• Increase Your Presence And Impact For Every Pitch, Presentation, Or Speech

    People pay more attention to you when you do nothing.If this sounds backwards to you, you’re not alone.In my time as a public speaking and #communication coach, I’ve seen hundreds afflicted by habits that cause them to move their legs, arms, and head in a way that completely distracts the audience from their message.From politicians to CEOs, people continually wander or shift around when they speak.This instinct comes from a survival mechanism called ‘fight or flight.’When you see a group of hungry looking mammals (such as your team or clients!) looking in your direction, your body wants to either leave the situation or attack.This leads you to step back and forth. The motion may continue for ten minutes or two hours without you even realizing it, causing a huge repetitive distraction for anyone (...)

    #coaching #presentations #public-speaking #performance

  • ’We are transforming our university into a place where talent once again feels valued and nurtured’

    Our university should once again belong to the academics, rather than the bureaucracy, writes the rector of #Ghent_University, Rik Van de Walle.

    Ghent University is deliberately choosing to step out of the rat race between individuals, departments and universities. We no longer wish to participate in the #ranking of people.

    It is a common complaint among academic staff that the mountain of paperwork, the cumbersome procedures and the administrative burden have grown to proportions that are barely controllable. Furthermore, the academic staff is increasingly put under pressure to count publications, citations and doctorates, on the basis of which funds are being allocated. The intense competition for funding often prevails over any possible collaboration across the boundaries of research groups, faculties and - why not - universities. With a new evaluation policy, Ghent University wants to address these concerns and at the same time breathe new life into its career guidance policy. Thus, the university can again become a place where talent feels valued and nurtured.

    We are transforming our university into a place where talent once again feels valued and nurtured.

    With the new career and evaluation model for professorial staff, Ghent University is opening new horizons for Flanders. The main idea is that the academy will once again belong to the academics rather than the bureaucracy. No more procedures and processes with always the same templates, metrics and criteria which lump everyone together.
    We opt for a radically new model: those who perform well will be promoted, with a minimum of accountability and administrative effort and a maximum of freedom and responsibility. The quality of the individual human capital is given priority: talent must be nurtured and feel valued.
    This marks the end of the personalized objectives, the annual job descriptions and the high number of evaluation documents and activity reports. Instead, the new approach is based on collaboration, collegiality and teamwork. All staff members will make commitments about how they can contribute to the objectives of the department, the education programmes, the faculty and the university.
    The evaluations will be greatly simplified and from now on only take place every five years instead of every two or four years. This should create an ’evaluation break’.

    We opt for a radically new model: those who perform well will be promoted, with a minimum of accountability and administrative effort and a maximum of freedom and responsibility. At the same time, we want to pay more attention to well-being at work: the evaluations of the supervisors will explicitly take into account the way in which they manage and coach their staff. The model must provide a response to the complaint of many young professors that quantitative parameters are predominant in the evaluation process. The well-known and overwhelming ’publication pressure’ is the most prominent exponent of this. Ghent University is deliberately choosing to step out of the rat race between individuals, departments and universities. We no longer wish to participate in the ranking of people.
    Through this model, we are expressly taking up our responsibility. In the political debate on the funding of universities and research applications, a constant argument is that we want to move away from purely competitive thinking that leaves too little room for disruptive ideas. The reply of the policy makers is of course that we must first do this within the university itself. This is a clear step in that direction, and it also shows our efforts to put our own house in order.
    With this cultural shift, Ghent University is taking the lead in Flanders, and we are proud of it. It is an initiative that is clearly in accordance with our motto: ’#Dare_to_Think'. Even more so, we dare to do it as well.
    A university is above all a place where everything can be questioned. Where opinions, procedures and habits are challenged. Where there is no place for rigidity.

    I am absolutely convinced that in a few years’ time we will see that this new approach has benefited the overall quality of our university and its people.

    #université #alternative #résistance #Ghent #Belgique #bureaucratie #bureaucratisation #compétition #collaboration #carrière #évaluation #liberté #responsabilité #performance #publish_or_perish #publication #pression_à_publier #travail

    Je rêve que mon université fasse aussi un grand pas en cette direction, mais je crains que ça restera un rêve...

    • THE developing ranking based on #Sustainable_Development_Goals

      New league table will be first to measure global universities’ success in delivering on UN targets

      Times Higher Education is developing a new global university ranking that aims to measure institutions’ success in delivering the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals.

      The 17 goals – which include providing inclusive and equitable quality education, achieving gender equality and fostering innovation – were adopted by the UN in 2016 and provide a framework for developing the world in a sustainable way.

      The first edition of the ranking will include metrics based on 11 SDGs, but the long-term goal is to measure performance against all 17 goals.

      Data will be collected from universities and Elsevier to produce an overall ranking of universities based on the best four or five SDGs per university. Individual rankings of the universities that are best achieving the 11 SDGs will also be published.

      The ranking will be open to all accredited universities that teach undergraduates, and the first edition will be launched at THE’s Innovation and Impact Summit in South Korea in April 2019. Data collection will begin this autumn.

      Metrics currently being explored include the number of graduates in health professions, the proportion of women in senior academic positions, and policies and practices regarding employment security.

      An initial draft of the metrics will be developed in partnership with Vertigo Ventures, an organisation that works with leading research institutions globally to help them identify, capture and report the impact of their work, and there will be a workshop on the first iteration of the methodology at THE’s World Academic Summit in Singapore later this month.

      Phil Baty, THE’s editorial director of global rankings, said that THE originally planned to launch an impact ranking based primarily on universities’ economic impact – examining their interactions with business and their development of commercially exploitable ideas – but has decided to expand its approach to cover a much wider definition of impact, based on feedback from the sector.

      While some national systems were trying to gather evidence on universities’ role in achieving the SDGs, the new ranking will be the first global attempt at measuring this activity and “moves well beyond established ranking parameters of research and reputation”, he added.

      Mr Baty said that the new table will also provide an opportunity for institutions that do not usually appear in the THE World University Rankings to feature.

      “We are working to develop metrics that enable universities across the world to evidence their impact – not just those that are located in more developed nations,” he said.



  • Apache #spark — Tips and Tricks for better #performance

    Apache Spark — Tips and Tricks for better performanceApache Spark is quickly gaining steam both in the headlines and real-world adoption. Top use cases are Streaming Data, Machine Learning, Interactive Analysis and more. Many known companies uses it like Uber, Pinterest and more. So after working with Spark for more then 3 years in production, I’m happy to share my tips and tricks for better performance.Lets start :)1 - Avoid using Custom UDFs:UDF (user defined function) :Column-based functions that extend the vocabulary of Spark SQL’s DSL.Why we should avoid them?From the Spark Apache docs:“Use the higher-level standard Column-based functions withDataset operators whenever possible before reverting tousing your own custom UDF functions since UDFs are ablackbox for Spark and so it does not even (...)

    #tuning #apache-spark #big-data

  • How to be a Leader in the Software Industry

    …or how my performance review got out of hand and I ended up writing a blog post insteadHey, look at that! 2018 is all but done and my performance review is due. As I have looked back at this past year to evaluate myself and as I piece together personal goals for next year, a bunch of #leadership-related stuff coagulated in my mind.Photo by Stephan Henning on UnsplashDevelop more than codeBeing a leader is not just about being an awesome developer but about influencing and enabling others to be awesome developers as well.Don’t get me wrong. In order to influence others to write better code, you have to have a certain level of proficiency yourself. But if you look back at your career, however long it may be, I guarantee you that the most impactful leaders are not the ones who were the best (...)

    #personal-development #software-development #software-thought-leader #performance-reviews

  • Redirects, and their Effect on #performance or How a (Seemingly Minor) Third Party Change Affected…

    Redirects, and their Effect on Performance or How a (Seemingly Minor) Third Party Change Affected the Website Performance of a Popular #javascript BundlerWhen a server redirects a request — the browser has to make a second request for the file, adding (at least) one additional round trip, and delaying the delivery of the content to the end user.As I was sitting around one day, I wondered ‘what is the maximum number of redirects on a single page?’ HTTP Archive to the rescue. In the summary_pages table, there is a numRedirects field. And, running a quick search in BigQuery, I discovered a page with over 1100 redirects:In WebPageTest, a yellow line means that a redirect was requested. I count (ok..a keyword search for ‘302’ found) 1,187 redirects. On one page… All pointing to Gravatar’s blank (...)

    #web-development #web #image

  • My App is Too Slow, Now What?

    My AppYou don’t have to be a software engineer for long until you hit into #performance issues. The database loads too slow. Calculating the route takes forever. Remote calls hang. What to do?SQL query optimization? JS packing? Indices? Algorithm optimizations? Multi threading? Change to C++? Cloud? Micro services? Sharding? NoSQL? Remove features? Increase hardware requirements? Kernel optimizations? JIT loading? Load balancing? Remove variables? Use Protobuf? Better Compression? Change libraries? Change frameworks? GC tuning?There are a lot of ways speed up code and not all of them will be effective or worth the effort. But what’s the best option in your case? This is a vast specialized area where for example all the techniques listed above have their own experts if you happen to need (...)

    #whatapp #programming #app-speed #now-what-app

  • Crainte et vanité ? La soumission des universitaires à la gestion néolibérale

    En 2014, Yves Dupont, socioanthropologue spécialiste du monde rural, a publié un essai qui mérite à nos yeux d’être présenté sous forme de tribune. Son questionnement essentiel est le suivant : comment se fait-il que les universitaires, disposant pourtant des outils intellectuels et de la protection statutaire pour résister aux sirènes néolibérales, acceptent presque silencieusement de se soumettre au processus de #gestionnarisation de l’Université française, c’est-à-dire à une logique basée sur la #productivité et la #rentabilité contrôlées par des procédures normées et des indicateurs chiffrés de #performance.

    Autrement dit, comment se fait-il que les chercheurs consacrent de moins en moins de temps à des questions proprement scientifiques et de plus en plus à la rédaction de « #projets » dont beaucoup n’aboutissent jamais ? Comment se fait-il que les assemblées générales de laboratoire s’éternisent souvent en brainstormings d’agence de communication à la recherche de la meilleure rhétorique pour s’inscrire dans des réseaux, des structures, des axes, des appels ? Comment se fait-il que ceux qui hier étaient voués à critiquer, au sens noble, les innovations rutilantes de la modernité se présentent aujourd’hui comme de simples accompagnateurs du changement social ?

    On l’aura compris, L’Université en miettes est un essai qui prend pour point de départ le constat négatif de la #libéralisation et de la gestionnarisation du modèle universitaire français : diminution des fonds fixes et développement du #financement_par_projets, multiplication des instances de décision et d’#évaluation, dissociation et opposition de l’enseignement et de la recherche, soumission à des impératifs chiffrables d’inscription pour les uns et de publications pour les autres… Ces restructurations sont en effet peu compatibles avec la poursuite des manières d’enseigner et de « faire de la science » telles qu’elles pouvaient exister jusqu’ici. Le recul critique ou les temporalités longues nécessaires à l’#éducation ou à la #recherche fondamentale sont, par exemple, directement opposés aux impératifs de rentabilité et d’#utilité immédiates.

    Si tout ceci est bien connu et documenté, l’originalité de l’ouvrage d’Yves Dupont repose plus particulièrement sur le parallèle entre ce processus de disparition d’une « #université_humaniste » au profit d’une « #université_néolibérale » et la destruction de la paysannerie par le modèle productiviste et l’économie capitaliste.

    De cette comparaison que nous allons développer émerge une réflexion qui ne serait qu’une boutade si elle n’avait pas, dans le quotidien de l’université, une puissance explicative troublante : c’est la peur de la mort qui pousse les universitaires à une #servitude volontaire face à l’idéologie néolibérale. Nous parlons bien sûr ici d’une peur de la #mort_symbolique, d’une #insécurité névrotique qui se transforme en pulsion de puissance : désir de reconnaissance, désir de jouissance, narcissisme, admiration immature de figures mythiques (grandes revues, pontes, et aujourd’hui critères d’évaluation des publications ou labels d’excellence), et tous les avatars de l’hubris, cette ambition démesurée par laquelle les humains cherchent vainement à s’éloigner de leur propre finitude.

    #université #fac #néolibéralisme #gestion_néolibérale #restructuration #science

    • Sciences humaines : les jeunes chercheurs à l’épreuve du néolibéralisme académique

      La recherche en #sciences_sociales n’échappe pas à la logique de marché, où la compétition accroît les #inégalités et encourage le #conformisme. Un danger pour les doctorants, de plus en plus précaires, et pour l’université elle-même, en tant qu’institution.

      Les sciences humaines et sociales sont essentielles à une société. Elles permettent de trouver des réponses aux questions qui surviennent sans cesse, de régénérer les savoirs, d’assurer leur transmission, d’en garder la mémoire. Cependant, nous assistons à une dévalorisation progressive de ce champ du savoir, avec des conséquences néfastes à long terme. L’effectif des #doctorants est en baisse continue depuis dix ans, avec -21% de doctorants en sciences de la société et -13% en sciences humaines et humanités. Il se trouve que ce sont également les disciplines les moins financées. Une majorité écrasante de doctorants (70%) ne bénéficie pas d’un contrat doctoral les reliant à l’institution à laquelle ils appartiennent.

      Ces jeunes chercheurs doivent acheter le temps consacré à leurs thèses par le biais d’un autre travail. Ils ne travaillent plus pour s’assurer une existence, mais pour pouvoir travailler. Ils sont, en dehors des laboratoires, des amphithéâtres et des colloques, serveurs, surveillants de lycée, bibliothécaires, baby-sitters, enseignants à domicile, guides touristiques. Plus tragique encore, 10% des doctorants, toute disciplines confondues, n’ont aucune activité rémunérée. Il s’agit de presque 7 500 jeunes chercheurs en France.

      Les doctorants et le #travail_gratuit

      Ce que les statistiques ignorent c’est l’immensité de chaque monde individuel. Ce type de travail « à côté » empêche toute projection vers le futur, car il est sans lien avec la recherche. Les études sociologiques lui opposent le #travail_d’anticipation. Mais les jeunes chercheurs s’inscrivant dans cette dernière catégorie n’ont pas un meilleur sort. A titre d’exemple, ceux qui assurent une charge de cours à l’université en tant que #vacataires sont payés à l’heure, pour un salaire annuel qui équivaut, dans le meilleur des cas, à deux ou trois mois de smic. Même dans ce dernier cas, il arrive trop souvent qu’on ne leur fasse pas signer de contrat. Ils se voient ainsi dans l’impossibilité de fournir une preuve formelle quant à la réalité de leur travail. Ils ne peuvent enseigner qu’à titre secondaire et sont obligés d’avoir un emploi « principal ». Ils cumulent ainsi trois activités professionnelles : le travail de recherche (gratuit), l’enseignement (deux ou trois mois de smic par an) et un emploi principal (précaire).

      Cette situation est permise par le flou dans les textes de loi concernant le #doctorat. D’un côté, les jeunes chercheurs sont considérés comme des étudiants, de l’autre le doctorat est reconnu comme étant une expérience professionnelle. C’est le détail qui ouvre la voie royale vers la précarité. Ce qui est particulier à la situation des doctorants c’est que l’écart entre l’âge social et l’âge biologique est très important. Non seulement ils ne bénéficient plus d’aucun avantage « jeune » (bourses sur critères sociaux, logements, réductions), mais ce statut les exclut également de la plupart des #droits_sociaux. Si les #contractuels sont considérés comme des salariés, par rapport à un même type de travail de recherche les non-contractuels sont des étudiants. Autrement dit, leur travail est gratuit et bénévole.

      Le travail d’un doctorant n’est pas uniquement un investissement de forces et ressources personnelles dans une activité par le biais de laquelle il ou elle se réalise individuellement, il est également une réalisation collective. C’est l’université elle-même, en tant qu’institution, qui se réalise à travers son travail. Un exemple concret concerne ce que le ministère de l’Enseignement supérieur, de la Recherche et de l’Innovation appelle la « #production_scientifique ». Quand on évalue la #performance d’une université, on regarde le nombre de #publications. Combien d’articles ont été écrits par des jeunes chercheurs-étudiants et combien le seront encore ?

      La reproduction des inégalités

      La recherche est aujourd’hui évaluée en termes de production et de #performance. Dans cette logique de #capitalisme_académique, le doctorant doit terminer sa thèse le plus rapidement possible et être productif. Plus il s’attarde sur son doctorat, moins il publie, plus il se dirige vers les marges du système. Mais sa production et sa performance sont conditionnées par les ressources disponibles, ce qui trace un premier cercle vicieux. Indifféremment du contenu de la thèse, des arguments défendus dans le travail de recherche ou de la qualité de ce travail, dans ce type de système il n’y a « pas de vérité sans argent », comme le notait déjà Lyotard dans la Condition postmoderne. Ceux qui ont eu des ressources auront raison de leur vérité car elle pèsera plus sur le marché du travail et sur le marché des biens symboliques, tandis que le précariat verra ses vérités diminuées par ce même marché.

      De nombreuses études indiquent que l’accès aux ressources dépend des éléments comme l’origine sociale, la nationalité ou le sexe. En France, presque la moitié des doctorants (41%) est de nationalité étrangère. Une diversité qui pourrait entraîner une immense effervescence intellectuelle. Mais ils sont encore plus touchés par la précarité et ont bien moins de chances de se voir attribuer un contrat. Les raisons sont multiples : absence de capital social, manque de familiarité au régime des concours, rareté des ressources. En ce qui concerne la parité dans la recherche, en 2015, les femmes représentaient 27% des chercheurs. Quand les ressources sont rares, on favorise les acteurs qui savent se plier au mieux au savoir et à l’ordre dominant. Dans une logique de marché, la compétition accroît les inégalités et encourage le conformisme. L’université, au lieu de se régénérer en permanence en permettant l’invention, le renouveau et les divergences critiques, se pétrifie.

      Les sciences humaines et sociales ont un rôle primordial dans une société démocratique. Elles pensent le progrès et empêchent les dérives. Elles sont les garants d’un équilibre sain entre des forces critiques contraires. Elles sont l’expression même de la démocratie et le révélateur de l’état de santé d’une société. La précarité dans les sciences humaines et sociales atteint gravement à cet équilibre présent et futur. La contractualisation à terme de tous les jeunes chercheurs est l’unique mesure capable de diminuer les inégalités causées et perpétuées par le sous-financement dans ces disciplines. Quand l’université repose sur un travail gratuit, invisible, aliéné, ce sont ses propres forces qu’elle s’aliène.


      #précarité #précarisation

  • « La #domination au #travail est beaucoup plus dure qu’avant » | L’Echo

    N’oublions pas également que comme il n’y a pas d’étanchéité entre travail et non-travail, les souffrances professionnelles ont des conséquences dommageables immédiates sur la vie de famille, les loisirs et même la vie dans la Cité dans la mesure où l’on a tendance à s’y comporter comme au travail : chacun pour soi.

    En outre, les stratégies de déni ont un effet de désensibilisation qui conduit à une banalisation de l’injustice : si je nie ma propre souffrance, je ne peux pas reconnaître celle des autres. C’est un retournement sinistre : pour tenir individuellement, on aggrave le malheur social.

    Dans ce contexte, on peut se demander si un tel système ne risque pas de s’effondrer – puisqu’il ne fonctionne que par le concours des travailleurs. Les cas d’effondrement moral existent. Durant la guerre du Vietnam, par exemple, des régiments entiers ont dit : « Fini ! On n’avance plus ! », quitte à être tués – quand ils ne tuaient pas leurs propres officiers. En entreprise, si l’exigence de performance devient insoutenable, le risque d’effondrement collectif existe aussi.

  • Before the Trump Era, the “Wall” Made In Arizona as Political Performance

    “Trump’s Wall” illustrates the US obsession with ever-greater militarization of the Mexican border, independently of the actual numbers of unauthorized crossings. Yet these debates began revolving around the slogan “Build The Wall” long before the rise of Trump. Between 2010 and 2013, the activities of a coalition of activists, politicians and Arizona security experts had already legitimized recourse to a “wall”. Border-security debates thus concern more than mere control of border crossings. More crucially, they structure local and national political life in accordance with the interests and agendas of the political players whom they bring together.

    The Governors of California and Arizona reacted unevenly to President Trump’s announcement on April 4th, 2018, that National Guard soldiers were to be sent to the Mexican border1 to reinforce the Border Patrol and local police. Doug Ducey, Republican Governor of Arizona, displayed his enthusiasm: “I’m grateful today to have a federal administration that is finally taking action to secure the border for the safety of all Americans” 2. Jerry Brown, Democrat Governor of California, was more circumspect. He insisted upon the limits of such a measure: “”This will not be a mission to build a new wall […] It will not be a mission to round up women and children or detain people escaping violence and seeking a better life. […] Here are the facts: There is no massive wave of migrants pouring into California3”. These contrasting reactions illustrate the US rift over migration and border-security issues. To the anti-migrant camp, the border is insufficiently secured, and is subject to an “invasion4”. For opponents of the border’s militarization, this deployment is futile.

    On the anti-migrant side, between 2010 and 2013, Republican state congressmen in Arizona set up a unified Committee to gather all the political players who demanded of President Obama that he increases militarization of the border5. This included Sheriffs and Arizona State ministers—but also a breeders’ organization, the border Chambers of Commerce, militiamen who patrol the desert, and Tea Party groups. In May 2011, this Committee launched a fundraising drive dubbed “Build the Border Fence”. They portrayed cross-border migration as a threat to the public, consecrated the “Fence” as a legitimate security tool, and, seeking to force the hand of the Federal Government, accused it of failing in its duty to protect. Examining this mobilization prior to Trump’s election enables illustrating how militarization and the debates around it came to acquire legitimacy—and therefore to shed light on its current crystallization around the rhetoric of the “Wall”. This article will, first, briefly describe stages in the performative militarization of the border within which this political mobilization is embedded. It then presents three stages in the legitimization of the “Wall”, drawing on pro-“Border Wall” activism in Arizona.

    #Militarization by One-Upmanship

    Parsing differences over migration debates in the United States requires situating them within the framework of the long-term political performance of militarization of the border. The process whereby the border with Mexico has become militarized has gone hand in hand with the criminalization of unauthorized immigration since the 1980s-6. In the border area, militarization is displayed through the deployment of technology and surveillance routines of transborder mobility, both by security professionals and by citizen vigilantes7. The construction of “fences”8 made the borderline visible and contributed to this policy of militarization. The Trump administration is banking on these high-profile moments of wall-construction. In doing so, it follows in the footsteps of the G.W.Bush administration through the 2006 Secure Fence Act, and California Republicans in the 1990s. This is even while the numbers of unauthorized crossings are at historically low levels9, and federal agencies’ efforts are more directed towards chasing down migrants within the US. At various stages in the development of this policy, different players, ranging from federal elected officials through members of civil society to the security sector, local elected officials and residents, have staged themselves against the backdrop of the territory that had been fenced against the “invaders”. They thereby invest the political space concerned with closing this territory,against political opponents who are considered to be in favor of its remaining open, and of welcoming migrants. The latter range from players in transborder trade to religious humanitarian and migrant rights NGOs. Border security is therefore at the core of the political and media project of portraying immigration in problematic and warlike terms. Beyond controlling migrants, the issue above all orbits around reassuring the citizenry and various political players positioning themselves within society-structuring debates.
    Why Demand “Fences”?

    First and foremost, Arizona’s pro-fence players package transborder mobility as a variety of forms of violence, deriving from interpretation, speculation and—to reprise their terms—fantasies of “invasion”. In their rhetoric, the violence in Mexico has crossed the border. This spillover thesis is based on the experience of ranchers of the Cochise County on the border, who have faced property degradations since the end of the 1990s as a result of migrants and smugglers crossing their lands. In January 2013, the representative of the Arizona Cattlemen Association struck an alarmist tone: “Our people are on the frontline and the rural areas of our border are unsecured10”. The murder of an Association member in March 2010 was cited as evidence, swiftly attributed to what was dubbed an “illegal alien11”.

    “Border security also reflects domestic political stakes.”

    Based on their personal experiences of border migration, the pro-fence camp has taken up a common discursive register concerning the national stakes tied to such mobility. As Republican State Senator Gail Griffin explains, they express a desire to restore public order over the national territory, against the “chaos” provoked by these violent intrusions:

    “People in larger communities away from the border don’t see it as we do on the border but the drugs that are coming in though my backyard are ending up in everybody’s community in the State of Arizona and in this country. So it’s just not a local issue, or a county issue or a state issue, it’s a national issue 12.”

    In their view, the threat is as much to public order as it is to national identity. These fears denote a preoccupation with the Hispanization of society and cultural shifts affecting a nation that they define as being “Anglo-Saxon”. When the Build the Border Fence fundraising drive was launched on July 27, 2011, for example, Representative Steve Smith pronounced himself “horrified” by a development that he called “Press 2 for Spanish” in telephone calls. He also condemned the lack of integration on the part of Mexican migrants:

    “If you don’t like this country with you, you wanna bring your language with you, your gangfare with you, stay where you were! Or face the consequences. But don’t make me change because you don’t want to13.”

    Finally, border security also reflects domestic political stakes. It is a variable in the political balance of power with the federal government to influence decisions on immigration policy. Arizona elected representatives condemn the federal government’s inefficiency and lay claim to migration decision-making powers at the state-level. The “fence” is also portrayed a being a common sense “popular” project against reticent decision-making elites.
    “Fences”—or Virtual Surveillance?

    Control of the border is already disconnected from the border territory itself, and virtual and tactical technologies are prioritized in order to manage entry to the US. “Fences” appear archaic compared to new surveillance technologies that enable remote control. In the 2000s, the “virtualization” of border control was favored by the Bush and Obama administrations. Since 2001-2002, it has been embedded in the strategic concept of “Smart Borders” within the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This aims to filter authorized migration through programs that grant expedited- and preregistered-entry to US ports of entry, and through the generalization of biometric technologies. This strategy also rests upon integrating leading-edge technologies, such as the Secure Border Initiative (SBI) program that was in place from 2006 to 2011. At the time, the border area (including South-West Arizona) acquired watchtowers equipped with cameras and radar. Fences are, moreover, costly—and the financial and human costs of the construction, guarding and upkeep of these fences raise doubts over the benefits of such infrastructure. These doubts are expressed at security-technology fairs, where security professionals and industrialists gather14. There, the “fence” is ultimately understood as being a marginal control technology.

    Regardless, pro-fence activism in Arizona grants a key role to those military and police who help legitimate the recourse to “fences”. In particular, they draw on such models of securitization as the California border, that has been gradually been sealed since 1991, as well as, since 2006-07, the triple-barrier of Yuma, in South-West Arizona. Sheriff Paul Babeu, an ex-military National Guardsman who erected the “fences” in Yuma, assesses that they provide a tactical bonus for Border Patrol agents in smuggling centers, urban areas and flatlands15. Mainly, Arizona security professionals articulate their defense of the “fence” within the pursuit of personal political agendas, such as Republican sheriffs who are both security and political professionals.

    Attacking the Federal Government for Failure to Protect

    The spread of the pro-fence narrative largely rests upon widely-covered events designed to symbolize the process of militarization and to call for federal intervention. The materiality of “fences” elicits easy media coverage. The pro-fence camp are well aware of this, and regularly stage this materiality. During such public events as the 4thof July national holiday, they erect fake wooden fences on which they encourage participants to write “Secure the Border”. These pro-fence political players also seek out media coverage for their public statements.

    “Republicans consecrate Arizona as their laboratory for immigration and border security policy.”

    Such media as Fox News follow their activities to the extent of turning pro-fence events into a regular series. On August 25, 2011, on the Fox News program On The Record, presenter Greta Van Susteren invited Republican Representative Steve Smith and publicized the fundraising drive using visuals drawn from the initiative’s website 16. The presenter framed the interview by gauging that Arizona parliamentarians had “got a grip on things to get the White House’s attention”. At no point was Steve Smith really challenged on the true cost of the fence, nor on opposition to the project. This co-production between the channel’s conservative editorial line and the pro-fence narrative enables the border area to be presented as a warzone, and amplifies the critique of the federal government.

    This staging of the debate complements lobbying to set up direct contact with federal decision-makers, as well as legal actions to pressure them. Pro-barrier activists in Arizona thus set out plans to secure the border, which they try to spread among Arizona authorities and federal elected officials-17. Sheriff Paul Babeu, for instance, took part in consultations on border security conducted by Senator John McCain and Presidential candidate Mitt Romney. By passing repressive immigration laws and mobilizing Arizona legal advisors to defend these laws when they are challenged in court, Republicans consecrate Arizona as their laboratory for immigration and border security policy.
    Twists and Turns of “Build The Wall”

    Portraying transborder mobility as a “problem” on the local and, especially, the national levels; Legitimizing a security-based response by promoting the “fence” as only solution; And accusing the federal government of failing to protect its citizens. These are the three pillars of “The Fence”, the performance by pro-fence activists in the early 2010s. These moves have enabled making militarization of the border and the “Build The Wall” trope banal. Its elements are present in the current state of the discourse, when Donald Trump resorts to aggressive rhetoric towards migrants, touts his “Wall” as the solution, and stages photo-ops alongside prototypes of the wall—and when he accuses both Congress and California of refusing to secure the border. The issue here has little to do with the undocumented, or with the variables governing Central American migration. It has far more to do with point-scoring against political opponents, and with political positioning within debates that cleave US society.

    #performance #performance_politique #spectacle #murs #barrières #barrières_frontalières #USA #Etats-Unis #Arizona #surveillance #surveillance_virtuelle #sécurité

    signalé par @reka

  • Pilotage par les résultats : « Les affres du pseudolibéralisme et les défauts du dirigisme étatique » (Yves Dutercq, Le Café Pédagogique)

    Depuis la fin des années 1990, l’accountability fait référence à un ensemble de procédures techniques et organisationnelles favorisant l’évaluation de l’action et la reddition de comptes à une autorité hiérarchique ou à différents acteurs à la lumière des résultats des actions entreprises. On peut considérer aujourd’hui que l’accountability correspond à des politiques publiques de plus en plus axées sur la performance rapportée aux ressources utilisées.
    De façon générale, le travers des politiques d’accountability, telles qu’elles ont été promulguées dans la plupart des pays, est de conduire à l’impossible couplage entre responsabilisation et déprofessionnalisation des acteurs de base.
    On sait les conséquences de la systématisation de la régulation par les résultats dans les pays où elle a été appliquée de façon effective : elle conduit écoles et enseignants à travailler à leur survie en consacrant l’essentiel de leur énergie à la préparation des élèves aux évaluations (teaching to the test) plutôt qu’à une construction raisonnée, progressive et cumulative de leurs apprentissages.
    Mais dans les faits il en va tout autrement : on peut considérer que le régime postbureaucratique ajoute en faite les affres du pseudolibéralisme aux défauts du dirigisme étatique. […] Cette situation conduit à une dépréciation plus grande encore de l’action de l’Etat par les usagers et à une perte de confiance des personnels.

    #éducation #accountability #pilotage #performance #évaluation #indicateurs #autonomie

  • Un homme hospitalisé après avoir chuté dans une œuvre d’art

    Un sexagénaire italien est tombé dans l’installation de l’artiste britannique Descent Into Limbo, un trou noir de 2,5 mètres de profondeur, exposé dans un musée de Porto, rapporte la presse locale. Un porte-parole de l’institution a fait savoir que l’homme était « hors de danger et prêt à rentrer chez lui ».

    « Ce qui importe par-dessus tout dans une œuvre d’art, c’est la profondeur vitale de laquelle elle a pu jaillir », écrivait James Joyce dans son célébrissime Ulysse . Des propos qu’un sexagénaire italien a pris au pied de la lettre en allant jauger la profondeur réelle de Descent into Limbo, une œuvre d’Anish Kapoor exposée au musée Serralves de Porto lundi 13 août.

    #art #happening #trou_noir

  • Improving the #performance of #javascript Applications

    As developers we all tend to have our own views regarding technologies, languages and frameworks. We argue a lot about code style, indentation and best practices. However, If there is one thing that we can all agree on, it is that performance is of the upmost importance.As we know the average timespan of a person tends to get lower and lower. We focus on sending a loader or something as soon as we can so we can grab the user’s attention and prevent him from bouncing from our page. It doesn’t matter how good our code is if the user doesn’t get the chance to even load the app in the first place.Front-end development is incredibly dynamic. Thanks to that, we now have an abundance of incredible tools that can help us improve the performance of our web applications.While some of the concepts (...)

    #webpack #optimization #react

  • How to setup AWS Lambda with SQS — everything you should know!

    AWS recently introduced SQS integration to Lambda. We have been waiting for this for a long time now. In the following post, I’m going to share a quick-and-simple tutorial on how to get started with message distribution between Lambda functions, using SQS.In addition, I will also compare between SQS and SNS (i.e. why should we choose one over the other), and present an in-depth #performance analysis of using SQS as a message distributor.SetupIn this tutorial, I will use the Serverless Framework, to send a message from one Lambda function to another Lambda function via SQS.Prerequisites:npm installed.Serverless Framework installed.Python — Feel free to use your favorite programming language.AWS account (duh).Let’s start by creating the serverless project:serverless create —template aws-python3 (...)

    #aws-lambda #distributed-systems #aws-tutorial #aws-lambda-with-sqs

  • Intéressant changement de #titre (+ photo... et de contenu ?) dans un article de AP où il était question de #performance de l’#armée autrichienne à la frontière...

    L’article et le titre que je suppose originaux sur un tweet :
    Austrian police, army perform border closure exercice

    Le titre est devenu :
    On both sides of Atlantic, migrants meet hostile reception


    #Autriche #militarisation_des_frontières #frontières #fermeture_des_frontières

    • Giochi con le frontiere

      Mille tra poliziotti e soldati, finti profughi che «assaltano» il confine. L’Austria organizza una mega esercitazione anti migranti al confine con la Slovenia. Una prova muscolare alla vigilia del suo turno di presidenza Ue. Mentre nel Mediterraneo resta incerto il destino dei profughi (veri) che si trovano sulla Lifeline

      via @albertocampiphoto

    • Persisting migration impasse in Germany leads to Austrian border protection exercise

      The recent European Council meeting has been a key place to find such a solution. The European Council released its conclusions this morning, which Günther Oettinger, the European commissioner for budget and human resources and CDU politician, hailed as a “genuine breakthrough” which the CDU will recognise “as a big step in the right direction”. On leaving the summit, Chancellor Merkel agreed that the EU agreeing on a common text was a “good signal” but acknowledged that “we still have a lot of work to do to bridge the different views”.

      In light of the internal German debates, Austria undertook a larger scale border patrol training exercise, additionally it was the inaugural outing of a new border police unit ‘Puma’. Vice-Chancellor Heinz-Christian Strache of the FPÖ party said the exercises were, “to prepare ourselves for all developments and send a clear signal that there will no longer be a loss of control and free passage like in 2015.” He added, “The reasons for this are the debate about intra-European border closures, triggered by Germany, as well as current developments on the refugee routes in the Balkans.”

      Chancellor Sebastian Kurz of the ÖVP party said of the apparent moves for harder borders, “I want to cooperate so that it will not come to that. We must ensure that illegal migrants no longer make it to the European Union in the first place, because then we would not need intra-European border controls.”


  • on line. a manifestation of the human border

    On June 9th 2018, the artist Clio Van Aerde will start her expedition during which she seeks to explore the physical border of the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg. The departure and arrival point is #Schengen and to arrive back to the starting point, it will take around four weeks. The artist will walk as precisely as possible along the border-line. Thanks to the collaboration with MUDAM and Motion-S, the public will be able to observe the development of this endeavour in real time in the museum and online.

    on line follows the Walking Art practice and questions the meaning of the border by exploring its physicality on a human scale. This project seeks to enlighten absurdities as for instance privileges and barriers encountered in relation to the possession of a certain passport or another. In the larger sense, nowadays, while some people lead progressively nomadic lives as if the borders had vanished, others perceive the exact same borders as impassable barriers. The body finds itself physically limited while the use of technology, more essential than ever and inexhaustible, surpasses every physical limits. The ingenue procedure of on line seeks to question what society is taking for granted.

    #frontières #Luxembourg #marche #marcher_sur_la_frontière #art #performance #cartographie #frontières_nationales

  • #Performance : Zoumana Méïté

    How do ageing bodies keep each other and their technological partners company? What account do they give of their generational specificities? Can we develop ecosystems that transcend time and scale in solidarity? At the closing of the worksession #Ageing_companions / Geprogrammeerde veroudering / Les cyborgs vieillissants, Zoumana Méïté performs with electromagnetic devices to explore what old ideas of ’soul’ these so-called new technologies might carry. Using his observations from participating (...)

    Ageing companions

    / Performance

  • #Performance : Zoumana Méïté

    Comment les corps viellissants fonctionnent en présence l’un de l’autre et de leurs partenaires technologiques ? Quels récits racontent-ils autour de leurs spécificités générationelles ? Pourrons-nous développer des écosystèmes qui transcendent le temps et l’espace en solidarité ? Lors de la clôture de la session de travail #Ageing_companions / Geprogrammeerde veroudering / Les cyborgs vieillissants, Zoumana Méïté explorera en utilisant des appareils électromagnetiques les vieilles idées de ’âme’ que ces (...)

    Ageing companions

    / Performance

  • #circleci #performance Difference Between Cache and Workspace

    Persist ~ 70% faster; restore ~ 80% faster, your mileage may varyA few days ago, Andrew Stiegmann commented on a blog post of mine where I shared how we automate our release process with CircleCI. Andrew’s comment can be summarized with “Hey, is there any reason you use CircleCI cache instead of a workspace?”I read up on a CircleCI blog post that explains the difference between a cache and a workspace. Their diagram does a great job explaining all that:CircleCI cache vs workspace. Source: CircleCI blog postOur CircleCI workfow contains of five jobs, each needs access to node_modules and a bunch of generated files in dist folders. Our “build job” as outlined in the diagram is where we install all npm packages and generate the files in the dist folders. We use a monorepo (more about that here), (...)

    #yarn #javascript

  • #mongodb Indexes and #performance

    credit: https://community.dedimax.com/index.php/2016/04/20/mettre-a-jour-ubuntu-14-04-lts-ou-15-10-vers-ubuntu-16-04-lts/Storage Engines: IntroductionOkey, let’s talk about sharding. Sharding is distributing #database queries across multiple servers. Before we do that, let’s get the idea of storage engines. New in MongoDB 3.0 is that they offer pluggable storage engines. A storage engine is the interface between the persistent storage, which will call the disks which might be a solid state disk, and the database itself.So, the database talks to the persistent storage through a storage engine. Now, it may be the case that the storage engine itself decides to use the memory to optimize the process. So, in other words disk is very slow. Since the idea of databases is to store stuff (...)

    #index #nodejs