person:al assad

  • Theresa May temporise avant d’envisager des frappes en Syrie sans vote au Parlement
    http://www.lemonde.fr/syrie/article/2018/04/11/theresa-may-temporise-avant-d-envisager-des-frappes-en-syrie-sans-vote-au-pa

    Downing Street l’assure : Theresa May est prête à s’engager en Syrie, même sans attendre un éventuel accord du Parlement. La première ministre britannique, lors de conversations téléphoniques, mardi 10 avril, s’est mise d’accord avec les présidents américain et français sur « la nécessité pour la communauté internationale d’une réponse » aux attaques en Syrie « afin de faire respecter l’interdiction mondiale de l’usage des armes chimiques », détaille un communiqué officiel.

    Les avions Tornado sont prêts à décoller de la base militaire britannique d’Akrotiri (sud de Chypre). Mais Mme May, souvent raillée pour son caractère #excessivement_méthodique et sa lenteur à décider, semble prendre son temps pour réunir les arguments dont elle pourrait avoir besoin si elle se heurtait à des critiques parlementaires. Le communiqué de Downing Street évoque prudemment les « informations à confirmer » faisant état d’une attaque à l’arme chimique à Douma, près de Damas.

    Si même Mme May n’est pas (encore…) convaincue par les preuves… qu’on ne lui a visiblement pas (encore…) présentées, c’est bien à cause de sa pusillanimité bien connue (chicken !, en anglais).

    • Vu par les Britanniques :

      Syria decision looms for May - BBC News
      http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-43724946

      But some do say the PM is taking her time. On one level, they say this is just her character, to be cautious and methodical, to play it by the book. She wants to work out what is in the UK national interest, to understand what other countries want to achieve, to assess all the options and consequences

      And yes, that involves assessing the risk of losing a vote in Parliament on this. The scars of David Cameron’s defeat over proposed military action in Syria in 2013 have not entirely healed. This will matter if any military action is not a one-off but a sustained strategy that envisages air strikes the next time Syria drops chemical weapons and the next.

      Crucially, I am told that Mrs May also wants to make sure that the case against Syria is as comprehensive as possible. She wants as much information as possible about the suspected chemical attack on Douma - above all, so she can say who was responsible.

      She wants to make sure she has her ducks and arguments in a row for the potential political flak she could face. The discussions are similar to those over the Salisbury nerve agent attack, namely that Mrs May wants to be able to stand up in Parliament and say there is “no plausible alternative” to Syria being responsible.

      There was a distinct note of caution in the official Downing Street account of the May/Trump phone call. This spoke of “reports” of Syrian chemical weapons attacks which were evidence of President Assad’s brutality “if confirmed”.

      There are signs that the US and the French are also taking their time. Monsieur Macron seems keen to act but even he spoke yesterday of a decision “within days”. French sources tell me they expect another Macron/Trump call “in the next 48 hours”.

    • Theresa May is warned against joining in on a strike against Syria | Daily Mail Online
      http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-5601407/Theresa-warned-against-joining-strike-against-Syria-MPs-say.html

      Theresa May resists US rush to bomb Assad without more evidence the Syrian regime is to blame for ’barbaric’ chemical attack on civilians
      • PM last night warned not to press ahead with a strike on Bashar Al Assad’s troops
      • MPs told Theresa May it would be a ’huge mistake’ for her to bow to pressure 
      • Mrs May and Donald Trump vowed to end to chemical weapon attacks in Syria
      • Though the PM indicated she needed more proof of Assad’s involvement first 
      • There is no legal requirement for Mrs May to consult MPs ahead of air strikes

    • Not Without Dignity: Views of Syrian Refugees in Lebanon on Displacement, Conditions of Return, and Coexistence

      Discussions about a future return of refugees and coexistence among groups currently at war in Syria must begin now, even in the face of ongoing violence and displacement. This report, based on interviews with refugees, makes it clear that the restoration of dignity will be important to creating the necessary conditions for return and peaceful coexistence — and building a stable post-war Syria one day.


      https://www.ictj.org/publication/syria-refugees-lebanon-displacement-return-coexistence
      #rapport

    • New ICTJ Study: Syrian Refugees in Lebanon See Security, Restoration of Dignity as Key Conditions for Return

      A new report from the International Center for Transitional Justice argues that discussions about a future return of refugees and coexistence among groups currently at war in Syria must begin now, even in the face of ongoing violence and displacement. The report makes it clear that the restoration of refugees’ sense of dignity will be important to creating the necessary conditions for return and peaceful coexistence — and building a stable post-war Syria one day.

      https://www.ictj.org/news/study-syrian-refugees-lebanon-conditions-return

    • We Must Start the Conversation About Return of Syrian Refugees Now

      If millions of displaced Syrians are to go home one day, we need to understand refugees’ conditions for returning, attitudes to justice and the possibility of coexistence, say the authors of an International Center for Transitional Justice study of refugees in Lebanon.

      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/06/21/we-must-start-the-conversation-about-return-of-syrian-refugees-now

    • Nowhere Left to Run: Refugee Evictions in Lebanon in Shadow of Return

      Lebanon wants to evict 12,000 refugees who live near an air base where foreign military assistance is delivered. The evictions, which began in spring and recently resumed after a short respite, have left refugees more vulnerable amid rising demands they return to Syria.


      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2017/09/28/nowhere-left-to-run-refugee-evictions-in-lebanon-in-shadow-of-return
      #Liban

    • Syrian Refugees Return From Lebanon Only to Flee War Yet Again

      Refugees who returned to Syria from Lebanon under cease-fire deals this summer have been displaced again by fighting. Those who stayed behind are pressing for international guarantees of safety on return, as Lebanese officials explore ways to get more refugees to leave.


      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2017/10/11/syrian-refugees-return-from-lebanon-only-to-flee-war-yet-again

    • Dangerous Exit: Who Controls How Syrians in Lebanon Go Home

      AS HALIMA clambered into a truck leaving Lebanon in late June, she resolved that if the men driving the vehicle were arrested at the Syrian border, she would get out and walk back to her village on her own. The 66-year-old grandmother had not seen the son and daughter she left behind in Syria for five years. Wearing an embroidered black dress and a traditional headdress, her crinkled eyes shone with determination. “I’m coming back to my land,” she said.

      Having begged her not to leave, Halima’s two daughters staying in Lebanon wept on her shoulders. “We’re afraid she won’t come back,” 42-year-old Sherifa said, as her voice cracked. Sherifa cannot follow her mother to Syria; her eldest son, who has single-handedly kept the family afloat with odd jobs because of his father’s disability, would be sent to war.

      Huddled in groups at the checkpoint in northeast Lebanon, other families also said their goodbyes. A teenage girl knelt on the dirt road, refusing to let go of her 19-year-old brother’s legs. Their mother, Nawal, held her as he left for a truck to the border. “I don’t know how he will live on his own in Syria. Only God knows what will happen to him,” Nawal said. “I didn’t think he would actually leave. It all happened very fast.”

      A few months earlier, 3,000 Syrians in the Lebanese border town of Arsal had registered their names with Syrian and Lebanese intelligence agencies to return to their villages just over the mountains in Syria’s Qalamoun region. When the first group of several hundred people was approved to leave on June 28, many families were separated, as some members either decided not to register or were not approved by Syrian authorities.

      “We need a political solution for these people to go back, but the politics doesn’t start here in Lebanon,” a Lebanese intelligence agent said, as a scuffle broke out that scorching June morning. A Syrian man lunged at Khaled Abdel Aziz, a real estate businessman who had been put in charge of signing up fellow refugees to return. Abdel Aziz sweated in his suit as he dashed between television interviews, repeating that Syrians had a country of their own to go back to. “You’re protecting the army, not protecting yourself,” the man yelled, before being pulled away.

      The TV cameras rolled as dozens of trucks and tractors piled high with timber, water tanks and chicken coops were checked off a list by Lebanese intelligence agents and headed with an army escort to the Syrian border. A line of TV reporters announced to their Lebanese viewers that these refugees were going home.

      The next day, on the other side of Arsal, a small group of refugees held a sit-in, to much less fanfare. “We’re asking for return with dignity,” one banner read, “with guarantees from the international community and the U.N.”

      “We’re not against the return, but we want conditions, guarantees,” said Khaled Raad, one of the organizers. His refugee committee has been petitioning the U.N. and sympathetic Lebanese politicians for international protection for returning Syrians for a year. “I mean, this is not like taking a cup of tea or coffee to say, after seven years, go ahead and return to your houses. It’s not an easy thing.”

      “WE NEED A POLITICAL SOLUTION FOR THESE PEOPLE TO GO BACK, BUT THE POLITICS DOESN’T START HERE IN LEBANON.”

      By then, Halima had arrived back in Syria. Apart from some tractors breaking down en route, they had no problem crossing the border. Halima went to stay with her son while she waited to hear about the situation in her hometown, the mountaintop village of Fleeta. Her granddaughters had grown up quickly while she was in Lebanon, and she loved spending time with them in the neighboring town.

      But as more of their friends and relatives returned to Fleeta, with subsequent groups departing Arsal in July, word came to the family of empty homes and little power, water or work in the Syrian village. Sherifa received messages from relatives who had returned to Fleeta but now wanted to escape again. With no easy way to come back to Lebanon legally, they planned to smuggle themselves back across the border.

      Without her mother, and with bad news from Fleeta making it less likely she would ever return to Syria, Sherifa became increasingly desperate. Her husband, who is unable to work for health reasons, sunk into depression. “By God, dying is better than living,” Sherifa said. “I seek refuge in God from this return.”

      LONGING FOR HOME, AFRAID TO RETURN
      RETURNING TO SYRIA during this eighth year of conflict is both an excruciating personal decision and a political calculation: by refugees, the government in Syria, and other nations with a stake in the war. As the government recaptures more territory from opposition groups, and fighting quells in certain areas, some refugees are considering returning, while others are terrified of the increasing pressure to go back. After Lebanon began organizing small group returns this year, including from Arsal, these dilemmas became more urgent.

      To return is to take a political gamble: Refugees must weigh the risks of staying against the risks of going. They try to figure out who can be trusted to tell them the truth. They gather snippets of information from their cities, towns and villages about what happens to people who return. They struggle to decipher the intentions of the mercurial and multi-layered Syrian authorities and their foreign allies.

      Some of the broader dangers are well-known: an estimated half a million people killed in Syria’s war, including thousands dead this year; some one million people forced to leave their homes this year alone; a third of all houses and half of all schools and hospitals damaged or destroyed; in government-controlled areas, mandatory conscription into battle for men under 43, fear of arrest and torture, and the difficulties of reintegrating into a society and economy fractured by war.

      Until now, few refugees have considered this a risk worth taking. In 2017, the U.N. said 77,300 refugees went back independently to Syria, out of 5.6 million who had fled the country. The vast majority of Syrian refugees have consistently told U.N. and independent surveys they hoped to return home one day, but do not yet feel safe to do so.

      There are also risks to staying. More than 80 percent of Syrian refugees remain in three neighboring countries: Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan. There, they face soaring poverty, years out of work or school, lack of official documents, risk of arrest and, above all, an increasing public clamoring for Syrians to be sent back.

      In Lebanon, where at least 1.5 million Syrians have sought refuge – increasing the country’s population by a quarter – the pressure to leave is the most intense. Few Syrians have legal status, even fewer can work. Many towns have imposed curfews or carried out mass evictions. At the U.N. General Assembly last year, Lebanon’s president Michel Aoun insisted Syrians must return, voluntarily or not. “The claim that they will not be safe should they return to their country is an unacceptable pretext,” he told world leaders.

      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2018/08/08/dangerous-exit-who-controls-how-syrians-in-lebanon-go-home
      #Liban

    • Turkish minister: 255,300 Syrian refugees have returned home

      Turkish Interior Minister Süleyman Soylu said on Sunday that 255,300 Syrian refugees have returned home over the past two years, the state-run Anadolu news agency reported.

      “Some 160,000 of them returned to the Euphrates Shield region after Turkey brought peace there,” added Soylu, speaking to reporters in the southern province of Hatay bordering Syria.

      Turkey carried out Operation Euphrates Shield between August 2016 and March 2017 to eliminate the terrorist threat along the border in the northern Syrian regions of Jarabulus, Al-Rai, Al-Bab and Azaz with the help of the Free Syrian Army.

      Expressing concern about a possible operation in the Idlib region of Syria by regime forces, the minister underlined that Turkey would not be responsible for a wave of migration in the event of an offensive.

      Soylu also noted that an average of 6,800 irregular migrants a day used to enter Greece from western Turkey in 2015 and that now it has been reduced to 79.

      https://www.turkishminute.com/2018/09/09/turkish-minister-255300-syrian-refugees-have-returned-home

    • The fate of Syrian refugees in Lebanon. Between forced displacement and forced return

      Recent news reports have surfaced on a possible United States-Russia deal to arrange for the return of refugees to Syria—reports that coincided both with the announcement that thousands of Syrians have died in regime prisons, and with one of the worst massacres in the conflict, perpetrated by ISIS in the city of Swaida. The US-Russia deal has been welcomed by Lebanese politicians, particularly those who have been scheming to repatriate Syrians for years now. But, unsurprisingly, the absence of a clear and coherent strategy for repatriation by the Lebanese government puts Syrian refugees at grave risk.

      In June, UNHCR interviewed Syrian refugees in Arsal who had expressed their willingness to go back to Syria in order to verify that they had the documentation needed for return and to ensure they were fully aware of the conditions in their home country. In response, caretaker Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil accused the agency of impeding refugees’ free return and ordered a freeze on the renewal of agency staff residency permits.

      This tug of war raises two main questions: What are the conditions in Lebanon that are pushing refugees toward returning to Syria while the conflict is ongoing and dangers persist? And what are the obstacles preventing some Syrians from returning freely to their homes?

      Conditions for Syrians in Lebanon

      Syrians began fleeing to Lebanon as early as 2011, but the Lebanese government failed to produce a single policy response until 2014, leading to ad-hoc practices by donors and host communities.

      By the end of 2014, the government began introducing policies to “reduce the number of displaced Syrians,” including closing the borders and requiring Syrians to either register with UNHCR and pledge not to work, or to secure a Lebanese sponsor to remain legally in the country and pay a $200 residency permit fee every six months. In May 2015, the government directed UNHCR to stop registering refugees. These conditions put many Syrians in a precarious position: without documentation, vulnerable to arrest and detention, and with limited mobility. Municipalities have been impeding freedom of movement as well, by imposing curfews on Syrians and even expelling them from their towns.

      In addition to the difficulties imposed by the state, Syrians face discrimination and violence on a day-to-day basis. Refugee settlements have been set on fire, Syrians have been beaten in the streets, and camps are regularly raided by the Lebanese army. All the while, Lebanese politicians foster and fuel the hatred of Syrians, blaming them for the country’s miseries and painting them as existential and security threats.

      Despite the polarization among Lebanese politicians regarding the situation in Syria, there is a consensus that the Syrian refugees are a burden that Lebanon cannot bear. Politicians across the board have been advocating for the immediate repatriation of refugees, and state officials are beginning to take action. President Michel Aoun made a statement in May declaring that Lebanon would seek a solution regarding the refugee crisis without taking into account the preferences of the UN or the European Union. This was followed by Bassil’s move, to freeze the residency permits of UNHCR staff, the leading agency (despite its many shortcomings) providing services for, and protecting the interests of, Syrian refugees. While UNHCR maintains that there are no safe zones in Syria as of yet, Lebanon’s General Security has begun facilitating the return of hundreds of refugees from Arsal and nearby towns. This process has been monitored by UNHCR to ensure that the returns are voluntary. Hezbollah has also established centers to organize the return of Syrians to their homes in collaboration with the Syrian regime.

      Syrian regime obstructing refugees’ free return

      As the situation for Syrian refugees in Lebanon becomes more and more unbearable, conditions for them back home remain troubling. Since 2012, the Syrian regime has been taking deliberate measures that would effectively make the situation for returning Syrians extremely difficult and dangerous.

      Conscription

      Syrian males aged 18 to 42 must serve in the Syrian Armed Forces. While exemptions were allowed in the past, a decree issued in 2017 bans exemptions from military service. Refusing to serve in the Syrian army results in imprisonment or an $8,000 fine, which most Syrians are unable to pay, thus risking having their assets seized by the regime.

      Property as a weapon of war

      Law No. 66 (2012) allowed for the creation of development zones in specified areas across the country. Under the pretense of redeveloping areas currently hosting informal settlements or unauthorized housing, the law is actually being used to expropriate land from residents in areas identified in the decree, which are mostly former opposition strongholds such as Daraya and Ghouta.

      Law No. 10 (2018), passed in April, speeds up the above process. This law stipulates the designation of development or reconstruction zones, requiring local authorities to request a list of property owners from public real estate authorities. Those whose have property within these zones but are not registered on the list are notified by local authorities and must present proof of property within 30 days. If they are successful in providing proof, they get shares of the redevelopment project; otherwise, ownership reverts to the local authority in the province, town, or city where the property is located. Human Rights Watch has published a detailed Q&A that explains the law and its implications.

      These laws, coupled with systematic destruction of land registries by local authorities, fully equip the regime to dispossess hundreds of thousands of Syrian families. Reports indicate that the regime has already begun reconstruction in areas south of Damascus.

      Statements by Syrian officials

      Syrian officials have made several public statements that reveal their hostility toward refugees. On August 20, 2017, at the opening ceremony of a conference held by Syria’s foreign ministry, President Bashar al-Assad gave a speech in which he said: “It’s true that we lost the best of our young men as well as our infrastructure, but in return we gained a healthier, more homogeneous society.” On another occasion, Assad stated his belief that some refugees are terrorists.

      In September 2017, a video of Issam Zahreddine, a commander in the Syrian Armed Forces, went viral. In the video, Zahreddine threatens refugees against returning, saying: “To everyone who fled Syria to other countries, please do not return. If the government forgives you, we will not. I advise you not to come back.” Zahreddine later clarified that his remarks were meant for rebels and ISIS followers, but that clarification should be taken with a grain of salt given his bloody track record in the war up until his death in October 2017. Along similar lines, leaked information from a meeting of top-ranking army officers just last month reported the following statement by the head of the Syrian Air Force Intelligence administration, General Jamil Al-Hassan: “A Syria with 10 million trustworthy people obedient to the leadership is better than a Syria with 30 million vandals.”

      Unknown fate

      Considering the unwelcoming policies in Lebanon and the treacherous conditions in Syria, what is the fate of Syrian refugees, specifically those who oppose the Assad regime? Until now, the return championed by Lebanese politicians implies return to a fascist regime that has caused the largest refugee crisis since the Second World War and unapologetically committed countless war crimes. While Lebanese politicians continue to focus on repatriation, they are failing to acknowledge the major barriers preventing Syrians from returning home: the Assad regime and ongoing mass violence.

      We cannot speak of safe, dignified, and sustainable returns without demanding justice and accountability. Regime change and trials for those who committed war crimes over the span of the last seven years are a long way off, and all evidence currently points toward the Assad regime retaining power. Any strategy must therefore prioritize the safety of Syrians who are likely to be detained, tortured, and killed for their political views upon return, or simply denied entry to Syria altogether. Lebanese policy makers must take into account that Syrians residing in Lebanon are not a homogenous entity, and some may never be able to return to their homes. Those Syrians should not be forced to choose between a brutal regime that will persecute them and a country that strips away their rights and dignity. It is time for Lebanon to adopt clear policies on asylum, resettlement, and return that ensure the right of all Syrians to lead a safe and dignified life.

      http://www.executive-magazine.com/economics-policy/the-fate-of-syrian-refugees-in-lebanon

    • Le retour des réfugiés en Syrie commence à préoccuper la communauté internationale

      Lors d’une conférence sur la Syrie à Bruxelles, le retour des réfugiés syriens dans leur pays a été évoqué. Démarrée en 2011, la guerre en Syrie touche à sa fin

      La situation en Syrie est loin d’être stabilisée. Les besoins de financement, de nourriture de matériel sont même en constante augmentation. Selon un haut fonctionnaire de l’ONU, un éventuel assaut contre la dernière enclave rebelle pourrait entraîner une « catastrophe humanitaire ». Pourtant, alors que 12 millions de Syriens, soit près de la moitié de la population syrienne avant la guerre, a fui le pays ou a été déplacée à l’intérieur, la question du retour, étape indispensable à la reconstruction, commence à se poser.

      C’est le principal message ressorti de la conférence « Supporting the Future of Syria and the Region » , qui vient de se tenir à Bruxelles. Les diplomates européens ont mis l’accent sur les difficultés de l’Europe à isoler le Président Bashar al-Assad, vainqueur de la guerre, soutenu par la Russie et l’Iran, pendant que les États-Unis retirent leurs troupes.

      L’UE a rappelé qu’un soutien à la reconstruction à long terme dépendrait du processus de paix de l’ONU pour mettre fin à une guerre responsable de la mort de centaines de milliers de personnes.

      Les Européens sont toutefois divisés sur la question de la reconstruction du pays, dans la mesure où le processus de paix de l’ONU est bloqué, que l’intervention militaire russe de 2015 s’avère décisive et que les pays arabes voisins envisagent de rétablir des liens diplomatiques.

      « Les États-Unis se retirent et les Russes n’ont pas l’argent. Voilà le contexte », a expliqué un haut fonctionnaire de l’UE, cité par Reuters. L’Allemagne, la France et les Pays-Bas défendent ouvertement l’idée de libérer les fonds de reconstruction uniquement quand le pays aura démarré sa transition politique et que Bashar-al-Assad ne sera plus au pouvoir. Aucun représentant officiel de la Syrie n’a été invité à la conférence. L’Italie, l’Autriche et la Hongrie, grands détracteurs de la politique migratoire européenne, plaident en revanche pour une négociation avec les autorités syriennes pour que les millions de réfugiés puissent rentrer chez eux.

      Mogherini craint le « ni guerre ni paix »

      La cheffe de la diplomatie européenne, Federica Mogherini, a déclaré qu’il y avait un risque que le pays se retrouve coincé dans une situation de « ni guerre ni paix ». Le Haut Commissaire des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés, Filippo Grandi, a déclaré qu’il était prévisible que 2019 soit la première année depuis le début de la guerre « où il y aura plus de Syriens (réfugiés et déplacés internes) qui rentreront chez eux que de nouveaux déplacés. S’étant rendu en Syrie la semaine dernière, le Haut Commissaire a déclaré avoir été « marqué et touché » par la résilience du peuple syrien.

      « C’est dans un contexte de grandes destructions, avec des zones encore dangereuses et un manque de produits de première nécessité (nourriture, médicaments, eau) et d’emplois que de nombreux Syriens rentrent chez eux. Les agences humanitaires font ce qu’elles peuvent, mais un très grand nombre de déplacés internes et quelques réfugiés prennent la décision difficile de rentrer chez eux, et les besoins en produits de première nécessité ne font qu’augmenter », a-t-il expliqué, ajoutant que la plupart des réfugiés voyaient leur avenir dans leur pays natal et que « nous savons que 56 000 Syriens sont rentrés chez eux via des mouvements organisés l’année dernière, mais ce chiffre est certainement plus élevé ».

      Engagements financiers

      « Je suis heureux de vous annoncer que nous collaborons notamment avec le gouvernement syrien. Et j’aimerais particulièrement remercier la Fédération de Russie pour sa coopération face aux problèmes que le retour des réfugiés syriens implique pour eux », a ajouté Filippo Grandi. Dans le cadre de l’appel de l’ONU, 3,3 milliards de dollars seraient nécessaires pour venir en aide aux déplacés internes et 5,5 milliards de dollars pour les réfugiés et les communautés d’accueil dans les pays voisins.

      Le Secrétaire général adjoint aux affaires humanitaires, Marc Lowcock, a déclaré à la presse que les engagements financiers s’élevaient « au moins à 6,5 milliards de dollars » et peut-être même à près de 7 milliards de dollars. « C’est un très bon résultat, et si nous y parvenons vraiment en fin de compte, nous serons très heureux », a-t-il déclaré. Federica Mogherini a déclaré que l’UE contribuerait à hauteur de 560 millions d’euros pour venir en aide au peuple syrien durant l’année 2019 et que le même montant serait libéré les années suivantes.

      Filippo Grandi a également exprimé son inquiétude quant à la situation en déclin de la ville d’Idlib, près de la frontière turque. Près de 90 personnes y ont été tuées par des obus et des frappes aériennes, et la moitié d’entre elles étaient des enfants.

      « La pire des catastrophes humanitaires »

      « Permettez-moi de répéter ce que nous avons déjà dit à maintes reprises. Une attaque militaire d’envergure sur la ville d’Idlib occasionnerait la pire catastrophe humanitaire du 21ème siècle. Ce serait tout simplement inacceptable », a déclaré Filippo Grandi.

      Avec l’aide d’avions russes, l’armée syrienne a attaqué des villes au mains des forces rebelles dans la région d’Idlib, dernier bastion rebelle du pays. Ce bombardement a été le plus important depuis des mois. Les forces rebelles qui se sont battues depuis 8 ans pour faire tomber le Président al-Assad sont désormais confinées dans une enclave du nord est du pays, près de la frontière turque. Près de 4 millions de Syriens y vivent aujourd’hui, dont des centaines de milliers d’opposants au régime qui ont fui d’autres régions du pays.

      La Turquie, qui a commencé à patrouiller dans la zone tampon vendredi, a condamné ce qu’elle a qualifié de provocations croissantes pour mettre fin à la trêve et a averti qu’une offensive des forces russes et syriennes causerait une crise humanitaire majeure. De nombreux résidents sont exaspérés de l’incapacité des forces turques à répondre aux bombardements. L’armée syrienne a appelé au retrait des forces turques.

      L’enclave est protégée par une zone de « désescalade », un accord négocié l’an dernier par les pays qui soutiennent Bashar al-Assad, la Russie, l’Iran ainsi que la Turquie, qui avait auparavant soutenu les forces rebelles et envoyé des troupes pour surveiller la trêve. Le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, a déclaré que 320 000 Syriens avaient pu rentrer chez eux grâce aux « opérations anti-terrorisme » menées par la Turquie et la Syrie.

      https://www.euractiv.fr/section/migrations/news/return-of-refugees-to-syria-timidly-comes-on-the-agenda

    • Assad asks Syrian refugees to come home — then locks them up and interrogates them

      Guarantees offered by the government as part of a ’reconciliation’ process are often hollow, with returnees harassed or extorted.

      Hundreds of Syrian refugees have been arrested after returning home as the war they fled winds down — then interrogated, forced to inform on close family members and in some cases tortured, say returnees and human rights monitors.

      Many more who weathered the conflict in rebel-held territory now retaken by government forces are meeting a similar fate as President Bashar al-Assad’s regime deepens its longtime dependence on informers and surveillance.

      For Syrian refugees, going home usually requires permission from the government and a willingness to provide a full accounting of any involvement they had with the political opposition. But in many cases the guarantees offered by the government as part of this “reconciliation” process turn out to be hollow, with returnees subjected to harassment or extortion by security agencies or detention and torture to extract information about the refugees’ activities while they were away, according to the returnees and monitoring groups.

      Almost 2,000 people have been detained after returning to Syria during the past two years, according to the Syrian Network for Human Rights, while hundreds more in areas once controlled by the rebels have also been arrested.

      “If I knew then what I know now, I would never have gone back,” said a young man who returned to a government-controlled area outside Damascus. He said he has been harassed for months by members of security forces who repeatedly turn up at his home and stop him at checkpoints to search his phone.

      “People are still being taken by the secret police, and communities are living between suspicion and fear,” he said. “When they come to your door, you cannot say no. You just have to go with them.”

      Returnees interviewed for this report spoke on the condition of anonymity or on the understanding that their family names would be withheld, because of security threats.

      Since the war erupted in 2011, more than 5 million people have fled Syria and 6 million others have been displaced to another part of the country, according to the United Nations – together representing slightly more than half the Syrian population.

      In the past two years, as Assad’s forces have largely routed the rebels and recaptured much of the country, refugees have begun to trickle back. The United Nations says that at least 164,000 refugees have returned to the country since 2016. But citing a lack of access, the United Nations has not been able to document whether they have come back to government- or opposition-held areas.

      Assad has called for more homecomings, encouraging returnees in a televised address in February to “carry out their national duties.” He said forgiveness would be afforded to returnees “when they are honest.”

      According to our data, you are the exception if nothing happens to you

      A recent survey of Syrians who returned to government-held areas found that about 75 percent had been harassed at checkpoints, in government registry offices or in the street, conscripted into the military despite promises they would be exempted, or arrested.

      “According to our data, you are the exception if nothing happens to you,” said Nader Othman, a trustee with the Syrian Association for Citizens’ Dignity, which said it had interviewed 350 returnees across Syria. “One of our most important takeaways is that most of those people who came back had thought that they were cleared by the regime. They thought their lack of opposition would protect them.”

      The Syrian government did not respond to multiple requests for comment about the treatment of returnees and other Syrians now back under government control.

      Outside Syria, many refugees say they were already apprehensive about going home, with fears over a lack of personal security only growing with reports that the government is reneging on its guarantees. Aid groups say there are few signs that a large-scale return will begin anytime soon.

      And in conversations with UN representatives, senior Syrian officials have made it clear that not all returnees are equally welcome. According to two European officials who recounted the conversations, individuals with links to opposition groups, media activism or humanitarian work will be least well received.

      But pressure on the refugees to return is rising across the Middle East, with Syria’s neighbours tightening restrictions on them in part to get them to leave.

      Homs

      Hassan, 30, left his home in the western province of Homs in 2013. Before returning at the end of last year, he secured what he believed were guarantees for his safety after paying a large bribe to a high-ranking security official.

      But officers from the state security directorate met him at the airport and took him for interrogation. “They knew everything – what I’d done abroad, which cafes I’d sat in, even the time I had sat with opposition supporters during football matches,” he recalled.

      A week later, he was arrested during a visit to a government registry office and taken to a nearby police station. In a dingy room, officers took turns beating and questioning him, he said, accusing him of ferrying ammunition for an armed opposition group inside Syria in 2014.

      “I kept telling them that they knew I wasn’t in the country then,” he said. “All they did was ask me for money and tell me that it was the way to my freedom.”

      At one point, he said, the guards dragged in a young woman he had never met. “They beat her with a water pipe until she screamed, (then) told me they would do the same if I didn’t cooperate,” Hassan said.

      He said he was released at the end of January after relatives paid another bribe, this time $7,000.

      Syrians returning from abroad, like Hassan, often have to gain security approval just to re-enter the country, in some cases signing loyalty pledges and providing extensive accounts of any political activities, according to documents listing questions to be asked and statements to be signed.

      https://nationalpost.com/news/world/assad-asks-syrian-refugees-to-come-home-then-locks-them-up-and-interro

    • Weighed down by economic woes, Syrian refugees head home from Jordan

      Rahaf* and Qassem lay out their plans to return to Syria as their five-year-old daughter plays with her toys in their small apartment in the Jordanian capital, Amman.

      It is early October, six years after they fled their home in Damascus, and the couple have decided it’s time to give up trying to make a life for themselves in Jordan.

      Last year, 51-year-old Qassem lost his job at a cleaning supplies factory when the facility shut down, and Rahaf’s home business as a beautician is slow.

      For months, the couple have resorted to borrowing money from friends to cover their 200 Jordanian dinar ($282) monthly rent. They are three months overdue. “There’s nobody else for us to borrow money from,” explains Rahaf.

      Weeks later, Qassem crossed the border and headed back to their old neighbourhood, joining an increasing tide of Syrian refugees who are going home, despite the dangers and a multitude of unknowns.

      According to the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, 34,000 registered Syrian refugees have returned from Jordan since October 2018, when a key border crossing was reopened after years of closure. It’s a fraction of the 650,000 registered Syrian refugees remaining in Jordan, but a dramatic jump from previous years, when annual returns hovered at around 7,000.

      Syrian refugees from the other main host countries – Turkey and Lebanon – are making the trip too. UNHCR has monitored more than 209,000 voluntary refugee returns to Syria since 2016, but the actual figure is likely to be significantly higher.

      Some Syrian refugees face political pressure to return and anti-refugee rhetoric, but that hasn’t taken hold in Jordan.

      Here, many refugees say they are simply fed up with years spent in a dead-end job market with a bleak economic future. The uptick appears to be driven more by the fact that Syrians who wish to go home can now – for the first time in three years – board a bus or a shared taxi from the border, which is about an hour and a half’s drive north of Amman.

      People like Rahaf and Qassem are pinning their hopes on picking up what is left of the lives they led before the war. Their Damascus house, which was damaged in the conflict, is near Qassem’s old shop, where he used to sell basic groceries and cleaning supplies.

      Qassem is staying with relatives for now. But the family had a plan: if and when he gave the green light, Rahaf and their children would join him back in Damascus.

      While she waited for his signal, Rahaf sold off what little furniture and other possessions they acquired in Jordan. “Honestly, we’ve gotten tired of this life, and we’ve lost hope,” she said.
      Money problems

      Before he lost his job, Qassem endured years of verbal abuse in the workplace, and few clients made the trip to Rahaf’s home.

      When she tried to set up a salon elsewhere, their refugee status created bureaucratic hurdles the couple couldn’t overcome. “I did go ask about paying rent for one shop, and they immediately told me no,” Qassem said. “[The owners] wanted a Jordanian renter.”

      Their story echoes those of many other refugees who say they have found peace but little opportunity in Jordan.

      Syrian refugees need a permit to work in Jordan – over 153,000 have been issued so far – but they are limited to working in a few industries in designated economic zones. Many others end up in low-paying jobs, and have long faced harsh economic conditions in Jordan.

      Thousands of urban refugees earn a meagre living either on farms or construction sites, or find informal work as day labourers.

      Abu Omran, who returned to Syria three months ago, fled Damascus with his family in 2013, and for a while was able to find occasional car mechanic jobs in Amman. Work eventually dried up, and he struggled to find ways to make money that did not require hard manual labour.

      “He spent the past three years just sitting at home, with no job,” recalled Abu Omran’s wife, Umm Omran.

      Speaking to The New Humanitarian in her Amman living room several months after her husband’s departure, she was soon joined for coffee and cigarettes by her youngest son, 19-year-old Badr. Newly married, he wore a ring on one finger.

      Times were so hard for the family that Abu Omran left Jordan before he had a chance to attend the wedding, and Badr has also been contemplating a return to Syria – the country he left as a young teenager.

      Badr works in a factory near Amman that produces cleaning products, but the pay is low. And although his older brother brings in a small salary from a pastry shop, it’s getting harder and harder for the family to pull together their rent each month.

      “I’m not returning because I think the situation in Syria is good. But you don’t enter into a difficult situation unless the one you’re currently in is even worse.”

      Entering a void

      While return may seem the best option for some, there are still more unknowns than knowns across the border in Syria.

      President Bashar al-Assad’s government forces control most of the country, but there are still airstrikes in the rebel-held northwest, and the recent Turkish invasion of the northeast has raised new questions about the country’s future.

      “I’m not returning because I think the situation in Syria is good,” said Farah, a mother of three who spoke to TNH in September – about a month before she packed up her things to leave. “But you don’t enter into a difficult situation unless the one you’re currently in is even worse.”

      In 2012, Farah and her husband left their home in the Yarmouk Palestinian refugee camp on the outskirts of Damascus for Jordan, where she gave birth to her three children.

      Her husband suffers from kidney stones, and the manual labour he has managed to pick up is just enough for them to pay for the rent of a shared house – crammed in with two other refugee families.

      The vast majority of Syrian refugees in Jordan – including Farah and Abu Omran’s families – live in urban areas like Amman, rather than in the country’s three refugee camps. They are still eligible for aid, but Farah had decided by October that she was “no longer able to bear” the poverty in Amman, even though UN food vouchers had covered some of her expenses.

      She took her three young children and crossed the border into Syria to stay with her mother, who lives in a southeastern suburb of Damascus. TNH has not been able to contact her since.

      Farah’s husband stayed behind in Jordan, fearing arrest or forced military conscription by Syrian government authorities.

      This has happened to other people who have gone back to Syria from Jordan, Turkey, Lebanon, or other host countries. Despite promises to the contrary from the government, hundreds – and possibly thousands – of returnees have reportedly been detained.

      “There are issues with what information is made available to refugees… about what is going to happen to them on the other side, in Syria.”

      Lebanese authorities have also forcibly deported thousands of Syrian refugees, and Human Rights Watch says at least three of them were detained by Syrian authorities when they got back. It isn’t clear if any Syrians have faced the same fate returning from Jordan.

      Sara Kayyali, a researcher for Human Rights Watch based in Jordan, told TNH she has yet to verify reports of disappearance, conscription, and detainment of returnees from Jordan.

      “There are issues with what information is made available to refugees… about what is going to happen to them on the other side, in Syria,” said Kayyali. “Partially because people inside are too scared to talk about the conditions in government-held areas, and partially because the restrictions applied and the behaviour of the Syrian security forces is so arbitrary that it’s difficult to predict.”

      Kayyali pointed to the 30 Jordanian citizens detained in Syria since the border opened a year ago – Amman said they entered for tourism and were arrested without reason – as a sign of what could be to come for Syrians.

      “[If those threats] apply to Jordanians, then they’re most certainly going to be applied to Syrians, potentially on an even larger scale,” said Kayyali.

      There are other obstacles to return, or challenges for people who manage to get back, including destroyed homes and lost jobs. Healthcare and water provision is scattershot in certain parts of the country, while violence and war is ongoing in others.

      Francesco Bert, a UNHCR spokesperson in Jordan, said the agency “does not facilitate returns, but offers support to refugees if they voluntarily decide to go home”.

      Asked whether it is safe for refugees to go back to Syria, Bert said the agency “considers refugees’ decisions as the main guideposts”, but gives refugees considering or planning to return “information that might inform their decision-making”, to help ensure it is truly voluntary.
      The waiting game

      Despite the obstacles, more and more people are making the trip. But families often can’t travel back together.

      For Rahaf, that meant packing her things and waiting, before finally joining her husband last weekend.

      For Umm Omran, however, that means wondering if and when she will ever see her husband again.

      The family had hoped that Abu Omran could find a job repairing cars again in Damascus, and if that didn’t work out at least he could live rent-free with his sister’s family.

      But plans for his wife and sons to join him someday, once he had found his footing, now look increasingly unlikely.

      “He hasn’t said yet if he regrets going back home,” said Umm Omran, who communicates regularly via WhatsApp with her husband and other family members who never left Syria. They live in government-controlled Damascus and don’t give away much in their chats for fear of retaliation by security forces, who they worry could be monitoring their communications.

      What Umm Omran has managed to piece together isn’t promising.

      Her husband has yet to find a job in Damascus, and is beginning to feel like a burden at his sister’s home. Their own house, where he and Umm Omran raised their sons, is bombed-out and needs extensive repairs before anyone can move back in.

      For the time-being, Umm Omran has ruled out her own potential return to Syria, fearing her two sons would insist on joining her and end up being conscripted into the armed forces. So, for now, the family remains split in two.

      “When I ask him how things are going, he just says, ‘Thank God’. He says little else,” said Umm Omran, scrolling through chats on her mobile phone. “I think he’s upset about leaving us.”

      https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2019/11/19/Syrian-refugees-return-Jordan
      #Amman #Jordanie

  • Une immense frustration sexuelle à la base des violences de Cologne - International - LeVif.be
    http://www.levif.be/actualite/international/une-immense-frustration-sexuelle-a-la-base-des-violences-de-cologne/article-opinion-448753.html

    "Les événements de Cologne rappellent la violence sur la place Tahrir au Caire. C’est le reflet d’une frustration sexuelle qui hante le monde arabe. Avec la montée du wahhabisme saoudien et l’absence de perspectives économiques, les jeunes gens n’ont plus accès aux femmes de leur pays."(Permalink)

    #sexualité #religion

    • Je ne sais pas encore bien pourquoi mais cet article m’est insupportable. Un mélange de libération sexuelle essentialiste biologique, comme si le prix à payer pour les femmes n’était pas encore assez lourd … Ce n’est définitivement pas la frustration sexuelle qui explique les agressions mais la culture de mépris des femmes. L’invisibilisation (du corps mais pas que) des femmes d’un côté et leur visibilité sexuée de l’autre n’en font jamais que des objets à départager entre deux pôles politisables (orient/occident) à partir d’un nosex/sex fantasmé que j’ai déjà maintes fois vus et déjoués. Ce n’est pas une histoire d’hormones à satisfaire, c’est une histoire d’imaginaire, pire, d’imaginaire sexiste.

    • Je te demande d’être plus explicite @alexis, ça facilitera l’échange s’il y a lieu d’être. Là, ce n’est pas religion et sexualité, là clairement ton titre est très douteux.
      Tu devrais te méfier de ne pas confondre les tarés qui font des interprétations fascistes du coran pour violer et tuer avec une quelconque sexualité, ou alors faut arrêter de baiser de suite.

    • Je t’accorde, @touti, que sans préciser le fond de ma pensée, cela peut porter à confusion. C’était risqué.

      L’auteure a osé faire le rapprochement entre les attouchements de Cologne avec les ceux de la place Tahrir sous l’angle psychologique, culturel, religieux et économique. Prudente, elle n’a pas pris le risque d’aller jusqu’à évoquer les pratiques des islamiste radicaux et l’instrumentation du viol. Elle avait sans doute raison.

      En effet, les attouchements sexuels de Cologne (et de Zurich et de Stockholm, par assimilation) et de ceux de la place Tahrir n’ont rien à voir avec les fatwas de l’Etat Islamique, ou les viols et harcèlements du régime de Al Assad, ou d’autres milices dans le monde. On est bien d’accord.

      Je comprends ton point de vue lorsque tu parles d’interprétation fasciste de la religion.

      On peut voir certaines pratiques barbares relever de la tactique guerrière, mais pourquoi ne pourrait-on par les voir sous l’angle psychologique, social ou anthropologique. En quoi ne pourrait-on pas également parler d’une certaine frustration sexuelle, etc ?

      Ceci étant dit, je ne suis ni psychologue, ni anthropologue, ni spécialiste des religions et je n’ai aucune prétention à apporter les réponses à ces questions sous-jacentes. C’est pourquoi, souvent, je limite mes commentaires.

      Mais tu as raisons, il faut faire attention à ne pas faire d’amalgames.
      Je te suis reconnaissant d’attirer mon attention là dessus.

      « Théologie du viol : quand Daech rétablit l’esclavage des femmes » (Le Figaro) : interview et commentaire de l’enquête du NYT par l’islamologue Mathieu Guidère.
      Il parle notamment des candidats au djihad : "Les témoignages dont nous disposons de l’intérieur de l’organisation semblent indiquer que ces pratiques ont tendance à séduire une certaine frange de la jeunesse masculine acculturée et frustrée sexuellement, en particulier dans certains pays musulmans où les relations entre les hommes et les femmes sont strictement codifiées."

      Pour savoir de quoi on parle, mon premier lien ("L’ « Etat Islamique » et la théologie du viol : l’enquête édifiante du New York Times" (RTBF)) est la traduction en français de l’enquête du NYT.

      Enfin, le troisième lien ("Pour les autorités tunisiennes, il existe un « djihad du sexe » en Syrie" (France 24)) dénonce l’existence de réseaux visant à « assouvir » les désirs sexuels des combattants djihadistes, en d’autres termes, d’une sorte de réseau de prostitution islamiste radical... Ne peut-on pas y voir quelque chose de l’ordre de combler une certaine.. frustration sexuelle ?

    • Il me semble qu’il va falloir éclaircir ce que signifie le terme #frustration_sexuelle et comme je ne souhaite pas m’égarer, je vais dire déjà d’où je parle.
      Je suis une femme, et j’ai affûtée mes couteaux de féministe du dimanche, secundo, ces réflexions se font à brûle pourpoint, aidée de mes lectures et mes expériences, je n’ai pas de statut de chercheuse et ne suis ni sociologue ni politologue, je m’intéresse au monde qui m’entoure, point barre.

      Un des principes Freudien est que la frustration est le moteur du désir, le pendant de la frustration étant la satisfaction. Celui qui ne sait guider sa frustration vers la sublimation est un barbare, et sa libido se compare à celle d’un animal. Tu trouves ça dans tous les livres de religion et dans tout ce qui se nomme civilisation, pour atteindre la connaissance, il faut savoir contenir sa sexualité.

      Là où il me semble qu’il y a un problème c’est qu’à justifier des exactions criminelles diverses par la frustration sexuelle, on fait croire que les hommes seraient guidés par un besoin irrépressible de coït. Dans ce cas seulement je suis d’accord que réside le problème, mais parce que c’est une vaste supercherie qui se fait sur le dos des femmes. De ce principe découlerait que les hommes sont incapables de contenir leur pulsion sexuelle quand ils voient passer une paire de fesse et qu’il est donc ’normal’ qu’ils violent, car cela est dans leur ’nature’. Par un effet boomrang la responsabilité de la violence revient également aux femmes qui se refusent, ce qui justifie qu’elles soient prises de force.
      Que signifierait alors le terme inverse de #satisfaction_sexuelle, que les femmes acceptent de se laisser baiser quand les hommes ont envie d’elles, et que tout le monde gagnerait en liberté et qu’on arrêterait les viols et les meurtres de femmes ? La construction de cette supercherie dite #libération_sexuelle a été mise à jour entre autres par (#Andrea_Dworkin)

      Bref, quand tu as une frustration, quelqu’en soit l’ordre, tu te retiens parce que tu as été éduqué à gérer tes frustrations, si tu es frustré parce que tu n’as pas de BMW, très bien, tu ne vas pas tuer ton voisin qui a cette voiture pour autant. Considérer qu’un être humain ne puisse pas se retenir, c’est le déconsidérer dans sa valeur humaine, dans ce cas là, cela devient presque du racisme.
      C’est pour cela qu’il est important de déconstruire cette idée de « frustration sexuelle » au nom de laquelle les hommes s’autoriseraient à tuer, important surtout pour les femmes, mais aussi pour notre humanité.

    • merci @touti j’ai hésité à intervenir mais bon voilà. Le mode opératoire des mecs place Tahir n’avaient rien à voir avec des frustrations, ces agissements visaient clairement à humilier les femmes pour qu’elles retournent dans leur cuisine et n’en sortent plus. Rien à voir avec la sexualité, c’est juste une façon d’asseoir une domination (masculine) sur l’espace public et la vie politique que ces mecs ne veulent pas partager avec les femmes.

    • Hello @touti, avec une grille de lecture féministe, je comprends ta critique.Il ne me revient pas d’expliquer ce que les auteurs des articles cités entendent par « frustration sexuelle ». Cela dit, en aucun cas, il ne s’agit de justifier ou d’accepter tel ou tel comportement. Sans juger de l’exactitude des conclusions ou de la justesse des analyses, il ne me parait pas moins intéressant d’essayer de comprendre, de poser des questions, de mettre des mots.

    • @odilon, sur le rapprochement entre les faits de Tahir et ceux de Cologne, tu as peut-être raison. Pour ma part, je n’ai pas autant de certitude pour dire qu’ils sont similaires ou incomparables. Encore une fois, je ne suis pas spécialise de la question, je n’ai pas étudié le sujet, ni écrit de livre, ni visité ces pays... contrairement à l’auteure de l’article initial.

    • Un texte de Dworkin
      http://www.legrandsoir.info/la-liberation-sexuelle-une-supercherie-pour-exploiter-sexuellement-les
      Je tâtonne dans ma réflexion, amha, la frustration sexuelle ne hante pas plus le monde arabe que la france, parce que je pars du prorata qu’elle n’existe que parce qu’elle est une construction de diverses strates éducationnelles. J’ai été surprise d’entendre parfois des hommes venants de pays arabes (égypte, tunisie, algérie) conter les fantasmes stéréotypés qui circulent sur les femmes occidentales au point que certains nouveaux arrivants les croit d’abord exacts et agissent en conséquence de façon inappropriée. Cette supposée liberté sexuelle fait toujours des dégats, et continue d’être véhiculée par les médias, la publicité occidentale et la pornographie. Du coup, ça m’intéresse plus de m’interroger sur comment est comprise cette image de la femme depuis l’europe que de poser un schéma de frustration sexuelle prémaché.
      De quelle manière se construit un imaginaire qui suppose des us et coutumes qui n’existent que par médias interposés, mais avec toujours des fantasmes de femmes disponibles aux hommes et à qui il ne serait pas nécessaire de demander leur avis.

    • C’est pour cela qu’il est important de déconstruire cette idée de « frustration sexuelle » au nom de laquelle les hommes s’autoriseraient à tuer

      Je dirais même qu’il est important plus globalement de déconstruire les discours inspirés de Freud qui interprètent tout et n’importe-quoi en termes de désir, libido, castration et compagnie, en fournissant dans le même temps des concepts essentialistes bien cagneux à qui veut justifier les pires saletés par « la nature ». Je sais pas s’il a existé dans l’histoire de l’humanité une civilisation aussi sexo-centrée (et andro-centrée) que la nôtre.

    • #Les_femmes_de_droite
      #déconstruction

      Juste un aparté : @Touti, merci, ça fait du bien de relire ça ! j’avais oublié jusqu’où pouvait mener, aujourd’hui - en terme de défrichage de la sinistre confusion apparente - ce texte d’Andrea Dworkin.

      Décidément, qu’il s’agisse de questions de racisme, de technologie ou de « critique sociale », ignorer l’importance des critiques féministes radicales est le père de bien des calamités.

    • Tout à fait d’accord, @koldobika. Oserais-je cependant ajouter qu’il est possible de parler des frustrations sexuelles hors du cadre freudien (cfr DSM) ? Enfin, que la psychologie freudienne, reste un truc spécifiquement franco-français (autant savoir) et attirer votre attention sur le fait qu’aucun des articles ici n’y fait référence...

  • Les Comités locaux de coordination dénoncent la CNS :
    http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2015/08/02/Syrian-anti-regime-group-quits-major-bloc-.html

    A major Syrian anti-regime group, the Local Coordination Committees, announced Saturday it had quit the opposition in exile, accusing it of being undermined by internal conflict and manipulated by foreign powers.

    In a letter to the Syrian National Coalition, the LCC denounced what it termed the SNC’s transformation into “blocs linked to foreign forces”, referring to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey.

    “We wish to inform you that the LCC has decided to withdraw officially from the coalition,” the group of activists said in a letter, a copy of which was seen by AFP.

    “We had hoped that this political grouping, of which we are one of the founders, would realize the aspirations of the people and the principles of the revolution for which it has paid an unimaginable price,” the letter said.

    “Unfortunately, we have on several occasions noted its inability to undertake this mission,” added the LCC which through its network of activists across the country has covered events since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011.

  • While the West is consumed by ISIL, Assad continues to slaughter Syrians

    While the rest of the world has been staring, with justifiable horror, at the slaughter by ISIL, Bashar Al Assad has been quietly killing his own people.

    Actually, quietly is the wrong word: the massacres by the Assad regime have not been conducted in the dark, but in broad daylight. In the past few days, as for weeks and months past, Mr Al Assad’s fighter jets have struck buildings and bodies all across Syria.


    http://www.thenational.ae/opinion/comment/while-the-west-is-consumed-by-isil-assad-continues-to-slaughter-syrians
    #Etat_islamique #ISIS #Assad #Syrie #guerre #massacre

  • Head of Israeli Begin-Sadat Center : Time has come to pressure for fall of Assad as way to weaken Iran-Hizbullah
    https://mideastwire.wordpress.com/2015/02/02/head-of-israeli-begin-sadat-center-time-has-come-to-pressure-

    Si Efraim Inbar est l’annonceur des politiques israéliennes, Bashar Al Assad est l’ennemi à abattre afin de pouvoir se débarrasser de la résistance Iran-Hezbollah, al-Qaida n’étant pas considérée comme une menace,

    UNIFIL get ready : Increasing discussion in Beirut-Israeli “response” via Nusrah+rebels inpush from S. Syria into Sunni S. Leb+Bekaa Areas
    https://mideastwire.wordpress.com/2015/02/03/unifil-get-ready-increasing-discussion-in-beirut-israeli-resp

    Le plan Israelien serait de faire pénétrer al-Qaïda au Sud-Liban.

    • The Syrian civil war is not over. The withdrawal from Homs did not end it and the presidential election, regardless of the declarations of Mr Al Assad, Hizbollah or Iran, will not end the revolution. For millions, there is no way back. After seeing their families killed, seeing their children scrabbling in the dirt for food, seeing their neighbourhoods bombed to pieces, there is no accommodation with a regime. There is only rebellion.

      But the opposition must understand that there are millions inside the country who need a message, who need a vision of what Syria without Mr Al Assad would look like. If they cannot fill in the blanks for Syrians, they cannot expect Syrians to fight for the unknown.

    • Alexis Varende écrivait en février : Conférence internationale sur la Syrie : des discussions pour rien ?
      http://orientxxi.info/magazine/conference-internationale-sur-la,0515

      Si — hypothèse encore inenvisageable — l’élection se tenait, même limitée à certaines zones du pays ou à une partie des citoyens, nul doute qu’il [Bachar Al-Assad] en sortirait vainqueur.

      [Note associée] Lors de sa première élection en 2000, il a recueilli 99,7 % de voix. Pour sa réélection en 2007, il a obtenu 97,6 % des suffrages. De différents sondages financés par des structures proches de l’opposition, il ressort qu’il obtiendrait aujourd’hui 50 à 60 % des votes.

  • Syria’s western-backed rebels get helping hand from Islamist fighters
    http://www.thenational.ae/world/middle-east/islamist-militants-secret-role-in-syrian-rebels-successes

    Many FSA commanders and secular opponents of Mr Al Assad and his regime refused to talk about Al Nusra, saying the group was irrelevant in Deraa, a tribal area with a tradition of moderate Islam. But others admitted that Al Nusra’s role in fighting in southern Syria is far greater than publicly acknowledged.

    “The FSA and Al Nusra join together for operations but they have an agreement to let the FSA lead for public reasons, because they don’t want to frighten Jordan or the West,” said an activist who works with opposition groups in Deraa.

    “Operations that were really carried out by Al Nusra are publicly presented by the FSA as their own,” he said.

    A leading FSA commander involved in operations in Deraa said Al Nusra had strengthened FSA units and played a decisive role in key rebel victories in the south.

    “The face of Al Nusra cannot be to the front. It must be behind the FSA, for the sake of Jordan and the international community,” he said.

  • #Armes_chimiques : une enquête met en cause les rebelles
    http://www.lecourrier.ch/113608/armes_chimiques_une_enquete_met_en_cause_les_rebelles

    Deux journalistes indépendants, connus pour leur travail au Proche-Orient, ont mené leur propre enquête sur les allégations d’utilisation d’armes chimiques à Ghouta. Selon les informations collectées par l’Etasunienne Dale Gavak, collaboratrice de la BBC et d’AP en poste à Amman, et par le jeune reporter jordanien Yahya Ababneh, le drame pourrait être dû à un accident dans l’arsenal des rebelles. Leur article, publié par le 29 août par le site d’information indépendant Mint Press News, accuse l’Arabie saoudite d’avoir fourni ces armes aux rebelles.

    Yahya Ababneh, qui seul s’est rendu sur le terrain, dit s’être entretenu avec des dizaines de témoins, habitants ou rebelles, à Damas et à Ghouta, la banlieue de la capitale où, selon Médecin sans frontières, au moins 355 personnes sont mortes le 21 août dernier, probablement victimes d’un agent neurotoxique. Il ressort de ces entretiens que des armes toxiques auraient été entassées dans un tunnel par un Saoudien du nom d’Abu Ayesha, dirigeant d’un bataillon rebelle1.

    • @odilon : euh il me semble que c’est ce que je fais non, de confronter des infos et opinions différentes ? Désolé de casser un certain ronron. Sur seenthis j’ai quand même vu beaucoup de points de vue accusant sans cesse « l’occident » et très peu le régime syrien (quand il n’est pas plus ou moins défendu, comme sur cette affaire de gaz), il suffit de constater : http://seenthis.net/tag/country:syrie
      À croire que Al Assad serait un saint incapable d’utiliser des armes chimiques...

    • @alexcorp : Tu déblatères. Personne n’a dit que Assad était un saint, et tu serais bien en difficulté si tu devais commencer à argumenter ton affirmation.
      Les occidentaux bloquent toutes les négociations depuis 2 ans ("Assad ne mérite pas d’exister" comme il dit notre Superman de la diplomatie). Et il faudrait faire comme si la solution était de bombarder des civils ? Cette solution a démontré plusieurs fois par le passé qu’elle n’était pas (du tout) viable et qu’elle engendrait encore plus de morts et de misère. Depuis 2 ans, les occidentaux sont co-responsables du pourrissement du conflit.
      Alors... croire que tu vas « rééquilibrer » le « débat » en publiant des textes ineptes évoquant les islamogauchistes et les antisémites rouges-bruns", je ne suis pas certain que ce soit particulièrement faire preuve de pertinence.

    • @biggrizzly : alors explique moi pourquoi tout le monde ou presque ici relaie une certaine propagande de façon acritique qui accuse l’opposition syrienne, ce qui mécaniquement dédouane le régime syrien ? Et puis j’ai encore en mémoire cette interview très complaisante d’Al Assad menée par Alain Gresh (qui est présent sur seenthis et largement relayé) pour penser que tout le monde ne souhaite pas forcément la fin de ce régime : http://blog.mondediplo.net/2008-07-09-Rencontre-avec-Bachar-Al-Assad. Ce qui ne fait pas de moi un soutien aux frappes aériennes par la France et les USA (qui sont évidemment très hypocrites dans cette histoire), faut-il le préciser ?

    • Tout le monde ici relaie ce qui est absent des médias mainstream. Ce qui en soit est une forme de rééquilibrage par rapport à ce que tu peux lire dans Google News par exemple ou écouter sur France Info.
      Il ne suffit pas de « souhaiter la fin du régime » pour que tout se résolve comme par enchantement. Le système politique international est malmené et le régime Syrien n’est pas issue d’une génération spontanée. Il a fait partie pendant pas mal de temps de la sphère d’influence occidentale... jusqu’à ce que les occidentaux souhaitent s’en défaire... et que ce pays passe comme par enchantement dans « l’axe du mal ».
      Donc, contrairement à toi, ce que je lis sur SeenThis est autrement plus complexe que ce que je peux lire dans les articles que tu as eu la générosité de partager, là où on t’explique que les gauchistes sont des imbéciles heureux qui ne comprennent rien à la méchanceté des vrais dictateurs.
      Assad n’est pas un dictateur, c’est le représentant d’un régime dictatorial. Régime dont les occidentaux ont su se satisfaire pendant des années. Et qui serait toujours en odeur de sainteté si ce régime acceptait un certain nombre de diktats qui vont contre ses intérêts... bref, on est dans la réalité des relations internationales, et pas dans le disneyland à tapis de bombes des gens qui ne comprennent pas qu’on puisse les prendre de haut quand ils déblatèrent.

    • Assad n’est pas un dictateur, c’est le représentant d’un régime dictatorial.

      Merci, au moins tu m’auras fait rire !
      (sinon sur mondialisme.org y a des articles un peu plus poussés que le billet d’humeur que j’ai recensé, m’enfin bon pas grave)

    • Oui, c’est sans doute la phrase un peu boiteuse de mon propos. Et quand on la prend au pied de la lettre, comme les gens qui prennent les billets d’humeur de mondialisme.org pour de l’analyse géostratégique pertinente, ben en effet, on peut tenter d’en rire. C’était juste pour signaler que le régime Syrien, il ne tient pas que sur le charisme ou la cruauté de son lider maximo, comme on aime qu’il y en ait dans les super-productions hollywoodiennes et les journaux occidentaux. Ce régime tient parce que tous ces gens, dans ce régime, sont soudés par un truc dépassant la caricature « Assad est méchâââânt et les jean méchants faut les bombarder ».

  • Arab League states’ views on Syria response far from uniform
    http://www.thenational.ae/news/world/middle-east/arab-league-states-views-on-syria-response-far-from-uniform

    The UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Kuwait pushed for the resolution blaming the Syrian regime for the attack. The Saudi foreign minister, Saud Al Faisal, speaking later in Jeddah, said that Syria’s use of chemical weapons required a “firm and serious” response, adding that Mr Al Assad’s government had “lost its Arab identity and is no longer affiliated in any way for the Syrian civilisation”.

    But Algeria objected to language in the resolution, including wording carried over from recent league resolutions on Syria, supporting the right of member countries to assist Syrians fighting in “self defence”. Iraq also abstained from voting on that paragraph, as well as one condemning the Syrian regime for the chemical weapons attack.

    Egypt’s government, meanwhile, urged countries to wait for the results of an investigation by UN weapons inspectors in Damascus before assigning blame for a chemical attack. Lebanon abstained from voting on the resolution altogether.

    These divisions over Syria are not new, but they have widened in recent months.

  • America’s hidden agenda in Syria’s war - The National
    http://www.thenational.ae/news/world/middle-east/americas-hidden-agenda-in-syrias-war

    Then, by the rebel commander’s account, the discussion took an unexpected turn.

    The Americans began discussing the possibility of drone strikes on Al Nusra camps inside Syria and tried to enlist the rebels to fight their fellow insurgents.

    “The US intelligence officer said, ’We can train 30 of your fighters a month, and we want you to fight Al Nusra’,” the rebel commander recalled.

    Opposition forces should be uniting against Mr Al Assad’s more powerful and better-equipped army, not waging war among themselves, the rebel commander replied. The response from a senior US intelligence officer was blunt.

    “I’m not going to lie to you. We’d prefer you fight Al Nusra now, and then fight Assad’s army. You should kill these Nusra people. We’ll do it if you don’t,” the rebel leader quoted the officer as saying.

  • Nouvelle tendance israélienne pour les vacances : aller regarder les combats en Syrie depuis le Golan.
    http://www.timesofisrael.com/war-watching-catches-on-in-israel

    Dozens of Israelis are gathering daily at vantage points on the Golan from where they can hear, and occasionally see, the raging battles between the Syrian army and rebel forces, Maariv reported on Tuesday.

    Tour group operators have even reported that they now add the Syrian unrest to the agenda of tours that visit the area.