• Multinationals are using violence as weapon in the COVID-19 lockdown to dispossess communities – Witness radio Witness radio
    https://witnessradio.org/multinationals-are-using-violence-as-weapon-in-the-covid-19-lockdown-t

    As Uganda begins a 32 day COVID – 19 Lockdown, multinational companies dispossessing more than 35000 natives off their land, have resorted to the use of violence to grab land for poor communities. During the previous weekend, Agilis Partners limited and Great Season Company as well as their agents severely beat William Katusiime, violently and arbitrarily arrested two people namely Sipiriano Baluma and Haweka Martin. Katusiime is a member of a community being dispossessed by Agilis Partners while Haweka and Baluma are members of a community being illegally and violently evicted by Great Seasons Company respectively.

    Last week, Ugandan government ordered the closure of schools, suspended religious gatherings across the country in an attempt to prevent the spread of coronavirus. On March, 22nd, Uganda registered coronavirus first case.

  • Bon, je n’ai pas pu m’empêcher de les compiler, #recension #coronavirus et #musique (au départ ils étaient là: https://seenthis.net/messages/828630 ) :

    Les précurseurs:

    ARISTIDE BRUANT - V’la l’cholera qu’arrive (France, 19ème siècle)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vIuXYI6oOzQ

    Bo Carter - Corrina, Corrina (USA, 1928)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_PJ33ht4r2w

    Bob Dylan - Corrina, Corrina (USA, 1963)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=66A5lrrl39E

    Jacques Dutronc - On Nous Cache Tout, On Nous Dit Rien (1966)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VW188SVN5UU

    Humza Arshad - Fill Up The Lota (Pakistan, 2011)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IhQ1q0UcydY

    Muere Bacteria Muere (Mexique, 2016)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G-rurKG3fJw

    Mikey Bustos - I Use Tabo (Philippines, 2017, parodie de Swalla, par Jason Derulo)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vzb98tQp53I

    HK - Assigné-e-s à résistance (2017)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bV8fqN-ZNdM

    ===================

    L’année 2020:

    La Rimbamband - Virus Corona (Italie, parodie de My Sharona par The Knack)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MVqLWAUMhnY

    ZDoggMD - My Corona (USA, encore une parodie de My Sharona par The Knack)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uo7HB-slsm4

    Alvi Ananta - Corona (Indonésie)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mt51X2cc_H0

    Comunitas Rondo Merana - Lagu Corona (Indonésie)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p5BDUVljWEc

    Danial Kheirikhah - Sans Paroles (Iran)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cgaL-XV_7BM

    Los Juanelos - Se viene el Coronavirus (Pérou)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4UancWnIDLs

    Coronavirus llegó al Perú (Pérou)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T1cPsYVKwMs

    Jealous Coronavirus (Vietnam)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V9YirNgAzXI

    Gloria Gaynor - I Will Survive Challenge (Etats-Unis)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uvqP5NRXf8g

    Covid 19 (UK, parodie de Come on Eileen des Dexys Midnight Runners)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N80JfwO_F8M

    Corona virus song (Pakistan)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OlHjTUYQ7fc

    Maurizio Marchini - Nessun Dorma (Italie)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rH2t5uhddaE

    Des Siciliens d’Agrigente - Ciuri Ciuri (Italie)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bRaU-6s4xFc

    Astarius Miraculii - Virus Cancellation Chant (Etats-Unis)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UwUbEE0Y3Iw

    The Juice Media - Coronavirus : Flatten The Curve (Australie)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hks6Nq7g6P4

    Psychs - Spreadin’ (Etats-Unis)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zg2dmvvew_o

    Mat Cyr & Jérémy Demay - Le CoronaVirus (Québec)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6QhZqoA0DdU

    Naveen Richard - My Name Is Corona (Inde)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=juugAWnBRKY

    Bono - Let Your Love Be Known (Irlande)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OwvnQ7Em-y0

    Michael Bruening - I Will Survive, Coronavirus version for teachers (Etats-Unis)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CCe5PaeAeew

    Monkeyloid - 17 March 2020 (Australie, parodie de I Was Only Nineteen de Redgum)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0KVvK9dRZic

    Pierre Rodriguez - Merci aux soignant·e·s (France)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AZfPjO7fUQY

    #Musique_et_politique

  • Total en Ouganda: le tribunal judiciaire se déclare incompétent - Page 1 | Mediapart
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/300120/total-en-ouganda-le-tribunal-judiciaire-se-declare-incompetent
    #survie

    La sauvegarde des droits humains relève-t-elle du commerce ? C’est ce que semble indiquer la décision rendue jeudi 30 janvier par le tribunal judiciaire de Nanterre (autrefois appelé TGI). Dans cette affaire portée contre le géant pétrolier Total, plusieurs ONG – les Amis de la Terre France, Survie, AFIEGO, CRED, NAPE/Amis de la Terre Ouganda et NAVODA – reprochaient à la multinationale de ne pas se plier à ses nouvelles obligations légales créées par la loi sur le devoir de vigilance des multinationales de 2017.

    Très exactement, les associations demandaient à Total de réviser son plan de vigilance et de revoir sa mise en œuvre effective concernant un méga-projet pétrolier dont il est l’opérateur principal en Ouganda. Total y travaille sur un vaste projet d’extraction de pétrole – plus de 400 puits sur six champs situés dans un parc national protégé – et le plus grand oléoduc « chauffé » du monde – 1 445 kilomètres pour apporter le pétrole jusqu’à l’océan Indien via la Tanzanie.

    Interrogé en mai 2019 sur le risque environnemental d’opérer dans cette réserve, le groupe Total assurait pouvoir laisser à son départ « un environnement dans un meilleur état que celui qu’il a trouvé ». « Les opérations couvriront moins de 0,1 % de la superficie du parc », ajoutait Total.

    L’Ouganda n’a estimé que récemment, en 2006, ses #réserves_pétrolières. Celles-ci s’élèvent à 1,7 milliard de barils au moins, ce qui pourrait classer le pays aux alentours de la 30e place des producteurs mondiaux. Ces réserves se trouvent cependant dans le parc national de Murchison Falls, grand de 4 000 km2.

    La loi relative au devoir de vigilance permet d’obliger une entreprise à respecter ses obligations, le cas échéant, sous astreinte. « Total pourrait ainsi être contraint de revoir son plan de vigilance afin de réellement prendre en compte les impacts des activités du groupe pétrolier sur les populations locales et l’environnement, estimaient les ONG en 2019. Le juge pourrait aussi exiger la mise en œuvre effective de mesures urgentes pour prévenir des violations ou des dommages imminents. »

    Mais c’est finalement une tout autre décision qui a été rendue jeudi. Le tribunal judiciaire s’est en effet rangé à la position défendue par Total à l’audience le 12 décembre dernier, à savoir que seul le tribunal correctionnel est compétent.

    Dans sa décision, le tribunal indique en effet que « la société #TOTAL SA soulève une exception d’incompétence au profit du tribunal de commerce de Nanterre. Elle considère que les actions relatives au plan de vigilance des sociétés commerciales se rattachant directement à la gestion d’une société commerciale, relèvent de la compétence exclusive du tribunal de commerce ». Total « considère que l’élaboration et l’adoption du plan de vigilance constituent des actes de gestion fondamentaux pour la société », ajoute le tribunal.

    Ce dernier a donc renvoyé l’affaire au tribunal de commerce. Au grand dam des associations, qui craignent notamment que la justice commerciale soit plus favorable aux entreprises. Pour Juliette Renaud, responsable de campagne sur la régulation des multinationales aux Amis de la Terre, « il ne s’agit pas ici d’une question relevant simplement de la gestion de l’entreprise comme l’a argumenté Total : il est absurde que des représentants d’#entreprises élus par leurs pairs soient les plus à même de juger d’une situation si grave où des vies et des #écosystèmes entiers sont menacés ! ».

    [...]

    Et de fait, sur place, la situation n’a pas été facile pour les militants depuis le dépôt de la plainte. De retour en #Ouganda après avoir témoigné en France le 12 décembre, Jealousy Mugisha, leader d’une des communautés ougandaises affectées par le #méga-projet #pétrolier, a été arrêté à l’aéroport et retenu près de 9 heures par les autorités avant d’être libéré. Jealousy Mugisha avait déjà subi de fortes #intimidations la semaine précédant sa venue en France, l’obligeant à se cacher à #Kampala pendant une semaine.

    Le 23 décembre, des hommes inconnus ont tenté de s’introduire une première fois chez Fred Mwesigwa, agriculteur et second témoin ougandais au procès, et une nouvelle fois la nuit suivante, en forçant les portes métalliques et les structures en bois de sa maison. N’étant pas parvenu à forcer les portes, ces hommes ont enfermé Fred Mwesigwa chez lui avec des cadenas. Après ces agressions, il a pu se réfugier dans un lieu tenu secret.

    [...]

    À cette heure, on ne sait même pas combien l’exploitation pétrolière est susceptible de rapporter à l’Ouganda, dont le PIB s’élevait en 2018 à 28,36 milliards de dollars (730 dollars par habitants) – à mettre en regard de la capitalisation boursière de Total, évaluée à 130 milliards d’euros environ début 2019. Le gouvernement ougandais affirme que 80 % des gains iront au pays, mais les ONG sont échaudées par un épisode précédent, lorsque les entreprises ont refusé de payer les taxes normalement dues à l’occasion de rachats de titres.

    Enfin, le #parc_national de #Murchison_Falls compte des espèces protégées et est classé en zone humide d’importance internationale, précieuse pour la conservation des oiseaux, connue pour abriter des espèces rares, vulnérables et menacées. Le parc dans son ensemble abrite plus de 500 espèces d’animaux – différentes antilopes, lions, éléphants, hippopotames, phacochères – dont certaines menacées, comme la girafe de Rothschild.

  • Deux défenseurs venues témoigner au procès de Total sont en danger en Ouganda - Survie
    https://survie.org/themes/economie/multinationales/article/deux-victimes-venues-temoigner-au-proces-de-total-sont-en-danger-en-ouganda

    Paris-Genève, le 26 décembre 2019 - Les deux témoins ougandais venus témoigner en #France le 12 décembre dernier dans le cadre du procès intenté contre #Total pour ses activités en #Ouganda [1] ont désormais des raisons évidentes d’avoir peur pour leur vie, après de nouvelles #intimidations et actes menaçants à leur retour en Ouganda et dans leur village. Les Amis de la Terre France, Survie et l’Observatoire pour la protection des défenseurs des droits de l’Homme (un partenariat FIDH-OMCT) expriment leur profonde inquiétude pour leur intégrité physique et morale, et demandent que toutes les formes de persécution cessent immédiatement.

  • Le #développement en #Afrique à l’aune des #bassins_de_migrations

    Sur le continent africain, les migrations sont organisées autour de #pôles_d’attraction_régionale qui constituent des bassins de migrations. Une réalité qu’il convient de prendre davantage en compte dans les politiques de développement.

    Quelques chiffres pour commencer. La planète compte 272 millions de migrants internationaux en 2019, soit 3,5 % de la population mondiale. En 2017, 36,3 millions d’Africains vivaient hors de leur pays de résidence habituelle, représentant environ 15 % des migrants internationaux. Alors que les migrations africaines vers l’Europe captent régulièrement l’attention médiatique, il faut rappeler que les mouvements de populations ont majoritairement lieu à l’intérieur même du continent africain (https://unctad.org/fr/pages/PublicationWebflyer.aspx?publicationid=2118). Ainsi, 7 migrants subsahariens sur 10 demeurent en Afrique. Seules les migrations nord-africaines sont majoritairement extracontinentales : 9 migrants nord-africains sur 10 résident en effet hors du continent. Des mobilités avant tout sur le continent Pour l’essentiel intracontinentales, les migrations subsahariennes sont organisées autour de pôles d’attraction régionale. Les principaux pays d’immigration en Afrique sont l’Afrique du Sud (4 millions d’immigrants sur une population de 56,7 millions), la Côte d’Ivoire (2,3 sur 24,3 millions), l’Ouganda (1,7 sur 42,9 millions), le Nigeria (1,5 sur 191 millions), le Kenya (1,3 sur 49,7 millions) et l’Éthiopie (1,2 sur 105 millions). Ces États voient converger en leur sein des migrants issus de pays limitrophes, pour des durées plus ou moins longues.

    Le Kenya, par exemple, héberge une majorité de migrants ougandais et somaliens. L’Éthiopie accueille essentiellement des ressortissants érythréens, somaliens et sud-soudanais. En Afrique du Sud, les migrants sont principalement issus du Mozambique, du Zimbabwe, du Lesotho et de Namibie, etc. Ces sous-ensembles migratoires régionaux, regroupant à chaque fois plusieurs pays d’émission autour d’un même pôle d’attraction, constituent ce que l’on appelle des « bassins de migrations ». Les migrations s’effectuent généralement à l’intérieur d’une même région car migrer loin implique de posséder un capital économique, social et culturel. Dans certaines régions, la porosité des frontières, l’existence de dynamiques migratoires traditionnelles et la mise en place progressive d’espaces de libre circulation des personnes tendent à renforcer ce phénomène. À rebours des discours alarmistes qui prédisent une « ruée » de la jeune Afrique vers le Vieux Continent, le caractère intrarégional des migrations subsahariennes est un état de fait, un schéma dominant et structurel des mobilités humaines en Afrique. Les déterminants des mobilités intrarégionales : des bassins de migrations diversifiés Le phénomène des bassins de migrations est récurrent, mais les motivations des personnes qui se déplacent et les contextes migratoires sont divers. Bien que la décision de migrer soit toujours multifactorielle et inscrite dans un contexte spécifique, la recherche de sécurité et la quête d’emploi sont les deux déterminants principaux des migrations vers ces pôles d’attraction régionale. Ainsi, l’Ouganda, troisième pays d’accueil des réfugiés après la Turquie et le Pakistan, héberge 1,2 million de réfugiés sur une population immigrée de 1,7 million : il s’agit principalement de personnes ayant fui les conflits voisins au Soudan du Sud et en République démocratique du Congo. Ces migrants ont cherché refuge en Ouganda et se sont établis, généralement pour de longues durées, dans les camps du nord et de l’ouest du pays. Les migrations intrarégionales vers la Côte d’Ivoire sont, quant à elles, fortement déterminées par la demande en main-d’œuvre peu qualifiée dans plusieurs secteurs tels que l’agriculture, la construction et les industries extractives. Le dynamisme économique relatif du pays et ses salaires plus avantageux expliquent que de nombreux Burkinabès, Maliens, Guinéens, Libériens et Nigériens s’y rendent pour travailler, à plus de 90 % dans le secteur informel (soit 10 % de plus que les nationaux). Sur ces territoires, différentes temporalités migratoires peuvent se côtoyer : ainsi, certains Burkinabès cultivent le cacao dans les forêts ivoiriennes depuis plusieurs décennies, d’autres s’y rendent de manière saisonnière en fonction du calendrier agricole. Les migrants, potentiels facteurs de développement économique Jeunes (31 ans en moyenne), les migrants africains, dont 47 % sont des femmes, sont autant de potentiels contributeurs au développement des pays de départ et d’installation. Dans ces bassins de migrations, les mobilités humaines contribuent au tissage de réseaux et à l’établissement de relations entre les territoires.

    En Côte d’Ivoire, par exemple, l’activité économique de la population immigrée contribue à 19 % du PIB. Les migrants représentent donc un facteur de développement économique pour le pays d’installation. En outre, ils soutiennent le développement de leur pays d’origine, notamment via leurs transferts de fonds, qui peuvent être des sources d’épargne, d’investissement productif ou de complément de revenus pour les ménages restés sur place. En 2017, la Côte d’Ivoire a ainsi reçu 307 millions de dollars de la part de sa diaspora, tandis que les immigrés sur son sol ont envoyé 845 millions de dollars vers leurs pays d’origine. Intégrer davantage les migrations intrarégionales dans les politiques de développement Facteur de développement, les migrations sont un enjeu à part entière pour les pays africains, autant que le changement climatique, le développement socio-économique et territorial, la gouvernance, l’urbanisation, l’accès aux services de santé et d’éducation, etc. L’approche par les bassins de migrations implique une analyse intersectorielle et multipays, et une prise en compte des mobilités intrarégionales. Au niveau opérationnel, il s’agit d’adopter une démarche décloisonnée et d’intégrer davantage les migrations dans les projets sectoriels. Des exemples d’une telle démarche existent déjà. En matière de santé, citons le projet Réseau de surveillance et d’investigation épidémiologique (RSIE), initié par la Commission de l’océan Indien. Ce réseau regroupe les Comores, Madagascar, Maurice, la France au titre de la Réunion (y associant Mayotte) et les Seychelles. Financé par l’AFD, il permet une veille régionale et un système d’alerte aux épidémies dans les îles de l’ouest de l’océan Indien (Réseau Sega One Health), espace caractérisé par des migrations intrarégionales fortes. Basé sur le paradigme One Health qui associe la santé à un bien-être global partagé par les humains, les animaux et les écosystèmes, le projet RSIE illustre bien cet intérêt d’intégrer les mobilités humaines et animales intrarégionales à un projet sectoriel. C’est une logique qu’il s’agit désormais d’élargir à d’autres régions et domaines d’action. La migration est inhérente à la dynamique des sociétés et les populations continueront de migrer, comme elles l’ont toujours fait. La question, finalement, est de savoir dans quelles conditions.

    https://ideas4development.org/developpement-africain-bassins-de-migrations

    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #migrations_intra-africaines #visualisation #cartographie #chiffres #statistiques #migrations_subsahariennes #Afrique_du_Sud #Ouganda #Nigeria #Kenya #Ethiopie #capital_économique #capital_social #capital_culturel #préjugés #invasion #afflux #développement_économique #ressources_pédagogiques #remittances #diaspora

    signalé par @fil

  • UNHCR in talks to send African migrants to ‘safe’ countries, let others stay

    UN’s refugee body confirms talks with Israeli and foreign governments on a deal that would enable some asylum seekers to stay in Israel permanently, resettle others.

    Israel is in negotiations with the United Nations High Commission on Refugees to resettle a portion of African asylum seekers in third countries deemed by the UN to be “safe,” possibly including Western countries, in exchange for some of the refugees to be given permanent residency in Israel.

    The deal would likely halt Israel’s current campaign to deport thousands of asylum seekers to African countries, widely believed to be Rwanda and Uganda.

    “Such an arrangement could be realized, though the necessary details need to be worked out,” said Sharon Harel, the external relations officer at the UNHCR office in Israel.

    She declined to name the countries interested in absorbing the refugees or what percentage of the refugees would be able to stay in Israel. Since 2013, the UNHCR, working with a number of different countries, has resettled 2,400 asylum seekers in third countries which they consider safe, including the US and Canada.

    Harel said was confident that an agreement could offer a viable solution for the approximately 38,000 African asylum seekers currently in Israel. “We would see such an arrangement as a win-win for the refugees as well as the State of Israel,” said Harel.

    The Prime Minister’s Office refused multiple requests for comment.

    The UNHCR, as well as a number of human rights organizations have expressed dismay with Israel’s program of deporting asylum seekers to third countries, which were officially unnamed. Reports have named Rwanda and Uganda, which are listed by the UN as “areas of concern.”

    “Due to the secrecy surrounding this policy and the lack of transparency concerning its implementation, it has been very difficult for UNHCR to follow up and systematically monitor the situation of people relocated to these African countries,” the UNHCR said in a statement in November. “UNHCR, however, is concerned that these persons have not found adequate safety or a durable solution to their plight and that many have subsequently attempted dangerous onward movements within Africa or to Europe.”

    Israel has deported approximately 4,000 asylum seekers to Rwanda and Uganda since December 2013, when the deportation program started.

    A new law shuttering a holding facility and forcing asylum seekers to leave or go to jail has seen Israel kick off a fresh deportation campaign this week. Israel began handing out deportation notices to asylum seekers renewing their two-month visa on Sunday.

    According to reports, the government hopes to deport 600 asylum seekers per month for the first year. People with open asylum applications cannot be deported before the applications are resolved.

    On Monday, Netanyahu slammed international criticism of the handling of the asylum seeker situation as “a campaign of lies.”

    “International law places obligations on countries and it also gives them rights. There is an obligation to accept refugees, and we accept refugees,” he said, “but international law also gives the right to a country to remove from its borders illegal migrants. We have no obligation to allow illegal labor migrants who are not refugees to remain here.”

    Netanyahu also claimed that George Soros was funding protests against the deportations, a claim that Soros quickly denied.

    Thousands of asylum seekers protested on Wednesday in front of the Rwandan embassy, part of a number of protests against the deportation in front of at least ten Rwandan embassies and consulates around the world. Protesters carried signs reading, “We will not fall into despair, we will stop this deportation,” “Recognizing refugees is a moral requirement,” “We don’t believe the racists,” and “Kagame — We’re not for sale.”

    Eritrean activists have said that they believe around 20 deported asylum seekers have lost their lives in dangerous attempts to reach Europe.

    Deportees to Rwanda have told The Times of Israel, and it has been widely reported in foreign media, that they are kept for a few days in a private home and then taken to the border with South Sudan or Uganda in the middle of the night. They are told to cross without documents, and to request asylum seeker status in the new country when they cross the border.

    The negotiations between the UNHCR, Israel, and other countries was first mentioned in activist Rabbi Susan Silverman’s op-ed in the New York Times on Wednesday. Silverman, the initiator of the Miklat Israel/Israel sanctuary initiative, which encourages people to hide Africans slated for deportations in their home, wrote that the UNHCR could resettle up to half of Israel’s asylum seekers, if Netanyahu agrees to cooperate. “This would provide the prime minister with a domestic political victory and a legacy lifeline,” she wrote.

    “Willing deportation” means that an asylum seeker has signed an agreement with the Interior Ministry that they are leaving Israel under their own free will, generally after being made to decide between incarceration and deportation.

    Asylum seekers who sign documents that they are willingly leaving the country receive a deportation grant of $3,500.

    Backers of the asylum seekers’ protest insist that Israel has not been doing the minimum required by the 1951 Refugee Convention to ascertain whether the migrants are refugees. Between 2009 and 2017, 15,400 people opened files seeking asylum with the PIBA Office. Israel denied asylum seeker status to 6,600 people, and 8,800 applications for asylum are still open. Israel has recognized refugee status for one Sudanese and 10 Eritreans, out of thousands of applications for asylum, an acceptance rate of 0.056%.

    The European Union has recognized asylum claims from 90% of Eritreans who apply for refugee status and 56% of Sudanese, according to the European Stability Institute.

    Harel, the spokesperson for UNHCR in Israel, noted there had been some “gaps” in the procedural requirements for asylum seekers. Asylum seekers from Eritrea and Sudan who arrived in Israel before 2012 were originally not required to file requests for asylum. The policy change in 2012 was not formally announced and led to a lot of confusion among asylum seekers as to what they were required to do.

    Anyone who wants to open an application for asylum must wait overnight, sometimes multiple times, in long lines outside of the Interior Ministry’s Population Immigration and Border Authority office.

    Anat Perez, a 25-year resident of Neve Shaanan who is also part of the Central Bus Station Neighborhood Watch group, which supports the deportations, said she does not believe that the UNHCR negotiations will amount to much. “The United Nations can make all types of decisions, but at the end it’s really about what Israel decides will do,” said Perez. “All of these issues were checked by the High Court. Israel is answering all of the requirements in terms of the law.”

    “I think if they are deported, things will get better for us,” said Perez. Perez added that she was frustrated by all calls that she and other activists who support the deportations are racists or Nazis. “They can’t judge us, they need to deal with South Tel Aviv’s Israeli residents with more respect. They don’t understand the problems,” she said.

    Halefom Sultan, a 33-year-old father of two from Eritrea and one of the central organizers of the protest outside the Rwandan embassy on Wednesday, said he supports the UN negotiations that would send some asylum seekers to a third country, one that is deemed safe by the UN, and allow some asylum seekers to stay in Israel.

    “They need to safeguard our life in the place we are located,” said Sultan. “It doesn’t matter where we are, we need safety. If it’s done by the UN and done in a safe way that ensures our security, I support it.”

    “This is an important move; it should have happened a while back,” said Mutasim Ali, a law student and activist who is the only Sudanese to have received refugee status in Israel. “This is the role UNHCR is supposed to play. It’s unfortunate that Israel still wants to relocate people when they have the ability to accept them, but we support the UNHCR’s approach.”

    https://www.timesofisrael.com/unhcr-in-talks-to-send-african-migrants-to-safe-countries-let-others-
    #Rwanda #Ouganda #Israël #asile #migrations #réfugiés #expulsion #renvois #réinstallation #déportation #réfugiés_africains #pays_tiers #externalisation

    sur la “#solution_rwandaise”, voir
    https://seenthis.net/messages/796723

  • South Sudanese Refugees Transform a Camp Into a City in Uganda

    #Bidi_Bidi refugee camp is home to nearly a quarter-million South Sudanese who fled the violence of civil war in their home country. Its progressive policies allow refugees to live, farm and work together while they wait to return to their home country. But, as conditions are slow to improve in South Sudan, many refugees are opting to stay.

    U.S. Democratic Senators Chris Coons and Chris Van Hollen visited the camp recently. The two lawmakers were touring several refugee settlements throughout Uganda last month, including Bidi Bidi — one of the world’s largest.

    Speaking by phone, Senator Van Hollen called the settlements an “important model” that other countries should consider when housing the displaced.

    “Obviously a key ingredient to the success of that model has been significant international support,” he said.

    When Bidi Bidi was opened in 2016, it was a rural piece of land in northern Uganda, where South Sudanese refugees, mostly women and children, fled to avoid violence during their country’s civil war.

    As is often the case, tensions are common between refugees and the local population, who feel that the refugees are taking resources that might have been available for them.

    But, Uganda decided to do something different, earmarking a percentage of the country’s international funding to go toward local amenities. Refugee families were given plots of land to build family-style clusters of homes with room to grow their own fruits and vegetables. As a result, a small-scale economy began to flourish in the camp, with some refugees starting their own businesses.

    Last year, following a peace deal between warring South Sudan leaders, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni said he hoped the refugees would begin returning home.

    But, that’s not the case.

    According to a new report published this week by several humanitarian agencies, including Oxfam, refugees — especially women — are hesitant to return home. They fear the peace won’t last.

    As a result, settlement official Michael Joelle says Bidi Bidi has reached capacity, and refugees are being turned away and settlements are feeling the strain.

    “Before the 2016 emergency, we were offering a plot of 50 by 100, so the number has been decreasing as the number of refugees increase,” said Joelle.

    The situation has become more dire after international donors suspended their funding earlier this year after it was reported that funds for refugees in Uganda had been mismanaged.

    Grace, a refugee at Bidi Bidi, fled her home country with her children four years ago. Her husband finally joined the family last year.

    The former teacher said she doesn’t see herself moving back to South Sudan anytime soon.

    “Even we’re receiving bad news, so and so has been killed, so and so has been raped, so many things are happening.”

    https://www.voanews.com/africa/south-sudanese-refugees-transform-camp-city-uganda

    #Soudan_du_Sud #Ouganda #camps_de_réfugiés #réfugiés #asile #migrations #ville

    Et commentaire de Jeff Crisp sur twitter :

    It’s not a question of whether a camp looks like a city or not. It’s a question of what rights the refugees are able to exercise.

    https://twitter.com/JFCrisp/status/1170460384513466368

  • Former MP, investors evict thousands in Kiryandongo
    https://observer.ug/news/headlines/61572-former-mp-investors-evict-thousands-in-kiryandongo

    Former Kiryandongo district Member of Parliament (MP), Baitera Maiteki, an American and an Indian investor have been accused of evicting thousands of people in the western districts of Kiryandongo and Masindi.

    The evicted people were living in the gazetted government ranches in Mutunda and Kiryandongo sub-counties along the River Nile. Kiryandongo Sugar, allegedly owned by some Indians, Agilis, owned by an American called Philip Investor, and Sole Agro Business Company, also owned by Indians, have been named in the evictions.

    Agilis is said to have bought ranches 21-22, from SODARI, an agricultural farm that collapsed. SODARI got a lease from government, which ends in 2025. However, it was revealed to the Land Commission of Inquiry that Agilis, bought land that was leased, yet legally, no one is supposed to buy leased land.

    Agro Business was reportedly given about 60 hectares and displaced all people in the area. Kiryandongo Sugar also forcefully evicted people in the area and ploughed all the land, denying some residents farmland and access roads.

    #Ouganda #évictions_forcées #terres

  • Halfway round the world by plane: Africa’s new migration route

    Migrants using traditional routes from Africa to Europe often fail to reach their destinations. Smugglers now offer new options, such as taking migrants to faraway countries by plane.
    In early July, Mexico’s authorities reported that the number of African migrants in the country had tripled. According to government figures, around 1,900 migrants, most of them from crisis-ridden countries like Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of Congo, are now in Mexico. Their destination? The United States of America.
    The journey by plane of some of these migrants began halfway across the world in Uganda. In a garden bar in the Ugandan capital #Kampala sits a 23-year-old Eritrean man who could soon be one of them. For security reasons, he does not want to give his name. He fled the brutal military service in Eritrea last September. According to human rights organizations, military service in Eritrea can mean years of forced labor. “I do not believe that anything will change in Eritrea soon; on the contrary,” he said. Many young Eritreans see their futures overseas.


    https://www.dw.com/en/halfway-round-the-world-by-plane-africas-new-migration-route/a-49868809
    #Afrique #détour #détours #asile #migrations #réfugiés #routes_migratoires #itinéraires_migratoires #USA #Mexique #Etats-Unis #fermeture_des_frontières #Erythrée #Corne_de_l'Afrique #Ouganda #route_pacifique
    via @isskein
    ping @reka

    • Africa: At U.S.-Mexico Border, Africans Join Diversifying Migrant Community

      It took Julia and her two daughters five years to get from Kassai, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, to a cot on the floor of a migrant shelter in Laredo, Texas, on a Sunday night in August 2019.

      First, it was four years in Angola. She saved money, she says, by working as a hairdresser.

      They flew to Ecuador. Took a bus and boat to Colombia. They spent 14 days crossing through Panama’s Darien Gap, lost part of the time in the dense jungle. Three weeks in Panama, then three more in Costa Rica while Julia recuperated from an illness. Then Nicaragua. Honduras. Guatemala.

      Finally, after a month of waiting in Acuña, on the U.S.-Mexico border, they stuck their feet in the sandy dirt along the southern bank of the Rio Grande. They were alone, and didn’t know how to swim.

      “We prayed first, then we got into the water,” Julia recalled. “My daughter was crying.”

      “‘Mom, I can’t…’” Julia remembers her pleading in chest-high water.

      Halfway across, she says, U.S. soldiers — possibly border agents — shouted to them: “‘Come, give us your hands.’“

      “I did,” Julia recalls, “and they took us out.”

      More families from afar

      Historically, the majority of people caught crossing into the southwest U.S. without authorization were single Mexican adults. In fiscal 2009, Mexicans accounted for 91.63% of border apprehensions, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection data.

      But demographics of migrants and asylum-seekers crossing into the U.S. from Mexico are shifting in two significant ways: In the last decade, nationals of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras began migrating in greater numbers. In the same period, the number of Mexicans dropped.

      Then, in the last year, families became the top source of Southwest border migration. The Border Patrol apprehended 432,838 adults and children traveling in family units from October 2018 through July 2019, a 456% increase over the same period the previous fiscal year.

      To the surprise of longtime border agents, while the overwhelming majority of these families continue to be from Mexico and the Northern Triangle countries of Central America, a small but growing proportion are from countries outside the Americas, nearly twice as much as two years ago.

      By the end of July this year, CBP data shows the agency had apprehended 63,470 people from countries other than those four, making up 8.35% of total apprehensions. In fiscal 2017, they were 4.3% of the total apprehended population.

      CBP does not release the breakdown of where detained migrants come from until after the end of the fiscal year in September. But anecdotes and preliminary data show an increasingly diverse group of migrants and asylum-seekers, including more than 1,600 African nationals from 36 countries, apprehended in one border sector alone.

      They are unprecedented numbers.

      Allen Vowell, an acting deputy patrol agent in charge with the U.S. Border Patrol in Eagle Pass, Texas, said the recent demographic changes are unlike any he has seen in two decades of working on the border.

      “I would say until this year, Africans — personally I’ve probably only seen a handful in over 20 years,” Vowell said.

      From Oct. 1, 2018, to Aug. 22, 2019, Del Rio sector agents apprehended 51,394 people, including 1,681 nationals of African countries. They are largely, like Julia, originally from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola or Cameroon, according to sector officials.

      The arrival of sub-Saharan nationals — often Congolese, according to Del Rio Sector officials — posed new challenges. A lot of border agents are bilingual in English and Spanish. But when apprehending a group that primarily spoke French and Portuguese, the agents had to scramble for interpreters.

      While many migrants from the Northern Triangle have relatives in the U.S. as a point of contact or a destination, those from Africa are less likely to have those relationships.

      That means they are more likely to stay in migrant shelters in the U.S. or in Mexico for longer, waiting to figure out their next steps until their immigration court hearing.

      There is the political tumult in Venezuela, leading to the exodus of millions of people scattered throughout the region.

      The end of the “wet foot dry foot” policy with Cuba that allowed migrants who reached the shores of Florida to remain, Cubans who want to leave the island for the U.S. to take a more circuitous route.

      And then, to the surprise of Border Patrol agents, there arrived the large groups of sub-Saharan Africans, crossing through the Del Rio sector in Texas.

      The migrant trail goes beyond Africa.

      Ten years ago, CBP detained 99 Indians on the Southwest border. In 2018, it was 8,997.

      Similarly, Bangladeshi migrants didn’t figure into the top 20 countries among those apprehended at the border a decade ago. In 2019, there were 1,198.

      This week, a Bangladeshi man living in Mexico pleaded guilty to human smuggling charges.

      There are also the regional conflicts and tensions in Latin America and the Caribbean that are leading to a bigger number of migrants within the hemisphere arriving at the U.S-Mexico border, like Venezuela and Nicaragua. Haitians and Cubans continue to take the more circuitous route through Central America and up to the U.S., rather than travel by boat to Florida, where they risk being stopped by the U.S. Coast Guard before setting foot on land.

      Son’s death sends family on a dangerous journey

      Julia says she got tunnel vision after her teenage son was killed in DRC, en route to school one day in 2014 for reasons she still does not know or understand.

      She only knows that she received a call from the morgue. A truck dropped his body off there.

      He was 17. His name was George.

      She can’t go back to DRC, she says. It’s just not safe.

      “There, while you sleep, the thieves will come through the roof. They demand money, and if you don’t have money, they’ll rape your daughter,” she said.

      “When he died in 2014, I made up my mind that I would not stay.”

      They want to get to Buffalo, New York. They don’t have family in the U.S., Julia says, but some people they met on the road were headed there. Word was, there was work, at least.

      She had an immigration court hearing scheduled for the first week of August. She was still at the San Antonio shelter, two days before.

      They didn’t now how far from Texas it was, or how cold New York gets in winter. They weren’t worried about those things now. They just needed the bus fare to get there, and they had nothing left. No money. No phone.

      Ketsia, now 15, speaks Spanish, English and Italian with ease. Jemima, 9, is the best French speaker in the family. They didn’t fight while they’ve been on the road for the last five months, from Ecuador to San Antonio. Not much, at least, they giggle.

      “She’s strong. Very strong,” Ketsia says of her mother, in Spanish. “I saw a lot of women who left their kids behind in the jungle. She’s courageous. This path we’re on, isn’t for everyone. If you’re not strong, it’s very difficult.”

      “My dream is to arrive there, to New York. To get a job. To put the girls in school,” Julia responds.

      “I suffered a lot already,” she says, something she repeats without going into more detail. She has a tendency to stare off, lose herself in thought when the conversation nears the darker parts of their family history.

      “I don’t want my children to go through the same,” she says. “We suffered a lot. I don’t want that anymore for my children.”

      The shelter where they stayed does not track migrants after they’ve left, and for privacy and safety reasons, shelters do not share whether individuals are staying with them.

      Attempts by VOA to locate Julia, Ketsia and Jemima in the weeks following the interview were unsuccessful.

      https://allafrica.com/stories/201909020140.html

    • El naufragio de un grupo de africanos en Chiapas revela una nueva ruta migratoria por el Pacífico

      El accidente de una lancha en Tonalá deja un muerto y varios desaparecidos. Ante la presión policial en el sur de México, grupos de cameruneses optan por usar vías marítimas para llegar a EE UU.

      Tirado en la playa, entre el pasto y la orilla. La foto del cuerpo de Emmanuel Cheo Ngu, camerunés de 39 años, fallecido este viernes tras el naufragio de su embarcación en Ignacio Allende, municipio de Tonalá, ha vuelto a revivir las peores imágenes de la crisis migratoria que se vive en el sur de México. La nueva política migratoria puesta en marcha por Andrés Manuel López Obrador tras el chantaje de Estados Unidos, ha obligado a los nuevos grupos de migrantes atrapados en Tapachula, Chiapas, a buscar nuevas y peligrosas rutas en su intento de llegar a la frontera norte.

      A las 7.00 de la mañana, según pescadores de la zona, una embarcación con personas procedentes de Camerún comenzó a tambalearse hasta que todos cayeron al agua, de acuerdo a la investigación judicial. El portal AlertaChiapas y activistas en la zona consultados por este medio, afirmaron que el bote salió desde la costa de Guatemala o desde el sur del Estado de Chiapas, ya en México, con destino Oaxaca. Cuando llegaron los Grupos de Rescate consiguieron socorrer a 8 personas, 7 hombres y una mujer, que fueron trasladados al Hospital General de Tonalá. El cuerpo de Cheo Ngu fue encontrado tirado cerca de la orilla. Hasta el momento hay varias personas desaparecidas.

      La ruta por vía marítima que une la frontera de Guatemala con el istmo de Tehuantepec, en Oaxaca, es una opción cada vez más frecuente ante el aumento de detenciones y deportaciones por parte de la recién creada Guardia Nacional. Tradicionalmente los migrantes han utilizado las rutas terrestres, pero los traficantes de personas cada vez recurren más a esta ruta poco vigilada, más barata y con menos riesgos a ser detenido. Por una cantidad que oscila entre los 400 y 800 dólares —para los cubanos puede ser el doble— esta ruta permite a los centroamericanos avanzar desde Guatemala a Salina Cruz o Huatulco, en Oaxaca.

      Aunque la mayoría de los migrantes en México son de origen centroamericano, el flujo de personas procedentes de Camerún, República Democrática del Congo o Eritrea, ha ido en aumento. Los africanos se encuentran en un ‘limbo legal’ ya que no pueden ser repatriados y actualmente tienen la negativa del gobierno federal para recibir los trámites de salida para continuar su trayecto hacia Estados Unidos. En los últimos dos meses cientos de ellos permanecen varados en Tapachula (Chiapas). Algunos en la Estación Migratoria Siglo XXI, y otros en la calle, donde han mantenido protestas y enfrentamientos contra la policía y la Guardia Nacional por la situación que viven y la falta de respuestas.

      Luis García Villagran es activista por los derechos humanos en Tapachula. En llamada telefónica y aparentemente afectado, confirma que su versión dista mucho de la de las autoridades. “Hay una embarcación que sí ha llegado a su destino (Oaxaca) y que ni se ha nombrado, pero en la accidentada iban más personas de las que dice el informe oficial. Sé con seguridad que hay más personas desaparecidas. No solo hemos perdido a nuestro hermano Emmanuel”, zanja Villagran.

      https://elpais.com/internacional/2019/10/12/actualidad/1570833110_016901.html

  • #Ouganda: essai d’un #vaccin expérimental contre #Ebola | Slate Afrique
    http://www.slateafrique.com/980661/ouganda-essai-dun-vaccin-experimental-contre-ebola

    Les autorités sanitaires congolaises utilisent le vaccin rVSV-Zebov, fabriqué par le groupe pharmaceutique américain Merck, qui s’est révélé sûr et efficace.

    L’Organisation mondiale de la santé (#OMS) a préconisé une extension de son utilisation et recommandé l’introduction d’un vaccin supplémentaire, celui produit par Johnson&Johnson, pour faire face aux besoins.

    Mais des voix se sont élevées contre l’introduction d’un nouveau produit dans des communautés où la méfiance à l’égard du traitement actuel est déjà importante. L’ancien ministre congolais de la Santé, le Dr Oly Ilunga, qui a démissionné en juillet, figurait parmi les opposants.

    Selon le MRC, le vaccin de Johnson&Johnson « est sûr » et a été testé sur plus de 6.000 personnes en Europe, aux Etats-Unis et en Ouganda.

    Son efficacité est cependant incertaine car il n’a jamais été évalué dans un scénario d’épidémie.

    #étranges_décisions #onu

  • Israel’s scramble for Africa: Selling water, weapons and lies
    Ramzy Baroud, Al Jazeera, le 23 juillet 2019
    https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/israel-scramble-africa-selling-water-weapons-lies-190722184120192.html

    For years, Kenya has served as Israel’s gateway to Africa

    The Palestinian leadership has itself shifted its political focus away from the global south, especially since the signing of the Oslo Accords. For decades, Africa mattered little in the limited and self-serving calculations of the Palestinian Authority. For the PA, only Washington, London, Madrid, Oslo and Paris carried any geopolitical importance - a deplorable political blunder on all accounts.

    Yet, despite its many successes in luring African governments to its web of allies, Israel has failed to tap into the hearts of ordinary Africans who still view the Palestinian fight for justice and freedom as an extension of their own struggle for democracy, equality and human rights.

    #Kenya #histoire
    #Ouganda #Sud-Soudan #Rwanda #Ethiopie #Tanzanie #Guinée #Liberia #Tchad #Niger #Mali #Nigeria #Cameroun

    A rajouter à la compile #Israfrique :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/685758

  • Briefing: How Congo’s Ebola epidemic became the world’s second deadliest

    More than 11 months after an Ebola outbreak was declared in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, the viral disease has claimed more than 1,500 lives, infected 2,244 people, and spread across the border into neighbouring Uganda, where two deaths and three suspected cases were reported mid-June. A new confirmed case just 43 miles from South Sudan’s border was reported Monday.


    https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2019/07/02/Ebola-outbreak-congo-epidemic-attacks-community
    #ébola #ebola #Congo #épidémie #RDC #république_Démocratique_du_congo #Ouganda
    ping @fil

  • #Justice. #Total mis en demeure de revoir ses devoirs | L’Humanité
    https://www.humanite.fr/justice-total-mis-en-demeure-de-revoir-ses-devoirs-674112

    Cela lui pendait au nez depuis un moment. La semaine dernière, déjà, quatorze collectivités locales françaises mettaient en demeure Total « d’agir plus pour le climat ». Hier, les Amis de la Terre, l’association Survie et quatre ONG ougandaises en ont rajouté une couche. Se saisissant de la loi sur le #devoir_de_vigilance des #multinationales adoptée en 2017, les organisations exigent de la major qu’elle précise et applique le plan de vigilance censé encadrer un projet d’#extraction_pétrolière qu’elle envisage en #Ouganda. Une première en France. « Total va devoir combler les défaillances de son plan actuel, qui ne comprend aucune identification des risques ni mesures spécifiques concernant ses activités en Ouganda », précise Juliette Renaud, des Amis de la Terre.

  • Une mise en demeure vise #Total pour son activité en #Ouganda
    https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2019/06/25/une-mise-en-demeure-vise-total-pour-son-activite-en-ouganda_5481133_3234.htm
    #land #terres #paysans #amis_de_la_terre #survie
    #ONG #pipeline #energie #afrique

    « Total Ouganda sous-traite l’acquisition de terres nécessaires au projet, le déplacement et la réinstallation des communautés à Atacama Consulting. Or cette société exerce des menaces sur les paysans. Elle les contraint à céder leurs parcelles à un prix qui ne leur permet pas de se réinstaller loin du futur site d’exploitation et de ses nuisances et leur interdit de cultiver leur terre dès le contrat signé. Ces acquisitions forcées contreviennent aux conventions internationales et Total ne peut l’ignorer »

  • What it means to be a ‘refugee’ in South Sudan and Uganda

    After decades of armed conflict in South Sudan and Uganda, labels of ‘refugee’ and ‘internally displaced person’ fail to reflect the complex realities of the people they refer to. Leben Moro examines the history of movement across the region’s borders, and argues refugees are not the passive recipients of aid as often presented by humanitarian initiatives.

    Since independence from British colonial rule, large numbers of South Sudanese and Ugandans have repeatedly crossed the shared border to escape civil wars. These forced movements of large populations have created shifting labels of ‘refugees’ and ‘internally displaced persons’ (IDPs), with tremendous social, economic and political repercussions for the persons to which these labels are applied.

    In August 1955, months before Sudan’s independence, the largely Christian Southern Sudanese took up arms against Muslim rulers in the North to achieve a vision of greater regional autonomy, which sparked a mass flight of people from their homes. By the end of the First Sudanese Civil War in 1972, the Sudanese government estimated that 500,000 people had hidden in the bush, and another 180,000 had crossed into neighbouring countries, with 74,000 settling in four official camps (Onigo, Agago, Acholpii and Nakapiripirit) in northern Uganda. Many of the displaced persons, including my own family members, self-settled in other parts of Uganda, mainly near cotton ginning mills and other businesses operated by Ugandans of Indian origin, who employed them as casual labourers.

    My own family members settled near Gulu, the largest town in northern Uganda, among the Acholi ethnic group. Some South Sudanese journeyed southwards to Bwelye in the centre of Uganda, where there was plentiful fertile land and jobs in Indian enterprises. Others travelled further south into the heartland of the Baganda, the largest tribe in the country, to work in sugar plantations and different enterprises, including fields where locals grew coffee, bananas and other crops.

    Over time, many newcomers acquired land with their earnings and became poll taxpayers. Their receipt documentation allowed them to move across land in relative safety. In general, however, life was hard as they lacked citizenship and were vulnerable to exploitation and harassment.

    The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) coordinated a programme of official repatriation, supported by public authorities in Sudan and Uganda, including a mandate that supported Sudan’s IDPs. Many people, however, chose not to leave.

    In 1979, Uganda became embroiled in a bitter civil war following the overthrow of President Idi Amin Dada, forcing Southern Sudanese, including my own family members, and many Ugandans from the north of the country, to flee into the relatively peaceful Southern Sudan. The UNHCR and other humanitarian organisations as well as public authorities in Sudan helped settle many refugees in camps, but some Ugandans settled among local people, initially without external support.

    The relative peace in Southern Sudan was disrupted in 1983 when the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) was founded to lead another armed struggle against Sudan’s newly declared Islamic state under President Gaafar Nimeiry – which came to be known as the Second Sudanese Civil War. The violence forced Ugandan peoples living in Southern Sudan back into Uganda and many Southern Sudanese also made the crossing. Some of the refugees returned to locations they had lived in during the first civil war or joined relatives or friends who had remained in Uganda. People used their established networks.

    The new wave of refugees received generous assistance from the UNHCR and the Ugandan government, whose policy was the settlement of refugees in camps and dedicated areas. Effectively, the policy redefined a refugee as ‘someone receiving assistance and living in a camp’. Many displaced Southern Sudanese avoided encampment, with its associated restrictions of movement, by self-settling among locals or dividing their family members or time between camps and outside locations.

    As in the first civil war, many displaced persons in Southern Sudan did not cross international borders, but remained behind in dire circumstances. Their plight forced the United Nations to launch another initiative, Operation Lifeline Sudan, in the 1980s to assist those trapped in the war zone. This suffering formally ceased in 2005 with the conclusion of the much-lauded Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Sudanese government and the SPLM/A, enabling the return of the IDPs to their original homes and refugees back to the country.

    In 2011, Southern Sudan seceded from Sudan. About two years later, the world’s newest country relapsed into a vicious civil war. Sparked by divisions among the country’s key leaders, ethnic identities were subsequently exploited to mobilise fighters with devastating consequences for national unity and the wellbeing of civilians.

    During the conflict, many Nuer people, an ethnic group primarily inhabiting South Sudan’s Nile Valley, fled into areas created on UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) bases, called Protection of Civilians Sites (PoCs), to escape killing by members of the Dinka, the largest ethnic group, who had effectively taken over the country with the support of Ugandan soldiers. Nuer fighters retaliated against Dinka civilians, forcing many to flee to the Uganda border and other locations.

    Many South Sudanese headed north into the new Republic of Sudan, where public authorities labelled them ’arrivals’, a new term with no precedent in refugee policy or literature, and confined them to ‘waiting stations’. Uganda also received a large number of displaced persons, among them refugees placed in settlements with international assistance. Many displaced persons settled among locals without external assistance, thus avoiding the label of ‘refugee’.

    What it means to be ‘refugees’ in Uganda

    The 1951 Refugee Convention states a person becomes a refugee after crossing an internationally recognised border in search of protection, recognition and status by public authorities in the asylum country or the UNHCR. When the circumstances that forced the person to seek refuge cease to exist, the refugee re-avails themselves of the country’s protection they had fled. Thus defined concrete international borders are characterised as integral to becoming a refugee or ending refuge.

    For South Sudanese displaced persons, the border between their country and Uganda is not a clearly defined line separating two jurisdictions. Many parts of the border are contested by ordinary people and public authorities on both sides. Consequently, people inhabiting locations along these contested areas are not always on peaceful terms despite often belonging to the same ethnic groups, such as the Acholi of South Sudan and Uganda.

    Different ethnic groups that have seen clashes over contested territories have also been forced into settling in areas of close proximity following unrest in their respective homelands. My own research reveals the Kuku of Kajokeji in South Sudan were so suspicious of the Madi in the Ugandan Moyo district that, when they settled in the latter’s region, they avoided treatment in the Moyo hospital for fear of maltreatment by Madi medical personnel. The history of conflict over certain borders has a direct bearing on the welfare of refugees in the present.

    Armed groups and criminals also operate along the border, posing serious security problems, with some people losing their lives at the hands of unknown gunmen. Despite this danger, refugees and other South Sudanese cross in and out of South Sudan for matters of family and livelihoods, such as to harvest crops in their old fields due to food shortages in their new home. Others return their deceased kin to bury them decently on their old compounds and, further, trips are made to the national capital, Juba, to visit relatives or deal with administrative issues.

    These movements defy the legal meaning of ‘refugee’, who is supposed to return home when the threat of persecution that caused the flight is over. They demonstrate that refugees are not the passive and docile recipients of aid, as often presented, but active individuals who exercise agency. Studies remind us that were refugees only to eat the ‘food which is distributed to them, they would die’.

    What it means to stay behind as an IDP

    Because IDPs are citizens living in their native county they are entitled to the same rights and legal protections as fellow citizens as stipulated by the constitution. In reality, IDPs do not always enjoy citizenship rights because those in power consider them enemies or supporters of enemies.

    During the second civil war, the Sudanese government branded IDPs as rebel supporters and subjected them to all kinds of punitive measures, including starvation and denial of basic services. Many IDPs consequently starved to death or died due to deadly diseases, such as kala azar, as the already rudimentary healthcare system in pre-war Southern Sudan was destroyed by repeated military bombardments as well as frequent obstructions of international humanitarian access.

    When South Sudan gained independence and descended into civil war, IDPs did not fare any better. Following shocking atrocities and the continued risk of further violence, many Nuer civilians remain in PoCs on UNMISS bases under the protection of peacekeepers in refugee-like situations. Deprived of state protection, their situation has become worse than most refugees in South Sudan, deprioritised over the dominant Dinka.

    The labels of ‘refugee’ and ‘internally displaced person’ do not reflect the experiences of most South Sudanese refugees in Uganda, and IDPs within South Sudan. These terms present refugees and IDPs as powerless recipients of aid when, in reality, refugees and IDPs are active agents in efforts to improve their situation. In some cases, they creatively manipulate borders and the systems in place to satisfy their basic needs.

    It has been expressed that South Sudanese refugees have shown an extraordinary creativity and resourcefulness that can form a blueprint for future refugee assistance programmes. When ‘official legal categories rarely match realities on the ground’, aid workers should now appreciate and encourage the active involvement of refugees and IDPs to address the challenges that confront them.

    https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/2019/05/28/what-it-means-to-be-a-refugee-in-south-sudan-and-uganda
    #réfugiés #IDPs #déplacés_internes #Soudan_du_Sud #Ouganda #histoire #histoire

  • Swiss scientists get water gushing in Uganda

    In a refugee camp, one of the first challenges is usually water. But a Swiss project has helped one camp to find more.

    The Geneva-based United Nations refugee agency has an obligation to provide enough water, and it often has to spend a lot of money trucking it in from elsewhere. But at #Bidi_Bidi camp in northern Uganda, a Swiss method has helped quadruple the water supply by finding more productive wells. So how does it work, and can it be applied elsewhere?


    https://www.swissinfo.ch/eng/podcast_swiss-scientists-get-water-gushing-in-uganda/44853646
    #eau #camps_de_réfugiés #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Ouganda #eau_potable

    • La réponse du HCR:
      UNHCR strongly rejects widespread allegations against workforce

      The following is UNHCR’s response to media following widespread allegations made against its workforce in a recent NBC press article.

      UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, strongly rejects the widespread allegations against its workforce in a recent press article, which risks jeopardizing the future of refugees in dire need of resettlement.

      UNHCR is one of the biggest and most operational UN agencies, working in 138 countries and serving 68.5 million people. The overwhelmingly majority of our 16,000 personnel are deeply committed professionals, many of whom are working in difficult environments, sometimes risking their own safety.

      As with other organizations, we are not immune to risk or failure on the part of individuals. This is why we have a solid safeguarding structure, which has been further strengthened in the last two years, and which we continuously seek to improve.

      We are fully committed to ensuring the integrity of our programmes. Our workforce is also systematically reminded of the obligation to abide by the highest standards of conduct and to make sure that all their actions are free of any consideration of personal gain.

      Every report or allegation of fraud, corruption or retaliation against refugees by UNHCR personnel or those working for our partners, is thoroughly assessed and, if substantiated, results in disciplinary sanctions, including summary dismissal from the organization.

      Investigations at UNHCR on possible misconduct by our workforce are carried out by the Inspector General’s Office (IGO), which is an independent oversight body. It consists of expert investigators, with a strong background in law enforcement, military, war crimes tribunals or people who occupied similar functions in private companies and other international organizations. In recent years, additional investigators were recruited and some stationed in Nairobi, Pretoria and Bangkok enabling them to deploy rapidly and to have a better understanding of local contexts and issues.

      UNHCR disciplinary measures have been reinforced, with a 60% rise in the number of disciplinary actions taken by the High Commissioner between 2017 and 2018. Referrals to national authorities are undertaken systematically in cases involving conduct that may amount to criminal conduct and waivers of immunity facilitated.

      In addition, we have significantly strengthened our risk management capacity and skills in the past two years. We now have a solid network of some 300 risk officers, focal points and managers in our field operations and at HQ to help ensure that risks are properly identified and managed, that the integrity of our programmes is further enhanced and that the risk culture is reinforced across the organization.

      The prevention of fraud, including identity fraud, is key to ensuring the integrity of our resettlement programme. This is why we use biometrics in registration, including iris scans and fingerprints, in the majority of refugee operations where we operate, including Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda. Biometric registration makes theft of identity virtually impossible and biometric screening of refugees is done at various stages of the resettlement process, including right before departure. In other places, such as Libya and Yemen, where security conditions do not allow us to deploy such a tool, we take all possible preventive measures related to fraud.

      We are acutely aware that refugees are at times approached by people trying to defraud them. For example, reports and investigations have found multiple occasions where people pose as UNHCR officials, using fake ID cards and claiming that they can influence the resettlement process. While it is impossible for UNHCR to root out ground level imposters, we have taken renewed action to raise awareness among refugees, help them recognize and report fraudsters, reminding them that all services provided by UNHCR and its partners are free.

      Resettlement is highly sought after by refugees. UNHCR considered 1.2 million people to have resettlement needs in 2018 alone, while less than 60,000 people were resettled last year. In 2019, those needs further increased. The fact that the needs for resettlement are far greater than the places available is a factor that weighs heavily in favor of those wishing to exploit desperate refugees, many of whom have lived many years in refugee camps, with no foreseeable end to their plight in sight for themselves or their children.

      UNHCR strives to ensure that refugees have proper means to provide feedback. This is essential to ensure their protection and the very reason why we completed last year a survey across 41 countries. We are using the information on the communication systems most commonly used by our beneficiaries – such as complaint boxes, hotlines, emails, social media and face to face interaction – and existing challenges to strengthen these mechanisms. In Kenya, for instance, refugees can report misconduct of any staff member of UNHCR, a partner or a contractor by email (inspector@unhcr.org or helpline.kenya@unhcr.org), by filling in a webform (www.unhcr.org/php/complaints.php), by using complaints boxes that are available at all UNHCR offices or by calling our toll-free local Helpline (800720063).

      UNHCR recognizes its responsibility to protect refugees, particularly those who come forward and cooperate with an investigation to root out misconduct. Significant attention has been devoted to strengthening measures to protect witnesses and people of concern who cooperate with an IGO investigation and these efforts are continuing. We have put a specific protocol in place, with steps taken during the investigation phase, including in the conduct of interviews, the anonymization of testimony and redaction of investigative findings and reports.

      When it comes to our own staff being targeted, our record is clear: If a staff member is found to have retaliated against another member of our workforce for reporting wrongdoing, it leads to dismissal. We have a robust policy to protect staff members that are retaliated against. In September 2018, we issued a new policy on Protection against Retaliation, which now includes our affiliate workforce, expands the scope of the activities considered as protected and extends the timeline to report. It also provides interim measures to safeguard the interests of the complainant and strengthens corrective measures.

      We also launched a confidential independent helpline available to all colleagues who wish to report misconduct or obtain advice on what to do when in doubt. This helpline is managed by an external provider and is available 24/7 by phone, through a web form and an app. It offers the possibility to report in complete anonymity.

      We are committed to eradicating misconduct from our organization. If we receive pertinent information concerning alleged fraud, corruption or misconduct by a member of our workforce, we take action, and if the allegations are substantiated, act to end such inappropriate and unacceptable behaviour. UNHCR encourages anyone, including refugees and journalists, with information about suspected fraud or other wrongdoing to contact its Inspector General’s Office without delay at http://www.unhcr.org/inspector-generals-office.html.

      https://www.unhcr.org/news/press/2019/4/5ca8a2594/unhcr-strongly-rejects-widespread-allegations-against-workforce.html

  • Education : needs, rights and access in displacement

    Education is one of the most important aspects of our lives – vital to our development, our understanding and our personal and professional fulfilment throughout life. In times of crisis, however, millions of displaced young people miss out on months or years of education, and this is damaging to them and their families, as well as to their societies, both in the short and long term. This issue of FMR includes 29 articles on Education, and two ‘general’ articles.


    https://www.fmreview.org/education-displacement/contents
    #éducation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #droit_à_l'éducation #accès_à_l'éducation #scolarisation #déscolarisation #Syrie #conflit #guerre #genre #abus_sexuels #viols #Jordanie #Dadaab #Kenya #Grèce #écoles_de_rue #France #bus_école #Ouganda #Ethiopie #Palestine #réfugiés_palestiniens #Rwanda #UK #Angleterre #réfugiés_syriens #Turquie #MNA #mineurs_non_accompagnés #USA #Etats-Unis #travail_forcé #enfants #enfance #Iran #réfugiés_afghans #université #Myanmar #Birmanie #réfugiés_rohingya #Rohingya

  • Uganda accused of promoting sex tourism with ’curvy women’ ...
    http://news.trust.org/item/20190207175109-1s11y

    Uganda must cancel a beauty contest that seeks to attract more visitors by showcasing “curvy women” because it objectifies women and promotes sex tourism, campaigners said on Thursday.

    Tourism Minister Godfrey Kiwanda sparked outrage on Wednesday when he unveiled the “Miss Curvy Uganda” contest, saying the east African nation had “naturally endowed” women who should be used as “a strategy” to boost tourism.

    Women’s rights activists, politicians, church leaders and ordinary Ugandans said the contest was “state-sponsored objectification of women” and was treating women as though they were wildlife. Some are calling on Kiwanda to resign.

    More than 1,000 people have signed an online petition calling on the tourism ministry to abandon the pageant and apologise to the public.

    “In Uganda, the ministry of tourism has added ’curvy women’ on the list of ’tourism attractions’. I personally feel attacked. This is degrading women,” said Primrose Murungi, an entrepreneur and activist who started the online petition.

    #Ouganda #femmes #attractions_touristiques #curvy_women

  • Carte interactive : où sont les plus grands camps de réfugiés en #Afrique ?

    Ils font la taille d’une grande ville et restent pourtant bien souvent introuvables sur une carte : les camps de réfugiés en Afrique abritent des centaines de milliers de migrants ayant fui leur pays pour diverses raisons. Loin de penser à venir en Europe, ils s’installent dans ces camps, pour quelques mois ou parfois pour la vie.

    L’#Ouganda demeure à ce jour le pays accueillant le plus de réfugiés en Afrique avec 1,15 million de personnes. Pour autant, “la population recensée dans chaque camp individuellement ne coïncide pas réellement avec la hiérarchie des pays accueillant le plus de réfugiés”, précise le Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) à InfoMigrants. En clair, certains pays comptent de gigantesques camps de réfugiés, mais pas le plus grand nombre de réfugiés sur leur sol. À l’inverse, d’autres pays recensent un nombre très important de réfugiés mais ces derniers sont répartis dans une multitude de camps de moindre taille.

    Ainsi, bien que l’#Éthiopie compte plus de 900 000 réfugiés, ses camps ne sont pas les plus grands. "Par exemple, la région de #Malkadida dénombre 218 000 réfugiés somaliens, mais ils sont répartis sur 5 camps”, explique le HCR.

    Au #Tchad, le camp le plus important accueille 141 000 réfugiés soudanais, principalement du #Darfour. Mais trois autres camps dans la même région font grimper à 330 000 le nombre de réfugiés.


    http://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/14664/carte-interactive-ou-sont-les-plus-grands-camps-de-refugies-en-afrique

    #camps_de_réfugiés #cartographie #visualisation #carte_interactive #réfugiés #asile #migrations
    ping @reka

  • En #Ouganda, la colère des petits marchands face à « l’invasion » des Chinois
    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2019/01/04/en-ouganda-la-colere-des-petits-marchands-face-a-l-invasion-des-chinois_5405

    La #Chine est le principal #bailleur_de_fonds bilatéral pour les infrastructures en Afrique, avec un total excédant les financements combinés de la Banque africaine de développement, de l’Union européenne, de la Société financière internationale, de la Banque mondiale et du G8. L’investissement étranger chinois en Afrique subsaharienne s’est élevé à 298 milliards de dollars (environ 260 milliards d’euros) entre 2005 et 2018, selon le groupe de réflexion American Enterprise Institute.