• Arrêtez le projet stratégique national Merauke ! La Papouasie n’est pas une terre vide !

    Solidarité Merauke a une nouvelle fois organisé une manifestation pour exiger que le gouvernement indonésien mette fin au projet stratégique national de Merauke (PSN Merauke) dans le sud de la Papouasie. Il est reproché à ce projet de faire main basse sur les terres coutumières des peuples Malind Anim, Makleuw, Khimahima et Yei dans la province de Merauke, ainsi que des peuples Wambon Kenemopte et Awyu dans la province de Boven Digoel. De plus, ce projet s’accompagne de nombreuses violations des droits humains, car il implique l’armée et la police dans sa mise en œuvre.

    L’action s’est déroulée devant le ministère des Affaires agraires et de l’Aménagement du territoire/Agence nationale des terres (ATR/BPN) et a été soutenue par l’Alliance des étudiants papous, la Fondation Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, le Forum indonésien pour l’environnement (WALHI), Greenpeace Indonésie, Perempuan Mahardhika, le Consortium pour la réforme agraire (KPA) et TuK Indonésie.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2025/11/01/arretez-le-projet-strategique-national-merauke

    #international #indonesie #papouasie

  • Licencié pour avoir refusé l’avion, ce chercheur allemand gagne en justice
    https://reporterre.net/Licencie-pour-avoir-refuse-l-avion-ce-chercheur-gagne-en-justice

    Défendre le climat peut-il coûter une carrière ? Licencié pour avoir refusé de rentrer de #Papouasie en avion, le chercheur #Gianluca_Grimalda vient d’obtenir réparation. Mais il n’a pas été réembauché...

    Il est parti à l’automne 2023 :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1019530

    Il est arrivé au printemps 2024 :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1050115

  • The Absent Presence of German Colonialism

    The German national narrative around colonialism is one of minimization, if not of outright denial. Such a minimization is supported by the exceptionalization of the Shoah, and the consensus around the idea that the German state has been making the proper amends around its genocidal history. If the 1904-1908 genocide of the Nama and the Ovaherero in present-day Namibia is acknowleged, it is often presented as temporally and spatially distant, in comparison with the temporal and spatial proximity with the Nazi holocaust. Fatou Sillah and Abdur Rehman Zafar challenge such a narrative and allow us to perceive the ghosts of German colonialism, from Namibia to Papua-New-Guinea, as transcending a specific time or place.

    En anglais:
    https://thefunambulist.net/magazine/colonial-continuums/the-absent-presence-of-german-colonialism
    En français:
    https://drive.google.com/file/d/1owTlB0eiaabVUKR2jByYIR1vxZeAoAQF/view

    –-

    –-> Citations toponymiques (de la version française):

    "Le colonialiste #Karl_Peters, qui fut renvoyé pour déshonneur de ses fonctions de gouverneur de l’Afrique de l’Est allemande en raison de son usage excessif de la violence, fut redécouvert par les Nazi*es et érigé au rang de héros national. Dans mon (Fatou) quartier de Brême – considérée sous l’#Allemagne Nazie comme la « ville des colonies » – une rue porte encore le nom de Karl Peters. Le lycée que j’ai fréquenté est situé juste à côté d’un monumental éléphant de briques érigé par les Nazi*es pour commémorer les colonies perdues et réaffirmer leurs droits sur elles. Le colonialisme et le Troisième Reich ne sont pas consécutifs : si le colonialisme a précédé le Troisième Reich, il a aussi coexisté avec lui et lui a survécu [jusqu’à aujourd’hui]."

    « À Brême, la présence absente du passé colonial allemand reste gravée dans les rues baptisées du nom de colons, de navires coloniaux et de sites de violence coloniale. Südweststraße and Waterbergstraße (du nom des lieux où les troupes allemandes forcèrent les Ovaherero à fuir dans le désert) incarnent des rappels tangibles de la violence si souvent niée. »

    « Comme relativement peu de personnes issues des anciennes colonies allemandes vivent aujourd’hui en Allemagne, le mouvement décolonial actuel est en grande partie mené par des militant*es qui ne leur sont pas rattaché*es. Compte-tenu de cette situation, les liens qui existent avec des militant*es décoloniaux*ales des anciennes colonies sont vitaux pour les luttes anti-coloniales à la fois locales et globales. Par exemple, en 2021, l’association des Chef*fes Traditionnel*les Nama et l’Autorité Traditionnelle Ovaherero ont coopéré avec des militant*es allemand*es pour organiser des rassemblements simultanés à Windhoek et Berlin afin de demander réparation, tandis qu’un procès intenté au gouvernement allemand par les Ovaherero et les Nama a été soutenu par des avocat*es militant*es en Allemagne. Les rues allemandes qui doivent être rebaptisées reçoivent des noms honorant les ancêtres des militant*es actuel*les et des survivant*es de génocide. »

    #colonialisme #colonialisme_allemand #Allemagne_coloniale #Brême #noms_de_rue #toponymie #toponymie_politique #toponymie_coloniale #déni #Namibie #Ovaherero #Nama #récit #Hambourg #Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée #Samoa #traces

    ping @cede @reka

    • Bremen’s Elefant: Memorialisation, politics, and memory surrounding German colonialism

      In 1932, German citizens gathered for the dedication of the Kolonialelefant in Bremen. The Bremen Colonial Society created this monument in memory of the German soldiers who died in the German colonies during the First World War. As well as to glorify colonialism and bolster the neo-colonial movement (after the Treaty of Versailles had stripped Germany of its colonies in 1919). The first speaker at the ceremony was Eduard Achelis, Chairman of the Bremen section of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft (German Colonial Society). In his speech, he stated:

      In this solemn hour dedicated to our colonies, may the whole German people step up and […] unanimously shout to the world: Away with the events of the past, with lies and slander; we Germans demand our rights. The recognition of necessary living conditions. Immediate return of our own land, honestly acquired and honestly managed, an expensive legacy left to us by our fathers: the German colonies.

      For Achelis and many others, the value of the Elefant lay not in the memory of the specific German soldiers who had lost their lives but in the reminder of the sacrifice that went into obtaining and controlling colonial land in Africa: the injustice of that land being taken away. A specific version of colonialism was publicly displayed through the Kolonialelefant: colonialism was a worthy venture that brought glory and prosperity. The city’s actions followed this version of colonial memory. The National Socialists of Bremen established the town as the ‘Capital of the Colonies’ after the statue’s dedication, and in 1938, a convention that brought together all of the German colonial organisations was held in Bremen.

      Six decades later, the Elefant underwent a second dedication – this time it was dedicated as the Anti-Kolonial-Denk-Mal (Anti-Colonial Monument). Before the ceremony, the Elefant was wrapped in fabric ‘chains’ of racism and colonialism, which were cut away during the ceremony. Speeches were given that grieved the atrocities of German colonialism, and a plaque was unveiled, which provided a history of German colonialism and the monument’s problematic creation. The plaque also highlighted the reason for rededicating the memorial: ‘This monument is a symbol of the responsibility we have inherited from history.’ Many Bremen-based organisations were involved in the rededication process, and other efforts to campaign for greater awareness of Germany’s colonial past. The fond memory of German colonialism that prevailed in Bremen in the 1930s was replaced by a memory of German colonialism shrouded in racism and violence.

      The Elefant is both a reflection of and exception to German memorial culture. Like the Elefant, German colonial memorials created before the Holocaust glorified colonialism. After the Holocaust, when genocide was defined and criminalised, there was a gap in German colonial memorialisation. No longer were memorials glorifying colonialism erected, and colonial monuments that already existed, including the Elefant, were largely left to decay.

      In the 1970s and 80s, the anti-apartheid movement swept across Europe, bringing awareness to the lasting impact of colonialism. Citizens in Bremen began to analyse how the city was responsible for the disastrous situation in South West Africa, particularly in Namibia (then controlled by South Africa), a former German colony. It is at this point, Bremen began to be an exception to overall German memorial culture, starting with the creation of initiatives to support Namibia and its independence movement. In 1980 the Centre for African Studies at Bremen University co-founded the Namibia Project, the purpose of which was to promote education and improve the legal system in Namibia. This programme spread beyond the University, creating connections with political groups across the Bremen area. In 1989, Bremen joined the Europe-wide campaign ‘Cities against Apartheid’. At the time, movements against colonialism and apartheid were yet to gain momentum in Germany. Germany’s official policy was cooperation and even friendship with South Africa while ignoring apartheid and the illegal occupation of South West Africa and, in some sense, supporting the occupation due to lobbying by the German minority living in South West Africa. Bremen’s efforts to improve the situation in South West Africa were accompanied by initiatives for greater awareness of Germany’s colonial past. Activist individuals and organisations in Bremen wrote educational materials for schools and articles for newspapers and academic journals while also organising awareness campaigns in the city. These decolonisation efforts led to a renewed focus on the Elefant statue, the very existence of which was a symbol of Bremen’s former support of colonialism. By rededicating the Elefant, Bremen confronted a colonial legacy that the rest of Germany had been ignoring for decades. The Elefant remains one of the only anti-colonial memorials in Germany – evidence of the nation’s continued willful amnesia of its colonial crimes.

      Works Cited

      ‘Treaty of Versailles’, United States Library of Congress, June 28, 1919, Part IV Section I.

      ‘Einweihung des deutschen Kolonial-Ehrenmals’, 7 July 1932, Ausgabe Nr. 187 Drittes Blatt, Schünemann, Bremen, quoted in G. Eickelberg, ‘Die Geschichte des Bremer AntiKolonialDenkmals’, Feb. 2012.

      The Plenipotentiary of the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen for Federal Affairs, Europe and Development Co-operation, ‘Co-operation Bremen – Namibia: A Responsibility Posed by History’ (Bremen, 1999).

      ‘Als Bremen „Stadt der Kolonien” sein wollte’, WK Geschichte [Bremen], (27 May 2018).

      Bremen State Office for Development Co-operation, ‘Vom Kolonial-Ehrenmal zum Anti-Kolonial-Denk-Mal’ (Bremen, 2004).

      Bremen Parliament, Entschließung der Stadtbürgerschaft vom 19.9.1989, ‘Die Stadtbürgeschaft begrüßt die 1986 in Den Haag gestartete europäische Aktion “Städte gegen Apartheid” und schließt sich ihr an’, September 19, 1989.

      https://contestedhistories.org/uncategorized/bremens-elefant
      #Kolonialelefant

  • L’aventure de #Gianluca_Grimalda, ce chercheur viré pour avoir refusé de prendre l’avion
    https://reporterre.net/L-aventure-de-Gianluca-Grimalda-ce-chercheur-vire-pour-avoir-refuse-de-p

    Le scientifique « rebelle » Gianluca Grimalda a été licencié de son institut allemand après avoir refusé de prendre l’avion pour rentrer d’une mission en #Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée. Récit d’un périple de 28 000 km.

    On en parlait :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1019530

    Et aussi :

    « J’ai vraiment eu 99,99 % d’interactions positives avec les personnes croisées. Je suis vraiment d’accord avec le journaliste George Monbiot quand il dit que nous sommes une société d’altruistes gouvernés par des psychopathes . »

    • Point 1 - Donc en Allemagne, les chercheurs peuvent être licenciés ? Parce qu’en France, ça peut aller jusqu’ à la torture mentale ou la mise au placard, mais le licenciement, impossible.
      A moins de porter des propos qui résonnent avec l’actualité pendant une fenêtre politique.

      Point 2 - Par contre, il parle de cargo, or ce débat sur les émissions de CO2 des avions a ses failles.
      L’avion c’est 7% des émissions. Le transport maritime, c’est 20%. Le reste c’est la production d’électricité (25%), le numérique (7%) et l’agriculture (24%) (sachant que ça se recoupe élec. et num.).
      Si y’en a un qui devrait faire des efforts entre le bateau et l’avion, c’est bien le bateau.
      Je veux dire, l’avion fait des efforts depuis de nombreuses années, les nouveaux réacteurs sont prodigieux. Et l’avion a une limite de structure et de poids. On n’est arrivé à un point où l’on ne gagne plus que des miettes, voir à devenir contre-productif (bio-kerozène).
      Or les gros bateaux tournent à peine la page du fioul-lourd. Autant dire qu’ils sont à l’age de pierre. Les regards devraient se tourner vers eux.
      D’autant plus que le transport maritime est le reflet de nos excès de consommation quotidienne, alors que les avions sont le reflets de nos consommation épisodiques.

      (je ne suis pas contre mettre la pression sur l’aviation, mais faudrait pas oublier les autres)

  • Volker Braun, “Grande pirogue en souffrance”, par Jean Renaud
    https://www.poesibao.fr/volker-braun-grande-pirogue-en-souffrance-lu-par-jean-renaud
    https://www.en-attendant-nadeau.fr/2023/08/03/braun-grande-pirogue-souffrance
    http://editionsbardane.org/livres/grande-pirogue-en-souffrance

    Mais ce que cite principalement ce livre, et qui le constitue, c’est la parole, authentique ou imaginée (difficile de savoir, d’être sûr) de ceux que l’entreprise coloniale a mis face à face. D’un côté, celle des colonisateurs, militaires ou commerçants, brutale, arrogante, atroce : “enfants / Qu’ils sont et qu’ils resteront” ; ils “poussent l’audace / Jusqu’à se défendre ! Cela m’a mis en rage” ; “Les habitants du lieu / Vivaient pour ainsi dire de leur oisiveté[…] Ils ne se souciaient que d’eux-mêmes. / Cet état de choses était déplorable.” De l’autre, celle des insulaires, à la fois fière et désespérée : “Nous écrivions à même le vent et sur le sable. / Nous allions tête haute” ; “Quand on m’eut fait violence / Derrière les latrines / Et àmes sœurs de même […] / Nous étions / Vouées à la mort.”

    On est tenté, et on vient de le faire, de garder de ce livre telles phrases fortes, dénonciations éclatantes de la violence coloniale. Mais ce qui retient le plus, ce sont sans doute, hors de ces formules, ces nombreux passages à l’écriture sèche, étroite, dépourvue d’émotion explicite, où l’on peut reconnaître la manière des objectivistes américains, en particulier celle de Reznikoff dans Testimony. Par exemple, côté allemand : “En onze jours 350 fusiliers marins / Ont éliminé sur env. six kilomètres carrés / Cinq villages et le bourg principal, avec tous les ustensiles / Et nasses, des canoés à n’en plus finir dont certains / De plus de 30 pieds de long, afin de leur ôter / Tous les moyens de fuir…” Ou, côté insulaires : “Les survivants avaient encore construit cet unique / Bateau, mais en raison du recul de la / Population n’avaient jamais pu lui trouver / D’équipage. Il n’a donc jamais été utilisé parce qu’on / N’en avait pas l’usage et que personne n’a réussi à le mettre à l’eau. A la suite de quoi il est / Resté sur la plage.

    Extrait :

    IV
    Nous fîmes route avec la canonnière
    HYENE et la corvette CAROLA pour punir
    Ces rebelles et de nos obus avons mis
    Leurs huttes en feu. Et tous ces messieurs s’étant
    Réfugiés dans la brousse, nous avons pris pied
    Sur la côte et avons fait du petit bois de leurs bateaux,
    Rien que grands canots tenant la mer, sculptés
    Et peints, ce qui nous étonna. Ils étaient aussi
    Nécessaires à leur vie que les plantations de palmiers
    Et arbres à pain que nous dévastâmes
    De semblable façon de telle sorte que ces
    Sauvages n’aient plus rien pour vivre. La moitié
    Estait déjà occise et les autres
    Furent poussés à la mer. Voilà ce que j’ai vu.
    (pages 15 et 17-18)

    #Allemagne #Papouasie #colonialisme #Luf

  • Indopacifique : l’impérialisme français manœuvre
    https://journal.lutte-ouvriere.org/2023/07/26/indopacifique-limperialisme-francais-manoeuvre_725787.html

    Le 24 juillet, Macron a atterri en Nouvelle-Calédonie, première étape d’une tournée qui devait l’emmener au Vanuatu et en Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée, une tournée qualifiée d’ historique dans cette région du monde appelée maintenant #Indopacifique.

    La présence dans cette région est devenue une priorité stratégique de l’État français. Alors que la tension monte entre les #États-Unis et la #Chine, que les uns et les autres cherchent à enrôler les pays de la région dans des alliances économiques et militaires, l’impérialisme de second rang qu’est la France veut pouvoir jouer son propre jeu. En s’appuyant sur ses #colonies du #Pacifique, en particulier la Nouvelle-Calédonie et la #Polynésie, il se présente comme un acteur régional et une « puissance d’équilibre », à distance des États-Unis et de la Chine.

    Cette posture lui permet d’avoir l’oreille de certains États, comme l’Inde et l’Indonésie, qui ne veulent pas apparaître comme trop inféodés aux États-Unis, ce qui met les Dassault et autres Thales en bonne position pour vendre leurs armes. Ainsi Macron a reçu à l’Élysée le 14 juillet le président indien Modi au moment où son pays annonçait l’achat de 26 Rafale. De son côté, l’#Indonésie a acheté en 2022 des Mirage d’occasion, tout en s’engageant pour 42 Rafale. Au-delà des ventes d’armes, la possession de ces #territoires_d’Outre-mer permet à la France de s’intégrer à différents traités et forums du Pacifique, et d’obliger les États-Unis à lui faire une petite place dans leurs manœuvres militaires et diplomatiques.

    La #Nouvelle-Calédonie est donc pour l’#impérialisme français une pièce majeure. Outre les abondantes réserves de #nickel et sa vaste zone maritime, elle abrite une base militaire sur la route commerciale à destination de l’Australie et de la Nouvelle-Zélande, d’où partent les navires et avions militaires qui participent aux opérations conjointes avec les États-Unis. Ainsi celles du 19 juillet sur l’#île_de_Guam, baptisées #Elephant_Walk, ont rassemblé États-Unis, #Royaume-Uni, Canada, Australie, Japon et France.

    Il n’est donc pas dans les intentions de l’État français de relâcher ses liens avec ce qui lui reste de colonies. La présence de #Sonia_Backès, anti-indépendantiste caldoche, présidente de la province Sud, la plus riche de l’archipel, au gouvernement de Macron comme secrétaire d’État à la Citoyenneté, est plus qu’un symbole. Mardi 25 juillet, plusieurs dizaines de militants #kanaks se sont rassemblés pour dénoncer la colonisation de leur archipel et s’opposer à la modification du corps électoral, qui donnerait encore plus de poids aux #Caldoches, les colons et descendants de colons de métropole.

    Après avoir reçu les uns et les autres et leur avoir fait moultes promesses, Macron s’envolera vers le Vanuatu, un archipel devenu un enjeu entre États-Unis et Chine, où celle-ci construit de nombreuses infrastructures. Pour riposter, les États-Unis ont annoncé début avril l’ouverture d’une ambassade. Tout le #Pacifique_Sud est devenu le théâtre de cette rivalité croissante. En 2022, le ministre chinois des Affaires étrangères y a fait une tournée, proposant aux États insulaires des millions de dollars d’aides, un projet d’accord de libre-échange, des pactes de sécurité, comme celui passé avec les #îles_Salomon. Les États-Unis quant à eux rouvrent des ambassades et négocient des accords militaires.

    La #Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée, ancienne colonie australienne, pays parmi les plus pauvres du monde, était la dernière étape de Macron. En même temps, le secrétaire d’État américain devait se rendre aux Tonga voisines. Le #Pacifique est un nouvel enjeu pour les pays impérialistes. L’#impérialisme_français veut être de la partie.

  • A dangerous place for women. stories of Indigenous Women working in oil palm plantations in Papua
    https://www.farmlandgrab.org/post/view/30500

    During the early planting activities of the company, workers still received some work tools by the company, but lately these are no longer provided to them. The disposable yellow gloves that are supposed to be used for fertilization activities should be changed every day, but there is no initiative from the company’s field staff to replace them. ’We are the one who have to ask them first’, said a woman.

    Next to a wooden-made structure that serves as a resting place for the workers, there is a runnel which is usually used for washing hands and cleaning work tools. The runnel however was not very hygienic, and also possibly contaminated with chemical fertilizers. This might also gradually affect the health and safety of women workers.

    Before starting to work in the oil palm plantation, Mama PM fulfilled her daily needs by selling vegetables and gathering Sagoo – a Papuan Indigenous staple food. ’We were free to work as we want, no boss, no rules, but the income we got were uncertain’. For her, working in the plantations allowed a monthly wage – something she did not get when relying on harvesting and gathering activities. But, to what extent is this true?

    As a casual and temporary palm oil worker, Mama PM receives different wages depending on the number of days she worked in each month. Moreover, Rina, the administrative officer of the PT MJR nursery who is responsible to distribute the wages, is at the same time the owner of a small grocery stall with basic daily needs such as rice, sugar, coffee, tea, instant noodles and cigarettes. Each month, Rina cuts the wages according to the amount owed by the workers to her shop. If Mama PM works for a full month (25 days), then she will take home approximately two million rupiah (almost 140 dollars), from which she would still be deducted the monthly debt at Rina’s shop. Her monthly debt usually goes from 600 thousand to one million rupiah (around 42 to 70 dollars).

    In addition to this, she still has a debt for the working tools, which need to be bought by workers in monthly instalments that are deducted from their salary. The company might sometimes provide a pair of rubber boots and masks - only if requested by the worker.

    #papouasie #femmes #industrie_palmiste #forêt #déforestation

  • Papua deforestation highlights eastward shift of Indonesia forest clearing
    https://news.mongabay.com/2021/03/papua-deforestation-highlights-eastward-shift-of-indonesia-forest-cle

    Deforestation is increasing in forest-rich regions in Indonesia, even as the government claims the national average has gone down, a new report shows.
    The NGOs behind the report attribute the decline in the national deforestation rate to the fact that there’s virtually no forest left to clear in parts of Sumatra and Borneo.
    Instead, deforestation has moved east, largely to the Papua region, home to nearly two-fifths of Indonesia’s remaining rainforest — an area the size of Florida — where companies are clearing land for oil palm and pulpwood plantations and mines.
    Another key driver of the deforestation in Papua is infrastructure development, which the government claims is meant to connect remote villages and communities, but which really serve mines, plantations and logging concessions, the report shows.

    #Indonésie #Papouasie #forêt #déforestation #industrie_palmiste #industrie_papetière #plantations #extraction

  • Papua tribe moves to block clearing of its ancestral forest for palm oil
    https://news.mongabay.com/2021/01/papua-tribe-moves-to-block-clearing-of-its-ancestral-forest-for-palm-

    Members of the Auyu tribe of Papua, Indonesia, are demanding a halt to the operations of palm oil company PT Indo Asiana Lestari (IAL), which appears to be gearing up to clear their ancestral forests.
    They say that the company failed to obtain the community’s consent for the project, and that it’s not clear whether it even has the requisite permits to begin operations.
    IAL’s concession is part of the Tanah Merah megaproject that is already dogged by allegations that key operating permits have been falsified.
    The Papua region is home to the world’s third-largest contiguous swath of tropical rainforest, after the Amazon and the Congo Basin, but large areas may be cleared for plantations.

    #Papouasie #industrie_palmiste #terres #forêt #déforestation #contestation

  • La possibilité d’une #île… pour migrants

    Partout dans le monde, les demandeurs d’asile sont de plus en plus souvent relégués sur des îles comme on le faisait autrefois des bagnards et des lépreux. Qu’est-ce que ces prisons à ciel ouvert disent de notre regard sur les migrants ?

    Un lieu le plus loin possible des regards et d’où il serait impossible de s’échapper. C’était déjà ce que les Anglais cherchaient pour se débarrasser de l’encombrant Napoléon. Ils l’avaient trouvé à #Sainte-Hélène, îlot volcanique paumé au milieu de l’Atlantique sud à près de 2 000 km des côtes de la Namibie et plus de 3 000 km du Brésil.

    Deux cents ans plus tard, les voilà qui envisagent de nouveau d’avoir recours à cette improbable petite île devenue célèbre malgré elle. Cette fois, ce ne serait pas un empereur qu’on enverrait croupir sur ce bout de terre, mais des réfugiés. Oui, des réfugiés. Le ministère de l’Intérieur britannique étudie la possibilité d’installer un centre de rétention pour demandeurs d’asile sur l’un de ses territoires d’outre-mer, à Sainte-Hélène ou sur l’île de l’Ascension. Insensé ?

    Ce ne seraient pourtant pas les premiers à se laisser séduire par la possibilité d’une île. Les Australiens ont déjà une longue expérience en la matière. Ne voulant pas de demandeurs d’asile chez eux, ils ont ouvert, dès 2001, un centre de rétention sur l’île Christmas, un territoire extérieur australien au large de l’Indonésie. Et depuis 2012, ils expédient tout migrant débarquant clandestinement sur leurs côtes dans des camps offshore situés sur Manus, une île de #Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée, et Nauru, une république insulaire d’#Océanie.

    https://www.nouvelobs.com/art/fdff98b8-7bb0-4806-a83f-799cec7d59e2
    #îles #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Australie #Manus_Island #Nauru #UK #Angleterre

  • Revealed: No 10 explores sending asylum seekers to Moldova, Morocco and Papua New Guinea | UK news | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/sep/30/revealed-no-10-explores-sending-asylum-seekers-to-moldova-morocco-and-p

    Downing Street has asked officials to consider the option of sending asylum seekers to Moldova, Morocco or Papua New Guinea and is the driving force behind proposals to hold refugees in offshore detention centres, according to documents seen by the Guardian.

    The documents suggest officials in the Foreign Office have been pushing back against No 10’s proposals to process asylum applications in detention facilities overseas, which have also included the suggestion the centres could be constructed on the south Atlantic islands of Ascension and St Helena.

    The documents, marked “official” and “sensitive” and produced earlier this month, summarise advice from officials at the Foreign Office, which was asked by Downing Street to “offer advice on possible options for negotiating an offshore asylum processing facility similar to the Australian model in Papua New Guinea and Nauru”.

    #migration #asile #déportation #externalisation #déterritorialisation

    • Downing Street has asked officials to consider the option of sending asylum seekers to Moldova, Morocco or Papua New Guinea and is the driving force behind proposals to hold refugees in offshore detention centres, according to documents seen by the Guardian.

      The documents suggest officials in the Foreign Office have been pushing back against No 10’s proposals to process asylum applications in detention facilities overseas, which have also included the suggestion the centres could be constructed on the south Atlantic islands of Ascension and St Helena.

      The documents, marked “official” and “sensitive” and produced earlier this month, summarise advice from officials at the Foreign Office, which was asked by Downing Street to “offer advice on possible options for negotiating an offshore asylum processing facility similar to the Australian model in Papua New Guinea and Nauru”.

      The Australian system of processing asylum seekers in on the Pacific Islands costs AY$13bn (£7.2bn) a year and has attracted criticism from human rights groups, the United Nations and even the UK government, according to the documents, which reveal British ministers have “privately” raised concerns with Australia over the abuse of detainees in its offshore detention facilities.

      The Financial Times reported on Wednesday that the home secretary, Priti Patel, asked officials to consider processing asylum seekers Ascension and St Helena, which are overseas British territories. Home Office sources were quick to distance Patel from the proposals and Downing Street has also played down Ascension and St Helena as destinations for asylum processing centres.

      However, the documents seen by the Guardian suggest the government has for weeks been working on “detailed plans” that include cost estimates of building asylum detention camps on the south Atlantic islands, as well as other proposals to build such facilities in Moldova, Morocco and Papua New Guinea.

      The documents suggest the UK’s proposals would go further than Australia’s hardline system, which is “based on migrants being intercepted outside Australian waters”, allowing Australia to claim no immigration obligations to individuals. The UK proposals, the documents state, would involve relocating asylum seekers who “have arrived in the UK and are firmly within the jurisdiction of the UK for the purposes of the ECHR and Human Rights Act 1998”.

      The documents suggest that the idea that Morocco, Moldova and Papua New Guinea might make suitable destinations for UK asylum processing centres comes directly from Downing Street, with documents saying the three countries were specifically “suggested” and “floated” by No 10. One document says the request for advice on third country options for detention facilities came from “the PM”.

      The Times reported that the government was also giving serious consideration to the idea of creating floating asylum centres in disused ferries moored off the UK coast.

      While composed in the restrained language of civil servants, the Foreign Office advice contained in the documents appears highly dismissive of the ideas emanating from Downing Street, pointing out numerous legal, practical and diplomatic obstacles to processing asylums seekers oversees. The documents state that:

      • Plans to process asylum seekers at offshore centres in Ascension or St Helena would be “extremely expensive and logistically complicated” given the remoteness of the islands. The estimated cost is £220m build cost per 1,000 beds and running costs of £200m. One document adds: “In relation to St Helena we will need to consider if we are willing to impose the plan if the local government object.”

      • The “significant” legal, diplomatic and practical obstacles to the plan include the existence of “sensitive military installations” on the island of Ascension. One document warns that the military issues mean the “will mean US government would need to be persuaded at the highest levels, and even then success cannot be guaranteed”.

      • It is “highly unlikely” that any north African state, including Morocco, would agree to hosting asylum seekers relocated to the UK. “No north African country, Morocco included, has a fully functioning asylum system,” one document states. “Morocco would not have the resources (or the inclination) to pay for a processing centre.”

      • Seeming to dismiss the idea of sending asylum seekers to Moldova, Foreign Office officials point out there is protracted conflict in the eastern European country over Transnistria as well as “endemic” corruption. They add: “If an asylum centre depended on reliable, transparent, credible cooperation from the host country justice system we would not be able to rely on this.”

      • Officials warned of “significant political and logistical obstacles” to sending asylum seekers to Papua New Guinea, pointing out it is more than 8,500 miles away, has a fragile public health system and is “one of the bottom few countries in the world in terms of medical personnel per head of population”. They also warn any such a move would “renew scrutiny of Australia’s own offshore processing”. One document adds: “Politically, we judge the chances of positive engagement with the government on this to be almost nil.”

      A Foreign Office source played down the idea that the department had objected to Downing Street’s offshoring proposals for asylum seekers, saying officials’ concerns were only about the practicality of the plan. “This was something which the Cabinet Office commissioned, which we responded to with full vigour, to show how things could work,” the source said.

      However, another Whitehall source familiar with the government plans said they were part of a push by Downing Street to “radically beef-up the hostile environment” in 2021 following the end of the Brexit transition. Former prime minister Theresa May’s “hostile environment” phrase, which became closely associated with the polices that led to the Windrush scandal, is no longer being used in government.

      But the source said that moves are afoot to find a slate of new policies that would achieve a similar end to “discourage” and “deter” migrants from entering the UK illegally.

      The documents seen by the Guardian also contain details of Home Office legal advice to Downing Street, which states that the policy would require legislative changes, including “disapplying sections 77 and 78 of the Nationality Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 so that asylum seekers can be removed from the UK while their claim or appeal is pending”.

      Another likely legislative change, according to the Home Office advice, would require “defining what we mean by a clandestine arrival (and potentially a late claim) and create powers allowing us to send them offshore for the purposes of determining their asylum claims”.

      One of the documents states that the option of building detention centres in foreign countries – rather than British overseas territories – is “not the favoured No 10 avenue, but they wish to explore [the option] in case it presents easier pathways to an offshore facility”.

      On Wednesday, asked about the FT’s report about the UK considering plans to ship asylum seekers to the south Atlantic for processing, Boris Johnson’s spokesperson confirmed the UK was considering Australian–style offshore processing centres.

      He said the UK had a “long and proud history” of accepting asylum seekers but needed to act, particularly given migrants making unofficial crossings from France in small boats.

      “We are developing plans to reform our illegal migration and asylum policies so we can keep providing protection to those who need it, while preventing abuse of the system and criminality. As part of this work we’ve been looking at what a whole host of other countries do to inform a plan for the United Kingdom. And that work is ongoing.”

      Asked for comment about the proposals regarding Moldova, Morocco and Papua New Guinea, Downing Street referred the Guardian to the spokesman’s earlier comments. The Foreign Office referred the Guardian to the Home Office. The Home Office said it had nothing to add to comments by the prime minister’s spokesman.

      #UK #Angleterre #Maroc #Papoue_Nouvelle_Guinée #Moldavie
      #offshore_detention_centres
      #procédure_d'asile #externalisation_de_la_procédure #modèle_australien

      #île_de_l'Ascension

      #île_Sainte-Hélène


      #Sainte-Hélène

      –---

      Les #floating_asylum_centres pensés par l’UK rappellent d’autres structures flottantes :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/879396

      –—

      Ajouté à la métaliste sur l’externalisation des frontières :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/731749

    • Ascension Island: Priti Patel considered outpost for UK asylum centre location

      The government has considered building an asylum processing centre on a remote UK territory in the Atlantic Ocean.

      The idea of “offshoring” people is being looked at but finding a suitable location would be key, a source said.

      Home Secretary Priti Patel asked officials to look at asylum policies which had been successful in other countries, the BBC has been told.

      The Financial Times says Ascension Island, more than 4,000 miles (6,000km) from the UK, was a suggested location.

      What happens to migrants who reach the UK?
      More migrants arrive in September than all of 2019
      Fleeing the Syrian war for Belfast

      The Foreign Office is understood to have carried out an assessment for Ascension - which included the practicalities of transferring migrants thousands of miles to the island - and decided not to proceed.

      However, a Home Office source said ministers were looking at “every option that can stop small boat crossings and fix the asylum system”.

      "The UK has a long and proud history of offering refuge to those who need protection. Tens of thousands of people have rebuilt their lives in the UK and we will continue to provide safe and legal routes in the future.

      “As ministers have said we are developing plans to reform policies and laws around illegal migration and asylum to ensure we are able to provide protection to those who need it, while preventing abuse of the system and the criminality associated with it.”

      No final decisions have been made.
      ’Logistical nightmare’

      Labour’s shadow home secretary Nick Thomas-Symonds said: “This ludicrous idea is inhumane, completely impractical and wildly expensive - so it seems entirely plausible this Tory government came up with it.”

      Alan Nicholls, a member of the Ascension Island council, said moving asylum seekers more than 4,000 miles to the British overseas territory would be a “logistical nightmare” and not well received by the islanders.

      He also told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme that the presence of military bases on the island could make the concept “prohibitive” due to security concerns.

      Australia has controversially used offshore processing and detention centres for asylum seekers since the 1980s.

      A United Nations refugee agency representative to the UK, Rossella Pagliuchi-Lor, said the proposal would breach the UK’s obligations to asylum seekers and would “change what the UK is - its history and its values”.

      Speaking to the UK Parliament’s Home Affairs Select Committee, she said the Australian model had “brought about huge suffering for people, who are guilty of no more than seeking asylum, and it has also cost huge amounts of money”.

      The proposal comes amid record numbers of migrants making the journey across the English Channel to the UK in small boats this month, which Ms Patel has vowed to stop.

      Laura Trott, Conservative MP for Sevenoaks in Kent, said it was “absolutely right” that the government was looking at offshore asylum centres to “reduce the pressure” on Kent, which was “unable to take any more children into care”.

      In order to be eligible for asylum in the UK, applicants must prove they cannot return to their home country because they fear persecution due to their race, religion, nationality, political opinion, gender identity or sexual orientation.

      Asylum seekers cannot work while their claims are being processed, so the government offers them a daily allowance of just over £5 and accommodation, often in hostels or shared flats.

      Delays in processing UK asylum applications increased significantly last year with four out of five applicants in the last three months of 2019 waiting six months or more for their cases to be processed.

      That compared with three in four during the same period in 2018.

      –—

      Ascension Island key facts

      The volcanic island has no indigenous population, and the people that live there - fewer than 1,000 - are the employees and families of the organisations operating on the island
      The military airbase is jointly operated by the RAF and the US, and has been used as a staging post to supply and defend the Falkland Islands
      Its first human inhabitants arrived in 1815, when the Royal Navy set up camp to keep watch on Napoleon, who was imprisoned on the island of St Helena some 800 miles away
      It is home to a BBC transmitter - the BBC Atlantic Relay station - which sends shortwave radio to Africa and South America

      https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-54349796

    • UK considers sending asylum seekers abroad to be processed

      Reports suggest using #Gibraltar or the #Isle_of_Man or copying Australian model and paying third countries

      The Home Office is considering plans to send asylum seekers who arrive in the UK overseas to be processed, an idea modelled on a controversial Australian system, it is understood.

      Priti Patel, the home secretary, is expected to publish details next week of a scheme in which people who arrive in the UK via unofficial means, such as crossing the Channel in small boats, would be removed to a third country to have any claim dealt with.

      The government has pledged repeatedly to introduce measures to try to reduce the number of asylum seekers arriving across the Channel. Australia removes arrivals to overseas islands while their claims are processed.

      A Home Office source said: “Whilst people are dying making perilous journeys we would be irresponsible if we didn’t consider every avenue.”

      However, the source played down reports that destinations considered included Turkey, Gibraltar, the Isle of Man or other British islands, and that talks with some countries had begun, saying this was “all speculation”.

      Last year it emerged that meetings involving Patel had raised the possibility of asylum seekers being sent to Ascension Island, an isolated volcanic British territory in the south Atlantic, or St Helena, part of the same island group but 800 miles away.

      At the time, Home Office sources said the proposals came when Patel sought advice from the Foreign Office on how other countries deal with asylum applications, with Australia’s system given as an example.

      Labour described the Ascension Island idea as “inhumane, completely impractical and wildly expensive”.

      After the Brexit transition period finished at the end of 2020, the UK government no longer had the automatic right to transfer refugees and migrants to the EU country in which they arrived, part of the European asylum system known as the Dublin regulation.

      The UK government sought to replace this with a similar, post-Brexit version, but was rebuffed by the EU.

      With the government facing political pressure on migrant Channel crossings from some parts of the media, and from people like Nigel Farage, the former Ukip leader who frequently makes videos describing the boats as “an invasion”, Patel’s department has sought to respond.

      Last year, official documents seen by the Guardian showed that trials had taken place to test a blockade in the Channel similar to Australia’s controversial “turn back the boats” tactic.

      Reports at the time, denied by Downing Street, said that other methods considered to deter unofficial Channel crossings included a wave machine to push back the craft.

      https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2021/mar/18/asylum-seekers-could-be-sent-abroad-by-uk-to-be-processed

  • Pas de communs sans communauté

    Maria Mies

    https://lavoiedujaguar.net/Pas-de-communs-sans-communaute

    L’intérêt actuel pour les nouveaux communaux est bienvenu. Cela montre que de plus en plus de gens comprennent que notre système mondial capitaliste actuel ne peut résoudre aucun des problèmes qu’il a lui-même créés. La plupart des gens qui veulent créer de nouveaux communaux recherchent un nouveau paradigme économique et social. Pourtant, je pense qu’il est nécessaire de porter un regard plus critique sur les principaux concepts et arguments utilisés dans le discours contemporain sur « les biens communs ». Aujourd’hui, les « nouveaux biens communs » font l’objet d’un battage médiatique, notamment le mythe d’Internet comme bien commun et source de nouvelles communautés. Dans cet article, je pose plusieurs questions : Que voulons-nous dire lorsque nous parlons de « nouveaux biens communs » ? Que pouvons-nous apprendre des anciens communaux ? Qu’est-ce qui doit être changé aujourd’hui ? Y a-t-il une perspective réaliste pour les nouveaux biens communs ?

    Tout d’abord, je tiens à souligner qu’aucun bien commun ne peut exister sans une communauté. Les anciens biens communs étaient entretenus par une communauté clairement définie dont les membres s’engageaient à accomplir un travail communautaire pour subvenir à leurs besoins. (...)

    #Maria_Mies #communs #communauté #Allemagne #_enclosures_ #arbre #autonomie #écoféminisme #brevet #technocritique #Internet #Papouasie #Inde #Vandana_Shiva #développement #numérique

  • Global protests throw spotlight on alleged police abuses in West Papua | Global development | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/jun/11/global-protests-throw-spotlight-on-alleged-police-abuses-in-west-papua
    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/a2757620a8f0a9e8130bfe3817d83aacbde218a5/0_294_4847_2908/master/4847.jpg?width=1200&height=630&quality=85&auto=format&fit=crop&overlay-ali

    The #PapuanLivesMatter protests also inspired a team to create an interactive graphic, We Need To Talk About Papua, for progressive teenage art magazine, Kudeta. The graphic, which has been widely shared on social media, including by the singer Isyana Sarasvati, who has 7 million Instagram followers, contains a history of Indonesia’s colonialism in West Papua, links to petitions against police violence and a list of the names of the Papuans allegedly killed by Indonesian security forces.

    “The discussion about Black Lives Matter must also be followed by an awareness that racism still occurs in our country,” says writer Bageur Al Ikhsan, part of the creative team.

    West Papua is a former Dutch colony that was absorbed into Indonesia in 1969 following a controversial referendum. An existing movement agitating for independence from Dutch rule has refocused its energies on the Jakarta government, which maintains tight control over the region.

    At the far east of Indonesia, West Papua remains physically and ideologically separate from the rest of the country. Indigenous Papuans make up about half of the population. Locals claim racism is rife among the police and the military, and there have been allegations of human rights abuses and exploitation against the local population. In August 2019, protests erupted in the region over alleged police abuse against ethnic Papuan students. It was the biggest protest since 1998.

    #Papouasie #Indonésie #PapuanLivesMatter

  • ‘Black Lives Matter’ becomes rallying cry of Papuan activists in Indonesia | Free Malaysia Today
    https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/world/2020/06/05/black-lives-matter-becomes-rallying-cry-of-papuan-activists-in-in

    Papua and West Papua came under Indonesian control after a United Nations-sanctioned vote in 1969 that Papuan activists say was held under duress. A low-level insurgency has persisted for decades.

    Anger boiled over last year in protests that killed dozens after Papuan students in Java were allegedly taunted with racist slurs, such as “monkeys”.

    Despite the online momentum, Indonesian political analyst Yohanes Sulaiman said local attitudes were unlikely to be swayed.

    “There’s not much awareness from regular Indonesians that there’s racism towards Papuans,” he said. “Most Indonesians consider Papua a problem of separatism. That’s how the government has framed the issue for decades.”

    Le point sur la situation de #colonisation de la #Papouasie.
    #Indonésie #racisme

  • Indonesia deploys troops to enforce new viral normal - Asia Times
    https://asiatimes.com/2020/05/indonesia-deploys-troops-to-enforce-new-viral-normal

    As of May 27, Indonesia had 23,135 cases and 1,418 deaths; of those, 6,895 infections and 509 deaths were in Jakarta and 2,974 cases and 208 deaths were in West Java and Banten, the provinces surrounding the capital.
    But many regions outside of Java continue to confound experts with few infections and little anecdotal evidence that the pandemic has had any real impact at all.Leading those is Aceh, the Sharia-ruled region on the tip of Sumatra island, which has only 19 recorded cases and no deaths. A recent front page picture showed worshippers crammed together in a mosque, many of them without masks. The tourist island of Bali, initially seen as a potential disaster area because of its many Chinese visitors and cruise ship employees, presents an equally baffling case. So far it has recorded only 407 cases and four deaths, all the fatalities from weeks ago.
    Twenty of Indonesia’s provinces have 10 or less Covid-19 deaths, with the Bangka Belitung Islands south of Singapore and East Nusa Tenggara, part of the island chain east of Bali, still recording only one fatality.
    Interestingly, Widodo has picked out neighboring West Nusa Tenggara, along with East Java, South Sulawesi, South Sumatra, South Kalimantan and Papua, as provinces deserving of special attention because of escalating rates of infection. Transportation data suggests only a minority of Jakartans actually defied the government’s ban on mudik, the annual post-Ramadan pilgrimage to home towns and villages which normally takes place in the week after the fasting month. But it has been difficult to draw conclusions about population movements because as many as 1.3 million people are estimated to have left Greater Jakarta by mid-April, before the start of Ramadan, either because they had lost their jobs or were on furlough.
    Still, the fact that traffic on toll roads leading out of the capital was down to a comparative trickle on May 23 showed people generally heeded messages on billboards, television and radio that they should resist traveling home until later in the year

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#Indonésie#déplacements-population#transports#migrations-internes#tourisme#santé#taux-contamination#Java#Bali#Chine#Sumatra#Papouasie#Chine

  • Corona Chroniques, #Jour57
    http://www.davduf.net/corona-chroniques-jour57

    LUNDI 11 MAI 2020 - PREMIER JOUR (D’APRÈS) MATIN. Dans la rue, il y a du monde, mais pas tant que ça, ni tellement de joies ; même la moto cale par instant ; à l’approche de la butte Montmartre, c’est la Berezina : la vieille petite Harley est infoutue de semer la Passat de police, qui barre la route au plus imprenable travelling du monde — inaccessible quête, impossible de grimper sur le toit et d’admirer Paris qui se libère. Ce déconfinement est une libération sous conditions et sous surveillance, (...) #Coronavirus

    / Une

    https://www.montmartre-addict.com
    https://journallechatnoir.com
    http://www.davduf.net/IMG/mp3/merci_a_toi_o_soignant_vlasta_ray.mp3

  • Revealed: Government officials say permits for mega-plantation in Papua were falsified An area nearly the size of Paris has already been cleared on the basis of the allegedly fraudulent permits, cutting a hole in a vast stretch of rainforest on the island of New Guinea. %
    https://news.mongabay.com/2019/12/revealed-government-officials-say-permits-for-mega-plantation-in-papua-were-falsified/?n3wsletter

    An area nearly the size of Paris has already been cleared on the basis of the allegedly fraudulent permits, cutting a hole in a vast stretch of rainforest on the island of New Guinea.

    #forêt #déforestation #Papouasie #industrie_palmiste #falsification

  • Bougainville, bientôt le plus jeune État du monde ?
    https://www.courrierinternational.com/article/independance-bougainville-bientot-le-plus-jeune-etat-du-monde

    L’#Océanie comptera-t-elle bientôt un nouvel État insulaire indépendant ? C’est ce que sont en train de décider les 200 000 électeurs de Bougainville via un référendum qui se tient jusqu’au 7 décembre. Cette île, qui porte le nom du navigateur français l’ayant explorée en 1768, a été colonisée par l’#Allemagne puis l’#Australie avant d’être intégrée en 1975 à la #Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée lorsque celle-ci est devenue indépendante.

    “Les habitants de #Bougainville se sont toujours sentis plus proches, culturellement et ethniquement, des îles Salomon, situées au sud, souligne le magazine indonésien Tempo. Pendant les années 1980, cette province était devenue la plus riche du pays grâce à ses mines d’or et de cuivre, dont les revenus représentaient 14 % du PIB. Seulement un quart des employés de ces mines étaient originaires de Bougainville, le reste étant des étrangers ou des Papous.”

    #référendum #indépendance

    • Injustices économiques et sentiment de spoliation donnent naissance en 1988 à l’Armée révolutionnaire de Bougainville, qui dynamite les exploitations minières et réclame la tenue d’un référendum. Une répression sanglante menée par les militaires de Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée dure plus de dix ans et fait plus de 20 000 victimes.

      … sur une population de 175 000 habitants (en 2000)
      (source : WP)

    • Mais les résultats de ce scrutin ne sont pas contraignants et ne changeront pas nécessairement le statut de Bougainville. Ils devront être entérinés par le Parlement de Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée via des négociations avec l’île. Un processus qui peut prendre des années.

      Un signe pour la Papouasie indonésienne ?
      En titrant “Bougainville, une nouvelle voisine”, le magazine Tempo semble aussi lancer un clin d’œil en direction des deux provinces indonésiennes de Papouasie. Elles pourraient bien, elles aussi, un jour, devenir de “nouvelles grandes voisines”.

      De nombreux parallèles peuvent être établis entre Bougainville et les deux provinces indonésiennes de l’île de Nouvelle-Guinée. Elles sont les plus riches d’Indonésie, et des revendications d’indépendance n’ont pas cessé depuis 1975.

      Ces derniers mois, un regain de tension contre le paternalisme de Jakarta vis-à-vis des Papous a entraîné des émeutes dans les deux provinces. De plus en plus de Papous réclament d’ailleurs un référendum. Affaire à suivre.

      #Papouasie-occidentale ex-#Irian-Jaya

    • Après le référendum, la longue route de l’île de Bougainville pour devenir un Etat
      https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2019/12/12/apres-le-referendum-la-longue-route-de-l-ile-de-bougainville-pour-devenir-un


      Des électeurs brandissent le drapeau de Bougainville, le 26 novembre.
      STRINGER / REUTERS

      Ils se sont exprimés à plus de 98 % en faveur de l’indépendance. L’ex-premier ministre irlandais Bertie Ahern, président de la Commission référendaire de Bougainville, a annoncé, mercredi 11 décembre, que 176 928 électeurs de l’île, l’une des plus grandes des îles Salomon, avaient voté massivement pour quitter le giron de la Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée, un pas majeur vers la création d’un nouvel Etat de 300 000 habitants.

      A New York, le secrétaire général de l’Organisation des Nations unies (ONU), Antonio Guterres, a salué « l’organisation réussie du référendum » et félicité les autorités et tous les électeurs « pour leur dévouement et la conduite pacifique du processus ». Il a appelé toutes les parties à s’assurer que la suite sera « inclusive et constructive », précise son communiqué.

      Ce vote historique, dont les résultats définitifs seront annoncés le 20 décembre, doit permettre de tourner définitivement la page d’une décennie de conflit armé qui a fait quelque 20 000 morts – soit 10 % de la population – avant le cessez-le-feu de 1998.

      Pourtant, c’est après le référendum que les choses vont se compliquer : le résultat du référendum étant non contraignant, le parlement de Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée doit en ratifier le résultat. Puka Temu, le ministre papouasien chargé des affaires de Bougainville, a déclaré que le premier ministre de la Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée, James Marape, ferait une déclaration dans les prochains jours sur la voie à suivre et a demandé que les électeurs de Bougainville « laissent suffisamment de temps au reste de la Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée pour absorber ce résultat ».

      Avant le référendum, James Marape s’est dit personnellement favorable à ce que Bougainville reste une province et certains élus de la Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée se sont vigoureusement opposés à l’indépendance, redoutant un effet de contagion dans un pays divisé entre plusieurs provinces (Papouasie, Hautes Terres, Momaes et Iles), avec plusieurs centaines de groupes ethniques et autant de langues.
      De son côté, le président du gouvernement autonome de Bougainville, John Momis, a déclaré qu’il pensait que James Marape était « intelligent (…) et prêt à écouter ».

  • ’I can’t believe I’m free’: the Canadian citizens ending the torment for Australia’s offshore refugees

    A unique private #sponsorship program has relocated dozens of people from Papua New Guinea to Canada, giving them a chance ‘to be human again’

    https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/nov/04/i-cant-believe-im-free-the-canadian-citizens-ending-the-torment-for-aus
    #relocalisation #accueil_privé #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Manus_island #Canada #Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée #relocalisation

    • ’Someone has to do it’: Australians sponsor refugees into Canada

      Toronto: Hundreds of asylum seekers rejected by Australia and stranded in Nauru and Papua New Guinea could be resettled in Canada under a unique program that allows individuals to privately sponsor refugees.

      Australian expats in Canada, alarmed at the deteriorating mental health of many asylum seekers in offshore detention, have formed a network to raise funds and lodge applications to bring refugees to their adopted homeland.

      They are focused almost exclusively on the 330 estimated asylum seekers who are ineligible for the US resettlement program and have no prospect of being accepted by another third country.

      Amirhossein Sahragard, a 27-year-old Iranian refugee who tried to reach Australia by boat, arrived at Toronto airport on Thursday night (Friday AEDT) after almost seven years on Manus Island.

      He is believed to be just the second refugee from Australia’s offshore detention system to be resettled in Canada under its private sponsorship scheme.

      “Before this, I had no future,” he told The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age after his arrival.

      “When I found out I was coming to Canada my body went into shock. I couldn’t believe it.”

      Another Iranian refugee who was detained on Manus Island will arrive in Toronto next week.

      Canada’s private sponsorship scheme, which has operated since the late 1970s, allows groups of five people to apply to bring refugees of their choosing to Canada.

      Sponsors must raise about $18,000 for each refugee and help them find housing, employment and counselling services.

      “There is no other way for these people to get out,” said Juliet Donald, an Australian clinical psychologist who lives in Toronto.

      She has applied to privately sponsor a gay refugee who fled Iran after being blackmailed by associates of an ex-lover. She is also fundraising to sponsor a refugee family of four on Nauru.

      “In a strange way it turns out I can do more from Canada than I could in Australia,” she said.

      “I feel this huge relief that there is something I can do to help.”

      Donald, originally from Sydney, is a member of the Canadian branch of Ads-Up (Australian Diaspora Steps Up), a group of Australian expats and Canadian locals helping to resettle refugees.

      Ben Winsor, who co-founded Ads-Up in the US last year, said the group decided to expand to Canada after the surprise May election result.

      “We were really rattled by a spate of suicide attempts and we felt we had to take a harder look at what we could do for people who were getting turned away by the Trump administration,” Winsor said.

      "Taxpayers are wasting billions of dollars, Australia’s name is being dragged through the mud, and people’s lives are being stolen from them year after year.

      “We need to end it, and this is a way that we can do that.”

      The group has 17 applications underway to privately resettle refugees, and expects that number to rapidly expand.

      It is estimated that around 600 asylum seekers remain on Nauru and PNG, and another 135 have been transferred to Australia for medical treatment.

      “The only limit really is the amount of money and volunteers,” Ads-Up member Laura Beth Bugg, a university professor who moved from Sydney to Toronto, said.

      “In theory we could resettle everybody.”

      Bugg co-sponsored Amirhossein Sahragard’s refugee application and greeted him at the airport on Thursday with a winter coat.

      She said Canadians were generally shocked to learn about Manus Island and Nauru.

      “It is not the image they had of Australia,” she said.

      A parallel project in western Canada, run by two local non-profit organisations, is aiming to resettle up to 200 refugees from Nauru and PNG.

      Laurie Cooper, from the Canada Caring Society, said the project had raised approximately $330,000 and was about to submit its first batch of 17 applications. It can take between 18 and 24 months for applications to be processed.

      The US has accepted around 630 refugees from Nauru and PNG, but has also rejected hundreds of applicants under its “extreme vetting” process. Iranian and Syrian refugees have especially low acceptance rates.

      Refugees must pass security, criminal and medical checks before being accepted into Canada, but the process is less onerous than in the US.

      Donald said that privately sponsoring a refugee carries immense responsibilities, but that someone had to do it.

      “I’d rather be a little scared and do it, than to walk away,” she said. “This is something I can do that makes me proud to be Australian.”

      https://www.smh.com.au/world/north-america/someone-has-to-do-it-australians-sponsor-refugees-into-canada-20191102-p536r

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    In Indonesian West Papua, oil palm developments are routinely designed and implemented without the free, prior, and informed consent of indigenous landowners.

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