• Renaud Epstein & station urbaner kulturen

    (Feben Amara, Jochen Becker, Christian Hanussek, Eva Hertzsch, Adam Page) with Oliver Pohlisch and Birgit Schlieps

    One day, one ZUP, one postcard (2014-…), 2018

    Wallpaper / Display cabinet
    Collection station urbaner kulturen, Berlin-Hellersdorf

    The sociologist Renaud Epstein’s project has first and foremost been an online format since its initiation in 2014: he posts a new postcard of large housing estates (Zones à Urbaniser par Priorité / ZUP) on his Twitter account every day. From a time when France dreamed of being modern and urban and believed in its architectural utopias, the ZUP postcards evoke at best a golden era, at worst a contemporary delusion.

    The Berlin collective station urbaner kulturen, based in the last big housing estate built in the GDR, has extracted sections from Epstein’s Twitter timeline in order to materialize the interaction between internet users and images. Their project «Going out of Circles / Kreise ziehen» presents a wider series of exhibitions that aims to create connections between the housing estates on the periphery of urban and economic centers, around Berlin and beyond.

    A display case with original postcards next to the Twitter wallpaper emphasises the different readings of formats of communication.

    Postcards – News from a Dream World
    Musée départemental Arles Antique

    1 July - 25 August / 10 - 18

    Exhibition curators: Magali Nachtergael and Anne Reverseau

    Eric Baudart & Thu-Van Tran (1972 et 1979), Fredi Casco (1967), Moyra Davey (1958), documentation céline duval (1974), Renaud Epstein & station urbane kulturen (1971 et créé en 2014), Jean Geiser (1848-1923), Joana Hadjithomas & Khalil Joreige (1969), Roc Herms (1978), Susan Hiller (1940-2019), John Hinde (1916-1997), Katia Kameli (1973), Aglaia Konrad (1960), Valérie Mréjen (1969), Martin Parr (1952), Mathieu Pernot (1970), Brenda Lou Schaub (1993), Stephen Shore (1947), John Stezaker (1948), Oriol Vilanova (1980), William Wegman (1943)

    The postcard is the ultimate circulating picture, constantly subject to a sense of déjà-vu. Throughout the twentieth century, it went hand in hand with the bottling of the visible world, the rise of image globalization and mass tourism. Collectors, hoarders, retouchers and iconographers seize existing pictures to give them a new meaning, clarify their status or context.

    By comparing this artistic vision with the making of postcards, this exhibition questions what they show and tell of the world, like a visual anthropology. What did they convey throughout the twentieth century, during their hour of glory? What vision of the world did they plant in the minds of their recipients, who got them from relatives and friends?

    Both a symbol of our private and collective imagination, the postcard represents an illusion, always close to hand. It shows us a dream world in which can project ourselves, as in a desirable fiction story.

    #renaud_epstein #cartes_postales

  • Classe, quoique complexe.
    Le pitch est dans le sous-titre.
    J’ai pas encore atteint le boss de fin de niveau, mais je pressent que ça va mal finir.
    Le gusse a aussi publié un autre livre sur « formation et ruine de l’économie nazie », ce qui ne peut que réjouir l’érudit qui sommeille au fond de moi (et pour un titre aussi claquant, je lui vote des félicitations).

  • N’oubliez pas : ce week-end, c’est la traditionnelle fête de LO. La plus grande fête d’extrême-gauche au monde ! ?

    La fête se déroule dans un grand parc boisé de plusieurs hectares, à Presles, petite ville du Val-d’Oise, à 30 km au nord de Paris, entre L’Isle-Adam et Beaumont.

    15 € pour les 3 jours. L’entrée est gratuite pour les enfants de moins de 14 ans accompagnés.

    La gare ? de Presles-Courcelles (ligne H) est à 900 m de la fête. Départ : toutes les heures de Paris-Gare du Nord à partir de 6 h 34 (durée : 38 minutes).
    Retour : toutes les heures de la gare de Presles vers Paris de 5 h 47 à 23 h 47.
    Un minibus fait la navette de la gare de Presles à l’entrée de la Fête (priorité aux personnes à mobilité réduite).

    Des bus ? font la navette entre la sortie du métro Saint-Denis-Université (terminus de la ligne 13) et l’entrée de la fête. Ils circuleront les trois jours pendant les mêmes horaires que la fête, avec un départ toutes les 20 mn environ, et le retour est toujours garanti ! Durée du trajet : 45 à 60 minutes.

    Pour vous faire une idée du programme des festivités (débats, concerts, librairies, etc.), 2 liens :

     ?Le site de la fête

     ? > le pdf avec le plan de la fête (en pages centrales) : ?

    #fete_de_LO #feteLO #fetelo2019 #meetings #debats #concerts #fraternite #extreme_gauche #communisme #communiste_revolutionnaire

  • Au tour du Pays de Galles (dont l’hymne à (plus qu’)inspiré l’hymne breton)

    Thousands march in Cardiff calling for Welsh independence | UK news | The Guardian

    Thousands have demonstrated in Cardiff to call for an independent Wales in what organisers said was the first such march in Welsh history.

    Some protesters said they had been lifelong supporters of independence, while others said they were converted by Brexit and austerity. A recent poll for ITV Wales showed that 12% of people support self-government.

    As the march ended with a rendition of the Welsh national anthem, Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau, Adam Price, leader of nationalist party Plaid Cymru, said that Welsh problems could be more easily solved if decisions were taken within the nation.

  • Exclusif : voici l’uniforme du Service national universel

    (Paris Match, 17 avril 2019)

    Brigade de sécurité régionale, lycée Bartholdi, Saint-Denis (France Bleu Paris, 15 avril 2019)

    153 personnes, en majorité des lycéens, ont été arrêtées à Mantes-la-Jolie, le 6 décembre 2018 après des heurts avec la police.


    Des militaires de l’opération Sentinelle présents lors de l’après-midi boxe et jeux gonflables organisé par la famille et les proches d’Adama Traoré

    (Beaumont-Sur-Oise, Graine_LaMeute / bondyblog, 30 avril 2018)

    #maréchal_nous_voilà #uniforme

  • China Spying: The Internet’s Underwater Cables Are Next - Bloomberg

    Underwater eyes on China.
    Photographer: Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Adam K. Thomas/U.S. Navy via Getty Images

    As the West considers the threat posed by China’s naval ambitions, there is a natural tendency to place overarching attention on the South China Sea. This is understandable: Consolidating it would provide Beijing with a huge windfall of oil and natural gas, and a potential chokehold over up to 40 percent of the world’s shipping.

    But this is only the most obvious manifestation of Chinese maritime strategy. Another key element, one that’s far harder to discern, is Beijing’s increasing influence in constructing and repairing the undersea cables that move virtually all the information on the internet. To understand the totality of China’s “Great Game” at sea, you have to look down to the ocean floor.
    But now the Chinese conglomerate #Huawei Technologies, the leading firm working to deliver 5G telephony networks globally, has gone to sea. Under its Huawei Marine Networks component, it is constructing or improving nearly 100 submarine cables around the world. Last year it completed a cable stretching nearly 4,000 miles from Brazil to Cameroon. (The cable is partly owned by China Unicom, a state-controlled telecom operator.) Rivals claim that Chinese firms are able to lowball the bidding because they receive subsidies from Beijing.
    A similar dynamic [as in 5G equipment] is playing out underwater. How can the U.S. address the security of undersea cables? There is no way to stop Huawei from building them, or to keep private owners from contracting with Chinese firms on modernizing them, based purely on suspicions. Rather, the U.S. must use its cyber- and intelligence-gathering capability to gather hard evidence of back doors and other security risks. This will be challenging — the Chinese firms are technologically sophisticated and entwined with a virtual police state.

    And back doors aren’t the only problem: Press reports indicate that U.S. and Chinese (and Russian) submarines may have the ability to “tap” the cables externally. (The U.S. government keeps such information tightly under wraps.) And the thousand or so ground-based landing stations will be spying targets as well.

    #cables_sous-marins #internet #espionnage

  • How a Private Israeli Intelligence Firm Spied on Pro-Palestinian Activists in the U.S.
    Adam Entous, The New-Yorker, le 28 février 2019

    En français :

    Quand les « services » d’Israël sous-traitent le harcèlement de pro-palestiniens sur le territoire des États-Unis à une firme privée
    Adam Entous, The New-Yorker, le 28 février 2019

    Les opérations de renseignement et d’influence de Psy-Group, qui incluaient une tentative infructueuse à l’été 2017 de provoquer des élections locales dans le centre de la Californie, ont été décrites en détail dans une enquête du New Yorker que j’avais co-écrite au début du mois [de février 2018]. Avant de fermer ses portes, l’année dernière, Psy-Group faisait partie d’une nouvelle vague de sociétés de renseignement privées recrutant dans les rangs des services secrets israéliens et se présentant comme des « Mossads privés ».

    C’est aussi la suite de :

    Private Mossad for Hire
    Adam Entous et Ronan Farrow, The New-Yorker, le 11 février 2019

    Au delà du sujet de l’article, intéressant, je le mettrai avec la liste des articles dans de grands journaux américains (avec The New-York Times) qui publient des articles très critiques d’israel, un peu comme un backlash de la politique trop conservatrice de Trump ?

    A rajouter, donc, à la liste d’articles qui suit l’évolution de la situation aux États-Unis (et du #New-Yorker ) vis à vis de la Palestine :

    #Palestine #USA #BDS #Hatem_Bazian #Peter_Moskowitz #Salah_Sarsour #Psy-Group #services_secrets #privatisation

  • Mise en orbite groovy et sensuelle avec Adam Naas à l’Espace Django vendredi

    Depuis 2016 et le choc de « Fading Away », Adam Naas hante les esprits des plus audiophiles. Sa voix, sa présence, son style, sa soul… Tout intrigue chez ce jeune artiste français. Rencontre à prévoir à l’Espace Django le vendredi 12 avril. (lire l’article complet : Mise en orbite groovy et sensuelle avec Adam Naas à l’Espace Django vendredi)

    • Netanyahu polishes security image in Moscow as vote approaches
      Ben Caspit April 3, 2019

      Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will pass up no opportunity for political points as the April 9 elections approach. Today, April 4, he will meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, their second meeting in about six weeks. The last one took place on Feb. 27, after a long disconnect between the two leaders. This one comes only a few days before the political electoral verdict that will also decide Netanyahu’s personal fate. During this meeting, Netanyahu will also thank Putin. The Arab media reported that Russia was a third country that helped Israel to return the body of soldier Zacharia Baumel, who had been missing for 37 years. After he milked the March 25 celebration with President Donald Trump in the White House, Netanyahu is looking toward Putin, who is still venerated by many former Soviet Union citizens who moved to Israel. In this last-minute trip, Netanyahu is again trying to convey that no one can replace him in terms of international status.

      Russia helps find remains of Israeli soldier missing since 1982
      April 4, 2019 4:56 P.M. (Updated : April 5, 2019 1:03 P.M.)

    • Le Hezbollah se mure dans son silence après le « cadeau » russe fait à Netanyahu
      Jeanine JALKH | OLJ | 05/04/2019

      La remise par Moscou des restes du soldat porté disparu en 1982 n’affectera toutefois pas les relations entre le parti chiite et la Russie, estime un analyste proche du Hezb.

      Par-delà sa signification et ses effets escomptés sur les relations russo-israéliennes, la remise des restes de Zachary Baumel, commandant de char du 362e bataillon blindé porté disparu en 1982 au Liban, par la Russie à Israël, n’a suscité aucune réaction de la part du Hezbollah qui se refuse catégoriquement à commenter cette affaire. Le parti a probablement du mal à comprendre pourquoi Moscou, voire même le régime syrien, partenaire présumé de la Russie dans cette opération, aurait consenti à cet échange, sachant qu’il a de tout temps adopté la politique du donnant donnant, notamment dans le cadre d’échanges de prisonniers de guerre ou des dépouilles de combattants ou de soldats.

      Hier, la Russie a annoncé officiellement son parrainage de l’opération de recherche qui a abouti à localiser le corps du soldat, un commandant de char qui avait disparu entre le 10 et le 11 juin 1982 lors d’une bataille qui s’était déroulée à la Békaa, dans la localité de Sultan Yacoub, non loin de la frontière libano-syrienne. (...)

    • Poutine : la Syrie a aidé la Russie à récupérer la dépouille de Zachary Baumel
      Par Judah Ari Gross, Times of Israel Staff et AFP 4 avril 2019

      Le président russe Vladimir Poutine a déclaré jeudi que l’armée russe, avec l’aide de la Syrie, avait participé aux efforts visant à récupérer la dépouille du sergent Zachary Baumel, qui avait été tué en 1982 lors de la Première guerre du Liban lors de la bataille de Sultan Yacoub contre l’armée syrienne.

      « Les soldats de l’armée russe ont trouvé le corps en coordination avec l’armée syrienne », a déclaré Poutine durant une conférence de presse avec le Premier ministre Benjamin Netanyahu.

      La Syrie contredit Poutine, nie avoir aidé au rapatriement de Zachary Baumel
      Par Judah Ari Gross, Adam Rasgon et Times of Israel

      Damas soutient que "toute l’opération était l’œuvre d’Israël et de groupes terroristes," après que le Kremlin a indiqué que les troupes russes l’avaient menée avec l’armée syrienne
      « Nous n’avons pas la moindre information sur le sujet et ignorons s’il y a des restes ou pas, » ajoute le communiqué.
      Un responsable de l’organisation terroriste palestinienne du Front populaire de libération de la Palestine (FPLP) basé en Syrie a fait savoir mercredi que des insurgés ayant pris le contrôle du camp de réfugiés palestiniens de Yarmouk à Damas jusqu’à l’année dernière avaient excavé des tombes à la recherche des dépouilles de trois soldats disparus. Le FPLP l’avait déjà affirmé par le passé.

      Le ministre de l’Information syrien Imad Sara a assuré à la télévision officielle que la Russie n’était pas non plus impliquée. « Ce que nous croyons, c’est que toute l’opération a été menée par Israël et des groupes terroristes armés en Syrie. »(...)

  • Right-Wing Donor Adam Milstein Has Spent Millions of Dollars to Stifle the BDS Movement and Attack Critics of Israeli Policy
    Alex Kane, The Intercept, le 25 mars 2019

    From 2004 to 2016 (the last year that records are available online), the Milstein Family Foundation, which Adam and his wife Gila run, gave at least $4.4 million to groups in the United States and Israel that work to solidify the U.S.-Israel alliance and harshly attack critics of Israeli policy, according to an Intercept review of foundation tax records.

    What appeared to be charitable donations, however, turned out to be a vehicle to evade taxes. Milstein was indicted on and ultimately pleaded guilty to two counts of federal tax evasion. He admitted that he gave $53,550 to Spinka affiliates from 2005 to 2007, declared that money as donations on his tax returns, and received 90 percent of it back from the groups. He was sentenced to three months in minimum-security prison, 600 hours of community service, three years of supervised release, and a $30,000 fine, in addition to back taxes owed.

    Milstein has also given to politicians, particularly to hawkish Democrats and Republicans who advocate for Israel in Congress. Since 2011, he has donated $8,700 to Brad Sherman, a California Democrat who earlier this year called on UCLA to bar SJP from hosting its national conference on campus, and since 2015, has given $7,400 to Juan Vargas, another California Democrat who recently said that questioning the U.S.-Israel relationship is “unacceptable.” He has also donated to Sens. Kamala Harris ($500), Kirsten Gillibrand ($1,000), Ted Cruz ($10,800), Chuck Schumer ($2,700), Ron Wyden ($3,000), Jeanne Shaheen ($2,000), Brian Schatz ($1,000) and Robert Menendez ($1,900).

    #Palestine #BDS #USA #corruption

  • What Outkast’s “Hey Ya!” Can Teach Us About #blockchain Mass Adoption

    The members of Outkast have parlayed their hip hop careers into decades-long endeavors that extend beyond the music industry.Most recently, Big Boi performed 2004 №1 hit “The Way You Move” at the Super Bowl, alongside Maroon 5’s Adam Levine and Sleepy Brown, the latter of whom sang on the original version.While reading Charles Duhigg’s “The Power of Habit” recently, I learned the story of their smash hit, “Hey Ya!” This song’s unique trajectory to success could teach us about blockchain adoption, I thought.“The Power of Habit”“People listen to Top 40 because they want to hear their favorite songs or songs that sound like their favorite songs. When something different comes on, they’re offended. They don’t want anything unfamiliar.”Charles Duhigg, The Power of HabitIn his book, “The Power of Habit,” (...)

    #bitcoin #cryptocurrency #mass-adoption #technology

  • N°1 Archives privées contemporaines : quel traitement ? quel devenir ? - vendredi 16 mars 2018, 11h-13h

    Conception : Reine Prat (coordinatrice générale de l’événement), : Emilie Blanc, Adam Evrard, Valentin Gleyze et Adelin.e Leménager ( Université Rennes 2), Elvan Zabunyan (historienne de l’art contemporain, professeur à Rennes 2), Ewen Chardronnet (artiste, commissaire d’expositions), Alain Carou (BnF), Catherine Gonnard (Ina), Catherine Lord (artiste, écrivaine).

    Après la projection du court-métrage « Nathalie Magnan, théoricienne des médias » de Christophe Écoffet, Cyril Thomas et Gilles Beaujard, interrogent les frontières du #genre et le rôle majeur de Nathalie Magnan pour l’enseignement et la diffusion des pensées #féministes et #queer nord-américaines en France. Cette introduction est conclue par Elvan Zabunyan qui évoque ses rencontres avec la théoricienne des médias. Ewen Chardronnet propose une navigation à travers les #archives de #Nathalie_Magnan en datavisualisation à partir de l’outil Zotero. Catherine Gonnard intervient du double point de vue de documentaliste à l’Ina et de militante engagée dans les archives féministes et lesbiennes. Alain Carou précise dans quelles conditions la BnF accueillera et s’attachera à valoriser, dans toutes leurs dimensions, ses archives. Catherine Lord revient sur les spécificités des archives Lgbtq et présente un slide-show, réalisé à partir d’une sélection des quelques 25 000 photographies numériques personnelles de l’activiste, ce qui suscite une forte émotion dans la salle.

  • [ActeursPublics] Débat : L’État face aux géants du Web

    Chaque mois, Écrans publics propose de débattre autour de documentaires qui interrogent les politiques publiques. Ce mois-ci, la diffusion du documentaire Apple, Google, Facebook, les nouveaux maîtres du monde, de Yannick Adam de Villiers, a…

    #censure_et_filtrage_du_Net #Cite_La_Quadrature_du_Net #liberté_d'expression #Revue_de_presse #Surveillance #Vie_privée_-_Données_personnelles #revue_de_presse

  • Domestik

    Adam Sedlák, 2018, HU-CZ, dcp, VO ST EN, 117’

    Roman s’entraîne pour intégrer une équipe de vélo sur piste. Charlotte, sa femme, veut un enfant. Elle vérifie son mucus cervical, il mesure ses kilomètres/heure et son rythme cardiaque. Ils ne mangent ni viande, ni gluten. Pendant qu’ils dorment dans la tente à oxygène, le robot aspirateur nettoie le sol en béton ciré de leur intérieur clinique. Tout va bien. En fait, tout va mal. Adam Sedlák met en scène de façon minimaliste des corps médicalisés, rationalisés, qui poursuivent chacun leur idéal au détriment de l’autre. Le quasi huis clos tourne progressivement à l’horreur, les corps deviennent meurtris, sont violentés. C’est un couple qui se détruit lentement à grands coups de dispositifs médicaux. Un film gore en chambre stérile.

    jeudi 28 mars 2019 à 19h (...)

    • Grenoble : Le point sur la situation après une troisième nuit d’émeutes

      Un adolescent de 16 ans grièvement blessé à l’œil
      Au cours des affrontements de samedi soir, un garçon de 16 ans a été blessé à l’œil dans le quartier Mistral dans des circonstances qui restent vagues. Sa mère a porté plainte lundi, selon le parquet de Grenoble. Des voisins auraient indiqué à la Grenobloise que son fils aurait été victime d’un tir de balle en caoutchouc. « A ce stade, nous ne disposons d’aucune autre information », a précisé lundi soir le procureur de la République de Grenoble Eric Vaillant, qui a ouvert une enquête pour « violences volontaires avec arme suivies d’une ITT supérieure à huit jours ». Des faits qui n’ont pas manqué d’ajouter à la suspicion envers les forces de l’ordre d’une partie des habitants, selon plusieurs messages postés sur les réseaux sociaux.

      Des compléments sur les affrontations, des point de vue de proches, etc.

      « On les a envoyés à la mort », accuse un proche. « On était vraiment sur de la chasse... On dirait du du gros gibier (...) on a ôté la vie à deux personnes, on a rendu des gens malheureux, Un scooter à 1000 euros, deux morts, ça se passe de commentaires »

      #Maintien_de_l'ordre #violences_policières #violence_d'État #LBD40 @davduf

    • ⎯ Tu te rappelles que tu ne dois jamais mentionner dans tes titres qu’ils étaient poursuivis par la police ?
      ⎯ T’inquiète.

      via @vivelefeu

      Après des jours d’émeute, faute de figurer dans le titre, le mot « police » figure dans la première phrase.

      La mort de Fatih et Adam, révélatrice des fractures de Grenoble , Henri Seckel et Maud Obels.

      Depuis la mort dans un accident de deux jeunes poursuivis par la police, les nuits de fièvre se succèdent dans le quartier du Mistral.

      Jusqu’alors, les seuls messages de protestation visibles devant l’école Anatole-France concernaient le trop grand nombre d’élèves en classe de CP et la vitesse trop élevée des automobilistes. Sur la façade de cet établissement du quartier Mistral, dans le sud de Grenoble, sont venues s’ajouter ces jours-ci des inscriptions d’un autre genre : « La police tue la jeunesse de demain », « Vous allez payer », « Aucune pitié pour les porcs », « 500 euros pour chaque policier au sol ». Et aussi « F & A, on vous aime pour toujours ».

      Environ 1 500 personnes se sont rassemblées, mercredi 6 mars, devant ces tags hostiles aux forces de l’ordre, pour une marche silencieuse à la mémoire de Fatih et Adam, 19 et 17 ans, que tous présentent comme de bons garçons, et qui ont trouvé la mort samedi à quelques hectomètres de là. Ils circulaient, sans casque et sans permis, sur un scooter volé à bord duquel ils auraient grillé des feux rouges et brisé des rétroviseurs, et ont été pris en chasse par deux voitures de police. La course-poursuite a emprunté un petit bout de l’A480, qui longe le quartier Mistral. L’accident s’est produit sur une bretelle de sortie. Le parallèle avec Zyed et Bouna, deux jeunes de 17 et 15 ans morts électrocutés en 2005 à Clichy-sous-Bois (Seine-Saint-Denis) dans un poste électrique en tentant d’échapper à un contrôle policier, a vite surgi.
      Lire aussi A Grenoble, une nouvelle nuit tendue après la « marche blanche » en hommage à Adam et Fatih

      « Question d’orgueil »

      Au lendemain du drame, le procureur de la République de Grenoble, Eric Vaillant, s’est voulu aussi précis que possible sur le déroulement des faits, en s’appuyant sur une caméra de vidéosurveillance et le témoignage d’un chauffeur de car : « Il a vu dans son rétroviseur un scooter et un véhicule de police. Il a décidé de se serrer sur la droite pour leur laisser le passage, sauf que le scooter a décidé de doubler le car par la droite et s’est retrouvé coincé entre le car et le parapet. En l’état, il n’y a eu, selon nous, aucun choc entre le véhicule de police et le scooter. »

      La démonstration n’a pas convaincu la totalité des 3 000 « Mistraliens ». Une photo d’une éraflure sur le pare-chocs avant de la voiture de police a atterri sur tous les téléphones, aussitôt interprétée comme la preuve d’une collision avec le scooter. « On les a envoyés à la mort, affirme Karim, l’oncle maternel d’Adam. On dirait que venir ici, pour les forces de l’ordre, c’est comme faire un safari, chasser du gros gibier. » « Les policiers ont de la rancœur parce qu’ils n’arrivent pas à agir sur ce quartier, c’était une question d’orgueil, il fallait absolument les attraper, explique un jeune homme souhaitant rester anonyme, comme les amis qui l’entourent, à la terrasse du snack La Cantine. C’est dommage qu’une simple question d’orgueil aboutisse à deux morts. »

      « Si on commence à ne plus contrôler ce genre de personnes et à ne plus faire de flagrants délits, on reste au commissariat et on ne fait plus rien, répond Philippe Lepagnol, secrétaire départemental en Isère du syndicat de police Alliance, qui dit avoir vu les images de vidéosurveillance. Les jeunes ont pris des risques énormes, c’est ça qui les mène à l’accident, pas la police. On est des pères de famille, on sait faire preuve de discernement. On déplore ce drame, mais on est sereins sur les circonstances. »

      L’épisode ne risque pas de réparer la fracture, qui semblait déjà définitive, entre policiers et jeunes du quartier. Les seconds dénoncent les « abus de pouvoir permanents » des premiers, les premiers le « sentiment d’impunité » des seconds. Lesquels n’ont pas plus confiance en la justice ni en l’enquête qui débute à peine : « Qu’est-ce que c’est que ce silence général sur les circonstances de l’accident ? Quelqu’un a quelque chose à se reprocher ? » Le temps – long – de la justice n’est pas celui – immédiat – de l’émotion.

      La marche silencieuse s’est élancée à 16 h 30, et le cortège a fait ses premiers pas dans un paysage urbain défiguré, entre Abribus aux vitres émiettées et squelettes de voitures. La plupart des carcasses calcinées ont été enlevées, ne reste alors plus que le goudron qui s’est gondolé sous l’effet de la chaleur, et que parsèment des dizaines de douilles de grenades lacrymogènes usagées. Les enfants ramassent ces curieux jouets, et se font gronder par leurs parents.

      Les stigmates des dernières nuits agitées dans le quartier sont partout. Depuis samedi, les lacrymos des CRS ont affronté les cailloux, boules de pétanque et cocktails Molotov parfois jetés directement depuis les étages des immeubles. D’autres secteurs de Grenoble (Villeneuve, Teisseire, Village olympique) et d’autres communes de l’agglomération (Echirolles, Fontaine, Saint-Martin-le-Vinoux) se sont embrasés également.

      Soixante-cinq voitures ont flambé dans la seule nuit de lundi à mardi. L’épisode rappelle 2010, et les émeutes qui avaient suivi la mort d’un braqueur, tué par les policiers, dans le quartier de la Villeneuve.

      Chantier permanent

      Ces nuits de fièvre ont fait un seul blessé grave (une enquête a été ouverte sur le cas de ce jeune homme de 16 ans qui a perdu un œil) et entraîné une seule interpellation : un homme de 25 ans, condamné mercredi à huit mois de prison ferme pour avoir jeté une barre de fer et des parpaings sur des policiers. « S’il faut aller en prison, on ira en prison », explique un jeune du quartier ayant participé aux échauffourées, pour qui la violence est légitime : « L’imam nous a dit de ne pas être violents, et de monter une association. Mais est-ce que vous seriez venus si on avait monté une association ? »

      Avant de se diriger vers le pont de Catane, à l’entrée duquel Adam et Fatih sont morts, les manifestants ont serpenté dans le quartier Mistral, bâti dans les années 1960, dont on se demande aujourd’hui comment ses concepteurs ont pu s’enthousiasmer pour ses hautes barres de 150 mètres de long sur 10 de large aux façades totalement planes, même si les premiers sommets du Vercors, en arrière-plan, agrémentent l’ensemble. Le quartier, chantier permanent, s’oriente vers quelque chose de plus aéré, de moins haut.

      Pendant que les arbres attendent le printemps, la vaste esplanade centrale jonchée de détritus attend les éboueurs et les dealers attendent les clients. « Je n’ai jamais vu une ville de cette taille aussi pourrie et gangrenée par le trafic de drogue », avait dit de Grenoble le précédent procureur, Jean-Yves Coquillat. « Ce quartier est sans doute l’endroit où il s’était le plus structuré, mais ça a bougé », assure Eric Piolle, lointain successeur à la mairie de Paul Mistral (1919-1932), qui a donné son nom au quartier.

      Appels à la haine

      L’actuel édile écologiste ne nie pas les difficultés mais loue le travail de « couture urbaine » en cours, symbolisé entre autres par Le Plateau, centre socioculturel de grande qualité. Son directeur, Hassen Bouzeghoub, attaché à ce quartier qui l’a vu naître il y a cinquante-trois ans, n’en cache pas les défauts : « C’est une enclave urbaine, un quartier “du bout”, qui vient s’écraser contre un mur d’autoroute. Il concentre tous les problèmes – paupérisation, absence de mixité, échec scolaire, délinquance, chômage. Il y a un nouveau projet urbain depuis une dizaine d’années, mais on paie aujourd’hui vingt ans d’errance entre 1980 et 2000, qui ont abouti à un entre-soi, et généré des fonctionnements sociaux particuliers. La fracture sociale est intense. »

      Plus encore lorsqu’un drame survient, parce qu’alors, « tout ressort de façon épidermique, analyse Eric Piolle. Certains se sentent désaffiliés, et cette désaffiliation peut se transformer en colère ». Les appels à la haine ont fleuri sur les réseaux sociaux depuis samedi. « Nous devons nous garder de nous laisser entraîner dans cette boue, dont nous sortirions tous salis », a dénoncé le maire mardi, à la veille de l’enterrement des deux garçons – en périphérie de Grenoble pour l’un, en Turquie pour l’autre. Avant et après la marche, les appels à cesser les violences se sont multipliés. « Ça ne sert à rien, ça ne fera pas revenir Adam », avait dit sa mère, Jamila, au Dauphiné libéré le matin. Appel à moitié entendu : la nuit de mercredi à jeudi a encore vu quelques voitures brûler et des cocktails Molotov tomber des fenêtres.


  • Three Theses on Neoliberal Migration and Social Reproduction

    Today there are more than 1 billion regional and international migrants, and the number continues to rise: within 40 years, it might double because of climate change. While many of these migrants might not cross a regional or international border, people change residences and jobs more often, while commuting longer and farther to work. This increase in human mobility and expulsion affects us all. It should be recognized as a defining feature of our epoch: The twenty-first century will be the century of the migrant.

    The argument of this paper is that the migrant is also a defining figure of neoliberal social reproduction. This argument is composed of three interlocking theses on what I am calling the “neoliberal migrant.”

    Thesis 1 : The first thesis argues that the migrant is foremost a socially constitutive figure. That is, we should not think of the migrant as a derivative or socially exceptional figure who merely travels between pre- constituted states. The movement and circulation of migrants has always played an important historical role in the social and kinetic production and reproduction of society itself.1

    Thesis 2 : The second thesis therefore argues that social reproduction itself is a fundamentally kinetic or mobile process. The fact that a historically record number of human beings are now migrating and commuting between countries, cities, rural and urban areas, multiple part time precarious jobs, means that humans are now spending a world historical record amount of unpaid labor-time just moving around. This mobility is itself a form of social reproduction.

    Thesis 3 : The third thesis is that neoliberalism functions as a migration regime of social reproduction. Under neoliberalism, the burden of social reproduction has been increasingly displaced from the state to the population itself (health care, child care, transportation, and other traditionally social services). At the same time, workers now have less time than ever before to do this labor because of increasing reproductive mobility regimes (thesis two). This leads then to a massively expanded global market for surplus reproductive laborers who can mow lawns, clean houses, and care for children so first world laborers can commute longer and more frequently. Neoliberalism completes the cycle by providing a new “surplus reproductive labor army” in the form of displaced migrants from the global South.

    We turn now to a defense of these theses.

    Thesis 1 : The Migrant is Socially Constitutive

    This is the case, in short, because societies are themselves defined by a continual movement of circulation, expansion, and expulsion that relies on the mobility of migrants to accommodate its social expansions and contractions.

    The migrant is the political figure who is socially expelled or dispossessed, to some degree as a result, or as the cause, of their mobility. We are not all migrants, but most of us are becoming migrants. At the turn of the twenty- first century, there were more regional and international migrants than ever before in recorded history—a fact that political theory has yet to take seriously.2

    If we are going to take the figure of the migrant seriously as a constitutive, and not derivative, figure of Western politics, we have to change the starting point of political theory. Instead of starting with a set of pre-existing citizens, we should begin with the flows of migrants and the ways they have circulated or sedimented into citizens and states in the first place—as well as emphasizing how migrants have constituted a counterpower and alternative to state structures.

    This requires first of all that we take seriously the constitutive role played by migrants before the 19th century, and give up the arbitrary starting point of the nation-state. In this way we will be able to see how the nation-state itself was not the origin but the product of migration and bordering techniques that existed long before it came on the scene.3

    Second of all, and based on this, we need to rethink the idea of political inclusion as a fundamentally kinetic process of circulation, not just as a formal legal, economic, or other kind of status. In other words, instead of a formal political distinction between inclusion/exclusion or a formal economic distinc- tion between productive/unproductive, we need a material one of circulation/ recirculation showing how social activity is defined by lived cycles of socially reproductive motions.

    One way to think about the constitutive role played by migrants is as a kinetic radicalization of Karl Marx’s theory of primitive accumulation.

    Primitive Accumulation
    Marx develops this concept from a passage in Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations: “The accumulation of stock must, in the nature of things, be previous to the division of labour.”4 In other words, before humans can be divided into owners and workers, there must have already been an accu- mulation such that those in power could enforce the division in the first place. The superior peoples of history naturally accumulate power and stock and then wield it to perpetuate the subordination of their inferiors. For Smith, this process is simply a natural phenomenon: Powerful people always already have accumulated stock, as if from nowhere.

    For Marx, however, this quote is perfectly emblematic of the historical obfuscation of political economists regarding the violence and expulsion required for those in power to maintain and expand their stock. Instead of acknowledging this violence, political economy mythologizes and naturalizes it just like the citizen-centric nation state does politically. For Marx the concept of primitive accumulation has a material history. It is the precapitalist condition for capitalist production. In particular, Marx identifies this process with the expulsion of peasants and indigenous peoples from their land through enclosure, colonialism, and anti-vagabond laws in sixteenth-century England. Marx’s thesis is that the condition of the social expansion of capitalism is the prior expulsion of people from their land and from their legal status under customary law. Without the expulsion of these people, there is no expansion of private property and thus no capitalism.

    While some scholars argue that primitive accumulation was merely a single historical event in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, others argue that it plays a recurring logical function within capitalism itself: In order to expand, capitalism today still relies on non-capitalist methods of social expulsion and violence.5

    The idea of expansion by expulsion broadens the idea of primitive accumulation in two ways. First, the process of dispossessing people of their social status (expulsion) in order to further develop or advance a given form of social motion (expansion) is not at all unique to the capitalist regime of social motion. We see the same social process in early human societies whose progressive cultivation of land and animals (territorial expansion) with the material technology of fencing also expelled (territorial dispossession) a part of the human population. This includes hunter-gatherers whose territory was transformed into agricultural land, as well as surplus agriculturalists for whom there was no more arable land left to cultivate at a certain point. Thus social expulsion is the condition of social expansion in two ways: It is an internal condition that allows for the removal of part of the population when certain internal limits have been reached (carrying capacity of a given territory, for example) and it is an external condition that allows for the removal of part of the population outside these limits when the territory is able to expand outward into the lands of other groups (hunter gatherers). In this case, territorial expansion was only possible on the condition that part of the population was expelled in the form of migratory nomads, forced into the surrounding mountains and deserts.

    We later see the same logic in the ancient world, whose dominant polit- ical form, the state, would not have been possible without the material tech- nology of the border wall that both fended off as enemies and held captive as slaves a large body of barbarians (through political dispossession) from the mountains of the Middle East and Mediterranean. The social conditions for the expansion of a growing political order, including warfare, colonialism, and massive public works, were precisely the expulsion of a population of barbarians who had to be walled out and walled in by political power. This technique occurs again and again throughout history, as I have tried to show in my work.

    The second difference between previous theories of primitive accumulation and the more expansive one offered here is that this process of prior expulsion or social deprivation Marx noted is not only territorial or juridical, and its expansion is not only economic.6 Expulsion does not simply mean forcing people off their land, although in many cases it may include this. It also means depriving people of their political rights by walling off the city, criminalizing types of persons by the cellular techniques of enclosure and incarceration, or restricting their access to work by identification and checkpoint techniques.

    Expulsion is the degree to which a political subject is deprived or dispossessed of a certain status in the social order. Accordingly, societies also expand and reproduce their power in several major ways: through territorial accumulation, political power, juridical order, and economic

    profit. What is similar between the theory of primitive accumulation and the kinetic theory of expansion by expulsion is that most major expan- sions of social kinetic power also require a prior or primitive violence of kinetic social expulsion. The border is the material technology and social regime that directly enacts this expulsion. The concept of primitive accu- mulation is merely one historical instance of a more general kinopolitical logic at work in the emergence and reproduction of previous societies.

    Marx even makes several general statements in Capital that justify this kind of interpretive extension. For Marx, the social motion of production in general strives to reproduce itself. He calls this “periodicity”: “Just as the heavenly bodies always repeat a certain movement, once they have been flung into it, so also does social production, once it has been flung into this movement of alternate expansion and contraction. Effects become causes in their turn, and the various vicissitudes of the whole process, which always reproduces its own conditions, take on the form of periodicity.”7 According to Marx, every society, not just capitalist ones, engages in some form of social production. Like the movements of the planets, society expands and contracts itself according to a certain logic, which strives to reproduce and expand the conditions that brought it about in the first place. Its effects in turn become causes in a feedback loop of social circulation. For Marx, social production is thus fundamentally a social motion of circulation or reproduction.

    In short, the material-kinetic conditions for the expansion of societies re- quires the use of borders (fences, walls, cells, checkpoints) to produce a system of marginalized territorial, political, legal, and economic migrants that can be more easily recirculated elsewhere as needed. Just as the vagabond migrant is dispossessed by enclosures and transformed into the economic proletariat, so each dominant social system has its own structure of expansion by expulsion and reproduction as well.

    Expansion by Expulsion

    Expulsion is therefore a social movement that drives out and entails a deprivation of social status.8 Social expulsion is not simply the deprivation of territorial status (i.e., removal from the land); it includes three other major types of social deprivation: political, juridical, and economic. This is not a spatial or temporal concept but a fundamentally kinetic concept insofar as we understand movement extensively and intensively, that is, quantitatively and qualitatively. Social expulsion is the qualitative transformation of deprivation in status, resulting in or as a result of extensive movement in spacetime.

    The social expulsion of migrants, for example, is not always free or forced. In certain cases, some migrants may decide to move, but they are not free to determine the social or qualitative conditions of their movement or the degree to which they may be expelled from certain social orders. Therefore, even in this case, expulsion is still a driving-out insofar as its conditions are not freely or individually chosen but socially instituted and compelled. Expulsion is a fundamentally social and collective process because it is the loss of a socially determined status, even if only temporarily and to a small degree.9

    Expansion, on the other hand, is the process of opening up that allows something to pass through. This opening-up also entails a simultaneous extension or spreading out. Expansion is thus an enlargement or exten- sion through a selective opening. Like the process of social expulsion, the process of social expansion is not strictly territorial or primarily spatial; it is also an intensive or qualitative growth in territorial, political, juridical, and economic kinopower. It is both an intensive and extensive increase in the conjunction of new social flows and a broadening of social circulation. Colonialism is a good example of an expansion which is clearly territorial as well as political, juridical, and economic.

    Kinopower is thus defined by a constitutive circulation, but this circulation functions according to a dual logic of reproduction. At one end, social circulation is a motion that drives flows outside its circulatory system: expulsion. This is accomplished by redirecting and driving out certain flows through exile, slavery, criminalization, or unemployment. At the other end of circulation there is an opening out and passing in of newly conjoined flows through a growth of territorial, political, juridical, and economic power. Expansion by expulsion is the social logic by which some members of society are dispossessed of their status as migrants so that social power can be expanded elsewhere. Power is not only a question of repression; it is a question of mobilization and kinetic reproduction.

    For circulation to open up to more flows and become more powerful than it was, it has historically relied on the disjunction or expulsion of mi- grant flows. In other words, the expansion of power has historically relied on a socially constitutive migrant population.

    Thesis 2: Mobility is a form of Social Reproduction

    People today continually move greater distances more frequently than ever before in human history. Even when people are not moving across a regional or international border, they tend to have more jobs, change jobs more often, commute longer and farther to their places of work,10 change their residences repeatedly, and tour internationally more often.11

    Some of these phenomena are directly related to recent events, such as the impoverishment of middle classes in certain rich countries after the financial crisis of 2008, neoliberal austerity cuts to social-welfare programs, and rising unemployment. The subprime-mortgage crisis, for example, led to the expul- sion of millions of people from their homes worldwide (9 million in the United States alone). Globally, foreign investors and governments have acquired 540 million acres since 2006, resulting in the eviction of millions of small farmers in poor countries, and mining practices have become increasingly destructive around the world—including hydraulic fracturing and tar sands.

    In 2006, the world crossed a monumental historical threshold, with more than half of the world’s population living in urban centers, compared with just fifteen percent a hundred years ago. This number is now expected to rise above seventy-five percent by 2050, with more than two billion more people moving to cities.12 The term “global urbanization,” as Saskia Sassen rightly observes, is only another way of politely describing large-scale human migration and displacement from rural areas, often caused by corporate land grabs.13 What this means is not only that more people are migrating to cities but now within cities and between suburban and urban areas for work. This general increase in human mobility and expulsion is now widely recognized as a defining feature of the twenty-first century so far.14

    Accordingly, this situation is having and will continue to have major social consequences for social relations in the twenty-first century. It there- fore demands the attention of critical theory. In particular, it should call our attention to the fact that this epic increase in human mobility and migration around the world is not just a minor or one-time “inconvenience” or “eco- nomic risk” that migrants make and then join the ranks of other “settled” urban workers. It is a continuous, ongoing, and nearly universal massive ex- traction of unpaid reproductive labor.

    Urban workers have become increasingly unsettled and mobile.The world average commuting time is now 40 minutes, one-way.15 This unpaid transport time is not a form of simply unproductive or unpaid labor. It is actually the material and kinetic conditions for the reproduction of the worker herself to arrive at work ready for labor. Not only this, but unpaid transport labor also continuously reproduces the spatial architecture of capitalist urban centers and suburban peripheries.16 The increasing neoliberal privatization of roadway construction and tollways is yet another way in which unpaid transport labor is not “unproductive” at all but rather continues to reproduce a massive new private transport market.This goes hand in hand with the neoliberal decline of affordable public transportation, especially in the US.

    Unfortunately, transport mobility has not traditionally been considered a form of social reproductive activity, but as global commute times and traffic increase, it is now becoming extremely obvious how important and constitu- tive this migratory labor actually is to the functioning of capital. If we define social reproduction as including all the conditions for the worker to arrive at work, then surely mobility is one of these necessary conditions. Perhaps one of the reasons it has not been recognized as such is because transport is an activity that looks least like an activity, since the worker is typically just sitting in a vehicle. Or perhaps the historical identification of vehicles and migration as sites of freedom (especially in America) has covered over the oppressive and increasingly obligatory unpaid labor time they often entail.

    The consequences of this new situation appeared at first as merely tempo- ral inconveniences for first-world commuters or what we might call BMWs (bourgeoise migrant workers).This burden initially fell and still falls dispropor- tionally on women who are called on to make up for the lost reproductive labor of their traveling spouses (even if they themselves also commute). Increasingly, however, as more women have begun to commute farther and more often this apparently or merely reproductive neoliberal transport labor has actually pro- duced a growing new market demand for a “surplus reproductive labor army” to take up these domestic and care labors. This brings us to our third thesis.

    Thesis: 3: Neoliberal Migration is a Regime of Social Reproduction

    The third thesis is that neoliberalism functions as a migration regime of social reproduction. This is the case insofar as neoliberalism expands itself in the form of a newly enlarged reproductive labor market, accomplished through the relative expulsion of the workers from their homes (and into

    vehicles) and the absolute expulsion of a migrant labor force from the global south to fill this new market.

    Migration therefore has and continues to function as a constitutive form of social reproduction (thesis one). This is a crucial thesis because it stresses the active role migrants play in the production and reproduction of society, but it is not a new phenomenon. Marx was of course one of the first to identify this process with respect to the capitalist mode of production. The proletariat is always already a migrant proletariat. At any moment an employed worker could be unemployed and forced to relocate according to the demands of capitalist valorization. In fact, the worker’s mobility is the condition of modern industry’s whole form of motion. Without the migration of a surplus population to new markets, from the rural to the city, from city to city, from country to country (what Marx calls the “floating population”) capitalist accumulation would not be possible at all. “Modern industry’s whole form of motion,” Marx claims, “therefore depends on the constant transformation of a part of the working population into unemployed or semi-employed ‘hands.’”17 As capitalist markets expand, contract, and multiply “by fits and starts,” Marx says, capital requires the possibility of suddenly adding and subtracting “great masses of men into decisive areas without doing any damage to the scale of production. The surplus population supplies these masses.”18

    What is historically new about the neoliberal migration regime is not merely that it simply expels a portion of the population in order to put it into waged labor elsewhere. What is new is that late-capitalist neoliberalism has now expelled one portion of the workers from a portion of their ownun-waged reproductive activity in order open up a new market for the waged activity of an as yet unexploited productive population of migrants from the global South. In other words reproductive labor itself has become a site of capitalist expansion. Wherever objects and activities have not yet been commodified, there we will find the next frontier of capitalist valorization.

    The consequence of this is a dramatic double expulsion. On the one hand, the bourgeois migrant worker is expelled from her home in the form of unpaid reproductive transport labor so that on the other hand the proletarian migrant worker can be expelled from her home as an international migrant and then expelled from her home again as a commuting worker to do someone else’s reproductive activity. The burden of social reproduction then falls disproportionately on the last link in the chain: the unpaid reproductive labor that sustains the domestic and social life of the migrant family. This is what must be ultimately expelled to expand the market of social reproduction at another level. This expulsion falls disproportionally on migrant women from the global south who must somehow reproduce their family’s social conditions, commute, and then reproduce someone else’s family’s conditions well.19

    Neoliberalism thus works on both fronts at the same time. On one side it increasingly withdraws and/or privatizes state social services that aid in social reproductive activities (child care, health care, public transit, and so on) while at the same increasing transport and commute times making a portion of those activities increasingly difficult for workers. On the other side it introduces the same structural adjustment policies (curtailed state and increased privatization) into the global South with the effect of mass economic migration to Northern countries where migrants can become waged producers in what was previously an “unproductive” (with respect to capital) sector of human activity: social reproduction itself.


    This is the sense in which migrants play a constitutive role in the kinopolitics of social reproduction and neoliberal expansion. In other words, neoliberal migration has made possible a new level of commodification of social reproduction itself. Waged domestic labor is not new, of course, but what is new is the newly expanded nature of this sector of labor and its entanglement with a global regime of neoliberal expulsion and forced migration.

    One of the features that defines the uniquely neoliberal form of social reproduction today is the degree to which capitalism has relied directly on economically liberal trade policies and politically liberal international governments in order to redistribute record-breaking numbers of “surplus migrant reproductive labor” into Western countries. Global migration is therefore not the side-effect of neoliberal globalization; it is the main effect. Neoliberalism should thus be understood as a migration regime for expanding Western power through the expulsion and accumulation of migrant reproductive labor.

    #migrations #exploitation #néolibéralisme #mobilité #travail #main_d'oeuvre #reproduction_sociale #philosophie

    Mise en exergue d’une citation (fin de l’article) :

    Global migration is therefore not the side-effect of neoliberal globalization; it is the main effect. Neoliberalism should thus be understood as a migration regime for expanding Western power through the expulsion and accumulation of migrant reproductive labor.

    Article publié ici :

  • For Israel’s golden intel boys, it starts with terror and ends with greed Veterans of Israel’s famed signal intelligence corps, already well versed in violence against the helpless, are now indulging in rotten meddling abroad
    Gideon Levy - Feb 16, 2019 10:53 PM

    A coincidence brought together two stories in Haaretz last Wednesday. One reported on the sadistic abuse of two Palestinians by soldiers from the Netzah Yehuda Battalion, while the other told of astonishing meddling abroad by Israeli intelligence companies.

    Ostensibly the conduct of the battalion is more sickening. But actually the actions of veterans of the Mossad and the military’s signal intelligence unit, 8200, is much more disturbing.

    The abusive soldiers will be punished to some extent; usually they come from the margins of society. But the veterans of Israel’s top secret cyber-agencies are the new elite, the heroes of our time, beautiful and promising, the proud future of innovation and high-tech. Who doesn’t want their son or daughter to serve in 8200? Who isn’t proud of the Mossad’s work?

    But some of these good people do very bad things, no less infuriating than punching a blindfolded Palestinian in front of his son. At 8200 they don’t kill people or beat them up, but the damage the unit’s veterans do can be no less severe.

    The success stories are many. The name of the game is to start up a company, exit quickly and take the money. In T-shirts, sneakers and jeans they make money hand over fist. During their afternoon breaks they order sushi and play the video games “FIFA 17” and “Mortal Kombat.”

    Most of them come from 8200. Beneath their impressive successes, there is rot. The veterans of the biggest and maybe the most prestigious unit in the army, the new pilots, know everything. Sometimes too much.

    A long, disturbing article by Adam Entous and Ronan Farrow in The New Yorker tells about these companies, particularly Psy-Group, made up of Mossad and 8200 veterans. There’s no place in the world they’re not interfering – from Gabon to Romania, from the Netherlands to the U.S. elections.

    There’s also nothing they won’t do; money covers everything. Project Butterfly, the war declared by Israeli cyber-mercenaries on U.S. campuses against the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement, was particularly disgusting. Psy-Group, with members of the old boys’ club – Ram Ben-Barak, a former deputy head of the Mossad and a Yesh Atid Knesset candidate, and Yaakov Amidror, a general and a former national security adviser – spied on anti-Israel activists on U.S. campuses and collected dirt on them.

    It’s like a war, the hero Ben-Barak told The New Yorker. The private Israeli firm works on U.S. campuses against political activists for $2.5 million a year. This money was contributed by Jews (who were promised they were “investing in Israel’s future”), some of whose children are students on those same campuses.

    Imagine if a foreign company spied on right-wing students in Israel and spread slander about them. But Israel is allowed to do anything. Uzi Arad, a former national security adviser to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and a Mossad veteran, told The New Yorker that he was ashamed of these mercenaries.

    These actions are being carried out by the best of our young people. According to The New Yorker, the Israeli companies control the global disinformation and manipulation market. They have a huge advantage. As Gadi Aviran, founder of the intelligence firm Terrogence, told the magazine: “There was this huge pipeline of talent coming out of the military every year,” and “All a company like mine had to do was stand at the gate and say, ‘You look interesting.’” It always starts with terror, real or imagined, and ends with greed.

    First we have a “huge pipeline of talent” familiar with the alleyways of Jabalya and Jenin in the West Bank, well experienced in violence against the helpless. The training grounds of the Israeli arms industry, unmanned bombers and lethal joysticks have led to lots of prestige and money for the state.

    Now, in the spirit of the times, we have the meddlers from the high-ups of the Mossad and 8200. And when one day somebody asks where the temerity came from to meddle like that, we’ll quote Amidror, who said: “If people are ready to finance it, it is O.K. with me.” Before we keep encouraging young people to join 8200 and take pride in the unit, we should remember that this rot also emerged from it.

  • Private Mossad for Hire
    Inside an effort to influence American elections, starting with one small-town race.
    February 18 & 25, 2019
    By Adam Entous and Ronan Farrow

    (...) Psy-Group had more success pitching an operation, code-named Project Butterfly, to wealthy Jewish-American donors. The operation targeted what Psy-Group described as “anti-Israel” activists on American college campuses who supported the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions movement, known as B.D.S. Supporters of B.D.S. see the movement as a way to use nonviolent protest to pressure Israel about its treatment of the Palestinians; detractors say that B.D.S. wrongly singles out Israel as a human-rights offender. B.D.S. is anathema to many ardent supporters of the Israeli government.

    In early meetings with donors, in New York, Burstien said that the key to mounting an effective anti-B.D.S. campaign was to make it look as though Israel, and the Jewish-American community, had nothing to do with the effort. The goal of Butterfly, according to a 2017 company document, was to “destabilize and disrupt anti-Israel movements from within.” Psy-Group operatives scoured the Internet, social-media accounts, and the “deep” Web—areas of the Internet not indexed by search engines like Google—for derogatory information about B.D.S. activists. If a student claimed to be a pious Muslim, for example, Psy-Group operatives would look for photographs of him engaging in behavior unacceptable to many pious Muslims, such as drinking alcohol or having an affair. Psy-Group would then release the information online using avatars and Web sites that couldn’t be traced back to the company or its donors.

    Project Butterfly launched in February, 2016, and Psy-Group asked donors for $2.5 million for operations in 2017. Supporters were told that they were “investing in Israel’s future.” In some cases, a former company employee said, donors asked Psy-Group to target B.D.S. activists at universities where their sons and daughters studied.
    The project would focus on as many as ten college campuses. According to an update sent to donors in May, 2017, Psy-Group conducted two “tours of the main theatre of action,” and met with the campaign’s outside “partners,” which it did not name. Psy-Group employees had recently travelled to Washington to visit officials at a think tank called the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, which had shared some of its research on the B.D.S. movement. In a follow-up meeting, which was attended by Burstien, Psy-Group provided F.D.D. with a confidential memo describing how it had compiled dossiers on nine activists, including a lecturer at the University of California, Berkeley. In the memo, Psy-Group asked the foundation for guidance on identifying future targets. According to an F.D.D. official, the foundation “did not end up contracting with them, and their research did little to advance our own.”

    Burstien recruited Ram Ben-Barak, a former deputy director of Mossad, to help with the project. As the director general of Israel’s Ministry of Strategic Affairs, from 2014 to 2016, Ben-Barak had drawn up a plan for the state to combat the B.D.S. movement, but it was never implemented. Ben-Barak was enthusiastic about Butterfly. He said that the fight against B.D.S. was like “a war.” In the case of B.D.S. activists, he said, “you don’t kill them but you do have to deal with them in other ways.” (...)


  • You Don’t Need to Quit Your Job to Make

    “I want to debunk the myth that originality requires extreme risk taking and persuade you that originals are actually far more ordinary than we realize.” — Adam Grant, OriginalsHi readers. Allow me to introduce myself: I’m Steph. I’m an indie maker. I also lead a remote team of a couple dozen as the Head of Publications at Toptal. On top of that, I’m a self-taught developer, a woman, and identify with many more things.As I continue to tackle all of these in tandem, I often have people asking how I manage it all. Although it’s not a walk in the park, I believe that most people limit the dimension of what they think is possible and ultimately, limiting beliefs become more of a blocker than actual bandwidth.Moreover, I’ve always found it strange how people like to put things neatly into boxes or (...)

    #entrepreneurship #personal-development #learning #startup #lessons-learned

  • #ACME - numéro spécial sur « Border Imperialism »

    Situating Border Imperialism
    Levi Gahman, Elise Hjalmarson, Amy Cohen, Sutapa Chattopadhyay, Enrica Rigo, Sarah Launius, Geoffrey Boyce, Adam Aguirre, Elsa Noterman, Eli Meyerhoff, Amílcar Sanatan

    Border Imperialism, Racial Capitalism, and Geographies of Deracination
    Levi Gahman, Elise Hjalmarson

    “Slavery hasn’t ended, it has just become modernized”: Border Imperialism and the Lived Realities of Migrant Farmworkers in #British_Columbia, #Canada
    Amy Cohen

    Borders re/make Bodies and Bodies are Made to Make Borders: Storying Migrant Trajectories
    Sutapa Chattopadhyay

    Re-gendering the Border: Chronicles of Women’s Resistance and Unexpected Alliances from the Mediterranean Border
    Enrica Rigo

    Drawing the Line: Spatial Strategies of Community and Resistance in Post-SB1070 #Arizona
    Geoffrey A Boyce, Sarah Launius, Adam O Aguirre

    Revolutionary Scholarship by Any Speed Necessary: Slow or Fast but for the End of This World
    Eli Meyerhoff, Elsa Noterman

    Borders and Marxist Politics in the Caribbean: An Interview with #Earl_Bousquet on the Workers Revolutionary Movement in St. Lucia
    Earl Bousquet, Interviewed by: Amílcar Sanatan

    #revue #frontières #impérialisme #déracinement #esclavagisme #capitalisme_racial #déracinement #Caraïbes #femmes #genre #résistance_féminine #USA #Etats-Unis #corps #agriculture #exploitation

  • « Je viens manifester pour le pouvoir de vivre. Vous comprenez, le pouvoir de vivre ! » Laury-Anne Cholez et Nnoman (Reporterre) - 4 Février 2019

    Rendre hommage aux victimes de la répression policière et dénoncer l’usage des lanceurs de balles de défense (LDB) et autres armes mutilantes : l’Acte XII des Gilets jaunes du samedi 2 février a mobilisé plus de 10.000 personnes à Paris. Preuve que le mouvement est loin de s’essouffler. Reportage.

    • Paris, reportage
    Il est à peine midi et la place Daumesnil, dans le douzième arrondissement de Paris, est déjà remplie. C’est ici que les Gilets jaunes ont décidé d’organiser, samedi 2 février, une marche blanche en hommage aux « gueules cassées », ces hommes et ces femmes mutilés lors des précédentes manifestations. Le journaliste David Dufresne tient les comptes sur Twitter. Il a collecté 379 signalements, pour 168 blessures à la tête, 17 éborgnés et quatre mains arrachées. Patrick, Jérôme, Antonio, Robin, Franck, Axelle, David, Christophe, Laurent, Christian, Cynthia, Yvan, Élise, Sabrina, Martin, Sergio ou encore Lola. Tous et toutes portent dans leur chair les stigmates des tirs de grenades de désencerclement, de LBD et de GLI-F4.

    Des armes dangereuses dont le Défenseur des droits, Jacques Toubon, réclame sans succès l’interdiction. « Nous ne voulons pas de mesurettes sur la réglementation de ces armes, comme ces caméras portées par ceux qui les utilisent. Il faut totalement les interdire et les détruire car elles sont létales. La France est l’un des seuls pays en Europe à les utiliser, c’est un scandale », s’insurge Robin Pagès, administrateur de la page Facebook Grenades Flashball Interdiction et grièvement blessé au pied par l’explosion d’une GLI-F4 à Bure en 2017. Il assure que si le gouvernement reste sourd à ces revendications, un autre événement de grande ampleur sera organisé d’ici trois mois.

    Le cortège n’est pas encore parti que les blessés sont littéralement assaillis et bousculés par une horde de caméras, qu’on dirait affamées par le sang. « Et dire qu’avant, les journalistes ne parlaient jamais de nos blessés », grommelle un Gilet jaune, membre du cordon humain qui tente de contenir la foule autour des blessés. La tension est palpable et les rumeurs se propagent comme une traînée de poudre. Des « antifas » seraient en train de traquer les zouaves, ces militants d’extrême-droite qui ont attaqué des membres du NPA (Nouveau Parti anticapitaliste) samedi 26 janvier. Dans le même temps, Antoine, Gilet jaune amputé d’une main, assure avoir été agressé par un homme d’extrême droite au tout début de la manifestation. « Il est venu me voir et m’a demandé si j’étais un antifa. J’ai répondu “oui” et il m’a décroché une droite qui m’a explosé le nez (…). Il s’agit d’un facho qui voulait se taper un gaucho », a-t-il déclaré sur France Inter.

    « La France mutile son peuple »

    Un œil au beurre noir. Une pommette totalement déchiquetée et sanguinolente : la fausse blessure de Sophie, maquilleuse professionnelle venant de Nanterre (Hauts-de-Seine), fait terriblement illusion pour dénoncer les violences. « Je participe au mouvement depuis le début. Si le gouvernement avait la volonté d’apaiser les choses, il le ferait par le dialogue. Alors que là, il ne nous écoute pas. » En dépit des scènes de violences « surréalistes » auxquelles elle a assisté, sources de terribles cauchemars, elle continue de se mobiliser. « On n’a pas le choix, si on reste chez soi, on ne fait pas avancer les choses. C’est un risque qu’on prend en toute conscience, malgré la peur. » La peur des policiers, les habitants des quartiers populaires la connaissent bien et ne l’ont pas découverte en novembre 2018. « Nous sommes des Gilets jaunes depuis 40 ans. Qui peut mieux parler des violences policières que ceux qui la subissent au quotidien, sans même participer à une manifestation ? », lance Assa Traoré, à la tête du Comité Adama, qui avait appelé dès le 1er décembre à rejoindre le mouvement. Leur présence au sein d’un hommage aux victimes de violences policières leur paraît évident : « Le monde plus rural découvre maintenant ces violences. Bien sûr, c’est tard pour ceux qui sont déjà morts comme mon frère. Mais il est temps de se battre pour ceux qui sont encore vivants. »

    Le cortège s’ébranle lentement le long du boulevard Daumesnil. Tout devant, Etienne Zoldi fait partie du groupe sécurité, un service d’ordre autogéré et ouvert à tous : « A la base, on avait fait une organisation de sécurité centralisée depuis qu’on déclarait les manifs [Acte 8, NDLR]. Mais quand on donne du pouvoir à quelqu’un, il en abuse… Alors on a préféré retourner à une organisation décentralisée avec des petits groupes qui se coordonnent juste avant le départ. » Une coordination qui n’est pas toujours évidente. Au bout du boulevard Daumesnil, . . . . . . . .

    #GiletsJaunes #violence #violences_policières #police #dignité #france #violences #manifestations #solidarité

  • Adam (2009) [WEBRip] [720p] [YTS.AM]

    IMDB Rating: 7.2/10Genre: Comedy / Drama / RomanceSize: 844.68 MBRuntime: 1hr 39 minSoon after moving in, Beth, a brainy, beautiful writer damaged from a past relationship encounters Adam, the handsome, but odd, fellow in the downstairs apartment whose awkwardness is perplexing. Beth and Adam’s ultimate connection leads to a tricky relationship that exemplifies something universal: truly reaching another person means bravely stretching into uncomfortable territory and the resulting shake-up can be liberating.

  • The Chamber (1996) [BluRay] [720p] [YTS.AM]

    IMDB Rating: 6.0/10Genre: Crime / DramaSize: 960.91 MBRuntime: 1hr 53 minHaving survived the hatred and bigotry that was his Klansman grandfather’s only legacy, young attorney Adam Hall seeks at the last minute to appeal the old man’s death sentence for the murder of two small Jewish boys 30 years before. Only four weeks before Sam Cayhall is to be executed, Adam meets his grandfather for the first time in the Mississippi prison which has held him since the crime. The meeting is predictably tense when the educated, young Mr. "Hall" confronts his venom-spewing elder, Mr. "Cayhall," about the murders. The next day, headlines run proclaiming Adam the grandson who has come to the state to save his grandfather, the infamous Ku Klux Klan bomber. While the old man’s life lies in the balance, (...)

  • Critique de la critique critique du livre ’Conversations entre Adultes’ de Yanis Varoufakis

    Dans le monde anglo-saxon de gauche, le livre Conversations entre Adultes [1] (Adults in the Room) de Yanis Varoufakis a suscité des critiques tout à fait intéressantes de la part d’Adam Tooze dans The New York Review of Books (« A Modern Greek Tragedy »), de J.W. Mason dans Boston Review (« Austerity by Design »), de Pavlos Roufos dans The Brooklyn Rail (« Inside the Disenchanted World of Left Keynesianism »), de Helena Sheehan dans Jacobin (« Closed Rooms and Class War »), notamment. De mon côté j’ai également rédigé une critique de ce livre important sous la forme d’une série qui a été publiée sur le blog de la maison d’édition anglophone Verso. Adam Tooze s’y est référé dans sa synthèse critique des critiques (« Europe’s Political Economy : Reading Reviews of Varoufakis’s Adults in the Room ») et Yanis Varoufakis a répondu sur son blog à une série de critiques dont la mienne. Ces échanges ont mis en avant une série d’arguments qui méritent d’être discutés. Voilà pourquoi j’ai rédigé cet article « Critique de la critique critique du livre Conversations entre Adultes de Yanis Varoufakis ». Il faut également dire que j’ai été fortement encouragé par Sebastian Budgen de la maison d’édition Verso qui a souhaité que je contribue à la discussion en cours. Je l’en remercie.

    Comme l’écrit Adam Tooze dans son indispensable synthèse des critiques, le débat autour du livre témoignage de Yanis Varoufakis renvoie à l’économie politique de l’Europe et notamment aux questions : comment sortir des politiques néolibérales qui dominent l’histoire du « vieux continent » depuis des décennies ? Quelle stratégie adopter ?

    Article repris par :

    #dette #Grèce #Syriza #troïka #Union_Européenne