person:adolf eichmann

  • Un Lion d’or pour Netflix, ça change quoi ?
    https://www.telerama.fr/cinema/un-lion-dor-pour-netflix,-ca-change-quoi,n5799775.php

    En consacrant une production Netflix (“Roma”, d’Alfonso Cuarón), la 75e Mostra de Venise ouvre la voie à un nouveau regard de la profession sur l’ambition artistique de la plateforme.

    Ironie du sort : pile à l’heure où le Lion d’or de la 75e Mostra de Venise était remis à Roma, du Mexicain Alfonso Cuarón, premier film #Netflix à triompher dans l’un des trois grands festivals, les spectateurs du 44e festival de Deauville regardaient, eux, le film de clôture. Et il s’agissait aussi d’un film Netflix : Opération finale, de l’Américain Chris Weitz. Il n’est pas sûr que ce récit romancé (et suranné) de la traque du nazi Adolf Eichmann par des agents du Mossad fasse cesser, malgré quelques jolies scènes entre Oscar Isaac (le chasseur) et Ben Kingsley (la proie), l’habituelle rengaine du « Netflix bashing » : les séries Netflix, OK ; les films présents sur la plateforme, une majorité de navets…

    Mais la simultanéité des événements prouve l’influence grandissante de la plateforme et le Lion d’or vénitien rebat les cartes : oui, des films d’auteur et même des films d’auteur réussis vont être proposés aux abonnés Netflix (130 millions dans 190 pays dont plus de 3,5 millions en France) ; oui, comme un studio de Hollywood, la plateforme de S-VOD offre films grand public formatés et œuvres plus ambitieuses.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HBy4cjQEzLM

    Justement, cette chronologie est actuellement en renégociation, sous la houlette énergique (pour une fois) de la ministre de la Culture : le Lion d’or attribué à Roma sera sans doute au cœur des dernières discussions, mais le projet actuel ne résout rien. Très favorable à Canal+, qui, c’est vrai, contribue fortement à maintenir le niveau de production en France, la chronologie mise à jour n’autoriserait au mieux Netflix (sous réserve de multiples engagements, assez improbables) à diffuser les films que quinze mois après leur sortie. Netflix ne s’y pliera évidemment pas.

    Et maintenant ? Le grand gagnant du jury vénitien est, d’abord, Thierry Frémaux. Le patron de Cannes a toujours été farouchement partisan de considérer les films Netflix comme des œuvres à part entière, et c’est, selon lui, la meilleure manière de négocier avec la plateforme – y compris d’éventuelles sorties en salles. Il n’a pas caché avoir voulu montrer Roma à Cannes ; le règlement l’en a empêché. Le succès du film valide son goût et la venue d’Alfonso Cuarón à « son » Festival Lumière de Lyon, où sera montré également le dernier film d’Orson Welles, De l’autre côté du vent, restauré et achevé par Netflix, pimente singulièrement l’événement cinéphile de l’automne.

    Les aléas de la sortie en salles

    Ce n’est pas tout à fait nouveau, mais peut-être n’avait-on pas voulu le voir : en 2017, le Festival de Cannes avait présenté, en compétition, Okja, du Coréen Bong Joon-ho, et The Meyerowitz Stories, de l’Américain Noah Baumbach. Sifflets à l’apparition du logo de Netflix, œuvres sous-estimées par la critique, immédiat rétropédalage du conseil d’administration du Festival, au grand dam, sans doute, du délégué général, Thierry Frémaux. La décision était prise d’interdire les films Netflix en compétition à Cannes. Ou, plutôt, d’interdire de faire participer à la compétition des films sans sortie salles programmée en France. Or, à la différence d’Amazon, Netflix veut servir d’abord ses abonnés et refuse, à une poignée d’exceptions près, l’exploitation traditionnelle de ses films.

    Et Roma ? Alfonso Cuarón rêve de la salle, qui permet le mieux d’apprécier l’esthétique soignée de son film (noir et blanc, objectifs des vieilles caméras 70 mm). Netflix ne serait pas contre un « day-and-date » (sortie simultanée en salles et sur le site) a condition qu’il fût surtout symbolique : on apprenait ainsi hier soir que Roma serait projeté dans un #cinéma bruxellois le 12 décembre prochain. En France, c’est pour le moment impossible : toute sortie intègre le film à la #chronologie_des_médias, fixant des écarts temporels précis entre la salle, la télé, l’exploitation en ligne. Si Roma sort en salles, il ne sera sur le Netflix français que trois ans plus tard… Impensable pour la plateforme.

    Vers une Palme d’or Netflix ?

    Il n’est pas non plus impossible que, malgré l’hostilité réitérée des exploitants (représentés au conseil d’administration), Cannes songe à assouplir ses règles. Si The Irishman, de Martin Scorsese, financé par Netflix (parce qu’aucun studio américain ne voulait le faire) est prêt pour mai 2019, le sélectionneur fera tout pour l’avoir… Une Palme d’or Netflix ? En 2017, le scandale eût été à son comble. Aujourd’hui, le précédent vénitien crée une grosse brèche. Comme, peut-être, l’annonce prochaine que Le Livre d’image, le nouveau film de Jean-Luc Godard, en compétition au dernier Festival de Cannes, ne sortira malgré tout pas dans un circuit traditionnel…

    Les dirigeants de Netflix, eux, vont continuer leur politique effrénée d’acquisition et de production : l’arrivée prochaine d’entrants (Apple, Disney) sur le nouveau marché, très lucratif, de la VOD par abonnement, va changer la donne, mais la plateforme de Ted Sarandos a de l’avance. D’autres cinéastes vont aller y chercher de quoi faire des films ambitieux et différents – à condition que la concurrence ne pousse pas à la surenchère de blockbusters, une hypothèse possible. Mais les auteurs verront toujours qu’une fois sur Netflix leurs créations seront englouties dans un catalogue géant, jamais exploitées en DVD, jamais diffusées à la télévision. Même si le CNC donne un visa exceptionnel à Roma, pour une sortie « hors chronologie » dans une poignée de salles, cela changera à peine le destin du film.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pRwMrNAr0h0

    Dans une conférence qu’il a donnée au début de l’été au Festival Cinema ritrovato, à Bologne, Thierry Frémaux regrettait que les films Netflix n’appartiennent pas vraiment à l’histoire du cinéma. Il rappelait aussi les débats des deux inventeurs concurrents du septième art : « Lumière a triomphé d’Edison, il y a cent vingt-cinq ans, parce qu’il a eu cette idée de la projection collective. Edison soutenait, lui, que les images animées devaient êtres vues de façon individuelle et payante. C’est Netflix ! Peut-être assistons-nous à la victoire posthume d’Edison sur Lumière… » Ou plutôt, on l’espère, à une coexistence pacifique des deux visions complémentaires.

    via @lucile

  • Pourquoi un chasseur de nazis israélien accueille-t-il à bras ouverts les néonazis allemands ?
    Par Ali Abunimah, le 4 février 2018 | Electronic Intifada | Traduction : Catherine G. pour l’Agence Média Palestine
    http://www.agencemediapalestine.fr/blog/2018/02/05/pourquoi-un-chasseur-de-nazis-israelien-accueille-t-il-a-bras-o

    Alors que le gouvernement israélien continue à feindre l’indignation devant la loi polonaise protégeant tacitement une révision et un déni de l’Holocauste, les politiciens nazis actuels et leurs homologues israéliens continuent à resserrer leurs liens.

    Dans l’incident le plus récent exposant leurs affinités idéologiques, Rafi Eitan, l’agent du Mossad crédité de la capture du Nazi majeur Adolf Eichmann en 1961, a enregistré une vidéo louant « Alternative für Deutschland » [Alternative pour l’Allemagne], le parti néo-nazi qui s’est emparé de près de 100 sièges aux élections générales en Allemagne en septembre dernier.

    AfD – le mouvement étant connu par les initiales de son nom en allemand – a fièrement posté la vidéo sur sa page Facebook, en en citant des passages clés.

    AfD publie aussi le texte du message d’Eitan au parti à l’occasion de la Journée internationale pour la mémoire de l’Holocauste.

    « Je souhaite de tout mon coeur que vous soyez assez forts pour mettre fin à la politique des frontières ouvertes, que vous arrêtiez l’islamisation croissante de votre pays et que vous protégiez ses citoyens du terrorisme et du crime », déclare Eitan dans la vidéo (voir le lien ci-dessus). « En Israël, en Allemagne, en Europe. Faisons-le ensemble. »

    Eitan souhaite qu’AfD ne soit pas seulement une « alternative pour l’Allemagne », mais aussi une « alternative pour l’Europe ».(...)

  • Livingstone’s Nonsense on Hitler Nonetheless Touches Raw Zionist Nerve -
    The explosive dilemma of ’collaboration’ with the Nazis in order to save German Jews split the Zionist movement in the 1930s.
    Chemi Shalev May 01, 2016
    http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.717126

    Former London Mayor Ken Livingstone has a long history of anti-Israeli, anti-Zionist and anti-Semitic remarks. He has described Israel as racist, accused it of ethnic cleansing, called for its leaders to be put on trial for crimes against humanity. He once said that Likud and Hamas are two sides of the same coin. He likened a Jewish reporter to a concentration camp guard, compared British Jews who enlist in the Israeli army to British Muslims who join terrorist groups and opined that Jews wouldn’t vote for Labour “because they were rich.”

    Now he’s in hot water for having declared that Adolf Hitler supported Zionism, which is of course a ridiculous statement, though, frankly, not ridiculous enough to make it the one definitive assertion that will finally do him in. Hitler wasn’t a Zionist, but he did give his passive and sometimes active support to the limited collaboration between the Zionist movement and the Nazi regime throughout the 1930s. It was Adolf Eichmann, in fact, who once reportedly declared, “I am a Zionist.” He didn’t mean that he supported the Jewish people’s right to self-determination or safe refuge, only that Zionism provided an efficient way of getting rid of Jews before more drastic measures were conceived.

    The “Hitler as Zionist” canard is one that anti-Zionists, Holocaust deniers and Nazi sympathizers have been pushing for years. The former seek to tarnish Israel and cast it as a successor to the Nazi state while the latter want to cast a more positive light on their heroes’ unspeakable crimes. Livingstone must be getting his information from the small coterie of Marxist and/or anti-Zionist historians who have adopted the same narrative: Lenni Brenner’s book “Zionism in the Age of Dictators,” which was cited by Livingstone, is the most successful of the lot.

    Nonetheless, it is also true that Livingstone has put a spotlight on a chapter in history that most Zionists would rather leave untouched: their limited shared interests and consequent ad hoc cooperation with the Nazi regime. It lasted for about seven years, from 1933 until 1940, when the international blockade prevented further emigration of Jews from Germany, just before Hitler gave the order to annihilate the Jews instead.

    At the center of the give and take between the powerful Nazis and the rather desperate pre-state Zionists was the 1933 Transfer Agreement, Heskem Haavara in Hebrew. It was a deal negotiated by German Zionists by which some Jews would be able to sell their properties in Germany in exchange for funds that would allow them to buy property in then-Palestine. The Zionists would also refrain from participating in the international boycott declared by World Jewry against Germany and would try to persuade Jewish leaders to revoke it.

    By virtue of the deal, about 60,000 Jews, mostly well educated but mainly well to do, came to Palestine and were saved from extermination. They had to deposit a minimum of 1,000 British pounds – close to $100,000 in current terms – in order to qualify. The agreement provided critical help to the Yishuv, which was reeling at the time from Arab riots in Palestine and from the global Great Depression. German immigrants injected eight million British pounds, close to a billion dollars in today’s terms, directly into the Palestinian economy and another six million pounds indirectly. They were part of the Fifth Aliyah that significantly strengthened the struggling Yishuv with their talents and knowhow. My mother, of blessed memory, was the beneficiary of a similar agreement signed in Czechoslovakia after the Nazis took over, which allowed students to emigrate.

    There is no denying that a few Zionists saw the rise of a racialist Nazi regime in the early 1930s as confirmation of their ideological claim that assimilation for Jews in Europe was an illusion. There were others, on the far end of the Revisionists Movement, who actually admired Hitler and Mussolini’s fascism, but they were soon shut down by their leader Vladimir Jabotinsky and by the increasing reports of anti-Jewish measures undertaken by the Nazis after 1933. Most Zionists had no illusions about the odious nature of Hitler and the Nazis, but they sharply disagreed about the way they should react to it: the Transfer Agreement was a deal with the devil by all accounts, but the question was whether it was a necessary evil or a mortal sin.

    It is this dispute, in fact, that shaped Zionist politics for a half a century and in some ways continues to serve as its backdrop to this very day. One June 16, 1933, the promising Mapai leader Haim Arlosoroff , who had been one of the champions of dialogue with the Nazis, was murdered on the beach in Tel Aviv by two unknown assailants. David Ben Gurion and most the Yishuv leadership were convinced that the murder was perpetrated by militant Revisionists as retribution. Three members of a right wing splinter group were indicted for the crime but later acquitted by the courts. Among the Revisionist sympathizers who sought to rebuff what they described as the “blood libel” perpetrated by Labor Zionists were Benjamin Netanyahu’s father, Benzion, as well as his grandfather, Nathan Milikovsky.

    Despite Arlosoroff’s involvement, the Transfer Agreement was initially concluded between the Nazis and German Zionists alone. Ben Gurion and other Zionist leaders in Palestine kept their distance, especially as public opinion seemed to oppose the deal. But as a result of Nazi pressures, increasingly desperate appeals by German Zionists as well as their own recognition of the critical importance of the deal, the Zionist leadership in Palestine signed on to the agreement in 1935. It was then discussed and ratified in the 19th Zionist Congress that convened in Luzerne in 1935. It was this Congress that marked the final split between Labor Zionism and the Revisionists, who accused the leadership of the Yishuv, much like Livingstone, of being “Hitler’s allies.” The question of “Who Killed Arlosoroff” reverberated throughout Zionist politics for decades ever since.

    Historians have been unable to trace Hitler’s personal response to the initial Transfer Agreement. He certainly didn’t block it. In 1937 he personally intervened in order to keep it going and did so for the next two years as well. That does not make Hitler into a supporter of Zionism by any stretch, as Livingstone annoyingly claims, because Hitler wiped out millions of Jews, including millions of potential Zionists, who would have changed the arc of Jewish history completely. As for the Zionists themselves, all that can be said is that it was a desperate time that required desperate measures that are still difficult to judge today, even with the benefit of 80 years of hindsight.

  • Édifiant. Quand un nazi devient un tueur du Mossad

    The Strange Case of a Nazi Who Became an Israeli Hitman
    Otto Skorzeny, one of the Mossad’s most valuable assets, was a former lieutenant colonel in Nazi Germany’s Waffen-SS and one of Adolf Hitler’s favorites.

    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/1.711115

    On September 11, 1962, a German scientist vanished. The basic facts were simple: Heinz Krug had been at his office, and he never came home.

    The only other salient detail known to police in Munich was that Krug commuted to Cairo frequently. He was one of dozens of Nazi rocket experts who had been hired by Egypt to develop advanced weapons for that country.

    HaBoker, a now defunct Israeli newspaper, surprisingly claimed to have the explanation: The Egyptians kidnapped Krug to prevent him from doing business with Israel.

    But that somewhat clumsy leak was an attempt by Israel to divert investigators from digging too deeply into the case — not that they ever would have found the 49-year-old scientist.

    We can now report — based on interviews with former Mossad officers and with Israelis who have access to the Mossad’s archived secrets from half a century ago — that Krug was murdered as part of an Israeli espionage plot to intimidate the German scientists working for Egypt.
    Moreover, the most astounding revelation is the Mossad agent who fired the fatal gunshots: Otto Skorzeny, one of the Israeli spy agency’s most valuable assets, was a former lieutenant colonel in Nazi Germany’s Waffen-SS and one of Adolf Hitler’s personal favorites among the party’s commando leaders. The Führer, in fact, awarded Skorzeny the army’s most prestigious medal, the Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross, for leading the rescue operation that plucked his friend Benito Mussolini out from the hands of his captors.
    But that was then. By 1962, according to our sources — who spoke only on the promise that they not be identified — Skorzeny had a different employer. The story of how that came to be is one of the most important untold tales in the archives of the Mossad, the agency whose full name, translated from Hebrew, is “The Institute for Intelligence and Special Missions.”
    Key to understanding the story is that the Mossad had made stopping German scientists then working on Egypt’s rocket program one of its top priorities. For several months before his death, in fact, Krug, along with other Germans who were working in Egypt’s rocket-building industry, had received threatening messages. When in Germany, they got phone calls in the middle of the night, telling them to quit the Egyptian program. When in Egypt, some were sent letter bombs — and several people were injured by the explosions.

    Krug, as it happens, was near the top of the Mossad’s target list.

    During the war that ended 17 years earlier, Krug was part of a team of superstars at Peenemünde, the military test range on the coast of the Baltic Sea, where top German scientists toiled in the service of Hitler and the Third Reich. The team, led by Wernher von Braun, was proud to have engineered the rockets for the Blitz that nearly defeated England. Its wider ambitions included missiles that could fly a lot farther, with greater accuracy and more destructive power.

    According to Mossad research, a decade after the war ended, von Braun invited Krug and other former colleagues to join him in America. Von Braun, his war record practically expunged, was leading a missile development program for the United States. He even became one of the fathers of the NASA space exploration program. Krug opted for another, seemingly more lucrative option: joining other scientists from the Peenemünde group — led by the German professor Wolfgang Pilz, whom he greatly admired — in Egypt. They would set up a secret strategic missile program for that Arab country.

    In the Israelis’ view, Krug had to know that Israel, the country where so many Holocaust survivors had found refuge, was the intended target of his new masters’ military capabilities. A committed Nazi would see this as an opportunity to continue the ghastly mission of exterminating the Jewish people.

    The threatening notes and phone calls, however, were driving Krug crazy. He and his colleagues knew that the threats were from Israelis. It was obvious. In 1960, Israeli agents had kidnapped Adolf Eichmann, one of the chief administrators of the Holocaust, in far-off Argentina. The Israelis astonishingly smuggled the Nazi to Jerusalem, where he was put on trial. Eichmann was hanged on May 31, 1962.

    It was reasonable for Krug to feel that a Mossad noose might be tightening around his neck, too. That was why he summoned help: a Nazi hero who was considered the best of the best in Hitler’s heyday.
    On the day he vanished, according to our new information from reliable sources, Krug left his office to meet Skorzeny, the man he felt would be his savior.

    Skorzeny, then 54 years old, was quite simply a legend. A dashing, innovative military man who grew up in Austria — famous for a long scar on the left side of his face, the result of his overly exuberant swordplay while fencing as a youth— he rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel in Nazi Germany’s Waffen-SS. Thanks to Skorzeny’s exploits as a guerrilla commander, Hitler recognized that he had a man who would go above and beyond, and stop at nothing, to complete a mission.

    The colonel’s feats during the war inspired Germans and the grudging respect of Germany’s enemies. American and British military intelligence labeled Skorzeny “the most dangerous man in Europe.”

    Krug contacted Skorzeny in the hope that the great hero — then living in Spain — could create a strategy to keep the scientists safe.

    The two men were in Krug’s white Mercedes, driving north out of Munich, and Skorzeny said that as a first step he had arranged for three bodyguards. He said they were in a car directly behind and would accompany them to a safe place in a forest for a chat. Krug was murdered, then and there, without so much as a formal indictment or death sentence. The man who pulled the trigger was none other than the famous Nazi war hero. Israel’s espionage agency had managed to turn Otto Skorzeny into a secret agent for the Jewish state.

    After Krug was shot, the three Israelis poured acid on his body, waited awhile and then buried what was left in a hole they had dug beforehand. They covered the makeshift grave with lime, so that search dogs — and wild animals — would never pick up the scent of human remains.

    The troika that coordinated this extrajudicial execution was led by a future prime minister of Israel, Yitzhak Shamir, who was then head of the Mossad’s special operations unit. One of the others was Zvi “Peter” Malkin, who had tackled Eichmann in Argentina and in later life would enter the art world as a New York-based painter. Supervising from a distance was Yosef “Joe” Raanan, who was the secret agency’s senior officer in Germany. All three had lost large numbers of family members among the 6 million Jews murdered by the cruel, continent-wide genocide that Eichmann had managed.
    Israel’s motivation in working with a man such as Skorzeny was clear: to get as close as possible to Nazis who were helping Egypt plot a new Holocaust.

    The Mossad’s playbook for protecting Israel and the Jewish people has no preordained rules or limits. The agency’s spies have evaded the legal systems in a host of countries for the purpose of liquidating Israel’s enemies: Palestinian terrorists, Iranian scientists, and even a Canadian arms inventor named Gerald Bull, who worked for Saddam Hussein until bullets ended his career in Brussels in 1990. Mossad agents in Lillehammer, Norway, even killed a Moroccan waiter in the mistaken belief that he was the mastermind behind the 1972 Munich Olympics massacre of 11 Israeli athletes by the terrorist group known as Black September. Ahmed Bouchikhi was shot down in 1973 as he left a movie theatre with his pregnant wife. The Israeli government later paid compensation to her without officially admitting wrongdoing. The botched mission delayed further Mossad assassinations, but it did not end them.

    To get to unexpected places on these improbable missions, the Mossad has sometimes found itself working with unsavory partners. When short-term alliances could help, the Israelis were willing to dance with the proverbial devil, if that is what seemed necessary.

    But why did Skorzeny work with the Mossad?

    He was born in Vienna in June 1908, to a middle-class family proud of its military service for the Austro-Hungarian Empire. From an early age he seemed fearless, bold and talented at weaving false, complex tales that deceived people in myriad ways. These were essential requirements for a commando officer at war, and certainly valuable qualities for the Mossad.

    He joined Austria’s branch of the Nazi Party in 1931, when he was 23, served in its armed militia, the SA, and enthusiastically worshipped Hitler. The führer was elected chancellor of Germany in 1933 and then seized Austria in 1938. When Hitler invaded Poland in 1939 and World War II broke out, Skorzeny left his construction firm and volunteered — not for the regular army, the Wehrmacht, but for the Leibstandarte SS Panzer division that served as Hitler’s personal bodyguard force.

    Skorzeny, in a memoir written after the war was over, told of his years of SS service as though they were almost bloodless travels in occupied Poland, Holland and France. His activities could not have been as innocuous as his book made them seem. He took part in battles in Russia and Poland, and certainly the Israelis believed it was very likely that he was involved in exterminating Jews. The Waffen-SS, after all, was not the regular army; it was the military arm of the Nazi Party and its genocidal plan.
    His most famous and daring mission was in September 1943: leading commandos who flew engineless gliders to reach an Italian mountaintop resort to rescue Hitler’s friend and ally, the recently ousted Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini and spirit him away under harrowing conditions.

    This was the escapade that earned Skorzeny his promotion to lieutenant colonel — and operational control of Hitler’s SS Special Forces. Hitler also rewarded him with several hours of face-to-face conversation, along with the coveted Knight’s Cross. But it was far from his only coup.

    In September 1944, when Hungary’s dictator, Admiral Miklos Horthy, a Nazi ally, was on the verge of suing for peace with Russia as Axis fortunes plunged, Skorzeny led a contingent of Special Forces into Budapest to kidnap Horthy and replace his government with the more hard-line Fascist Arrow Cross regime. That regime, in turn, went on to kill or to deport to concentration camps tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews who had managed to survive the war up to that point.

    Also in 1944, Skorzeny handpicked 150 soldiers, including some who spoke fair to excellent English in a bold plan to fend off the Allies after they landed in Normandy on D-Day in June. With the Allies advancing through France, Skorzeny dressed his men in captured U.S. uniforms, and procured captured American tanks for them to use in attacking and confusing Allied troops from behind their own lines.

    The bold deception — including the act of stealing U.S. soldiers’ property — plunged Skorzeny into two years of interrogation, imprisonment and trial after the war ended. Eventually, Allied military judges acquitted him in 1947. Once again, the world’s newspapers headlined him as Europe’s most dangerous man. He enjoyed the fame, and published his memoirs in various editions and many languages, including the 1957 book “Skorzeny’s Special Missions: The Autobiography of Hitler’s Commando Ace,” published by Greenhill Books. He spun some tall-tale hyperbole in the books, and definitely downplayed his contacts with the most bloodthirsty Nazi leaders. When telling of his many conversations with Hitler, he described the dictator as a caring and attentive military strategist.

    There was much that Skorzeny did not reveal, including how he escaped from the American military authorities who held him for a third year after his acquittal. Prosecutors were considering more charges against him in the Nuremberg tribunals, but during one transfer he was able to escape — reputedly with the help of former SS soldiers wearing American military police uniforms.

    Skorzeny’s escape was also rumored to have been assisted by the CIA’s predecessor agency, the Office of Special Services, for which he did some work after the war. It is certainly notable that he was allowed to settle in Spain — a paradise for Nazi war veterans, with protection from the pro-Western Fascist, Generalissimo Francisco Franco. In the years that followed he did some advisory work for President Juan Peron in Argentina and for Egypt’s government. It was during this period that Skorzeny became friendly with the Egyptian officers who were running the missile program and employing German experts.
    In Israel, a Mossad planning team started to work on where it could be best to find and kill Skorzeny. But the head of the agency, Isser Harel, had a bolder plan: Instead of killing him, snare him.

    Mossad officials had known for some time that to target the German scientists, they needed an inside man in the target group. In effect, the Mossad needed a Nazi.

    The Israelis would never find a Nazi they could trust, but they saw a Nazi they could count on: someone thorough and determined, with a record of success in executing innovative plans, and skilled at keeping secrets. The seemingly bizarre decision to recruit Skorzeny came with some personal pain, because the task was entrusted to Raanan, who was also born in Vienna and had barely escaped the Holocaust. As an Austrian Jew, his name was originally Kurt Weisman. After the Nazis took over in 1938, he was sent — at age 16 — to British-ruled Palestine. His mother and younger brother stayed in Europe and perished.

    Like many Jews in Palestine, Kurt Weisman joined the British military looking for a chance to strike back at Germany. He served in the Royal Air Force. After the creation of Israel in 1948, he followed the trend of taking on a Hebrew name, and as Joe Raanan he was among the first pilots in the new nation’s tiny air force. The young man rapidly became an airbase commander and later the air force’s intelligence chief.

    Raanan’s unique résumé, including some work he did for the RAF in psychological warfare, attracted the attention of Harel, who signed him up for the Mossad in 1957. A few years later, Raanan was sent to Germany to direct the secret agency’s operations there — with a special focus on the German scientists in Egypt. Thus it was Raanan who had to devise and command an operation to establish contact with Skorzeny, the famous Nazi commando.

    The Israeli spy found it difficult to get over his reluctance, but when ordered, he assembled a team that traveled to Spain for “pre-action intelligence.” Its members observed Skorzeny, his home, his workplace and his daily routines. The team included a German woman in her late 20s who was not a trained, full-time Mossad agent but a “helper.” Known by the Hebrew label “saayanit” (or “saayan” if a male), this team member was like an extra in a grandly theatrical movie, playing whatever role might be required. A saayanit would often pose as the girlfriend of an undercover Mossad combatant.

    Internal Mossad reports later gave her name as Anke and described her as pretty, vivacious and truly flirtatious. That would be perfect for the job at hand — a couples game.

    One evening in the early months of 1962, the affluent and ruggedly handsome — though scarred — Skorzeny was in a luxurious bar in Madrid with his significantly younger wife, Ilse von Finckenstein. Her own Nazi credentials were impeccable; she was the niece of Hjalmar Schacht, Hitler’s talented finance minister.

    They had a few cocktails and were relaxing, when the bartender introduced them to a German-speaking couple he had been serving. The woman was pretty and in her late 20s, and her escort was a well-dressed man of around 40. They were German tourists, they said, but they also told a distressing story: that they had just survived a harrowing street robbery.

    They spoke perfect German, of course, the man with a bit of an Austrian accent, like Skorzeny’s. They gave their false names, but in reality they were, respectively, a Mossad agent whose name must still be kept secret and his “helper,” Anke.

    There were more drinks, then somewhat flamboyant flirting, and soon Skorzeny’s wife invited the young couple, who had lost everything — money, passports and luggage — to stay the night at their sumptuous villa. There was just something irresistible about the newcomers. A sense of sexual intimacy between the two couples was in the air. After the four entered the house, however, at a crucial moment when the playful flirting reached the point where it seemed time to pair off, Skorzeny — the charming host — pulled a gun on the young couple and declared: “I know who you are, and I know why you’re here. You are Mossad, and you’ve come to kill me.”

    The young couple did not even flinch. The man said: “You are half-right. We are from Mossad, but if we had come to kill you, you would have been dead weeks ago.”

    “Or maybe,” Skorzeny said, “I would rather just kill you.”

    Anke spoke up. “If you kill us, the ones who come next won’t bother to have a drink with you, You won’t even see their faces before they blow out your brains. Our offer to you is just for you to help us.”

    After a long minute that felt like an hour, Skorzeny did not lower his gun, but he asked: “What kind of help? You need something done?” The Mossad officer — who even now is not being named by colleagues — told Skorzeny that Israel needed information and would pay him handsomely.

    Hitler’s favorite commando paused for a few moments to think, and then surprised the Israeli by saying: “Money doesn’t interest me. I have enough.”

    The Mossad man was further surprised to hear Skorzeny name something that he did want: “I need for Wiesenthal to remove my name from his list.” Simon Wiesenthal, the famous Vienna-based Nazi-hunter, had Skorzeny listed as a war criminal, but now the accused was insisting he had not committed any crimes.

    The Israeli did not believe any senior Nazi officer’s claim of innocence, but recruiting an agent for an espionage mission calls for well-timed lies and deception. “Okay,” he said, “that will be done. We’ll take care of that.”

    Skorzeny finally lowered his weapon, and the two men shook hands. The Mossad man concealed his disgust.

    “I knew that the whole story about you being robbed was bogus,” Skorzeny said, with the boastful smile of a fellow intelligence professional. “Just a cover story.”

    The next step to draw him in was to bring him to Israel. His Mossad handler, Raanan, secretly arranged a flight to Tel Aviv, where Skorzeny was introduced to Harel. The Nazi was questioned and also received more specific instructions and guidelines. During this visit, Skorzeny was taken to Yad Vashem, the museum in Jerusalem dedicated to the memory of the 6 million Jewish victims of the Holocaust. The Nazi was silent and seemed respectful. There was a strange moment there when a war survivor pointed to Skorzeny and singled him out by name as “a war criminal.”

    Raanan, as skilled an actor as any spy must be, smiled at the Jewish man and softly said: “No, you’re mistaken. He’s a relative of mine and himself is a Holocaust survivor.”

    Naturally, many in Israeli intelligence wondered if the famous soldier for Germany had genuinely — and so easily — been recruited. Did he really care so much about his image that he demanded to be removed from a list of war criminals? Skorzeny indicated that being on the list meant he was a target for assassination. By cooperating with the Mossad, he was buying life insurance.

    The new agent seemed to prove his full reliability. As requested by the Israelis, he flew to Egypt and compiled a detailed list of German scientists and their addresses.

    Skorzeny also provided the names of many front companies in Europe that were procuring and shipping components for Egypt’s military projects. These included Heinz Krug’s company, Intra, in Munich.

    Raanan continued to be the project manager of the whole operation aimed against the German scientists. But he assigned the task of staying in contact with Skorzeny to two of his most effective operatives: Rafi Eitan and Avraham Ahituv.

    Eitan was one of the most amazing characters in Israeli intelligence. He earned the nickname “Mr. Kidnap” for his role in abducting Eichmann and other men wanted by Israeli security agencies. Eitan also helped Israel acquire materials for its secret nuclear program. He would go on to earn infamy in the 1980s by running Jonathan Pollard as an American Jewish spy in the United States government.

    Surprisingly flamboyant after a life in the shadows, in 2006, at age 79, Eitan became a Member of Parliament as head of a political party representing senior citizens.

    “Yes, I met and ran Skorzeny,” Eitan confirmed to us recently. Like other Mossad veterans, he refused to go on the record with more details.

    Ahituv, who was born in Germany in 1930, was similarly involved in a wide array of Israeli clandestine operations all around the globe. From 1974 to 1980 he was head of the domestic security service, Shin Bet, which also guarded many secrets and often conducted joint projects with the Mossad.

    The Mossad agents did try to persuade Wiesenthal to remove Skorzeny from his list of war criminals, but the Nazi hunter refused. The Mossad, with typical chutzpah, instead forged a letter — supposedly to Skorzeny from Wiesenthal— declaring that his name had been cleared.

    Skorzeny continued to surprise the Israelis with his level of cooperation. During a trip to Egypt, he even mailed exploding packages; one Israeli-made bomb killed five Egyptians in the military rocket site Factory 333, where German scientists worked.

    The campaign of intimidation was largely successful, with most of the Germans leaving Egypt. Israel stopped the violence and threats, however, when one team was arrested in Switzerland while putting verbal pressure on a scientist’s family. A Mossad man and an Austrian scientist who was working for Israel were put on trial. Luckily, the Swiss judge sympathized with Israel’s fear of Egypt’s rocket program. The two men were convicted of making threats, but they were immediately set free.

    Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, however, concluded that all of this being out in public was disastrous to Israel’s image — and specifically could upset a deal he had arranged with West Germany to sell weapons to Israel.

    Harel submitted a letter of resignation, and to his shock, Ben-Gurion accepted it. The new Mossad director, commander of military intelligence Gen. Meir Amit, moved the agency away from chasing or intimidating Nazis.

    Amit did activate Skorzeny at least once more, however. The spymaster wanted to explore the possibility of secret peace negotiations, so he asked Israel’s on-the-payroll Nazi to arrange a meeting with a senior Egyptian official. Nothing ever came of it.

    Skorzeny never explained his precise reasons for helping Israel. His autobiography does not contain the word “Israel,” or even “Jew.” It is true that he sought and got the life insurance. The Mossad did not assassinate him.

    He also had a very strong streak of adventurism, and the notion of doing secret work with fascinating spies — even if they were Jewish — must have been a magnet for the man whose innovative escapades had earned him the Iron Cross medal from Hitler. Skorzeny was the kind of man who would feel most youthful and alive through killing and fear.

    It is possible that regret and atonement also played a role. The Mossad’s psychological analysts doubted it, but Skorzeny may have genuinely felt sorry for his actions during World War II.

    He may have been motivated by a combination of all these factors, and perhaps even others. But Otto Skorzeny took this secret to his grave. He died of cancer, at age 67, in Madrid in July 1975.

    He had two funerals, one in a chapel in Spain’s capital and the other to bury his cremated remains in the Skorzeny family plot in Vienna. Both services were attended by dozens of German military veterans and wives, who did not hesitate to give the one-armed Nazi salute and sing some of Hitler’s favorite songs. Fourteen of Skorzeny’s medals, many featuring a boldly black swastika, were prominently paraded in the funeral processions.

    There was one man at the service in Madrid who was known to no one in the crowd, but out of habit he still made sure to hide his face as much as he could. That was Joe Raanan, who by then had become a successful businessman in Israel.

    The Mossad did not send Raanan to Skorzeny’s funeral; he decided to attend on his own, and at his own expense. This was a personal tribute from one Austrian-born warrior to another, and from an old spy handler to the best, but most loathsome, agent he ever ran.

    Dan Raviv, a CBS News correspondent based in Washington, and Israeli journalist Yossi Melman are co-authors of five books about Israel’s espionage and security agencies, including “Spies Against Armageddon: Inside Israel’s Secret Wars” (Levant Books, 2014). Contact them at feedback@forward.com

    For more stories, go to www.forward.com. Sign up for the Forward’s daily newsletter at http://forward.com/newsletter/signup

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    #Israel #Mossad #Nazi #Egypte #Histoire #Allemagne #Hitman

  • Netanyahou déclare que les propos de Wallström sont « scandaleux et injustes » | i24news - Voir plus loin
    http://www.i24news.tv/fr/actu/israel/99161-160114-netanyahou-declare-que-les-propos-de-wallstrom-sont-scandaleux-

    Benyamin Netanyahou, s’est adressé aux journalistes lors d’un événement annuel organisé pour le Nouvel An du Bureau de presse du gouvernement (GPO) à Jérusalem, où il a déclaré que les commentaires de la ministre étaient « scandaleux, injustes et tout simplement faux ».

    « Je pense que ce qu’a dit la ministre suédoise des Affaires étrangères est scandaleux, je pense que c’est immoral, que c’est injuste et que c’est tout bonnement faux », a dit M. Netanyahou à la presse.

    "L’autre jour à Paris, un terroriste brandissant un couteau a été abattu, est-ce que ça, c’était une exécution extra-judiciaire ?

    OUI !

    • Yes, Israel Is Executing Palestinians Without Trial
      Gideon Levy Jan 17, 2016
      http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.697788

      We should call it like it is: Israel executes people without trial nearly every day. Any other description is a lie. If there was once discussion here about the death penalty for terrorists, now they are executed even without trial (and without discussion). If once there was debate over the rules of engagement, today it’s clear: we shoot to kill – any suspicious Palestinian.

      Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan outlined the situation clearly when he said, “Every terrorist should know he will not survive the attack he is about to commit” – and almost every politician joined him in nauseating unison, from Yair Lapid on up. Never have so many licenses to kill been handed out here, nor has the finger been so itchy on the trigger.

      In 2016, one doesn’t have to be Adolf Eichmann to be executed here – it’s enough to be a teenage Palestinian girl with scissors. The firing squads are active every day. Soldiers, police and civilians shoot those who stabbed Israelis, or tried to stab them or were suspected of doing so, and at those who run down Israelis in their cars or appear to have done so.

      In most cases, there was no need to shoot – and certainly not to kill. In a good many of the cases, the shooters’ lives were not in danger. They shot people to death who were holding a knife or even scissors, or people who just put their hands in their pockets or lost control of their car.

      They shot them to death indiscriminately – women, men, teenage girls, teenage boys. They shot them when they were standing, and even after they were no longer a threat. They shot to kill, to punish, to release their anger, and to take revenge. There is such contempt here that these incidents are barely covered in the media.

      Last Saturday, soldiers at the Beka’ot checkpoint (called Hamra by the Palestinians) in the Jordan Valley killed businessman Said Abu al-Wafa, 35, a father of four, with 11 bullets. At the same time, they also killed Ali Abu Maryam, a 21-year-old farm laborer and student, with three bullets. The Israel Defense Forces did not explain the killing of the two men, except to say there was a suspicion that someone had drawn a knife. There are security cameras at the site, but the IDF has not released video footage of the incident.

      Last month, other IDF soldiers killed Nashat Asfur, a father of three who worked at an Israeli chicken slaughterhouse. They shot him in his village, Sinjil, from 150 meters away, while he was walking home from a wedding. Earlier this month, Mahdia Hammad – a 40-year-old mother of four – was driving home through her village, Silwad. Border Police officers sprayed her car with dozens of bullets after they suspected she intended to run them over.

      The soldiers didn’t even suspect cosmetology student Samah Abdallah, 18, of anything. Soldiers shot her father’s car “by mistake,” killing her; they had suspected a 16-year-old pedestrian, Alaa al-Hashash, of trying to stab them. They executed him as well, of course.

      They also killed Ashrakat Qattanani, 16, who was holding a knife and running after an Israeli woman. First a settler ran her over with his car, and when she was lying injured on the ground, soldiers and settlers shot her at least four times. Execution – what else?

      And when soldiers shot Lafi Awad, 20, in his back while he was fleeing after throwing stones, was that not an execution?

      These are only a few of the cases I have documented over the past few weeks in Haaretz. The website of the human rights group B’Tselem has a list of 12 more cases of executions.

      Swedish Foreign Minister Margot Wallström, one of the few ministers with a conscience left in the world, demanded that these killings be investigated. There is no demand more moral and just than this. It should have come from our own justice minister.

      Israel responded with its usual howls. The prime minister said this was “outrageous, immoral and unjust.” And Benjamin Netanyahu understands those terms: That is exactly how to describe Israel’s campaign of criminal executions under his leadership.

  • Le nazi Aloïs Brunner est mort il y a quatre ans en Syrie - Libération
    http://www.liberation.fr/monde/2014/12/01/le-nazi-alois-brunner-est-mort-il-y-a-quatre-ans-en-syrie_1154375

    Le centre Simon Wiesenthal a recueilli de nouvelles informations sur la mort, jusqu’ici incertaine, du bras droit d’Adolf Eichmann, soupçonné de vivre sous la protection du régime syrien depuis les années 50.

    Sa mort était devenue chaque année un peu plus probable. Le centre Simon Wiesenthal, organisation basée à Jérusalem qui lutte pour que les criminels nazis répondent de leurs actes, en a maintenant la quasi-certitude : Aloïs Brunner, l’un des plus recherchés au monde, est mort en Syrie il y a quatre ans. Il avait alors 98 ans. « Nous avons reçu des informations d’un ancien agent des services secrets allemands, qui a servi au Moyen-Orient, et qui nous a dit que Brunner était mort et avait été enterré à Damas », a déclaré Efraim Zuroff, le directeur du centre, au quotidien britannique Daily Express, précisant qu’il considérait cette source comme fiable.

    Aloïs Brunner est né en 1912 dans la partie de l’Empire qui est aujourd’hui l’Autriche. Fervent SS, il est rapidement devenu le bras droit d’Adolf Eichmann, premier exécutant de la solution finale. Entre juin 1943 et août 1944, Brunner a été le chef du camp d’internement de Drancy, d’où partaient les convois de déportés. Il est accusé d’avoir organisé la déportation de 130 000 juifs en Europe, dont 24 000 en France et 43 000 en Grèce.

    Sa trace a été retrouvée par les époux Klarsfeld à Damas, qui le soupçonnaient depuis le début des années 60 de vivre sous la protection des autorités syriennes. Sous le nom de « docteur Georg Fischer », il aurait aidé Hafez al-Assad à pefectionner son système de renseignement et dispensé ses conseils en répression et torture. Le régime Assad, père et fils, a toujours démenti sa présence. En 1961, Brunner a perdu l’usage d’un œil et trois doigts dans un attentat au colis piégé.

    Dans un article intitulé Nazi Butcher in Syria Haven publié en 1987, le Chicago Sun-Times expliquait que Brunner s’était enfui en Syrie dès la fin de la guerre, en passant par Le Caire. Au journaliste qui a réussi à l’avoir brièvement au téléphone, Brunner a dit que les Juifs « méritaient tous de mourir car ce sont les agents du diable et le déchet de l’humanité » et qu’il n’avait « aucun regret ». En décembre 1999, déjà, des sources syriennes avaient annoncé son décès.

    « Brunner était le plus fanatique des lieutenants d’Eichmann. Il a opéré en Autriche, en Allemagne, en Macédoine, en Slovaquie. Le mandat d’arrêt de la justice allemande le met en cause pour sa participation aux meurtres de 124 000 juifs »,avait expliqué Serge Klarsfeld à Libération.

    Brunner a déjà été condamné à mort par contumace en France en 1954 et 1956, et à la perpétuité lors d’un nouveau procès en 2001. Ce dernier procès, qui a suivi une plainte des époux Klarsfeld visait la déportation de 352 enfants de Drancy, dont le plus jeune n’avait que 15 jours.