• Trois syndicalistes CGT hôtellerie jugés pour escroquerie
    https://france3-regions.francetvinfo.fr/paris-ile-de-france/hauts-de-seine/trois-syndicalistes-cgt-hotellerie-juges-pour-escroquer

    Le ministère public a requis huit et cinq mois de prison avec sursis mercredi contre deux syndicalistes de la CGT HPE, Hôtels de prestige et économiques, jugés pour escroquerie, devant le tribunal correctionnel de Nanterre. lls sont accusés d’avoir sollicité des dons auprès des salariés qu’ils défendaient.

    À la barre du tribunal de Nanterre mercredi, l’ex-trésorier du syndicat Claude Lévy, son épouse Tiziri K. et un troisième syndicaliste. Les trois prévenus sont accusés d’avoir sollicité des #dons auprès des salariés qu’ils défendaient devant les #prud'hommes. Ils sont soupçonnés de les avoir incités à verser à leur #syndicat 10% des sommes obtenues devant ces juridictions. Au total, 46 personnes se sont constituées parties civiles, ainsi que l’Union départementale CGT Paris et l’Union régionale Île-de-France CGT .

    Claude Levy est bien connu dans le monde de l’#hôtellerie en Ile-de-France. Il s’est notamment engagé en 2013 dans la défense de #femmes_de_chambres qui demandaient à être embauchées dans un palace parisien, le #Park_Hyatt Paris-Vendôme ou plus récemment il y a deux ans, au côté d’autres femmes de chambres de l’hôtel #IBIS_Batignoles. Elles exigeaient une amélioration de leurs #salaires.

    10 % de dons

    Mercredi au tribunal, les trois #syndicalistes ont rejeté en bloc assurant ces 10% des sommes versés par des salariés constituent des "dons juridiques" librement consentis dont le principe a été voté à l’unanimité lors de plusieurs congrès tenus par la CGT.

    En juin 2021, a rappelé la présidente, ces transferts représentaient plus de la moitié du capital de la CGT-HPE qui s’élevait à cette date à « un peu plus de 800.000 euros ». Les recherches conduites par les enquêteurs pour évaluer votre rythme de travail devant les instances prud’homales pourraient éventuellement justifier de ce montant", pointe la présidente qui décompte "600 procédures" qui seraient allées jusqu’au jugement.

    Une ambiance tendue

    Lors d’une audience de plus de dix heures, ponctuée par de nombreux rappels de la présidente dans une ambiance tendue, les prévenus se sont défendus de manière véhémente. "Ce #procès, c’est le procès d’un vilain syndicaliste qui s’est impliqué pendant plus de 70 heures (par semaine, nldr ) pour aider les plus démunis. Qu’on me traite d’exploiteur des opprimés, il y a de quoi péter un plomb !", s’est exclamé M. Lévy. La prévenue Tiziri K. a déclaré être victime d’un "règlement de compte" et n’avoir "contraint personne" à verser une partie des indemnités perçues.

    Ils ont mentionné plusieurs attestations versées au dossier, produites par des salariés expliquant avoir versé librement ces sommes à la #CGT-HPE.

    Huit mois de #prison_avec_sursis assortis d’une amende de 8.000 euros ont été requis contre l’ex-trésorier du syndicat Claude Lévy. Son épouse Tiziri K. a été visée par des réquisitions de cinq mois d’emprisonnement avec sursis et une #amende de 5.000 euros. Concernant une troisième syndicaliste également mise en cause, soupçonnée de complicité d’#escroquerie, le parquet a déclaré qu’il s’en remettait à la décision de la cour, qui sera rendue le 28 novembre.

    Le parquet a également demandé la #privation_de_droits_d'éligibilité pendant cinq ans pour les deux prévenus et de manière non obligatoire, l’interdiction d’exercer toute fonction dans le domaine social pendant cinq ans.

    des structures de cette même #CGT qui, dans de nombreux cas, ne donne des infos aux salariés, chômeurs et précaires qui en demandent qu’à la condition qu’ils adhérent juge utile de se porter partie contre des militants syndicaux qui animent des grèves

    #bureaucratie_syndicale #justice #luttes_sociales #luttes_syndicales #grève #caisse_de_grève

    • Ce qui en jeu ici c’est aussi une lutte de tendance au sein de la CGT où l’accusé (et condamné) est clairement identifié comme un opposant à la ligne confédérale, plus combatif que cette dernière et, surtout, contre les pratiques de la fédération, cette dernière, étant de mon point de vue, clairement identifiée comme vendue au patronat.

      À titre d’exemple, cet article de PLI d’août 2022 :

      [Radio] Retour sur l’action de la CGT-HPE - Paris-luttes.info
      https://paris-luttes.info/radio-retour-sur-l-action-de-la-16024

      Retour sur l’action de la CGT-HPE
      Publié le 6 août 2022

      Dans cette émission de Vive la sociale - FPP 106.3 FM - nous aurons un long échange avec Claude Levi, animateur syndical des luttes dans le secteur de la propreté et notamment dans l’hôtellerie. Bonne écoute !
      Retour sur l’action de la CGT-HPE

      Dans cet entretien, Claude Lévy, longtemps cheville ouvrière de la CGT-HPE, dresse un tableau de la situation de la sous-traitance dans l’hôtellerie et des activités de son syndicat. Sont également abordés ses démêlés avec l’union syndicale CGT du commerce parisienne et les brimades qu’il a dû subir, ainsi que Tiziri Kandi, ces dernières années. L’entretien se termine sur un tour d’horizon des perspectives du syndicat CGT-HPE et des projets de Claude et Tiziri.

  • Coop ou pas coop de trouver une alternative à la grande distribution ?

    Un #magasin sans client, sans salarié, sans marge, sans contrôle, sans espace de pouvoir où la confiance règne vous y croyez ? Difficile, tant le modèle et les valeurs de la grande distribution, et plus largement capitalistes et bourgeoises ont façonnés nos habitus. Néanmoins, parmi nous certains cherchent l’alternative : supermarchés coopératifs, collaboratifs, épiceries participatives, citoyennes, etc. Des alternatives qui pourtant reprennent nombre des promesses de la grande distribution et de ses valeurs. Les épiceries “autogérées”, “libres” ou encore en “gestion directe” tranchent dans ce paysage. Lieux d’apprentissage de nouvelles habitudes, de remise en cause frontale du pouvoir pyramidal et pseudo-horizontal. Ce modèle sera évidemment à dépasser après la révolution, mais d’ici-là il fait figure de favori pour une #émancipation collective et individuelle.

    Le supermarché : une #utopie_capitaliste désirable pour les tenants de la croyance au mérite

    Le supermarché est le modèle hégémonique de #distribution_alimentaire. #Modèle apparu seulement en 1961 en région parisienne il s’est imposé en quelques décennies en colonisant nos vies, nos corps, nos désirs et nos paysages. Cette utopie capitaliste est devenue réalité à coup de #propagande mais également d’adhésion résonnant toujours avec les promesses de l’époque : travaille, obéis, consomme ; triptyque infernal où le 3e pilier permet l’acceptation voire l’adhésion aux deux autres à la mesure du mérite individuel fantasmé.

    Malgré le succès et l’hégémonie de ce modèle, il a parallèlement toujours suscité du rejet : son ambiance aseptisée et criarde, industrielle et déshumanisante, la relation de prédation sur les fournisseurs et les délocalisations qui en découlent, sa privatisation par les bourgeois, la volonté de manipuler pour faire acheter plus ou plus différenciant et cher, le greenwashing (le fait de servir de l’écologie de manière opportuniste pour des raisons commerciales), etc., tout ceci alimente les critiques et le rejet chez une frange de la population pour qui la recherche d’alternative devient motrice.

    C’est donc contre ce modèle que se (re)créent des #alternatives se réclamant d’une démarche plus démocratique, plus inclusive, ou de réappropriation par le citoyen… Or, ces alternatives se réalisent en partant du #modèle_dominant, jouent sur son terrain selon ses règles et finalement tendent à reproduire souvent coûte que coûte, parfois inconsciemment, les promesses et les côtés désirables du supermarché.
    Comme le dit Alain Accardo dans De Notre Servitude Involontaire “ce qu’il faut se résoudre à remettre en question – et c’est sans doute la pire difficulté dans la lutte contre le système capitaliste -, c’est l’#art_de_vivre qu’il a rendu possible et désirable aux yeux du plus grand nombre.”
    Le supermarché “coopératif”, l’épicerie participative : des pseudo alternatives au discours trompeur

    Un supermarché dit “coopératif” est… un supermarché ! Le projet est de reproduire la promesse mais en supprimant la part dévolue habituellement aux bourgeois : l’appellation “coopératif” fait référence à la structure juridique où les #salariés ont le #pouvoir et ne reversent pas de dividende à des actionnaires. Mais les salariés ont tendance à se comporter collectivement comme un bourgeois propriétaire d’un “moyen de production” et le recrutement est souvent affinitaire : un bourgeois à plusieurs. La valeur captée sur le #travail_bénévole est redistribuée essentiellement à quelques salariés. Dans ce type de supermarché, les consommateurs doivent être sociétaires et “donner” du temps pour faire tourner la boutique, en plus du travail salarié qui y a lieu. Cette “#coopération” ou “#participation” ou “#collaboration” c’est 3h de travail obligatoire tous les mois sous peine de sanctions (contrôles à l’entrée du magasin pour éventuellement vous en interdire l’accès). Ces heures obligatoires sont cyniquement là pour créer un attachement des #bénévoles au supermarché, comme l’explique aux futurs lanceurs de projet le fondateur de Park Slope Food le supermarché New-Yorkais qui a inspiré tous les autres. Dans le documentaire FoodCoop réalisé par le fondateur de la Louve pour promouvoir ce modèle :”Si vous demandez à quelqu’un l’une des choses les plus précieuses de sa vie, c’est-à-dire un peu de son temps sur terre (…), la connexion est établie.”

    L’autre spécificité de ce modèle est l’#assemblée_générale annuelle pour la #démocratie, guère mobilisatrice et non propice à la délibération collective. Pour information, La Louve en 2021 obtient, par voie électronique 449 participations à son AG pour plus de 4000 membres, soit 11%. Presque trois fois moins avant la mise en place de cette solution, en 2019 : 188 présents et représentés soit 4,7%. À Scopeli l’AG se tiendra en 2022 avec 208 sur 2600 membres, soit 8% et enfin à la Cagette sur 3200 membres actifs il y aura 143 présents et 119 représentés soit 8,2%

    Pour le reste, vous ne serez pas dépaysés, votre parcours ressemblera à celui dans un supermarché traditionnel. Bien loin des promesses de solidarité, de convivialité, de résistance qui n’ont su aboutir. Les militants voient de plus en plus clairement les impasses de ce modèle mais il fleurit néanmoins dans de nouvelles grandes villes, souvent récupéré comme plan de carrière par des entrepreneurs de l’#ESS qui y voient l’occasion de se créer un poste à terme ou de développer un business model autour de la vente de logiciel de gestion d’épicerie en utilisant ce souhait de milliers de gens de trouver une alternative à la grande distribution.

    #La_Louve, le premier supermarché de ce genre, a ouvert à Paris en 2016. Plus de 4000 membres, pour plus d’1,5 million d’euros d’investissement au départ, 3 années de lancement et 7,7 millions de chiffre d’affaires en 2021. À la création il revendiquait des produits moins chers, de fonctionner ensemble autrement, ne pas verser de dividende et de choisir ses produits. Cette dernière est toujours mise en avant sur la page d’accueil de leur site web : “Nous n’étions pas satisfaits de l’offre alimentaire qui nous était proposée, alors nous avons décidé de créer notre propre supermarché.” L’ambition est faible et le bilan moins flatteur encore : vous retrouverez la plupart des produits présents dans les grandes enseignes (loin derrière la spécificité d’une Biocoop, c’est pour dire…), à des #prix toujours relativement élevés (application d’un taux de 20% de marge).

    À plus petite échelle existent les épiceries “participatives”. La filiation avec le #supermarché_collaboratif est directe, avec d’une cinquantaine à quelques centaines de personnes. Elles ne peuvent généralement pas soutenir de #salariat et amènent des relations moins impersonnelles grâce à leur taille “plus humaine”. Pour autant, certaines épiceries sont des tremplins vers le modèle de supermarché et de création d’emploi pour les initiateurs. Il en existe donc avec salariés. Les marges, selon la motivation à la croissance varient entre 0 et 30%.

    #MonEpi, startup et marque leader sur un segment de marché qu’ils s’efforcent de créer, souhaite faire tourner son “modèle économique” en margeant sur les producteurs (marges arrières de 3% sur les producteurs qui font annuellement plus de 10 000 euros via la plateforme). Ce modèle très conforme aux idées du moment est largement subventionné et soutenu par des collectivités rurales ou d’autres acteurs de l’ESS et de la start-up nation comme Bouge ton Coq qui propose de partager vos données avec Airbnb lorsque vous souhaitez en savoir plus sur les épiceries, surfant sur la “transition” ou la “résilience”.

    Pour attirer le citoyen dynamique, on utilise un discours confus voire trompeur. Le fondateur de MonEpi vante volontiers un modèle “autogéré”, sans #hiérarchie, sans chef : “On a enlevé le pouvoir et le profit” . L’informatique serait, en plus d’être incontournable (“pour faire ce que l’on ne saurait pas faire autrement”), salvatrice car elle réduit les espaces de pouvoir en prenant les décisions complexes à la place des humains. Pourtant cette gestion informatisée met toutes les fonctions dans les mains de quelques sachant, le tout centralisé par la SAS MonEpi. De surcroit, ces épiceries se dotent généralement (et sont incitées à le faire via les modèles de statut fournis par MonEpi) d’une #organisation pyramidale où le simple membre “participe” obligatoirement à 2-3h de travail par mois tandis que la plupart des décisions sont prises par un bureau ou autre “comité de pilotage”, secondé par des commissions permanentes sur des sujets précis (hygiène, choix des produits, accès au local, etc.). Dans certains collectifs, le fait de participer à ces prises de décision dispense du travail obligatoire d’intendance qui incombe aux simples membres…

    Pour finir, nous pouvons nous demander si ces initiatives ne produisent pas des effets plus insidieux encore, comme la possibilité pour la sous-bourgeoisie qui se pense de gauche de se différencier à bon compte : un lieu d’entre-soi privilégié où on te vend, en plus de tes produits, de l’engagement citoyen bas de gamme, une sorte d’ubérisation de la BA citoyenne, où beaucoup semblent se satisfaire d’un énième avatar de la consom’action en se persuadant de lutter contre la grande distribution. De plus, bien que cela soit inconscient ou de bonne foi chez certains, nous observons dans les discours de nombre de ces initiatives ce que l’on pourrait appeler de l’#autogestion-washing, où les #inégalités_de_pouvoir sont masqués derrière des mots-clés et des slogans (Cf. “Le test de l’Autogestion” en fin d’article).

    L’enfer est souvent pavé de bonnes intentions. Et on pourrait s’en contenter et même y adhérer faute de mieux. Mais ne peut-on pas s’interroger sur les raisons de poursuivre dans des voies qui ont clairement démontré leurs limites alors même qu’un modèle semble apporter des réponses ?

    L’épicerie autogérée et autogouvernée / libre : une #utopie_libertaire qui a fait ses preuves

    Parfois nommé épicerie autogérée, #coopérative_alimentaire_autogérée, #épicerie_libre ou encore #épicerie_en_gestion_directe, ce modèle de #commun rompt nettement avec nombre des logiques décrites précédemment. Il est hélas largement invisibilisé par la communication des modèles sus-nommés et paradoxalement par son caractère incroyable au sens premier du terme : ça n’est pas croyable, ça remet en question trop de pratiques culturelles, il est difficile d’en tirer un bénéfice personnel, c’est trop beau pour être vrai…Car de loin, cela ressemble à une épicerie, il y a bien des produits en rayon mais ce n’est pas un commerce, c’est un commun basé sur l’#égalité et la #confiance. L’autogestion dont il est question ici se rapproche de sa définition : la suppression de toute distinction entre dirigeants et dirigés.

    Mais commençons par du concret ? À #Cocoricoop , épicerie autogérée à Villers-Cotterêts (02), toute personne qui le souhaite peut devenir membre, moyennant une participation libre aux frais annuels (en moyenne 45€ par foyer couvrant loyer, assurance, banque, électricité) et le pré-paiement de ses futures courses (le 1er versement est en général compris entre 50€ et 150€, montant qui est reporté au crédit d’une fiche individuelle de compte). À partir de là, chacun.e a accès aux clés, au local 24h/24 et 7 jours/7, à la trésorerie et peut passer commande seul ou à plusieurs. Les 120 foyers membres actuels peuvent venir faire leurs courses pendant et hors des permanences. Ces permanences sont tenues par d’autres membres, bénévolement, sans obligation. Sur place, des étagères de diverses formes et tailles, de récup ou construites sur place sont alignées contre les murs et plus ou moins généreusement remplies de produits. On y fait ses courses, pèse ses aliments si besoin puis on se dirige vers la caisse… Pour constater qu’il n’y en a pas. Il faut sortir une calculatrice et calculer soi-même le montant de ses courses. Puis, ouvrir le classeur contenant sa fiche personnelle de suivi et déduire ce montant de son solde (somme des pré-paiements moins somme des achats). Personne ne surveille par dessus son épaule, la confiance règne.

    Côté “courses”, c’est aussi simple que cela, mais on peut y ajouter tout un tas d’étapes, comme discuter, accueillir un nouveau membre, récupérer une débroussailleuse, participer à un atelier banderoles pour la prochaine manif (etc.). Qu’en est-il de l’organisation et l’approvisionnement ?

    Ce modèle de #commun dont la forme épicerie est le prétexte, cherche avant tout, à instituer fondamentalement et structurellement au sein d’un collectif les règles établissant une égalité politique réelle. Toutes les personnes ont le droit de décider et prendre toutes les initiatives qu’elles souhaitent. “#Chez_Louise” dans le Périgord (Les Salles-Lavauguyon, 87) ou encore à #Dionycoop (St-Denis, 93), comme dans toutes les épiceries libres, tout le monde peut, sans consultation ou délibération, décider d’une permanence, réorganiser le local, organiser une soirée, etc. Mieux encore, toute personne est de la même manière légitime pour passer commande au nom du collectif en engageant les fonds disponibles dans la trésorerie commune auprès de tout fournisseur ou distributeur de son choix. La trésorerie est constituée de la somme des dépôts de chaque membre. Les membres sont incités à laisser immobilisé sur leur fiche individuelle une partie de leurs dépôts. Au #Champ_Libre (Preuilly-Sur-Claise, 37), 85 membres disposent de dépôts moyens de 40-50€ permettant de remplir les étagères de 3500€ selon l’adage, “les dépôts font les stocks”. La personne qui passe la commande s’assure que les produits arrivent à bon port et peut faire appel pour cela au collectif.

    D’une manière générale, les décisions n’ont pas à être prises collectivement mais chacun.e peut solliciter des avis.

    Côté finances, à #Haricocoop (Soissons, 02), quelques règles de bonne gestion ont été instituées. Une #créditomancienne (personne qui lit dans les comptes bancaires) vérifie que le compte est toujours en positif et un “arroseur” paye les factures. La “crédito” n’a aucun droit de regard sur les prises de décision individuelle, elle peut seulement mettre en attente une commande si la trésorerie est insuffisante. Il n’y a pas de bon ou de mauvais arroseur : il voit une facture, il paye. Une autre personne enfin vérifie que chacun a payé une participation annuelle aux frais, sans juger du montant. Ces rôles et d’une manière générale, toute tâche, tournent, par tirage au sort, tous les ans afin d’éviter l’effet “fonction” et impliquer de nouvelles personnes.

    Tout repose donc sur les libres initiatives des membres, sans obligations : “ce qui sera fait sera fait, ce qui ne sera pas fait ne sera pas fait”. Ainsi, si des besoins apparaissent, toute personne peut se saisir de la chose et tenter d’y apporter une réponse. Le corolaire étant que si personne ne décide d’agir alors rien ne sera fait et les rayons pourraient être vides, le local fermé, les produits dans les cartons, (etc.). Il devient naturel d’accepter ces ‘manques’ s’il se produisent, comme conséquence de notre inaction collective et individuelle ou l’émanation de notre niveau d’exigence du moment.

    Toute personne peut décider et faire, mais… osera-t-elle ? L’épicerie libre ne cherche pas à proposer de beaux rayons, tous les produits, un maximum de membres et de chiffre d’affaires, contrairement à ce qui peut être mis en avant par d’autres initiatives. Certes cela peut se produire mais comme une simple conséquence, si la gestion directe et le commun sont bien institués ou que cela correspond au niveau d’exigence du groupe. C’est à l’aune du sentiment de #légitimité, que chacun s’empare du pouvoir de décider, de faire, d’expérimenter ou non, que se mesure selon nous, le succès d’une épicerie de ce type. La pierre angulaire de ces initiatives d’épiceries libres et autogouvernées repose sur la conscience et la volonté d’instituer un commun en le soulageant de tous les espaces de pouvoir que l’on rencontre habituellement, sans lequel l’émancipation s’avèrera mensongère ou élitiste. Une méfiance vis-à-vis de certains de nos réflexes culturels est de mise afin de “s’affranchir de deux fléaux également abominables : l’habitude d’obéir et le désir de commander.” (Manuel Gonzáles Prada) .

    L’autogestion, l’#autogouvernement, la gestion directe, est une pratique humaine qui a l’air utopique parce que marginalisée ou réprimée dans notre société : nous apprenons pendant toute notre vie à fonctionner de manière autoritaire, individualiste et capitaliste. Aussi, l’autogestion de l’épicerie ne pourra que bénéficier d’une vigilance de chaque instant de chacun et chacune et d’une modestie vis-à-vis de cette pratique collective et individuelle. Autrement, parce que les habitudes culturelles de domination/soumission reviennent au galop, le modèle risque de basculer vers l’épicerie participative par exemple. Il convient donc de se poser la question de “qu’est-ce qui en moi/nous a déjà été “acheté”, approprié par le système, et fait de moi/nous un complice qui s’ignore ?” ^9 (ACCARDO) et qui pourrait mettre à mal ce bien commun.

    S’affranchir de nos habitus capitalistes ne vient pas sans effort. Ce modèle-là ne fait pas mine de les ignorer, ni d’ignorer le pouvoir qu’ont les structures et les institutions pour conditionner nos comportements. C’est ainsi qu’il institue des “règles du jeu” particulières pour nous soutenir dans notre quête de #confiance_mutuelle et d’#égalité_politique. Elles se résument ainsi :

    Ce modèle d’épicerie libre diffère ainsi très largement des modèles que nous avons pu voir plus tôt. Là où la Louve cherche l’attachement via la contrainte, les épiceries autogérées cherchent l’#appropriation et l’émancipation par ses membres en leur donnant toutes les cartes. Nous soulignons ci-dessous quelques unes de ces différences majeures :

    Peut-on trouver une alternative vraiment anticapitaliste de distribution alimentaire ?

    Reste que quelque soit le modèle, il s’insère parfaitement dans la #société_de_consommation, parlementant avec les distributeurs et fournisseurs. Il ne remet pas en cause frontalement la logique de l’#économie_libérale qui a crée une séparation entre #consommateur et #producteur, qui donne une valeur comptable aux personnes et justifie les inégalités d’accès aux ressources sur l’échelle de la croyance au mérite. Il ne règle pas non plus par magie les oppressions systémiques.

    Ainsi, tout libertaire qu’il soit, ce modèle d’épicerie libre pourrait quand même n’être qu’un énième moyen de distinction sociale petit-bourgeois et ce, même si une épicerie de ce type a ouvert dans un des quartiers les plus défavorisés du département de l’Aisne (réservée aux personnes du quartier qui s’autogouvernent) et que ce modèle génère très peu de barrière à l’entrée (peu d’administratif, peu d’informatique,…).

    On pourrait aussi légitimement se poser la question de la priorité à créer ce type d’épicerie par rapport à toutes les choses militantes que l’on a besoin de mettre en place ou des luttes quotidiennes à mener. Mais nous avons besoin de lieux d’émancipation qui ne recréent pas sans cesse notre soumission aux logiques bourgeoises et à leurs intérêts et institutions. Une telle épicerie permet d’apprendre à mieux s’organiser collectivement en diminuant notre dépendance aux magasins capitalistes pour s’approvisionner (y compris sur le non alimentaire). C’est d’autant plus valable en période de grève puisqu’on a tendance à enrichir le supermarché à chaque barbecue ou pour approvisionner nos cantines et nos moyens de lutte.

    Au-delà de l’intérêt organisationnel, c’est un modèle de commun qui remet en question concrètement et quotidiennement les promesses et les croyances liées à la grande distribution. C’est très simple et très rapide à monter. Aucune raison de s’en priver d’ici la révolution !
    Le Test de l’Autogestion : un outil rapide et puissant pour tester les organisations qui s’en réclament

    À la manière du test de Bechdel qui permet en trois critères de mettre en lumière la sous-représentation des femmes et la sur-représentation des hommes dans des films, nous vous proposons un nouvel outil pour dénicher les embuscades tendues par l’autogestion-washing, en toute simplicité : “le test de l’Autogestion” :

    Les critères sont :

    - Pas d’AGs ;

    - Pas de salarié ;

    - Pas de gestion informatisée.

    Ces 3 critères ne sont pas respectés ? Le collectif ou l’organisme n’est pas autogéré.

    Il les coche tous ? C’est prometteur, vous tenez peut être là une initiative sans donneur d’ordre individuel ni collectif, humain comme machine ! Attention, le test de l’autogestion permet d’éliminer la plupart des faux prétendants au titre, mais il n’est pas une garantie à 100% d’un modèle autogéré, il faudra pousser l’analyse plus loin. Comme le test de Bechdel ne vous garantit pas un film respectant l’égalité femme-homme.

    Il faut parfois adapter les termes, peut être le collectif testé n’a pas d’Assemblée Générale mais est doté de Réunions de pilotage, n’a pas de salarié mais des services civiques, n’a pas de bureau mais des commissions/groupe de travail permanents, n’a pas de logiciel informatique de gestion mais les documents de gestion ne sont pas accessibles sur place ?
    Pour aller plus loin :

    Le collectif Cooplib fait un travail de documentation de ce modèle de commun et d’autogestion. Ses membres accompagnent de manière militante les personnes ou collectifs qui veulent se lancer (= gratuit).

    Sur Cooplib.fr, vous trouverez des informations et des documents plus détaillés :

    – La brochure Cocoricoop

    – Un modèle de Statuts associatif adapté à l’autogestion

    – La carte des épiceries autogérées

    – Le Référentiel (règles du jeu détaillées)

    – Le manuel d’autogestion appliqué aux épiceries est en cours d’édition et en précommande sur Hello Asso

    Ces outils sont adaptés à la situation particulière des épiceries mais ils sont transposables au moins en partie à la plupart de nos autres projets militants qui se voudraient vraiment autogérés (bar, librairie, laverie, cantine, camping,…). Pour des expérimentations plus techniques (ex : garage, ferme, festival,…), une montée en compétence des membres semble nécessaire.

    D’autres ressources :

    – Quelques capsules vidéos : http://fede-coop.org/faq-en-videos

    – “Les consommateurs ouvrent leur épiceries, quel modèle choisir pour votre ville ou votre village ?”, les éditions libertaires.

    https://www.frustrationmagazine.fr/coop-grande-distribution
    #alternative #grande_distribution #supermarchés #capitalisme #épiceries #auto-gestion #autogestion #gestion_directe #distribution_alimentaire

    sur seenthis :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1014023

  • Le #Livre_de_Jessie. Journal de guerre d’une famille coréenne

    Adapté du journal original rédigé par #Yang_Wu-Jo et sa femme #Choi_Seon-hwa pendant l’#occupation_japonaise de la #Corée.

    Le dessinateur coréen #Park_Kun_Woong s’empare d’un #témoignage très sensible sur l’occupation japonaise : un #journal rédigé à quatre mains par un couple et commencé à la naissance de leur fille Jessie. Ce récit qui court sur plusieurs années et capte avec beaucoup de densité le quotidien familial en temps de guerre, est régulièrement comparé au Journal d’Anne Franck.
    C’est aussi un récit de transmission, dans lequel des jeunes parents confient à leur fille leur combat pour l’indépendance, leur engagement pour un pays qu’ils sont obligés de fuir et retrouveront en 1945.

    https://www.casterman.com/Bande-dessinee/Catalogue/albums/le-livre-de-jessie

    #histoire #Chine #exil #guerre_sino-japonaise #WWII #seconde_guerre_mondiale #deuxième_guerre_mondiale #réfugiés #réfugiés_coréens #Corée #guerre_sino-japonaise #Changsha #guerre #apatridie #Liuzhou #Front_indépendantiste_coréen #Front_populaire_Joseon #Chongqing #Qijiang #Gouvernement_provisoire_de_la_République_de_Corée
    #BD #bande_dessinée #livre

  • Call for probe after man found dead in Covid-19 asylum seeker hotel

    Refugee activists have called for an independent inquiry into the decision to move asylum seekers from their flats in Glasgow into hotels, after a man died suddenly at a guest house.

    Adnan, a 30-year-old Syrian, who had been in the city for about six months and was claiming asylum, was found dead in his room at #McLay’s_Guest_House on Tuesday 5 May.

    He had been living in the hotel for about a month, after accommodation provider, #Mears_Group, moved him from the flat where he had been living alone as part of its Covid-19 response.

    It is understood he may have died after a drug overdose. A postmortem will be carried out to confirm the cause of death.

    Hundreds of asylum seekers across the city have been moved to hotels by #Mears since the start of the Covid-19 outbreak. Their asylum support of £35 per week has stopped and instead they are provided with three meals per day in communal dining rooms, where it is claimed social distancing is difficult.

    They have no money for essentials such as toiletries, phone top-ups or snacks. After The Ferret reported that shared coffee and tea facilities put people at risk of being infected by Covid-19, they were taken away in at least one dining room. No in-room alternatives have been offered.

    Those supporting asylum seekers in hotels have said the situation is having a toll on their emotional well-being and are concerned about the risks that the situation poses to their physical health during the pandemic.

    The Ferret spoke to a friend of Adnan, who is also staying at McLay’s Guest House. He said his friend had addiction issues, was taking street Valium, and had become increasingly distressed during his time at the hotel.

    It is claimed that he had experienced past #trauma including abuse in jail and his friend said he had been expressing suicidal thoughts in the weeks leading up to his death.

    The day before he died, his friend said he was having flashbacks and had asked to see a GP.

    Pinar Aksu, an activist who also works for Maryhill Integration Network, said: “There needs to be an independent inquiry into this death. If people don’t get the help they need then we risk more people dying.

    “We also need to stop moving people into hotels. It seems very clear to me that this is being done so that Mears and the Home Office can protect profit. If they care about people’s welfare then why are they moving people out of their flats in the midst of a pandemic to places where they have to eat meals in shared areas and share bathrooms?

    “This tragedy is evidence of the damage caused by the asylum system. Moving people to hotels like this is only causing more stress and isolation. It has to stop.”

    A spokesperson from the No Evictions Network said: “We are deeply saddened and utterly outraged by the lack of humanity, dignity, or consideration shown to asylum seekers by Mears, the Home Office, and the UK government. They have failed to comply with basic duties and to treat human life with respect.

    “Individuals, racist policies and systems are directly to blame for this man’s death. This situation was entirely avoidable. Despite this, pleas for change made by both individuals and organisations have been ignored and a young life has now been lost.”

    At oral evidence given to the Home Affairs Committee inquiry into Home Office work on Covid-19, Mears Group said it had taken the decision “on balance” to move people in flats into hotels with meals provided because it meant staff would not need to deliver cash to them. It was also claimed they would have better access to health services.

    Mears, along with Clearsprings Real Homes and Serco who have accommodation contracts elsewhere in the UK, said it was “concerning” that asylum seekers had had their support stopped.

    A spokesman for Mears Group said: “We are deeply sad to confirm the death of an asylum-seeker who had been in Mears supported accommodation. The cause of death has not been determined.”

    A Police Scotland spokesperson said the death is being treated as “unexplained” and that a report will be submitted to the Procurator Fiscal.

    The Ferret tried to contact McLay’s Guest House for comment but was not able to speak to management. The Home Office has also been contacted.

    https://theferret.scot/covid-19-syrian-man-dies-asylum-seeker-hotel
    #décès #mort #mourir_dans_un_hôtel #Glasgow #Ecosse #UK #asile #migrations #réfugiés #hôtel #covid-19 #coronavirus #hébergement #logement #santé_mentale #suicide (?) #traumatisme #privatisation

    ping @karine4 @isskein @thomas_lacroix

    • Fury after Syrian asylum seeker found dead in Scottish hotel

      CAMPAIGNERS have slammed the UK Government after a Syrian man was found dead in a Scottish hotel.

      Initially named by friends as Adnan Olpi, that can today be confirmed as Adnan Olbeh.

      The 30-year-old was amongst scores of asylum seekers placed in a private guest house by Home Office housing contractor Mears Group.

      Emergency services were called to the 81-bedroom McLays Hotel in Glasgow on Tuesday afternoon but were unable to save him.

      Police Scotland said his death is being treated as unexplained, and friends told The National that he had sought support for mental health struggles and had developed drug problems while in the UK asylum system.

      However, despite some reports on social media that he had taken his own life, it is not known whether or not his death was intentional.

      Friends living alongside Mr Olbeh at the city site were afraid to speak out on the record, for fear of harming their claims for sanctuary in the UK.

      However, speaking on condition of anonymity, one fellow Syrian told how he had accompanied Mr Olbeh to appointments in which he had asked for mental health support. The friend said: “He had suicidal thoughts and told the Home Office that. I went to the hospital with him, he was seeking help. He tried many times. They would ask, ‘can you wait a few days?’”

      However, it is claimed that the move into the hotel exacerbated Mr Olbeh’s distress due to the inability to carry out basic independent tasks, like cooking his own meals. The friend went on: “I’m in shock. It’s really tough for me because I was so close with him.

      “He was under more pressure. I wonder if there was any small thing I could have done to save him.

      “He had a dream, he wanted his life to become better. He wanted to work and send money back to his family. He wanted to improve himself and he was learning the language. He wanted to get married and start a family.”

      The No Evictions Network held an online vigil yesterday evening. A spokesperson said: “We are deeply saddened by the situation, and utterly outraged by the lack of humanity, dignity or consideration shown to asylum seekers by Mears, the Home Office, and the UK Government.

      “They have failed to comply with basic duties and to treat human life with respect. This situation was entirely avoidable. Despite this, pleas for change made by both individuals and organisations have been ignored. We have lost a young life.”

      It is understood that around 500 asylum seekers in total are now being housed in Glasgow hotels, including some brought in from elsewhere in the UK. Mears Group claims it had to move people out of the short-term let accommodation used for new applicants but has been unable to find new provision due to coronavirus restrictions on the property market.

      Advocacy groups have raised fears about welfare, safety and social distancing but Mears Group insists all movement is being undertaken in accordance with health authority guidance on social distancing.

      Last night, a Mears Group spokesperson said: “We are deeply sad to confirm the death of an asylum seeker who had been in Mears supported accommodation. Mears are working with the Home Office to contact the asylum seeker’s family before disclosing more information.”

      The Home Office said: "We are aware of an incident resulting in an individual sadly losing his life.

      “It would be inappropriate to comment before all of the facts have been established and his family have been notified.”

      https://www.thenational.scot/news/18439256.fury-syrian-asylum-seeker-found-dead-scottish-hotel

    • Syrian man dies in Glasgow amid fears over refugees’ mental health

      Concerns raised over hundreds of asylum seekers moved en masse into hotels for lockdown.

      A Syrian man has been found dead in a Glasgow guesthouse after outreach workers raised significant concerns about the spiralling mental distress of hundreds of asylum seekers who were moved en masse into hotels at the beginning of lockdown.

      The man, who was 30 and had been living in Glasgow for the past six months while he completed his asylum application, was found dead in his room at McLay’s Guest House in the city centre on 5 May. A postmortem will take place to establish the cause of death, but a friend said the man had been experiencing suicidal thoughts for several weeks.

      Last month the Guardian reported that more than 300 asylum seekers housed in the city – the UK’s largest dispersal area – had been given less than an hour’s notice to pack up their flats before being moved into city centre hotels, where they claimed physical distancing was “impossible”. In a move condemned by campaigners, they also had all financial support withdrawn.

      The private housing provider Mears, which is subcontracted by the Home Office, moved them from mainly self-contained apartments into hotels where residents and campaigners describe continuing difficulties with maintaining physical distancing.

      Mears said people were being “safely and appropriately” housed in accordance with health authority guidance, while a Home Office spokesperson said it was “totally incorrect” to suggest that there were problems with physical distancing.
      Guardian Today: the headlines, the analysis, the debate - sent direct to you
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      Since then, outreach workers have identified increasing fear, stress and anxiety among this vulnerable population, who have no information about future housing arrangements and no money to top up their phones to continue communication with lawyers, or buy extra food, hand sanitiser or period products for women.

      A friend of the dead man said that since the move into the guesthouse, he had spoken of worsening flashbacks to torture he had experienced on his journey through Libya to the UK.

      Ako Zada, the director of Community InfoSource, an asylum housing charity, has been visiting hotel residents regularly. He said: “I’ve been shocked to see people so mentally unwell. They are worried about cleaning of shared areas, and they don’t know when they will be moving again because they keep getting told different stories.”

      Hotel residents have complained about the quality of food provided, the fact that windows cannot be opened, as well as the psychological isolation. A number of hotel workers have also contacted the Guardian to raise concerns about large numbers of asylum seekers congregating in enclosed areas.

      Robina Qureshi of Positive Action in Housing said the “hotel asylum seekers” were being treated as “less than human”. “Many people, men and women are suffering from severe mental health conditions. The fact that Mears and the Home Office see fit to dump hundreds of people in hotels where there is no social distancing, people cannot keep their personal environment aired or hygienic, and have had their meagre card payment of £35 a week cut to £0 deserves further investigation.”

      Sabir Zazai, the chief executive of the Scottish Refugee Council, said: “This tragic death must be a chilling reminder of the chronic vulnerabilities of those going through the complexities of the asylum system.”

      A Mears spokesperson said: “We are deeply sad to confirm the death of an asylum – seeker who had been in Mears-supported accommodation. Mears are working with the Home Office to contact the asylum seeker’s family before disclosing more information.”

      A home office spokesperson said: “We are aware of an incident resulting in an individual sadly losing his life. It would be inappropriate to comment before all of the facts have been established and his family have been notified.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/may/11/syrian-man-dies-glasgow-fears-refugees-mental-health

    • Mears Group 2020 update: scandal-ridden landlord under fire from Glasgow to Gloucester

      At the start of 2019 we published a profile on Mears Group. The #Gloucester based housing repairs outsourcer had just won a £1.15 billion contract to run the refugee accommodation system in Scotland, Northern Ireland and much of the north of England.

      In the last year, refugee and housing campaigners have been keeping a close eye on Mears, with local resistance to its slum landlord practices emerging across the UK. This report just gives a quick update on some recent news on the company.

      Unless you live in one of the properties it manages, you may well not have heard of Mears. But it has quietly built up a small empire across the UK, primarily by taking over privatised housing services from local councils. Along the way it’s already clocked up a list of scandals from Glasgow down to Brighton, involving accusations of local government corruption and numerous alleged overcharging scams.

      The death of Adnan Olbeh

      Adnan Olbeh was found dead on 5 May 2020 in a Glasgow hotel where he had been placed by Mears Group under its management of the UK’s “asylum dispersal” scheme. He was 30 years old, from Syria. The cause of death is unclear, with any postmortem examination delayed by the corona crisis.

      What is known is that Adnan was one of hundreds of refugees recently evicted from their flats by Mears and other asylum landlords.

      The mass evictions were part of the Home Office’s coronavirus strategy. Often with just an hour’s notice, people were told to pack and leave their flats and moved into hotels. The logic behind this is not entirely clear, but it seems in line with other aspects of the government’s shambolic covid-19 response. “Social distancing” measures included people being transported four or five to a small van, stripped of cash support and facilities to cook for themselves, and instead being made to eat close together in hotel canteens — with food including the likes of undercooked chicken and mouldy bread.

      According to Smina Akhtar, interviewed by John Grayson for the Institute for Race Relations:

      “We have had lots of reports from people in the hotels about really awful food and poor conditions there. Adnan’s friend told me that his mental health really deteriorated in the hotel. A week before he died his friend asked the hotel to call an emergency ambulance because Adnan was in a terrible state. His friend went with him to the hospital but said that the staff there did nothing, they offered him no medication, and sent him back to his hotel.”

      According to Mears, in evidence to the House of Commons Home Affairs select committee, it was acting on a directive from the Home Office.

      Mears’ Home Office contracts so far

      Adnan Olbeh’s death is one visible tragedy linked to the misery of the UK asylum system. Thousands more people live with the everyday effects of a housing system which “disperses” people into run-down slum housing in the country’s most impoverished communities.

      For Mears, this means a ten year profit stream. For Mears’ new tenants – rat infestations, broken boilers, collapsed ceilings, piles of rubbish, and environmental hazards of all kinds seem the norm.

      John Grayson of South Yorkshire Asylum Action Group (Symaag) has been documenting the “chaotic” and “failed” Mears contract in Yorkshire. In the past he reported on similar conditions under the last contract holder, G4S.

      So have Mears even managed to underperform the shambles of G4S’ housing management? It’s maybe too early to make a full comparison. But it doesn’t look like things have got off to a good start.

      G4S and others had complained bitterly about making losses on the former round of asylum housing contracts. To drive profits up, Mears started their own tenure by trying to slash the amounts they pay to the smaller landlords they rent from. In South Yorkshire, Mears offered landlords new contracts paying up to 20% less than G4S had done. Many refused to sign up in what John Grayson calls a “virtual landlords strike” which left Mears struggling to place the asylum seekers it was contracted to house.

      In the North East, Mears had similar problems negotiating with G4S’ main sub-contractor Jomast – development company headed by Teesside multi-millionaire Stuart Monk. According to Grayson, this left over 1000 people stuck in hotels across West Yorkshire and Humberside in Wakefield’s “Urban House” temporary asylum accommodation over the winter. And, as he explained to us, the problem is by no means solved.

      “When Covid-19 arrived the whole asylum housing system was frozen in the Mears contract areas with around 400 people still in hotels and 270 in Urban House. Many people have now spent four months in Urban House, when they are only meant to stay there a few weeks. Urban House has appalling conditions which have been extensively documented in pictures and videos sent out from people resisting inside.”

      One thing Mears has achieved in Yorkshire is provoking a major local authority to come out against the contract. In January, as well as launching inspections of 240 Mears properties, Sheffield Council called on the Home Office to terminate the Mears contract and transfer asylum housing in the city directly to the council. This is only really a token gesture – the council has no say in national asylum policy. But it could be one move in a shift against the outsourced asylum housing system, if followed up elsewhere in the country.

      In Scotland, there is a strong solidarity network in support of refugee housing rights – including the Glasgow No Evictions campaign and groups such as the Unity Centre, Living Rent tenants union, and charity Positive Action in Housing. The main rallying point in 2019 was previous contractor Serco’s threatened “lock change evictions” of 300 of its tenants. Well aware of the opposition, Mears has so far tried to tread more carefully. It has promised not to carry out similar evictions, and set up a so-called “independent scrutiny board” to deflect criticism.

      In the North of Ireland, the PPR Project is one association monitoring and exposing conditions in Mears’ housing there.

      Milton Keynes mystery

      Before it turned asylum landlord, Mears’ big profit hope was getting more involved in the very lucrative business of housing development. One of its potential jackpots was a 50/50 joint venture with Milton Keynes council to redevelop seven major estates. The deal was valued at £1 billion, and branded as “YourMK”.

      But as of last year, the scheme was dead in the water. In July 2018, the council said it was putting the regeneration deal “on hold”. In October 2018, whistleblower allegations emerged that Mears had been overcharging Milton Keynes for repairs by up to £80,000 a month, with overall some £15 million “unaccounted for”. When we looked at Mears last February, the YourMK website had gone dead, with a page announcing that further information would be coming soon.

      The MK scandal still seems to be quietly brewing. In July 2019, the MK Citizen reported first of all that the regeneration scheme was definitively “scrapped”. But a couple of weeks later a second Citizen report corrected that YourMK was “not dead but dormant”, with the council and Mears “in discussions about whether it will remain the right partnership structure in future”.

      In May 2020, we haven’t seen any new announcements. The YourMK website is still down, and there is no official word on that supposedly missing 15 million. Where are the budding investigative journalists of Milton Keynes to get to the bottom of this?

      Booted out of Brighton

      Mears’ ten year housing maintenance contract with Brighton and Hove council finally came to an end on 31 May. Again, customer complaints came together with whistleblower revelations – and, yet again, the apparent disappearance of large sums of money.

      A council investigation found it had been overcharged by £500,000 by a plastering subcontractor hired by Mears. A second investigation was later opened into overcharging for electrical work.

      Mears will not be missed in #Brighton. And just before they left, in February 2020 their workers were balloting for strike action over pay and Mears’ plan to combine holiday and sick pay.

      Newham: Mears Cats

      In East London, Mears run 250 homes which are set for demolition as part of Newham Council’s “Regeneration Zone” in Canning Town and Custom House, E16.

      Like Milton Keynes, this is another overlong saga of a failing regeneration project leaving people stuck in poor housing. Back in 2011, Newham handed the properties to a private management company called Omega to let out on short term commercial tenancies. This was supposed to be a “temporary” arrangement before the bulldozers came in. Mears bought out the contract in 2014, and six years later are still in place. While the buildings are still owned by the council, Mears collect the rent and do the repairs – in theory.

      In reality, Custom House tenants speak of conditions that would be very familiar to anyone in Mears’ asylum accommodation in Sheffield or Glasgow. Months overdue repairs, water leaks, exposed asbestos, rat infestations and a “war” to get anything done – all whilst paying average rents twice as high as in directly run Newham council properties.

      Tenants have set up a vocal campaign group called Mears Cats, part of the Peoples Empowerment Alliance of Custom House, pushing to get their repairs done and for Newham Council to take direct responsibility. Boglarka Filler, one of the Mears Cats, told Corporate Watch:

      “Schemes such as the partnership between Mears and Newham Council have brought further misery to people already on the receiving end of austerity and insecure employment. Mears Cats are campaigning for better quality, cheaper housing for Mears tenants struggling to cope with disrepair and debts caused by high rents. We will take action to ensure that the Mears contract will not be renewed in Newham when it runs out in 2021, and that we get a fair deal next time.”

      Steady profits, feisty shareholders

      On a business front, Mears continues to turn a decent profit and pay out to its shareholders. Its last year (2018) annual results clocked operating profits up 4.7% (though revenue was 3% down), and shareholders pocketed a dividend up 3% on the year before.

      Mears has kept up its strategy of honing in on its “core” housing maintenance business. After buying up Mitie’s property division last year, it sold off its own home care wing.

      Most recently, Mears has said that it only expects a modest impact from the covid crisis. Housing is what is called “non-discretionary” spending – unlike foreign holidays or consumer fads, there is still demand for essential repairs in a downturn. The bulk of Mears’ income is locked in from long term contracts, largely with the public sector. As the company explained, 90% of its order book comes from public bodies and “the government has made a clear commitment that invoices will be settled quickly”.

      Through the lockdown, Mears has said it is only carrying out only emergency repairs. Although workers complain they are still being sent on unnecessary jobs without “social distancing” in place, or called in just to sit in company offices.

      Less positive for management, there are new rumbles from rebellious shareholders. Back in 2018 one of the two biggest shareholders, a German investment manager called Shareholder Value Management (SVM) successfully pushed out the company’s long-term chairman. At the latest AGM in June 2019, the other big investor also threw its weight around.

      PrimeStone Capital, a Mayfair based investor which owns over 13% of Mears’ shares, tried to get two new nominees on the board of directors against management’s wishes. The shareholder rebellion was narrowly defeated. In a statement, PrimeStone explained it was unhappy that “the company’s revenues and profit have remained flat despite its strong market position and growth prospects [while] average net debt has doubled”.

      It argued that:

      “Mears’ underperformance is predominantly due to a lack of strategic, commercial and financial experience on the board. The current board has a strong concentration of directors with a background in social housing, health & safety and charities.”

      Mears’ profit-hungry management guarantee shareholder payoffs by squeezing their repair costs to the bone. The outcome is the lived experience of their tenants across the UK. But, for some shareholders, they’re still not doing enough.

      Students and shirts

      Despite its well documented failings, Mears continues to win new contracts – for example, a new housing development project in North Lanarkshire, and a housing maintenance and repairs contract with Crawley council.

      Another sideline is its student housing offshoot Mears Student Life, so far with just two complexes in Dundee and Salford.

      Mears also likes a bit of football. In May 2019 the League One side Rotherham United confirmed it had extended its contract to emblazon the company’s classy red and black logo on its away kits for the 2019/20 season.

      Flowers left for Adnan Olbeh

      https://corporatewatch.org/mears-group-2020-update-scandal-ridden-landlord-under-fire-from-glas

    • From Sudan to the #Park_Inn: the tragic story of a migrant’s killing

      A mass stabbing in Glasgow in June revealed the plight of asylum seekers crammed into hotels during lockdown

      On the last Friday of June, at about midday, Badreddin Abadlla Adam left his room at the Park Inn hotel in Glasgow, walked down to reception, and stabbed six people. The 28-year-old, an asylum seeker from Sudan who had been placed in the hotel as part of the UK government’s emergency response to the coronavirus pandemic, stabbed and seriously injured three other residents, two staff members and a policeman who arrived on the scene. Adam was shot dead by armed officers shortly afterwards.

      The incident, which took place as Scotland was still under stringent lockdown, was initially reported by some media outlets as a potential terrorist attack, although police later dismissed this explanation. It was immediately seized on by rightwing activists, to claim that the country was threatened by an influx of “illegal” immigrants.

      Instead, the Park Inn incident has highlighted the increasingly precarious situation of people who seek a safe haven in the UK, even as the government proposes more severe measures to deter them. Adam is one of three asylum seekers who have died in Glasgow since the start of the pandemic, a series of events that has shocked the city, and left campaigners and politicians calling for a public inquiry.

      At the end of March, B, a 30-year-old Syrian who spoke to the Observer on condition of anonymity, was one of several hundred asylum seekers in Glasgow who unexpectedly received a knock on the door. He had been sent to Scotland’s largest city after arriving in the UK the previous autumn. Glasgow hosts about 10% of the 35,000 people who claim asylum in the UK each year, under a policy known as dispersal. Like other recent arrivals, B was living in his own small apartment; a two-room space in a hostel. He had his own bathroom, and he had privacy.

      At the door, however, was an employee of Mears Group, the Home Office contractor that manages asylum accommodation in Glasgow. “They said, ‘you need to get ready,’” B told the Observer, “‘you’re being moved to a hotel because of coronavirus.’” Across the city, hundreds of others were receiving the same call, as Mears abruptly moved about 350 asylum seekers – for the most part, recent arrivals who were living in temporary accommodation – into six hotels. Parliament heard in June that many received little or no notice, and that among them were pregnant women and survivors of trafficking and torture.

      In theory, this was a decision taken to ensure people’s safety during the pandemic. But, B said, when he arrived at his new accommodation, a bed and breakfast in the city centre, he found a “horrible situation”. More than 100 people had suddenly been thrust into communal living, sharing washing facilities and queueing for meals. Before, most had been receiving the standard asylum support payment of £37.50 a week, but because food was being provided, this was halted by the Home Office.

      “We didn’t have freedom,” B said. “We had no money, we couldn’t choose when to eat or what to eat, and nobody could tell us how long we would be there.” B was also concerned that social distancing was more difficult than in his previous home.

      Throughout April, the hotel population grew to more than 500 as asylum seekers continued to be sent to Glasgow. J, a young Iranian who arrived in the city that month, told the Observer – also on condition of anonymity – that while at first he found it a relief to be somewhere safe after a “painful” journey to the UK, the accommodation soon came to feel like a “stylish prison”. Both interviewees said that food sometimes arrived undercooked, and that this led to protests by residents.

      “We had so many people ask us, ‘when will this change?’” said Selina Hales, director of Refuweegee, one of several local charities that provided additional food parcels to hotel residents. “People were in a totally controlled environment and one of the main frustrations was the isolation.” A spokesperson for Mears told the Observer that meals were in line with NHS nutrition guidelines, and rated “good” in a survey of residents. They added that there were no recorded cases of Covid-19 in hotels during lockdown.

      According to the two asylum seekers, however, the fear and uncertainty prompted by this new situation began to take its toll on people’s mental health; B said that some of his friends were reminded of their experiences of being detained, either in the countries they had fled or on their journeys to the UK. “You could see people starting to unravel,” said Jack Macleod, 21, who worked for several months serving food to residents of the six hotels. Housing and welfare managers, employed by Mears, were available on site, but according to Macleod, many asylum seekers he spoke to felt abandoned.

      “People would come and talk to me,” said Macleod, “they would say ‘this place is making me really depressed’. The only thing I could say, because I’m not a counsellor, is ‘just try and hold on’.” Eventually, Macleod said, he left the job – a minimum-wage role he applied for via an agency when he lost his previous job at the start of the pandemic – because he felt he was being forced into the role of ad hoc social worker.

      Many asylum seekers suffer abuse before they reach the UK, and the Observer spoke to several people who work with refugees in Glasgow who described how the hotel conditions exacerbated some people’s existing psychological trauma. “We got used to hearing people express suicidal thoughts,” said Dylan Fotoohi, a Glasgow-based activist who helped organise food distribution during lockdown, and has since co-founded the campaign group Refugees for Justice. The spokesperson for Mears said all residents had access to mental health support through a dedicated NHS team. During lockdown, however, this team was stretched as members were seconded to hospital coronavirus wards.

      On 5 May, Adnan Olbeh, a 30-year-old Syrian, was found dead in his room at McLays guest house, one of the six hotels. According to friends, Olbeh had been detained and tortured in Libya, on his journey to Europe, and was complaining of flashbacks. In response, the Scottish Refugee Council – the country’s leading refugee charity – sent a letter to the UK home secretary asking for urgent action to “lessen the risk of further tragedies” in the hotels. There was no reply. The Observer has seen a copy of this letter, dated 14 May, but a spokesperson for the Home Office said they did not receive it.

      It was not until the stabbings in June – six weeks after Olbeh’s death – that some people began to be moved out of the hotels: the Park Inn was evacuated soon after the incident, and many of the residents were later rehoused in apartments. But why did the Home Office and its contractor find it necessary to put so many there in the first place? In public statements, Mears has said that it was partly for health and safety reasons: housing people together reduced the number of trips across Glasgow that staff had to make during lockdown, and made it easier for health workers to visit asylum seekers.

      Another possible reason is that it was running out of places to house people. Since 2012, asylum accommodation has been outsourced to a set of private contractors, but the system has been beset with problems: a report by the National Audit Office in July found that “providers had struggled to establish their supply chains, resulting in poor performance, delays and additional costs”.

      One particular pressure point is in the provision of what’s known as “initial accommodation” – the temporary housing that people who have no means to support themselves are placed in when they arrive in the UK. Mears, one of the UK’s largest private social housing providers, took over the contract that covers Glasgow in September last year, from the outsourcing giant Serco. Within weeks, it was facing a shortage of accommodation.

      In response, the company began renting serviced apartments – short-term lets, normally used by tourists and visitors to the city – on the open market. On 22 April, a spokesperson for Mears Group told the Scottish news website the Ferret that it had been using these short-term lets, and that it had been forced to move people into hotels because of “restrictions on the property market” brought by the pandemic.

      The spokesperson stressed that this decision was taken to ensure the “safety and wellbeing” of the asylum seekers, but was such a move really in people’s best interests? A condition of the Home Office housing contract is that providers must be “proactive” in identifying the needs of vulnerable people in their care – yet Mears’s account of whether it carried out adequate checks before moving people into hotels has been inconsistent.

      During the summer, parliament’s home affairs committee held hearings on the UK government’s response to the pandemic. In written evidence supplied to the committee on 10 June, Mears Group stated that it “risk assessed which service users it was appropriate to move, taking into account health advice”. At a press conference on 25 June, however, the company’s chief operating officer John Taylor described the move as a “blanket decision”. Once people were in hotels, he said, “it became obvious that there were vulnerabilities and that the hotel setting isn’t appropriate for some people”. The company then backtracked a few hours later, saying it held “discussions” with asylum seekers prior to deciding whether to move them. The Home Office also says that Mears held a meeting with each person before deciding whether or not to move them.

      In its report, published on 28 July, the home affairs committee advised that asylum seekers “should not have been moved to new accommodation during the pandemic without justified and urgent reasons for doing so, or without a vulnerability assessment demonstrating that the move could be made safely”. A spokesperson for the Home Office told the Observer that the department was conducting an evaluation of asylum accommodation and support services in Glasgow during the pandemic. On 24 August, however, Glasgow’s seven MPs walked out of a meeting with the Home Office, in protest at what they said was a refusal to commit to publish the evaluation, or share its results with them. In an open letter, the MPs stressed their dismay and anger at the “mistreatment” of people who were “unceremoniously shunted, at very short notice, from safe, secure serviced accommodation into hotel rooms, for an indefinite period, with no money and no control”.

      Within hours of the stabbings at the Park Inn, the incident attracted the attention of rightwing activists. “Horrible tragedy in a Glasgow hotel housing illegal immigrants,” tweeted the Brexit party leader Nigel Farage. “All over the UK, hotels are filling up with young men who are coming across the Channel every day. It is a massive risk to our wellbeing.”

      Farage’s comments were immediately condemned by a range of politicians, including Scotland’s justice minister. But throughout the pandemic, Farage has used his platform to encourage a sense of crisis around asylum, describing the recent rise in boat journeys across the Channel as an “invasion” and publishing short films on social media in which he claims to “investigate” the use of hotels across the country to house migrants. Members of the fascist group Britain First have also tried to exploit the issue, forcing their way into several hotels in England, confronting and intimidating residents on camera.

      All this, combined with the government’s own tough talk on migration, gives the impression that the UK is experiencing an unprecedented influx of asylum seekers. Yet although there was a slight increase in asylum claims last year, they fell sharply in the first six months of 2020. While more than 2,000 people crossed the Channel in boats during this period – a phenomenon that has dominated the headlines – arrivals by other routes dropped from 8,455 to 4,850, according to the head of UK Visas and Immigration.

      Rather, the increased use of hotels is due to a combination of the pandemic and a housing system that was already struggling to cope. While many hotels were hired by local authorities and government housing contractors during lockdown – both for asylum seekers who had nowhere else to live, and rough sleepers, some of whom may also come from migrant backgrounds – their use as temporary asylum accommodation was already on the rise. According to a recent briefing by the House of Commons library, shortly before lockdown, about 1,200 asylum seekers were being housed in “contingency accommodation” such as hotels or short-term lets, because of shortages.

      At the same time, delays in processing asylum claims – which mean people spend more time in state-provided housing, putting further pressure on space – have soared: about 40,000 people currently wait more than six months for a decision on their claim, an increase of 75% compared with a year ago. In an attempt to deal with the backlog, the Home Office is now considering outsourcing the asylum interview process to private contractors. Today, about 9,500 asylum-seekers are being housed in 91 hotels across the UK. The government has also modified several disused military barracks to accommodate new arrivals, in conditions exposed in the Observer last week as “squalid”. A Home Office spokesperson said that the use of former military sites “will ease our reliance on hotels and save the taxpayer money”.

      Sabir Zazai, chief executive of the Scottish Refugee Council, is worried that the use of mass accommodation will become the norm. “We are deeply concerned about this shift in asylum housing policy,” he said. “People have come here for protection, and need to be supported to rebuild their lives, not pushed to the margins.”

      Alison Phipps, a professor at the University of Glasgow and an expert in refugee integration, shares Zazai’s concerns. “People are arriving from situations where they’ve lived in fear,” she said, “and the question should be, how do you put people as quickly as possible in a situation where they can live in safety and be able to integrate? You can’t do that when you put people in managed facilities that are separate from the population. It’s not far from a prison regime.”

      In Glasgow, several hundred people are still being housed in three city hotels, which Mears has said will continue until at least the beginning of next year. Some residents have now been there for more than five months. “Hotels are never a long-term solution,” the company acknowledged, explaining that it is still having difficulty finding alternative accommodation in the city. The hardship asylum seekers face was emphasised once again in August, when Mercy Baguma, 34, from Uganda, was found dead at home next to her severely malnourished child. The circumstances of her death are still unclear – Baguma was reportedly seeking asylum, although she was not being housed in one of the hotels – but on 20 September, Glasgow’s MPs called for a public inquiry into all three deaths.

      “We take the wellbeing of everyone in the asylum system extremely seriously,” said the Home Office spokesperson. “These deaths are deeply tragic and our thoughts are with the families of these individuals.”

      Currently, Scotland’s police complaints body is conducting an investigation into the use of firearms at the Park Inn. But this will not examine what caused Badreddin Abadlla Adam to attack people, or whether his actions could have been prevented. At the Park Inn, he was quiet and withdrawn until the night before the stabbings, when he threatened his neighbour for playing music too loudly. “He never came to anybody’s attention,” one witness told the Daily Record, explaining that Adam had become so frustrated at his situation that he’d asked to be allowed to return to Sudan. Residents of the Park Inn, several of whom were left traumatised by the attack, were offered counselling by Mears after being moved; a group of them handed a thank-you card to police officers a few days later.

      An inquiry, said Phipps, would be “about justice”. “The people of Glasgow, just like the people who were seriously injured in the attacks, and the hotel staff whose lives have changed radically over the last few months, deserve to know why it was that people were hothoused in this way, and why people are still living in accommodation that they have repeatedly said is bad for them.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/oct/18/from-sudan-to-the-park-inn-the-tragic-story-of-a-migrants-killing

  • Toponymic Contestations Surrounding the Mama Ngina Waterfront Park, Mombasa, Kenya
    https://neotopo.hypotheses.org/2920

    By Melissa Wanjiru-Mwita – Post-Doctoral Fellow at Department of Geography and Environment, University of Geneva. On 20th October, 2019, the annual Mashujaa Day (Heroes’ Day) celebration was held at the recently renovated Mama Ngina Drive,...

    #African_Neotoponymy_Observatory_in_Network #Billets #ExploreNeotopo #Toponobservations

  • #Corée_du_sud : la « génération Sewol » fait tomber la présidente Park
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/091216/coree-du-sud-la-generation-sewol-fait-tomber-la-presidente-park

    Le Parlement sud-coréen a voté vendredi 9 décembre la destitution de la présidente #Park_Geun-hye, empêtrée dans un scandale politico-financier. L’affaire suscite un impressionnant mouvement de colère populaire dans lequel les jeunes, d’habitude peu politisés, jouent un rôle remarqué.

    #International #Asie #génération_Sewol

  • Un hôtel de luxe condamné pour avoir aidé un agresseur sexuel à s’enfuir
    http://www.bastamag.net/Un-hotel-de-luxe-condamne-pour-avoir-aide-un-agresseur-sexuel-a-s-enfuir

    Mariama Diallo, femme de chambre dans le prestigieux hôtel Park Hyatt Vendôme, a bien a été agressée sexuellement par un client en juillet 2010. C’est parce qu’elle a dénoncé cette agression qu’elle a ensuite été mutée, puis licenciée. Le conseil des prud’hommes de Paris l’affirme dans un jugement rendu en août. L’hôtel, et la société sous-traitante employeur direct de Mariama Diallo, sont condamnés à lui verser 20 000 euros de dommages et intérêt. Donneur d’ordre et sous-traitant ont par ailleurs été condamnés (...)

    En bref

    / #Transformer_le_travail, #Inégalités, #Justice, #Conditions_de_travail

  • Müllberge in Berlin: Diese Parks werden gereinigt - Berlin - Tagesspiegel
    http://www.tagesspiegel.de/berlin/muellberge-in-berlin-diese-parks-werden-gereinigt/13594740-2.html

    Diese Parks werden von der BSR ab dem 1. Juni gereinigt:

    #Spreebogenpark
    – Bereich um den #Fernsehturm #Mitte
    #Görlitzer_Park #Kreuzberg
    Park am #Weißensee
    #Münsingerpark in #Spandau
    #Paul-Ernst-Park (Südufer Schlachtensee) #Zehlendorf
    #Nelly-Sachs-Park #Schöneberg
    #Grünzug_Britz #Britz
    #Park_am_Buschkrug #Neukölln
    #Luisenhain in #Köpenick
    #Stadtpark_Lichtenberg #Lichtenberg
    #Greenwichpromenade in #Reinickendorf

    Mit den 7,3 Millionen Euro soll die BSR auch touristische Hotspots, das Straßengrün in Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf, einige Flächen der Berliner Forsten (Revier #Teufelssee in Köpenick, die Bewirtschaftung zusätzlicher Abfallbehälter und die Beseitigung illegaler Ablagerungen) und demnächst die IGA in #Marzahn sauber halten.

    http://www.gartenkulturpfad-neukoelln.de/gkp/britz

    #Berlin #Abfallbeseitigung


  • Time and Tide, Tsui Hark, 2000
    @unagi aide moi ! Ce film est scotchant et magnifique. Mais il va vite... J’ai adoré, j’ai rien compris. Ça me rappelle d’ailleurs une image de Simpson : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xjDa-_Vq51I

    Je crois comprendre d’où vient Park Chan-Wook...
    Pour essayer de vous dire, sur une phrase qu’il faut comprendre du genre « Jean-Michel décide de retrouver le tueur d’autostoppeuses en faisant lui-même et en se déguisant en femme » il y a une manière de nous faire comprendre ça en deux ou trois images du genre Jean-Michel entre dans une boutique on sait pas qu’est-ce que c’est que cette boutique et on voit dans la boutique discrétos une perruque blonde à vendre. L’image d’après Jean-Michel dans une voiture en train de se taper le chauffeur avec la perruque jetée dans la boue et juste une voix « c’était pas lui mais c’était bien quand même ».
    Bon là je raconte n’importe quoi mais je crois que vous comprenez le principe il faut être super attentif et revoir plusieurs fois le film. C’est pour ça que j’appelle unagi au secours pour me dire éventuellement que ce film n’est vraiment pas terrible et que j’ai cru des trucs qu’en fait non.
    #critique_qui_vaut_rien #time_and_tide #2000 #tsui_hark #cinema #park_chan-wook

  • Fi tizak ya Park Hyatt ! (les arabophones comprendront :-)

    « Victoire au Park Hyatt Paris Vendôme »

    http://www.autrefutur.net/Victoire-au-Park-Hyatt-Paris

    Un accord avec une entreprise de sous-traitance définissant les nouvelles conditions statutaires des salariés de cette société a été signé par les syndicats CGT HPE, US CGT du Commerce et CNT-Solidarité Ouvrière du Nettoyage.

    Par cet accord, les salariés obtiennent :

    prime de fin d’année équivalente à un 13e mois,
    plus aucun contrat de travail inférieur à 130 h par mois et transformation de sept contrats à temps partiel en contrat à temps plein,
    réévaluation des qualifications pour tous les salariés,
    suppression des clauses de mobilité,
    primes de site et d’assiduité équivalentes globalement à 3% du salaire brut mensuel,
    prime de reprise du site de 300 € par salarié.

    Ces mesures représentent une augmentation de salaire de 150 € à 250 €, selon la situation des salariés.

    La reprise du travail est effective dès le mercredi 25 septembre.

    #Park_Hyatt #travail #femmes #précarité #femmes_de_chambre #contestation

  • Liberian #independence, #Staten_Island Style
    http://africasacountry.com/liberian-independence-staten-island-style

    This past Spring I wrote an article for the Red Bull #MUSIC Academy about the music and nightlife communities clustered around African neighborhoods in New York. A key motivation behind writing that article was to bring some visibility to the many diverse communities of African immigrants within the city that aren’t always visible to the average New [...]

    #Africans_in_NY #July_26th #Liberia #Park_Hill #Trigg