idea of “white” people, that sees at its center blonde-haired, fair-skinned people with blue or green eyes: whiteness is mitigated and familiarized in order to make it more desirable to wider audiences. Its localized production and its consumption as a disposable accessory might be taken as challenging to the global dominance of Caucasian aesthetic.
Acting in the (locally) ambiguous field of racial representations,87 hairdressers in Japan are creating their own whiteness, one that is starkly defined by what is socially acceptable and what is rejected.88 It thus becomes apparent the fact that racialized categories are nothing but discourses, constantly morphing in relation to time and space. The existence of a different whiteness created by and for the use of people who are not considered as belonging to this racialized category creates conflict with the discourse of a global, hegemonic whiteness by demonstrating its artificiality and construction.
However, the use of the word gaikokujin inevitably generates ambivalent meanings. The trend becomes linked to the discourse of “foreignness” and the desires associated with it. Eventually, it ends up reproducing the essentialist and reifying stereotypes that are creating through the occidentalistic (and self-Orientalistic) practices of nihonjinron. The trend potentially reinforces the “us/them” barriers that are at the basis of essentialistic thought by juxtaposing the desired “foreign hair” as a polar opposite of the more conservative and traditional “Japanese hair.”
To reiterate, gaikokujin-fū might be subversive on the global scale, but it is nonetheless an expression of the oppressive mainstream on the local level, as it restates notions of difference and exclusivity that form the basis for social exclusion of phenotypically alien foreigners. Unfortunately, the practices of marketing necessitate simplifications, and makes it is hard to achieve what I believe would be the most subversive action: the elimination of these reifying barriers. It is imperative that we start to think about ways to talk about race and culture in a non-essentializing manner while maintaining an anti-white-centric stance.
Although the problem of essentialization cannot be resolved by looking at representation only, by looking at how the product is effectively consumed in everyday life we might find that these semi-conscious practices already offer some hints on how to overcome the barriers that reification builds around us. It is indeed true that consumers answer to the “call” of the marketers, and that they identify themselves to some extent with the images of racialized whiteness created by the beauty industry. However, what the interviews revealed is that often times the link between image and product is broken in the immediacy of consumption. By using whiteness as an accessory, some of the consumers open up a space in which they contest the seriousness and rigidity of racialized categories–a space that allows hybridity to exist.
ميلانيا ترامب تشيد بكافانو وتنتقد التركيز على ملابسها | القدس العربي Alquds Newspaper
▻http://www.alquds.co.uk/?p=1028548
et clichés coloniaux #orientalisme
▻https://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/monde/afrique/au-kenya-melania-trump-a-porte-un-casque-colonial_2038623.html
]]>The Angry Arab News Service/وكالة أنباء العربي الغاضب : Beirut, the movie
▻http://angryarab.blogspot.com/2018/09/beirut-movie.html
By far, my favorite scene of Jon Hamm’s movie, Beirut: Camels on the beaches of Beirut. Some Israeli assistant director must have come up with this touch.
]]>Toutes les musiques du #monde_arabe
▻http://www.laviedesidees.fr/Toutes-les-musiques-du-monde-arabe.html
Comment présenter quinze siècles de musiques arabes au public français en évitant l’écueil de l’orientalisme ? Première #exposition en Europe consacrée à la question, Al Musiqa s’attache à déconstruire les clichés en proposant un nouveau voyage en Orient – cette fois, éclairé de l’intérieur.
/ #musique, monde arabe, exposition, #orientalisme
]]>Toutes les musiques du #monde_arabe
▻http://www.laviedesidees.fr/Les-mille-et-un-sons-du-monde-arabe.html
Comment présenter quinze siècles de musiques arabes au public français en évitant l’écueil de l’orientalisme ? Première #exposition en Europe consacrée à la question, Al Musiqa s’attache à déconstruire les clichés en proposant un nouveau voyage en Orient – cette fois, éclairé de l’intérieur.
/ #musique, monde arabe, exposition, #orientalisme
]]>Why I don’t like the term “#Western_Balkans”
“Western Balkans” is a label born 15 years ago that has certainly not helped – if anything it has slowed down – the path of south-east Europe towards the EU. A comment
cc @reka
Article en italien :
▻https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Balcani-notizie/Perche-non-mi-piace-il-termine-Balcani-occidentali-187621
cc @albertocampiphoto @wizo
World to end on August 22 | Opinion | The Guardian
▻https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2006/aug/09/worldtoendonaugust22
While the Middle East smoulders, commentators of an apocalyptic bent are lining up for a date with Armageddon.
Better cancel those holidays. We now have a date for Armageddon, and it’s a week on Tuesday - August 22.
This information comes from no lesser source than the Wall Street Journal, where Bernard Lewis, President Bush’s favourite historian, provides the details.
“In Islam, as in Judaism and Christianity,” the professor writes, "there are certain beliefs concerning the cosmic struggle at the end of time - Gog and Magog, anti-Christ, Armageddon, and for Shiite Muslims, the long-awaited return of the Hidden Imam, ending in the final victory of the forces of good over evil, however these may be defined.
Rappelée par Angry Arab, la foudroyante prédiction du génie de l’orientalisme nord-américain, Bernard Lewis (décédé hier).
]]>« Peintures des Lointains », des images à « montrer sans honte ni tabou » - Afrique - RFI
▻http://www.rfi.fr/culture/20180312-peintures-lointains-quai-branly-images-honte-tabou
C’est une partie méconnue de la collection du #musée du #Quai_Branly. Quelque 200 œuvres d’artistes européens qui ont représenté d’autres continents et populations à l’époque de la #colonisation. Beaucoup ont été acquises pour l’#exposition_coloniale de 1931, à une époque où l’on montrait aussi des humains en cage au Bois de Vincennes. Et la plupart de ces tableaux n’étaient plus sortis des réserves depuis longtemps.
]]>Edward Said, l’orientalisme et le rejet de tout obscurantisme
▻https://orientxxi.info/lu-vu-entendu/edward-said-l-orientalisme-et-le-rejet-de-tout-obscurantisme,2260
The Right to the City in an Age of Austerity
In Greece, resistance to austerity comprises a mosaic of struggles for a right to the city, conceived as the collective self-determination of everyday life.
When talking about Greece and “the crisis,” it is easy to fall in the trap of “Greek exceptionalism.” After all, it is through essentializing orientalist narratives that austerity and structural adjustment have been justified: the Greeks are corrupt, lazy and crisis-prone, and they should be adapted and civilized for their own good.
]]>Nawaat – Kamel Daoud, un mercenaire au service de Caïd Essebsi ?
▻http://nawaat.org/portail/2017/10/05/kamel-daoud-un-mercenaire-au-service-de-caid-essebsi
Evoquant les récentes déclarations de Béji Caïd Essebsi concernant l’égalité successorale et le droit des Tunisiennes musulmanes d’épouser un non-musulman, Kamel Daoud leur trouve « le mérite de mettre en lumière l’essentiel de ce qui doit encore se faire dans le monde musulman pour achever les printemps arabes ». Une phrase étrange qui suggère, contre toute attente, que les « printemps arabes » auraient déjà pour une grande part réalisé leurs promesses. Que peut bien signifier cette phrase si l’on admet que son auteur est pourvu du minimum d’intelligence requis pour obtenir un prix littéraire français et qu’il n’est pas dans l’ignorance totale de la situation actuelle dans les pays arabes ? Que peut-il donc entendre par « l’essentiel » et par « achever les printemps arabes » quand on sait les désastres meurtriers en Irak, en Syrie et en Libye, les bains de sang au Yémen, le despotisme militaire égyptien, la contre-révolution rampante en Tunisie et la répression des révoltes du Rif marocain ? Pour toute personne un peu sensée, la situation tragique du monde arabe aujourd’hui n’épargne pas plus les femmes que les hommes. Or, Kamel Daoud est une personne sensée qui sait parfaitement qu’au-delà de l’inégalité dont les femmes sont victimes, ce qui caractérise aujourd’hui la majorité des pays arabes, c’est l’égalité de la misère, des prisons et des fosses communes. On ne peut donc le croire lorsqu’il se pose en avocat du droit des femmes. Alors ? La clef, il nous la donne en conclusion : « M. Essebsi a ouvert une brèche énorme dans le socle du conservatisme musulman, et a créé un antécédent unique, validant divers mouvements féministes et intellectuels. Sa prise de position n’a pas encore été appréciée à sa juste valeur : elle est révolutionnaire — copernicienne, même. Le président tunisien a clamé l’égalité de la femme dans le monde arabe, un univers social où la Terre semble encore plate. »
]]>Portrait de Kamel Daoud pour son ouvrage « Zabor ou les psaumes » - YouTube
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bGOpDLVD388
8’15
L’arabe n’est pas la langue maternelle en Algérie, ni au Maroc. Ca c’est une illusion que vous avez ici, parce que chez nous, on parle nos langues. L’arabe, c’est notre latin, quelque part. C’est la langue du clergé, de la monarchie, du pouvoir politique, de la domination, des classes dominantes, mais ça n’est pas leur lan..., ce ne sont pas, ce n’est pas notre langue. Zabor était confronté à un dilemme de fond. D’abord une école qui enseignait dans un arabe dit classique, je n’aime pas ce mot, mais qui était une très belle langue. Je ne suis pas contre l’arabe, je suis bilingue. Mais qui ne parlait – il le dit – elle ne parle que de morts, que de cadavres... Il dit à la fin : « Elle en a pris les couleurs. » Et il revient à la fin vers la langue maternelle, l’algérien, ou une autre langue maternelle algérienne et il découvre que c’est une très belle langue mais qui est incapable de dire le monde en entier. Qui est incapable de le sauver parce qu’elle n’est pas précise, elle manque de dictionnaire. Et puis il se rabat vers la troisième langue, c’est la langue de la dissidence, de l’Occident, de la découverte de la sensualité, c’est le français. Et à partir de là, il commence à construire son propre dictionnaire. Et je pense que tout écrivain commence par construire son propre dictionnaire, ce qu’on appelle par la suite, le style. Mais c’est la conquête du mot, mot par mot, et jusqu’à la fin, c’est ça ce que fait Zabor. 9’14
Pour mémoire. #langue_arabe #orientalisme
]]>New Texts Out Now: Nader Hashemi and Danny Postel, eds. Sectarianization: Mapping the New Politics of the Middle East
▻http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/26998/new-texts-out-now_nader-hashemi-and-danny-postel-e
Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?
Danny Postel and Nader Hashemi (DP and NH): Over the last several years, a narrative has taken root in Western media and policy circles that attributes the turmoil and violence engulfing the Middle East to supposedly ancient sectarian hatreds. “Sectarianism” has become a catchall explanation for virtually all of the region’s problems. Thomas Friedman, for instance, claims that in Yemen today “the main issue is the seventh century struggle over who is the rightful heir to the Prophet Muhammad — Shiites or Sunnis.” Barack Obama has been one the biggest proponents of this thesis. On several occasions, he has invoked “ancient sectarian differences” to explain the turmoil in the region. In his final State of the Union address, he asserted that the issues plaguing the Middle East today are “rooted in conflicts that date back millennia.” A more vulgar version of this view prevails among right-wing commentators. But in one form or another, this new sectarian essentialism, which is lazy and convenient — and deeply Orientalist — has become the new conventional wisdom in the West.
Our book forcefully challenges this narrative and offers an alternative set of explanations for the rise in sectarian conflict in the Middle East in recent years. Emphasis on recent: the book demonstrates that the sharp sectarian turn in the region’s politics is largely a phenomenon of the last few decades — really since 1979 — and that pundits who imagine it as an eternal or fixed feature of the Middle East are reading history backwards. So the book is an exercise in refutation and ideology critique on the one hand, while also offering a set of rigorous social scientific arguments about what exactly is driving the intensification of sectarian conflict in the Middle East today. Our contributors come from political science, history, anthropology, and religious studies, and it is from this range of disciplines that we present a social and political theory as well as a critical history of sectarianism.
]]>Laws that allow rapists to marry their victims come from colonialism, not Islam | The Independent
▻http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/rape-conviction-laws-marry-rapist-jordan-egypt-morocco-tunisia-came-f
Article 308 is a remnant of the Ottoman rule, but its origin is even more distant – historically and geographically – as the Ottomans had imported it from the French penal code. In countries that were under French colonial rule, such as Lebanon and Tunisia, laws like Article 308 are a direct hangover.
The roots of these laws lie in the cultural impact of centuries under colonial rule, where subjugation was ultimately secured by a true “gentlemen’s agreement”. While foreign powers took control of the state, in exchange they offered local men complete control of their homes.
The colonialists fed and legitimised the misogynist voices within the colonised, and so many of the barriers that women face in the region stem directly from this strategy of using patriarchy as a tool of oppression.
When seen from this perspective, it is less surprising to find that law surrounding rape that gave birth to all those we find in the Middle East and North Africa was only abolished in France as recently as 1994 – only five years before Egypt did away with it.
Suis un peu surpris par cette allusion à la situation légale en France en 1994 même s’il y a eu à cette une modification juridique, notamment sur la présomption de consentement ehntre époux, mais c’est tout de même assez différent...
]]>Laws that allow rapists to marry their victims come from colonialism, not Islam | The Independent
▻http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/rape-conviction-laws-marry-rapist-jordan-egypt-morocco-tunisia-came-f
But while the activism challenging these laws is rooted firmly in the community, it may be surprising to some that the laws themselves are not a product of local tradition.
Article 308 is a remnant of the Ottoman rule, but its origin is even more distant – historically and geographically – as the Ottomans had imported it from the French penal code. In countries that were under French colonial rule, such as Lebanon and Tunisia, laws like Article 308 are a direct hangover.
The roots of these laws lie in the cultural impact of centuries under colonial rule, where subjugation was ultimately secured by a true “gentlemen’s agreement”. While foreign powers took control of the state, in exchange they offered local men complete control of their homes.
The colonialists fed and legitimised the misogynist voices within the colonised, and so many of the barriers that women face in the region stem directly from this strategy of using patriarchy as a tool of oppression.
]]>Marché de l’art : les orientalistes au goût du jour
▻http://www.lemonde.fr/argent/article/2017/03/07/marche-de-l-art-les-orientalistes-au-gout-du-jour_5090375_1657007.html
Art moderne arabe
L’histoire de l’orientalisme ne s’arrête pas là. Un nouveau courant émerge après les années 1950. Il s’agit alors d’art moderne arabe, représenté par des artistes syriens, libanais, algériens… Beaucoup ont été formés en France, au moment où les colonies existaient encore, et sont ensuite retournés dans leur pays d’origine ou se sont expatriés sur le long terme. « Leur cote commence à s’internationaliser, et elle devrait monter, affirme Oliver Berman, même lorsqu’il s’agit d’artistes issus de pays instables, et je suis le premier à m’en étonner. Je pense notamment aux artistes tunisiens. Ils sont encouragés par la communauté tunisienne installée à l’étranger. »
Comment considérer que l’art moderne arabe (des années 50 et Cie : voir ici par exemple ▻http://nachoua.com/Peintures/Peintres.html) est un prolongement de l’orientalisme ? J’avoue que je n’ai pas compris !
]]>Le harem sultanien et le rôle politique des femmes
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/conferences/universite-bretagne-loire/le-harem-sultanien-et-le-role-politique-des-femmes
Réflexion sur le rôle des femmes dans la sphère politique notamment au Maroc et dans l’empire ottoman. Les écarts sont profonds entre les représentations occidentales du harem et les perceptions locales. Penser le harem sultanien et la place des femmes dans une histoire islamique (XVIe-XIXe siècle).
#radio #histoire #femmes #harem #historicisation #islam #politique #pouvoir #male_gaze #orientalisme #racisme
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