• Pattuglie miste al confine, accelerazione da Berna

    Passo in avanti verso la creazione di pattuglie miste al confine che divide Svizzera e Italia. Se ne parla da diverso tempo ma oggi è filtrata da Berna la notizia secondo cui l’Amministrazione federale delle dogane ha confermato l’imminente istituzione di queste squadre ai due lati della frontiera che vede il coinvolgimento delle guardie di confine elvetiche e della #polizia_di_Stato.

    A questo proposito va però precisato che chi opererà al di fuori del suo paese non svolgerà funzioni operative ma collaborerà a livello informativo e di osservazione, limitandosi a fornire assistenza e supporto ai colleghi.

    L’obiettivo principale è quello di coordinare l’azione di contrasto all’immigrazione illegale sul territorio ma anche della piccola criminalità che ripara nel paese vicino dopo aver commesso azioni delittuose.

    Nei comuni svizzeri a ridosso della frontiera vi sono già state mobilitazioni, confluite in raccolte di firme contro la criminalità pendolare che commette rapine ai distributori e svaligia appartamenti: i numeri non sono elevati ma c’è apprensione tra la popolazione che aveva chiesto la chiusura notturna dei valichi doganali secondari (la sperimentazione effettuata recentemente in tre valichi svizzeri non è stata prorogata da Berna).

    L’istituzione delle pattuglie miste era prevista dall’intesa di cooperazione siglata nel novembre 2016 tra Italia e Svizzera e ora il loro varo è questione di poco tempo.

    https://www.tvsvizzera.it/tvs/sicurezza-alla-frontiera-italo-svizzera_pattuglie-miste-al-confine--accelerazione-da-berna/44748540

    #patrouilles_mixtes #migrations #réfugiés #asile #frontières #Suisse #Italie #frontière_sud-alpine #fermeture_des_frontières #militarisation_des_frontières #Italie #gardes-frontière



  • Des néofascistes italiens et polonais unis pour une « #opération_européenne_de_sécurité »

    Le parti italien d’extrême droite #Forza_Nuova (FN) et les militants du #Obóz_Narodowo-Radykalny (#ONR), formation ultra-nationaliste polonaise, ont uni leurs forces pour mener « la première opération de sécurité européenne » sur les plages italiennes de la Riviera Romagnole, sur la mer adriatique.

    Réunis à #Rimini du 5 au 9 juillet dernier à l’occasion d’une conférence, les militants ont multiplié les manifestations et les « #patrouilles », de jour comme de nuit, dans la région où s’est déroulé l’an dernier le double #viol d’un transgenre péruvien et d’une touriste polonaise, pour lequel le Congolais Guerlin Butungu a été condamné à 16 ans de prison.

    Ceux qui se qualifient comme « #patriotes polonais et italiens » les appellaient des « #promenades ». Le maire de Rimini, Andrea Gnassi, y a plutôt vu « des rigolos en T-shirts noirs alignés pour un selfie fasciste ». Il a envoyé un rapport à la police.


    http://fr.euronews.com/2018/07/13/des-neofascistes-italiens-et-polonais-unis-pour-une-operation-europeenn
    #néo-nazis #néo-fascisme #Italie #Pologne #extrême_droite #sécurité #2039-2045 #milices #transphobie #homophobie
    cc @marty @albertocampiphoto


  • Un maire se félicite de la chasse aux migrants

    En Hongrie, Laszlo Toroczkai est fier des milices privées arrêtant les réfugiés qui traversent sa commune pour rejoindre l’ouest de l’Europe.


    http://www.lematin.ch/monde/maire-felicite-chasse-migrants/story/16766960
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #xénophobie #racisme #Hongrie #patrouilles #chasse_aux_migrants #anti-réfugiés #milices #Asotthalom #Europe_centrale

    • *Pig-head propaganda: Hungary’s war on refugees*

      “What crime did we commit for 40 police officers to surround us? It’s like they think we are terrorists or criminals,” 48-year old Khatoon, a Yazidi woman from Iraq who had several family members who were murdered or taken hostage by the jihadist group Isis, told me.

      https://euobserver.com/opinion/134762
      #porc #cochon #islamophobie

    • En #Bulgarie, cette milice secrète à l’accent russe qui #traque les migrants

      La région à cheval entre la Bulgarie et la Turquie est une pièce maîtresse dans le dispositif de sécurité européen. C’est aussi ici qu’opèrent ces milices de volontaires qui font la chasse aux migrants. Reportage au sein de la plus importante – et la plus secrète – d’entre elles.

      Il a fallu montrer patte blanche, argumenter, négocier chaque détail. L’#Union_Vassil_Levski - #BNO_Shipka, organisation paramilitaire et patriotique, n’aime pas les curieux. « Nous sommes les seuls et véritables gardiens de la frontière de l’Europe face à la menace islamiste », nous avait annoncé #Vladimir_Roussev à Varna, principale ville au nord de la mer Noire, où se trouve son QG. Plus connu sous le nom de guerre de « Walter », ce petit homme râblé à la moustache fournie, dirige d’une main de fer l’organisation regroupant essentiellement d’anciens officiers des forces de sécurité du pays et qui affiche, selon lui, pas moins de 800 membres. Lui-même ex-colonel de l’armée de terre, Vladimir a du mal à se défaire du jargon militaire lorsqu’il nous expose ses activités : il y est question de « front » et de « base arrière », de « logistique » et de « chaîne de commandement ». Nous comprenons que la véritable action ne se passe pas à Varna, mais beaucoup plus au sud.

      « #Patrouilleurs volontaires »

      Cap donc sur Bourgas à l’autre bout de la côte, où après plusieurs jours d’attente nous allons enfin recevoir le feu vert de « Walter » pour rejoindre ses miliciens déployés à la frontière turque. Les instructions arrivent la veille, codées : il y est question d’une « randonnée dans la nature ». Le rendez-vous est fixé à Marinka, petit village à la lisière de la Strandja, cette montagne sauvage à cheval entre la Bulgarie et la Turquie. De nouveau l’attente, puis le doute.

      Ces redoutables « patrouilleurs volontaires » qui inondent la Toile de leurs exploits, existent-ils vraiment ? C’est alors que deux voitures, comme sorties de nulle part, nous prennent en sandwich. Un grand gaillard aux cheveux retenus par un catogan en surgit pour nous inviter à les suivre. Nous prenons la direction de Malko Tarnovo, le principal poste-frontière de la région, avant de bifurquer vers la mer, direction le village de Iasna Poliana, nommé d’après la dernière résidence du grand classique russe Tolstoï.

      Le hameau, situé à quelque 30 km de la frontière, est connu pour servir de halte, ou de point de rassemblement, des migrants – ou du moins ceux qui ont réussi à échapper aux checkpoints mis en place par la police. La toponymie du lieu, renvoyant à l’auteur de Guerre et Paix, vient s’ajouter à un autre élément troublant : l’homme qui nous a adressé la parole avait indiscutablement l’accent russe, un accent reconnaissable parmi mille dans ce pays connu pour avoir été le plus fidèle allié de l’Union soviétique.

      Equipement militaire

      Nous quittons la route goudronnée pour nous engager sur une piste qui nous mène encore plus à l’intérieur des terres. Devant une cabane utilisée par les chasseurs, les deux véhicules déversent une demi-douzaine de jeunes avant de repartir. En quelques minutes, ces derniers tronquent leur jean, t-shirt et baskets contre un équipement militaire complet : treillis, bottes, gourde, sac à dos, radio. A cela s’ajoutent de longs couteaux accrochés à leur ceinture, une bombe lacrymogène et un pistolet à air comprimé. Et des cagoules, noires, qu’ils vont enfiler « pour des raisons de sécurité ».

      « Nous ne portons rien d’illégal », précise l’homme à l’accent russe qui est à la fois leur instructeur et leur chef de groupe. Il nous présente les membres de la patrouille par leur nom de code : « Boxeur », « Coq », « Glissière de sécurité », « Ingénieur » et « Astika » (une marque de bière locale) pour la seule femme du groupe. Lui, c’est « Chamane ». Après avoir fait une série de pompes, les membres de la patrouille sont désormais prêts. Ils sont invités à ne pas se montrer « agressifs » envers les migrants mais sont autorisés à « agir selon les circonstances ». « Nous sommes en opération. Ceci n’est pas un entraînement », rappelle « Chamane ».
      « Devenir quasi invisible »

      Les cinq jeunes s’enfoncent dans la forêt, guidés par leur commandant. Ils longent des sentiers, grimpent des collines, enjambent des ravins sans quitter des yeux la forêt : des canettes de Red Bull, des boîtes de cigarettes, des conserves, des bouteilles d’eau ou encore un vêtement abandonné sont des indices qu’ils sont sur la bonne piste. Au passage, « Chamane » leur enseigne comment placer un poste d’observation, traverser à découvert, ramper et se fondre dans la nature. « Le but c’est de voir l’autre avant d’être vu. Devenir quasi invisible, pour avoir l’avantage sur l’ennemi », explique-t-il.

      Vu l’absence de migrants à cette heure de la journée, le groupe va se faire la main sur des bergers, avant d’approcher au plus près une étable, toujours en « mode furtif ». Régulièrement, « Chamane » immobilise le groupe avant d’envoyer l’un de ses membres inspecter les environs pendant que les autres font le guet. « Je leur enseigne les techniques de base des Spetsnaz, les forces spéciales russes, en milieu hostile : renseignement, diversion, dissimulation », reconnaît-il.

      En fait, dans cette patrouille tout est russe : la terminologie, les techniques utilisées et même les cartes – issues de l’état-major soviétique – parce que « celles de l’OTAN sont nulles », s’amuse le mystérieux commandant. Et lui, qui est-il ? D’une prudence de Sioux, le Russe livre très peu de détails sur lui-même : on comprendra qu’il est un vétéran du Caucase du Nord, qu’il a fait la deuxième guerre de Tchétchénie (1999-2000) et qu’il est bien officier, diplômé d’une école militaire. Il explique sa présence ici par ses origines bessarabes, cette ancienne région aujourd’hui partagée entre l’Ukraine et la Moldavie, foyer de nombreux bulgares ethniques qui ont bénéficié d’un « droit au retour » dans leur patrie historique. « La Russie n’a rien à voir dans cette histoire, pour le meilleur comme pour le pire d’ailleurs », tient-il à préciser. « C’est à nous, ici, de faire le boulot. Pratiquement à mains nues. »
      « Effet de surprise »

      On l’aura compris, pour « Chamane » et ses camarades l’ennemi ce sont bien les migrants. « Il s’agit à 90% des combattants étrangers, avec une hiérarchie et de réflexes de guerriers », croient-ils savoir en soulignant qu’ils ne croisent ici, dans cette région présentée comme une bifurcation de la fameuse « route balkanique », que des groupes de jeunes Afghans. Tous des hommes, avec dans leur sillage des Pakistanais, des Irakiens et, parfois, des Iraniens. Ils affirment en appréhender plusieurs par semaine, qu’ils remettent aux gardes-frontières. « On évalue d’abord la taille, puis la dangerosité du groupe avant de surgir du bois. Le plus souvent l’effet de surprise est tel que les intrus se laissent faire », poursuit « Chamane ».

      « Nous ne sommes pas des chasseurs de migrants, mais des citoyens responsables ! », met en garde depuis Varna Vladimir Roussev. A Sofia, plusieurs voix se sont élevées contre les activités de son organisation, certains demandant au contre-espionnage bulgare d’enquêter sur la présence de ces instructeurs russes qu’ils ont comparé aux « petits hommes verts » de Vladimir Poutine, les commandos sans signes distinctifs envoyés en Ukraine. En juin dernier, le Comité Helsinki pour la défense des droits de l’homme a demandé au Parquet d’interdire les activités de l’organisation paramilitaire, jugées anticonstitutionnelles et dangereuses. « Ces idiots ne savent pas qu’ils sont, eux aussi, sur la liste des hommes à abattre des combattants de Daech [Etat islamique]. Juste après les notables juifs », dit encore « Walter » en insistant lourdement sur le dernier point. Là aussi, on l’aura compris.

      https://www.letemps.ch/monde/bulgarie-cette-milice-secrete-laccent-russe-traque-migrants

      #Bulgarie #milices #asile #migrations #réfugiés #anti-réfugiés #xénophobie #racisme

    • "Cacciatori di migranti" in Bulgaria, stasera il reportage del TG1 insieme all’Osservatorio

      Ai confini esterni dell’Unione europea, alla frontiera tra Bulgaria e Turchia, gruppi di autoproclamanti “difensori dell’Europa” pattugliano i boschi alla ricerca di migranti che tentano di entrare nel paese, per poi proseguire lungo la “rotta balcanica” verso i paesi ricchi dell’UE.

      http://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Bulgaria/Cacciatori-di-migranti-in-Bulgaria-stasera-il-reportage-del-TG1-insi

    • Bulgaria, ronde anti-immigranti sul confine con la Turchia

      Difendere Bulgaria ed UE dall’“invasione” dei migranti: in Bulgaria vari gruppi di auto-proclamati “patrioti” pattugliano il confine con la Turchia e il governo lascia fare

      http://www.balcanicaucaso.org/Media/Multimedia/Bulgaria-ronde-anti-immigranti-sul-confine-con-la-Turchia
      Existe aussi en anglais :
      http://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Media/Multimedia/Bulgaria-anti-immigrant-patrols-at-the-border-with-Turkey

    • Bulgarie : #Petar_Nizamov, le « chasseur de réfugiés », a été acquitté

      Petar Nizamov, l’un des chefs des « milices anti-migrants », était assigné à résidence depuis la diffusion en avril 2016 d’une vidéo où on le voyait arrêter manu militari trois Afghans. La justice bulgare vient de le blanchir de toutes les accusations qui portaient contre lui.


      http://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Bulgarie-Petar-Nizamov-le-chasseur-de-refugies-a-ete-acquitte-par

    • Bulgarian Vigilantes Patrol Turkey Border to Keep Migrants Out

      Figures in camouflage and ski masks gather at a fishing lodge. Many are armed with long knives, bayonets and hatchets.

      The 35 men and women are on the hunt in Strandzha Massif, a forested mountain range on Bulgaria’s border with Turkey. Migrants trying to cross into Europe are their prey.

      http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/europes-border-crisis/bulgarian-vigilantes-patrol-turkey-border-keep-migrants-out-n723481

    • Ceux qui disent « halte » aux migrants

      La frontière turco-bulgare, aux marches de l’Europe, est la nouvelle route utilisée par les passeurs de migrants. En Bulgarie, pour stopper cet afflux de clandestins, une unité de volontaires, encadrée par des vétérans de l’armée, s’organise pour faire le travail de la police.


      http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2017/12/08/01003-20171208ARTFIG00028-en-bulgarie-avec-ceux-qui-disent-halte-aux-migran

    • Dutch #Pegida leader and expelled German deputy hunt migrants on Bulgaria border

      The former frontwoman of Germany’s Pegida anti-Muslim movement and a leader of its Dutch offshoot have travelled to Bulgaria to hunt down migrants attempting to cross the border from Turkey, it has emerged.


      http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/07/04/pegida-pair-hunt-migrants-with-vigilantes-on-bulgaria-border

    • Human rights experts: Unchecked atmosphere of anti-migrant discourse results in abuses

      They call them “migrant hunters” or “citizen protection” organizations. They are volunteers, whose self-appointed job is to patrol Bulgaria’s border with Turkey, seeking out people trying to cross. - See more at: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/MigrationXenophobiaRacisminBulgaria.aspx?platform=hootsuite#sthash.8B8AouOl.d

      http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/MigrationXenophobiaRacisminBulgaria.aspx?platform=hootsuite
      #hongrie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #xénophobie

    • Bulgarian Vigilantes Patrol Turkey Border to Keep Migrants Out

      Figures in camouflage and ski masks gather at a fishing lodge. Many are armed with long knives, bayonets and hatchets.

      The 35 men and women are on the hunt in Strandzha Massif, a forested mountain range on Bulgaria’s border with Turkey. Migrants trying to cross into Europe are their prey.

      Patches on their irregular uniforms — a coat of arms bearing a snarling wolf’s head framed by Cyrillic text — proclaim them to be members of the Bulgarian National Movement Shipka, abbreviated in Bulgarian as “BNO Shipka.”

      Members of the paramilitary organization form into ranks as their leader, Vladimir Rusev, speaks. A former colonel who says he fought in Chechnya as a volunteer alongside Russians, Rusev declares his support for a man they admire: President Donald Trump.

      “The CIA is trying to undermine Trump,” said Rusev, a compact 58-year-old with a neat mustache and short-cropped hair. “They want to destroy him. We offer our support to him.”

      Trump’s hard-line stance on immigration and vocal criticism of Islam finds an appreciative audience here.

      Most BNO Shipka members are friendly, courteous and open. The organization’s website projects a different message: slick videos replete with firearms and military training, and declarations that Europe must be defended against Islam.

      Rusev claims they have as many as 50,000 members, although NBC News was unable to verify this number.

      “I’m not nationalistic or anything like that. I’m just a patriot,” said Nikolai Ivanov, a 34-year-old who was one of the group’s founding members in 2014.

      “Many of these immigrants are not just some guys who are trying to run away from war. They are from age 17 to 35, with good physiques and training,” Ivanov added. “It’s not a problem that they are Muslims. The problem is it’s a different civilization. They don’t think like us, they have a totally different view about life, about everything.”

      While the group has been criticized by human rights advocates, it isn’t hard to find people who agree with Ivanov’s views in Bulgaria. The head of the country’s border police praised a nationalist volunteer group for intercepting migrants in April.
      Rust Belt of the Balkans

      Bulgaria occupies a place at the seams. Looking east, this Eastern Orthodox crossroads shares a traditional alliance with Russia. To the south is Turkey, once home to a Muslim empire that for centuries dominated the region. The European Union, with liberal values and a promise of wealth, lies to the west.

      Since the end of the Cold War, Bulgaria has firmly embraced the West — joining NATO in 2004 and the EU in 2007. But the rapid rise in living standards for its seven million citizens stalled during the financial crisis of 2007-2008. Now, average annual income remains the lowest in the EU, even when measured by purchasing power.

      In the Soviet era, heavy industry and chemical production dominated the economy. Now, abandoned factories litter a landscape replete with decaying smokestacks and depopulated villages.

      On top of this, Bulgaria has become a major overland route as Europe grapples with a migration crisis due to its borders with Turkey, Greece, Macedonia, Serbia and Romania.

      According to Eurostat, 20,165 people applied for asylum in Bulgaria in 2015, the most recent year for which firm numbers were available. This was a fraction of the around 1.2 million who claimed asylum in the EU that year, more than three quarters of whom were from majority Muslim countries.

      Although only a handful of Europe-bound migrants have settled in Bulgaria, concern about the newcomers resonates in a country that was dominated for centuries by the Ottoman Turks.

      Ivanov believes the refugee crisis was part of a plan in which ISIS militants would slip into the country and attack. Then, neighboring Turkey would deploy troops to Bulgaria under the auspices of the NATO alliance, he said, effectively reclaiming a portion of the lost Ottoman Empire.

      Conspiracy theories like this abound among BNO Shipka members, some of whom make a point of speaking Russian. Their affinity for Moscow is perhaps understandable in the context of Bulgaria’s unhappy history with its Muslim-majority neighbor. Shipka, after all, refers to a battle in which a Russo-Bulgarian force defeated the Ottoman Turks in 1877.

      Bulgaria’s weak economy and status outside the borderless Schengen area means most migrants aim for Greece as a gateway to more prosperous countries further west.

      So the “refugee situation here is not that serious,” said Krassimir Kanev, a founder of the human rights group Bulgarian Helsinki Committee. "Bulgaria is a transit country, the refugees want to move to [other] EU countries.”

      However, Bulgaria “registered 31,281 new arrivals in 2015, which represents 89.3 percent of all land arrivals in the EU for the same year,” according to a report by Radoslav Stamenkov, the head of the Bulgaria office at the International Organization for Migration. The “migration shock” that began in 2013 created social tensions “in a country that had a very limited experience of receiving migrants,” Stamenkov wrote.

      Kanev sees BNO Shipka and similar groups as xenophobic nationalists at best, or at worst, violent and racist extremists. In October 2015, an Afghan migrant was shot and killed when he tried to cross into Bulgaria. In November, protests by locals over rumors of disease forced the temporary closure of the country’s largest refugee camp and led to riots.

      “There are ongoing criminal proceedings against a number of these groups,” Kanev said. Bulgarian vigilantes have detained migrants and tied them up, sometimes beating and humiliating them before forcing them back across the border, he added.

      Asked for its position on vigilante groups, Bulgaria’s Interior Ministry did not respond.
      Jokes and Cigarettes

      Back in the forests of the Strandzha Massif, BNO Shipka is going out on patrol. In bitter cold and with snow on the ground, this isn’t the high season for refugees crossing from Turkey. Some still try.

      After a series of short speeches by leaders, members gear up and head toward the border. But the presence of a large group of people in ski masks and military regalia dashing from cover to cover in view of the highway attracts the attention of local authorities.

      Two border police officers, accompanied by several soldiers armed with assault rifles, drive up in four-by-fours and ask for an explanation. They seem less concerned than confused. Most BNO Shipka members wear Bulgarian military fatigues from their own service so the groups merge, trading jokes and cigarettes. Only the slung rifles indicate who is an active soldier and who is a vigilante.

      The authorities seem unsure what to do, particularly with members of the media present.

      A BNO Shipka squad leader informs journalists that police are letting them continue, but the training mission has been completed and the team will return to the fishing lodge. As the group marches back, police follow them having called in reinforcements.

      No one is detained or questioned further, but police return the following day.

      Undeterred, BNO Shipka members record a video message to Trump. They put on snow camouflage oversuits and sneak around police stationed at the road leading to the lodge.

      Asked if he is afraid Bulgaria is losing its identity, founding member Ivanov nods. "If we don’t do something soon,” he said. “It’s not just Bulgaria, but all of Europe.”

      BNO Shipka didn’t catch any migrants this time. Still, they intend to keep looking.


      https://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/europes-border-crisis/bulgarian-vigilantes-patrol-turkey-border-keep-migrants-out-n723481


    • #border_angels

      Border Angels is an all volunteer, non profit organisation that advocates for human rights, humane immigration reform, and social justice with a special focus on issues related to issues related to the US-Mexican border. Border Angels engages in community education and awareness programs that include guided trips to the desert to place water along migrant crossing routes as well as to the border to learn about the history of US-Mexico border policy and experience the border fence firsthand.

      Border Angels also works to serve San Diego County’s immigrant population through various migrant outreach programs such as Day Laborer outreach and our free legal assistance program held in our office every Tuesday. Border Angels works to dispel the various myths surrounding immigration in the United States and to bring back truth and justice.

      http://www.borderangels.org
      #solidarité #anges

    • Water in the desert. Inside the effort to prevent migrant deaths at the US-Mexico border

      “I had no idea how many people had died. I had no idea the extent of the humanitarian crisis.”

      In the lead-up to the US midterm elections, President Donald Trump has stoked fears about undocumented immigration. After repeatedly saying that immigrants from Latin America are criminals and peddling baseless claims that unidentified people from the Middle East are part of a “caravan of migrants” making its way north from Honduras, Trump ordered the deployment of more than 5,000 soldiers to the southern US border.

      Decades of acrimonious public debate over undocumented immigration in the United States has focused on security, crime, and economics while largely overlooking the people at the centre of the issue and the consequences of US attempts to prevent them from entering the country.

      One of the starkest facts about this humanitarian emergency is that at least 6,700 bodies have been found since 2000 – likely only a fraction of the actual number of people who have died trying to cross the southern US border over this period. More than a third of these bodies have been found in the Sonoran Desert in southern Arizona, where migration routes have been pushed into increasingly harsh and remote terrain.

      Seldom reported and virtually unheard of outside the border region, these bodies have become a cause for a small constellation of humanitarian groups in southern Arizona, spawning an unlikely effort to prevent deaths by placing drinking water along migration trails in the desert.

      “I found it shocking,” Brian Best, a volunteer who moved to Arizona a couple years ago, says of the situation in the desert. “I had no idea how many people had died. I had no idea the extent of the humanitarian crisis.”

      Trying to save lives in this way is not uncontroversial. Undocumented immigration is one of the most polarising issues in US politics and aid groups operate in the same areas that cartels use to smuggle drugs into the country. Inevitably, humanitarian efforts are caught up in the politics and paranoia surrounding these two issues.

      The intensity of the situation has led to a strained relationship between the humanitarians and the Border Patrol, the federal agency tasked with preventing undocumented immigration. Nearly two decades after aid efforts began, the numbers crossing the border have reached a historic low but the proportion of people dying is rising.

      Early on a Friday morning, Stephen Saltonstall, 74, sits behind the steering wheel of a flatbed pickup as it shakes and rattles towards the US-Mexico border. The back of the truck is loaded with equipment: a 300-gallon plastic tank of drinking water, a gas operated pump to pull the water out, and a long, lead-free hose to deliver it into barrels at the water stations Humane Borders, the NGO Saltonstall volunteers with, maintains across southern Arizona.

      It’s mid-September and the temperature is already climbing. By midday it will reach well over 100 degrees (38 celsius), and there are no clouds to interrupt the sun as it bakes the hardscrabble landscape of the Sonoran Desert, surprisingly green from the recently departed monsoon rains. Scraggly mesquite trees and saguaro cactuses with comically tubular arms whir past as Saltonstall guides the truck along Route 286 southwest of Tucson. A veteran of the civil rights movement with a lifelong commitment to social justice – like many others involved in the humanitarian aid effort here – he has made this drive more than 150 times in the three years since moving to Arizona from the northeastern United States.

      Around mile marker 38 – signifying 38 miles north of the border – 13 miles north of an inland US Border Patrol checkpoint, Saltonstall eases the truck off to the side of the road. Stepping out, he walks to the top of a small hill about 10 feet from where the asphalt ends. Stopping next to a small wooden cross planted in the cracked earth, he puts his hands together and offers a silent prayer.

      “I’m sorry that you died an awful death here,” Saltonstall says when he’s finished praying. “Wherever you are now, I hope you are in a better place.”

      The cross is painted red and draped with a strand of rosary beads. It marks the spot – on top of this small hill, in plain sight of the road – where the body of someone who irregularly crossed the border into the United States was found in July 2017. The person likely succumbed to thirst or hyperthermia after spending days trekking through this harsh, remote environment. But no one knows for sure. By the time someone came across the remains, scavenging birds and animals had stripped the body down to a skeleton. There’s no official cause of death and the person’s identity is unknown.

      Nearly 3,000 human remains like this one have been found in southern Arizona since the year 2000. Many more are probably lost in this vast and sparsely populated desert, lying in areas too remote and infrequently trafficked to be discovered before they decompose and end up being carried off in pieces by feasting animals, scattered and rendered invisible.

      Prevention through deterrence

      It wasn’t always like this in southern Arizona.

      The office of Pima County medical examiner Dr. Greg Hess receives all the human remains found near the migration trails in three of the four Arizonan counties that border Mexico.

      “In the 1990s we would average about 15 of these types of remains being recovered every year,” says Hess. Starting in 2002, that average jumped to 160 bodies per year, he adds.

      Most people irregularly crossing the border used to simply sneak over in urban areas where it wasn’t too dangerous. But things started to change in the mid 1990s with the introduction of a federal policy called “prevention through deterrence”. The policy directed Border Patrol to concentrate agents and resources in the urban areas where most people were crossing. The architects of the strategy predicted that “illegal traffic will be deterred, or forced over more hostile terrain, less suited for crossing and more suited for enforcement.”

      The construction of border walls between urban areas in northern Mexico and their neighbouring towns and cities in the United States soon followed. That funnelled the movement of migrants decisively into remote areas like the desert in southern Arizona, but had no discernible impact on the number of people irregularly entering the United States.

      Corlata Wray, 62, watched in the early 2000s as federal policy brought a humanitarian crisis to her back yard. Born in Durango, Mexico, Wray has lived in the small, rural town of Arivaca, Arizona, 12 miles from the border, for the better part of four decades. A slow trickle of people has always moved through Arivaca given its location, but in the late 1990s the number of people trekking across the desert close to Wray’s home dramatically increased.

      In the early years people would knock on the door and Wray would give them water and a little bit of food before they continued on their way. Helping migrants in this way was a normal part of life, according to many people IRIN spoke to living in the border region. But as enforcement efforts ramped up, “everything changed”, says Wray, who now volunteers regularly with organisations providing aid and support to migrants. “I started to see more suffering with the migrants.”

      Now the people who end up on her property are usually in a desperate situation – parched and sunburnt, with bloodied and blistered feet and twisted or broken limbs. “They don’t know which way to go, and that’s when their life is in danger because they’re lost. They have no water. They have no food. And then the desert is not beautiful anymore. Es mortal,” Wray says, switching into Spanish – “It’s deadly”.
      “We have to do something”

      As the “prevention through deterrence” policy came into full effect in the early 2000s, the fact that migrants were dying in the desert at an alarming rate was hard for some people to overlook. Ila Abernathy, a long-time resident of Tucson, 65 miles north of the border, remembers a point in July 2002 when a dozen or more bodies were found in one weekend.

      Fifty-nine at the time, Abernathy had moved to Tucson as a young adult and had been active in the waning years of the sanctuary movement, which sought to provide safe-haven to refugees fleeing civil wars in Central America in the 1980s as the US government restricted their ability to seek asylum. A decade and half later, the network from that movement was still intact.

      Following the news of the deaths in July 2002, a meeting was called at the Southside Presbyterian Church in Tucson. “This is a new crisis. We have to do something,” Abernathy recalls of the meeting’s conclusion. “We need to advocate and we need to get out there and search for people before they die.”

      In the beginning, that meant giving aid to people directly. Between 2002 and 2008, Border Patrol apprehended between 300,000 and 500,000 people every year in the area south of Tucson. “You’d just drive down the road early in the morning and there would be clusters of people either ready to give up or else already in Border Patrol capture,” Abernathy says.

      The group that formed out of the meeting at the Southside Presbyterian Church, the Tucson Samaritans, travelled the roads providing food, water, and medical aid to people in need. Two other groups, Humane Borders and No More Deaths, formed around the same time with similar missions. Their members tended to be active in multiple groups at the same time and were often veterans of the sanctuary or civil rights movements, like Abernathy and Saltonstall. Others were young people who came to the region on educational trips and decided to stay, or longtime residents of southern Arizona who had watched the crisis develop and felt compelled to try to help.

      But their work soon got harder. In 2006, the administration of US president George W. Bush announced a massive expansion of the Border Patrol. With nearly double the number of agents in the field and more resources, it became increasingly rare to find migrants along the roads, or even close to them, according to Abernathy. Unable to deliver aid to people directly, groups started hiking into the remote desert to find the trails migrants were using and leave behind gallon jugs of drinking water in the hope they would be found by people in need. It’s an effort that has continued now for close to 12 years.
      Into the desert

      On a Sunday morning, Best, 59, is picking his way along a migration trail deep in the Sonoran Desert with two other volunteers from the Tucson Samaritans. If you could travel in a straight line, the nearest paved road would be about 10 miles away. But moving in a straight line isn’t an option out here.

      Best and the other volunteers left their four wheel drive SUV behind some time ago after following the winding, rocky roads as far as they could. They are now hiking on foot towards the US-Mexico border. The landscape doesn’t distinguish between the two countries. In every direction, cactuses and mesquite trees carpet low, jagged hills. At the far limits of the vast, open expanse, towering mountains run like rows of crooked shark’s teeth along the horizon.

      This is the “hostile terrain” referred to by the architects of “prevention through deterrence” where migration routes have been pushed. There’s no man-made wall at the border here – just a rusted barbed wire fence. But someone would have to hike about 30 miles to make it north of the inland Border Patrol checkpoint on Route 286 to reach a potential pick-up point, or 60 miles to make it to Tucson. Humanitarian aid volunteers say the trip usually takes from three to 10 days.

      In the summertime the temperature reaches 120 degrees (49 celsius) and in the winter it drops low enough for people to die of hypothermia. There are 17 species of rattlesnakes in this desert, which is also home to the venomous gila monster lizard, tarantulas, scorpions, and other potentially dangerous animals. Natural water sources are few and far between, Border Patrol agents traverse the area in all-terrain vehicles and pickup trucks, on horseback and in helicopters; and there’s surveillance equipment laced throughout the landscape. “I’m really surprised that anybody gets through,” says one humanitarian volunteer, “but they do.”

      On the trail where Best is walking, the ground is uneven and rocks jut out at menacing angles. It’s easy to twist an ankle and impossible to move forward without getting scraped by mesquite branches or poked by cactus spines.

      Best has been visiting this area of the desert for a little over a year. In the beginning, there were a lot of signs that migrants were passing through – black plastic water bottles from Mexico, food wrappers with recent expiration dates, even discarded backpacks and clothing – so the Samaritans started putting jugs of water here hoping it would help fortify people against the dangers of the long journey ahead. But recently the jugs have been sitting untouched. It looks like the route has shifted elsewhere.

      During the second half of the morning Best will explore new territory – literally bushwhacking through the desert – to try to figure out where the route has moved to and where water should be placed. More than a decade after humanitarian aid groups started hiking out into the desert, there are still plenty of places they have yet to set foot in. Figuring out where people are moving and then putting out water is a time-consuming and labour-intensive process of trial and error. “It is very slow and inefficient in some ways, but I think really important,” Best says. “There’s no other way to do it.”

      In the 12 years since they started, over the course of innumerable hikes like this one, the Samaritans have mapped somewhere between 1,500 and 2,000 miles of trails south of Tucson, according to volunteers. Two different groups go out every day, bringing water to hundreds of locations over the course of any given week. In total in the past two years, according to one volunteer, the group has placed 3,295 gallon jugs of water in the desert. No More Deaths, which also relies on volunteers to hike water into the desert, says it has put out 31,558 gallons in past three years, 86 percent of which was used.

      Humane Borders, the organisation that Saltonstall volunteers with, operates using a slightly different model. It maintains fixed water stations at 51 locations on public and private land in southern Arizona that it services by truck. Each station consists of a 55-gallon barrel with a blue flag flying high in the sky to mark its location. Last year the group put 70,000 gallons of water into these stations. Between the three groups, comprised of a couple hundred active volunteers, that’s equivalent to about 10 backyard swimming pools full of water placed along migration trails in the desert, one bottle or barrel at a time.
      Not so straightforward

      The terrain where the humanitarian aid groups put water is some of the most politically charged in the US, at the heart of debates about both undocumented immigration and the movement of illicit drugs into the country. Needless to say, not everybody supports what the groups are doing.

      Cartels have a strong presence in the towns and cities of northern Mexico, and control and profit from the movement of both people and drugs across the border. Critics of the humanitarian groups say they are helping people break the law both by assisting migrants who are irregularly entering the United States and by putting water out that cartel drug runners and scouts can drink just as easily as anyone else.

      Humane Borders receives public funding from the Board of Supervisors in Pima County, but the vote to approve the funding is split: three Democratic members in favour and two Republican members against. Both Republican supervisors declined to comment when IRIN asked about their opposition to the funding – a spokesperson for one said the vote “speaks for itself.”

      The relationship between the humanitarian aid groups and Border Patrol has also been rocky. In particular, No More Deaths has been openly critical of Border Patrol, documenting agents destroying water drops and arguing that the agency’s tactics are contributing to deaths and disappearances in the desert. Border Patrol says it doesn’t condone the destruction of humanitarian aid drops and that it ultimately views its work as humanitarian as well.

      Nine members of No More Deaths have also been arrested on various charges related to their humanitarian work, ranging from trespassing and littering to harbouring illegal aliens, in what volunteers see as an effort to criminalise aid activities in the desert. One of those arrested faces up to 20 years in prison if convicted, and the Intercept has reported that court documents and other evidence suggest some of the arrests were retaliation against No More Deaths for publicising Border Patrol abuses.

      As far as whether water drops are benefitting cartel members or helping people break the law, the questions aren’t really important to many volunteers. “The real basic, humane argument is that nobody should be dying out here,” Best, the Samaritans volunteer, says.

      A more important question is whether the water drops are effective at saving lives. There’s anecdotal evidence from migrants who are caught by Border Patrol and later deported to northern Mexico that it is reaching people in need, but there’s no way to tell how many.

      There’s also the fact that, even as the number of people crossing the desert south of Tucson has decreased, the number of bodies found has remained relatively consistent. Also, not every death in the desert is caused by dehydration. “If somebody has heat stroke it may not be a process of having water available,” explains Hess, the medical examiner. “They may have water with them. It’s just that you’re too hot.”
      “What value can you put on saving even one life?”

      Considering that Border Patrol apprehended an average of over 100 people per day south of Tucson last year, and that an untold number of others crossed without being caught, and that the water isn’t necessarily in all of the places where people are trekking, the volunteers are aware of the limits of what they do. One estimated that over the course of an eight- to 10-hour hike a group of four people could only put enough water out to sustain 15 migrants for one day.

      “What we do is small, and we know it does some good,” Abernathy says. “We don’t want to delude ourselves into thinking this is the solution… [But] what value can you put on saving even one life?”

      Short of a major change to the “prevention through deterrence” policy, many don’t see an alternative to what they are doing. And humanitarian aid efforts have expanded over the years westward from the area south of Tucson to even more remote and sparsely populated parts of the desert where people have to walk 85 to 100 miles through nearly empty wilderness before reaching a point where they can be picked up.

      The old copper mining town of Ajo, Arizona – home to around 3,000 people – is in the heart of one of these far flung, desolate places. One hundred and thirty miles west of Tucson, this outpost of old clapboard and adobe houses is bordered by a national park, wildlife refuge, and US Air Force bombing range that combined constitute a relatively uninhabited and untouched area of desert the size of the state of Connecticut.

      On a warm dry night, volunteers from various humanitarian aid groups are gathered here in the town square, under the light of dim street lamps and a nearly full moon, to pay homage to what binds their community together: the people who have died in the desert.

      Some of the volunteers will wake at 4:45am to try to avoid the heat as best they can and hike out along the trails carrying their gallon jugs of water. But tonight at this vigil they form a line and one by one pick up white wooden crosses, holding them in front of their bodies. Each one represents the remains of a person that were found in the area surrounding Ajo in 2017 and is inscribed with a name or the word desconocido – Spanish for “unknown”. There are about 30 volunteers, and they have to pass through the line more than once. There are more crosses than people to hold them.

      https://www.irinnews.org/news-feature/2018/11/06/migrants-US-Mexico-caravan-elections-Trump-water-desert
      #eau #résistance #désert #frontières #mourir_aux_frontières #hostile_environment

    • Four women found guilty after leaving food and water for migrants in Arizona desert

      A federal judge on Friday reportedly found four women guilty of misdemeanors after they illegally entered a national wildlife refuge along the U.S.-Mexico border to leave water and food for migrants.

      According to The Arizona Republic, the four women were aid volunteers for No More Deaths, an advocacy group dedicated to ending the deaths of migrants crossing desert regions near the southern border.

      One of the volunteers with the group, Natalie Hoffman, was found guilty of three charges against her, including operating a vehicle inside the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, entering a federally protected wilderness area without a permit and leaving behind gallons on water and bean cans.

      The charges reportedly stemmed from an August 2017 encounter with a U.S. Fish and Wildlife officer at the wildlife refuge.

      The three other co-defendants — Oona Holcomb, Madeline Huse and Zaachila Orozco-McCormick — were reportedly passengers in Hoffman’s truck at the time and were also charged with entering federally protected area without a permit and leaving behind personal property.

      Each of the women face up to six months in prison for the charges and a $500 fine after being found guilty.

      In his three-page order, U.S. Magistrate Judge Bernardo Velasco reportedly wrote that the defendants did not “get an access permit, they did not remain on the designated roads, and they left water, food, and crates in the Refuge."

      “All of this, in addition to violating the law, erodes the national decision to maintain the Refuge in its pristine nature,” he continued.

      He also criticized the No More Deaths group for failing to adequately warn the women of all of the possible consequences they faced for violating the protected area’s regulations, saying in his decision that “no one in charge of No More Deaths ever informed them that their conduct could be prosecuted as a criminal offense nor did any of the Defendants make any independent inquiry into the legality or consequences of their activities.”

      Another volunteer with No More Deaths, Catherine Gaffney, slammed Velasco’s ruling in a statement to The Arizona Republic.

      “This verdict challenges not only No More Deaths volunteers, but people of conscience throughout the country,” Gaffney said.

      “If giving water to someone dying of thirst is illegal, what humanity is left in the law of this country?” she continued.

      According to The Associated Press, the ruling marks the first conviction brought against humanitarian aid volunteers in 10 years.


      https://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/news/426185-four-women-found-guilty-after-leaving-food-and-water-for
      #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité
      signalé par @fil

    • Arizona: Four women convicted after leaving food and water in desert for migrants

      Federal judge finds activists guilty of entering a national wildlife refuge without a permit to give aid to migrants


      A federal judge has found four women guilty of entering a national wildlife refuge without a permit as they sought to place food and water in the Arizona desert for migrants.

      US magistrate Judge Bernardo Velasco’s ruling on Friday marked the first conviction against humanitarian aid volunteers in a decade.

      The four found guilty of misdemeanours in the recent case were volunteers for No More Deaths, which said in a statement the group had been providing life-saving aid to migrants.

      The volunteers include Natalie Hoffman, Oona Holcomb, Madeline Huse and Zaachila Orozco-McCormick.

      Hoffman was found guilty of operating a vehicle inside Cabeza Prieta national wildlife refuge, entering the federally protected area without a permit, and leaving water jugs and cans of beans there in August 2017.

      The others were found guilty of entering without a permit and leaving behind personal property.

      https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2019/jan/19/arizona-four-women-convicted-after-leaving-food-and-water-in-desert-for

    • Convicted for leaving water for migrants in the desert: This is Trump’s justice

      A FEW weeks ago, federal prosecutors in Arizona secured a conviction against four humanitarian aid workers who left water in the desert for migrants who might otherwise die of heat exposure and thirst. Separately, they dropped manslaughter charges against a U.S. Border Patrol agent who fired 16 times across the border, killing a teenage Mexican boy. The aid workers face a fine and up to six months in jail. The Border Patrol officer faces no further legal consequences.

      That is a snapshot of twisted frontier justice in the age of Trump. Save a migrant’s life, and you risk becoming a political prisoner. Kill a Mexican teenager, and you walk free.

      The four aid workers, all women, were volunteers in service to an organization, No More Deaths, whose religious views inform its mission to prevent undocumented migrants from dying during their perilous northward trek. They drove into the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, about 100 miles southwest of Phoenix, to leave water jugs along with some canned beans.

      The women — Natalie Hoffman, Oona Holcomb, Madeline Huse and Zaachila Orozco-McCormick — made no effort to conceal their work. Confronted by a U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service officer, they said they believed everyone deserved access to basic survival needs. One of them, Ms. Orozco-McCormick, compared the wildlife refuge to a graveyard, such is the ubiquity of human remains there.

      Since the turn of the century, more than 2,100 undocumented migrants have died in that sun-scorched region of southern Arizona, according to Humane Borders, a nonprofit group that keeps track of the numbers. Last year, according to the Pima County Medical Examiner’s Office, the remains of 127 dead migrants were recovered there.

      In the past, prosecutors declined to press charges against the volunteers who try to help by leaving water and canned food in the desert. But the four women, arrested in August 2017, were tried for the misdemeanor offenses of entering a refuge without a permit, abandoning personal property and, in the case of Ms. Hoffman, driving in a restricted area. U.S. Magistrate Judge Bernardo Velasco, who presided over the bench trial, said their actions ran afoul of the “national decision to maintain the Reserve in its pristine nature.”

      In fact, prosecutors have broad discretion in deciding whether to press such minor charges — just as they do in more consequential cases such as the manslaughter charge against Lonnie Swartz, the Border Patrol agent who killed 16-year-old José Antonio Elena Rodríguez in October 2012. According to Mr. Swartz, he opened fire on the boy, shooting 16 times in what the agent said was self-defense, through the fence that divides the city of Nogales along the Arizona-Mexico border. He said the boy had been throwing stones at him across the frontier.

      Mr. Swartz was acquitted on second-degree murder charges last spring, but the jury deadlocked on manslaughter charges. In a second trial, last fall, the jury also failed to reach a verdict on manslaughter. Last month, prosecutors declined to seek a third trial.

      While the aid workers seek to avoid prison time, Americans may well wonder about a system in which justice is rendered so perversely.

      https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/convicted-for-leaving-water-for-migrants-in-the-desert--this-is-trumps-justice/2019/01/27/9d4b3104-2013-11e9-8b59-0a28f2191131_story.html?noredirect=on


  • Vigilantes Patrol Parts of Europe Where Few Migrants Set Foot

    BRATISLAVA, Slovakia — The People’s Party-Our Slovakia, after months of stirring up fears about foreigners and Muslim migrants, decided to take action: This spring, the group’s leader proudly stood in front of the main railway station in #Zvolen, Slovakia, and announced that a new group of volunteers would begin patrolling passenger trains to keep the “decent citizens” of Slovakia safe from criminals and minorities.


    http://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/11/world/europe/vigilante-patrols-in-parts-of-europe-where-few-migrants-set-foot.html?ref=w
    #Slovaquie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #xénophobie #racisme #islamophobie #patrouilles #chasse_aux_migrants #anti-réfugiés #milices

    • Anti-migrant militias spring up in central Europe

      Czech and Slovenian authorities have voiced alarm over the emergence of armed anti-migrant militias in the two central European countries.

      The concerns come after revelations of a paramilitary base, with tanks and armoured personnel carriers, used by a biker gang with Kremlin ties in Slovakia.

      The Czech intelligence service, the BIS, voiced its worries about a group that calls itself the National Home Guard in a classified report seen by Czech daily Mlada Fronta Dnes.

      “Parts of this group have begun to adopt the concept of armed groups. Due to the fact that some of the members are strongly xenophobic, racist, and completely reject the orientations of Czech internal and foreign policy, they could pose a significant [security] risk,” the BIS report said.

      The home guard groups, which have up to 2,500 members in 90 national branches, patrol the streets of some small Czech towns, such as Nymburk, 50km west of Prague, looking for irregular migrants.

      They appear to have links with local police and have political support from National Democracy, a fringe far-right party.

      They also have ideological leaders, such as David Buchtel, a Czech academic and National Democracy member, who publishes leaflets saying that Nato plans to “occupy” the Czech Republic and force it to take in migrants.

      The Czech foreign ministry has said the groups pose a risk of violent protests, such as the recent anti-migrant riots in the town of Chemnitz, Germany.
      PRESENTED BY CECE

      Andor Sandor, the former chief of Czech military intelligence, the VZ, told Radio Prague, that even if it does not come to that, their day-to-day activities pose a threat to the Czech political landscape.

      “This could stem from the view, that the European Union is not able to manage the migration crisis. People who believe that neither the state nor Europe can manage this [crisis], will take matters into their own hands to protect their families and their property,” he said.

      The Czech worries surfaced a few days after a social media stunt by Andrej Sisko, a far-right politician, which caused alarm in Slovenia.

      Sisko posted a Facebook video of himself with a group of some 70 masked men armed with machine guns in the Slovenian countryside.

      The group, called the Stajerska Guard, was filmed taking an oath to secure public order in the country. It numbers several hundred people in total, the Reuters news agency said.

      “We are doing nothing wrong and we would be even interested in co-operating with the police,” Sisko said, in an echo of the Czech home guard’s modus operandi.

      His political party, the anti-migrant United Slovenia Movement, has also vowed to protect the county’s ethnic identity.

      Borut Pahor, the Slovenian president, said: “Slovenia is a safe country in which no unauthorised person needs or is allowed to ... illegally care for the security of the country and its borders”.

      The creation of the Stajerska Guard was “absolutely unacceptable” and it “needlessly stirs up fear and spreads hatred”, outgoing Slovenian prime minister Miro Cerar said.

      Earlier in July, Slovakia was also put an alert when journalists filmed a paramilitary compound in Dolna Krupa, a town some 50km north of Bratislava.

      The base, a former pig farm, is used by the Night Wolves, a biker gang and by two far-right militias called the Slovak Levies and NV Europa, the BBC reported at the time.

      It contained a shooting range and tanks and armoured personnel carriers that had been supplied by a military vehicle museum.

      The revelations were “disturbing” and the groups’ influence was “harmful, especially in spreading their opinions that strive to rewrite history”, a Slovak foreign ministry spokesman said.

      The Night Wolves gang has well known links to the Kremlin.

      The other paramilitary groups and their political supporters also repeat Russian propaganda lines on migrants and EU failures, but neither the Czech or Slovene authorities spoke of Russian involvement in their activities.

      The notion of a ’migrant invasion’ in central Europe is not borne out by facts.

      The Czech Republic took in 12 migrants from Greece and Italy under an EU scheme and granted asylum to just 145 people last year.

      Slovenia granted asylum to 152 people last year.

      Slovakia has boycotted the EU scheme, along with Hungary and Poland, and had juts 56 applications for asylum as of June this year.

      But the Czech intelligence assessment that the home guard group “completely [rejected] the orientations of Czech internal and foreign policy,” was also open to question.

      Czech prime minister Andrej Babis has vowed to join an anti-migrant political axis in Europe alongside Hungary and Italy’s far-right leaders.

      Meanwhile, anti-migrant rhetoric by leading politicians has become a mainstay in Slovakia and Slovenia, where the far-right Slovenian Democratic Party became the biggest one in June elections, but failed to find coalition partners to form a government.

      https://euobserver.com/justice/142739

      #Europe_centrale


  • Faces from the Border : We Could Be Them

    This is the first in a three-part series, “Faces from the Border,” about Mexican-American agents on the border between the United States and Mexico. The series was produced, with funding from the Ford Foundation, as part of a research project on migrants and migration policy by the Division of International Studies and the Journalism on Public Policy Program at the Center for Research and Teaching in Economics (CIDE), in Mexico City.


    http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/faces-from-the-border-we-could-be-them
    #Mexique #USA #migrations #Etats-Unis

    Commentaire d’Emmanuel Blanchard (via la mailing-list Migreurop) :

    Un reportage comme il y en a tant sur les #patrouilles à la frontière EU-Mexique : l’angle est cependant original, car le journaliste insiste sur le fait que les patrouilleurs sont pour beaucoup des Mexican-American voire des enfants de sans-papiers.

    #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers


  • Message reçu de Laurence Pillant, via la mailing-list Migreurop:

    Extrait de la revue de presse de l’ambassade concernant la visite allemande en Grèce et les négociations sur les hotspots et #patrouilles_conjointes #Grèce-#Turquie

    Ta Nea résume ainsi la visite de M. Steinmeier en Grèce : « L’Allemagne exerce des pressions sur la Grèce pour une collaboration plus étroite avec la Turquie dans la gestion de la crise des réfugiés. La question des patrouilles communes en #mer_Egée a également fait l’objet des entretiens de M. Steinmeier à Athènes. En même temps, l’Allemagne fait savoir par tous les moyens qu’elle dissocie pleinement la question des réfugiés du mémorandum grec et rejette toute tentative d’Athènes d’assouplir les mesures convenues ». Le journal souligne en titre que Berlin demande « un mémorandum » entre la Grèce et la Turquie sur la crise des réfugiés. Sous le titre « Soutien parcimonieux du ministre allemand des AE », Ethnos relève que M. Steinmeier a reconnu la charge importante qui pèse sur la Grèce en raison des flux des réfugiés mais a évité de discuter sur un éventuel assouplissement des conditions du #mémorandum. Sur la crise des réfugiés, le PM grec, M. Tsipras, et le ministre grec des AE, M. Kotzias, ont insisté sur la nécessité de gérer les flux migratoires depuis le territoire turc. Toutefois, M. Steinmeier a évité de commenter la position ferme de la Grèce sur la création de « hot spots » en Turquie. Enfin, M. Kotzias a de nouveau rejeté l’éventualité de patrouilles communes gréco-turques en mer Egée, en soulignant que la crise des réfugiés ne peut et ne doit pas devenir le prétexte pour la violation de la souveraineté nationale. Avghi relève pour sa part qu’à l’occasion de l’entretien avec M. Steinmeier, le PM grec, M. Tsipras, a insisté sur la nécessité pour l’UE de soutenir la Grèce dans ses efforts pour faire face à la crise migratoire.

    Tsipras says level of EU debate on migrants is ’sad’

    “I feel shamed as a member of this European leadership, both for the inability of Europe in dealing with this human drama, and for the level of debate at a senior level, where one is passing the buck to the other,” Tsipras told Parliament.

    “These are hypocritical, crocodile tears which are being shed for the dead children on the shores of the Aegean. Dead children always incite sorrow, But what about the children that are alive who come in thousands and are stacked on the streets? Nobody likes them.”

    More than 500,000 migrants and refugees have crossed through Greece to central and northern Europe since the beginning of the year, exposing deep fissures among EU member states in dealing with one of the worst humanitarian crises in decades. [Reuters]

    http://www.ekathimerini.com/202975/article/ekathimerini/news/tsipras-says-level-of-eu-debate-on-migrants-is-sad
    Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras slammed on Friday the level of debate among European Union governments in dealing with the migrant crisis as ’sad’ for a lack of cohesive action in dealing with the crisis.

    #réfugiés #asile #migrations #chantage #politique_migratoire #Europe #EU #UE #Allemagne #externalisation


  • #Eurosur : l’#UE se donne-t-elle vraiment les moyens de lutter contre l’#immigration_clandestine ?

    Afin de mieux coordonner le contrôle de la #frontière commune européenne entre les États, et notamment les #patrouilles_maritimes, l’agence européenne pour les frontières (#Frontex) se dote ce lundi du système Eurosur.

    http://www.atlantico.fr/decryptage/eurosur-ue-se-donne-t-elle-vraiment-moyens-lutter-contre-immigration-cland

    Autre ARRGGGHHHH de la journée : #immigration_clandestine ! NON, la majorité des personnes qui meurent en mer sont des REFUGIES ! #réfugiés
    #bad_terminology #vocabulaire

    • Entra in vigore Eurosur

      Entra in vigore Eurosur, il sistema di sorveglianza delle frontiere europee. Divenuto operativo, da oggi, per 19 Stati membri aderenti all’area Schengen. Mentre per gli 11 Paesi che non ne fanno parte diventerà obbligatorio a partire dal 1° dicembre 2014. Attraverso questo sistema diviene possibile scambiare informazioni in tempo reale sui movimenti alle frontiere in modo da creare un modello di cooperazione integrato tra diverse agenzie per la sicurezza in tutta l’UE. Caratteristiche principali del progetto sono: 1) scambio e trasmissione di informazioni; 2) cooperazione tra autorità nazionali; 3) ricerca di risposte comuni; 4) attenzione alle persone vulnerabili (soprattutto bambini, minori non accompagnati, vittime di traffico di esseri umani, persone bisognose di assistenza medica d’urgenza e in pericolo in mare); 5) non respingimento; 6) rispetto e protezione dei dati personali.

      http://www.west-info.eu/it/entra-in-vigore-eurosur


  • #Bulgarie : des « #patrouilles_citoyennes » d’#extrême-droite qui terrorisent les #migrants

    Des « patrouilles citoyennes » se sont constituées pour effectuer des #rondes dans les quartiers de Sofia fréquentés par les migrants. Un phénomène inquiétant qui va de pair avec la banalisation du discours #néonazi et xénophobe, alors que la Bulgarie connaît une hausse spectaculaire du nombre de migrants, en provenance notamment de Syrie.

    http://balkans.courriers.info/article23682.html

    #xénophobie #migration #asile #réfugié