person:alice weidel

Le néo-populisme est un néo- libéralisme | AOC media - Analyse Opinion Critique
►https://aoc.media/analyse/2018/07/03/neo-populisme-neo-liberalisme

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Un examen plus poussé des porte-drapeaux de la Droite nous conduit cependant à nous demander si le clivage « petites gens / privilégiés » résume de manière adéquate la situation politique actuelle. Pourquoi l’un des négociateurs FPÖ de la coalition dirige-t-il un institut portant le nom du pape de l’ultra-libéralisme, Friedrich Hayek, lequel reçut des mains de George Bush la Médaille présidentielle de la Liberté en 1991 ? Pourquoi le délégué parlementaire à Munich du parti de l’AfD – et désormais président de la Commission du budget au parlement – est-il un bloggeur libertarien et un consultant en métaux précieux qui vendait, lors des conventions, des lingots signés des responsables du parti ? Et pourquoi bon nombre des conseillers universitaires et des principales têtes pensantes du parti sont-ils aussi membres de la Société du Mont Pèlerin, think tank créé par Friedrich Hayek ? Je pense notamment à Roland Vaubel, Joachim Starbatty et à l’un des responsables actuels du parti, l’économiste de formation et ancienne employée de Goldman Sachs, Alice Weidel.

En d’autres termes, que faisaient ces parfaits candidats pour Davos, à la tête de partis fondés sur la critique de l’Islam et l’opposition à l’immigration non blanche ?

Le néolibéralisme et le nativisme ne sont contradictoires qu’en apparence. L’histoire nous aide à comprendre que les partis « populistes » de l’Europe centrale représentent en effet une souche du libre-échangisme mondialisé (free market globalism) plutôt que sa contestation.

Les néolibéraux se sont toujours souciés des conditions extra-économiques de la survie du capitalisme, mais, en règle générale, ils s’attachaient surtout aux lois, à la religion et à l’ordre moral. L’influence croissante des idées liées à la théorie hayekienne de l’évolution culturelle ainsi que la popularité grandissante des neurosciences et de la psychologie évolutionniste incitèrent de nombreuses personnes à invoquer les sciences. Pour Charles Murray, notamment, la recherche des fondements de l’ordre du marché exigeait d’aller « plus profond dans le cerveau », ou Deeper into the Brain comme l’écrit en l’an 2000 ce membre de la Société du Mont Pèlerin. D’autres, comme Detmar Doering, membre de la branche allemande de cette même Société, sont allés jusqu’à réhabiliter le darwinisme social. Comme devait le déclarer en 2014 Peter Boettke, économiste diplômé de l’université George Mason et président actuel de la Société, la sécurisation du capitalisme est passée de la question du « bon prix » à la question des « bonnes institutions » et enfin à celle de la « bonne culture ».

Les libertariens et les néolibéraux ont formé des alliances avec les partisans du traditionalisme, du nationalisme et de l’homogénéité culturelle. Les néolibéraux de droite de ces nouveaux partis populistes n’ont pas rejeté la dynamique de la concurrence du marché : ils l’ont renforcée. Les libertariens partisans de la fermeture des frontières continuent d’exiger la libre circulation des capitaux et des biens – en revanche, ils s’opposent catégoriquement à la libre circulation d’un certain type de personnes.

Ce qui est sans doute le plus frappant concernant ce « New Fusionism » est la manière avec laquelle ce mouvement mélange convictions néolibérales en matière de marché et affirmations psycho-sociales douteuses. Leur obsession pour les tests d’évaluation de l’intelligence est particulièrement notable. Bien que le terme de « capital cognitif » soit habituellement associé aux marxistes français et italiens, le néolibéral Murray devait s’en emparer dès 1994 dans son ouvrage The Bell Curve pour décrire les différences d’intelligence héritable selon les groupes de population, différences quantifiables en QI. En bon disciple du théoricien de la race Richard Lynn, le sociologue allemand Erich Weede, co-fondateur de la Société Hayek (et qui reçut la médaille Hayek en 2012 ) considère l’intelligence comme le principal déterminant de la croissance économique. La richesse et la pauvreté des nations ne s’expliquent pas par l’histoire mais par les qualités irréductibles de leurs populations, dit l’ancien membre du directoire de la Bundesbank, Thilo Sarrazin, dont le livre L’Allemagne disparaît : quand un pays se laisse mourir (Deutschland schafft sich ab) s’est vendu en Allemagne à plus d’1,5 millions d’exemplaires et a stimulé le succès des partis islamophobes comme l’AfD, dont le programme officiel affichait le titre Ne laissez pas mourir l’Allemagne.Sarrazin cite également Lynn et d’autres chercheurs de l’intelligence pour argumenter contre l’immigration en provenance de pays majoritairement musulmans et ce sur la base du QI.

#Neofascisme #Pentafascisme #Migrants #Néolibéralisme

Workers of Germany, Unite: The New Siren Call of the Far Right - The New York Times
▻https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/05/world/europe/afd-unions-social-democrats.html?mabReward=ART_TS7&recid=10QNLdudNovobmvNWE

BOTTROP, Germany — Guido Reil is a coal miner, like his father and grandfather before him. He joined a trade union at 18 and the center-left Social Democratic Party at 20. Fast-talking and loud, he has been an elected union representative for over a decade.

But two years ago, after the arrival of hundreds of thousands of refugees in Germany, Mr. Reil switched to the far-right Alternative for Germany party, or AfD. Competing in state legislative elections last May, the party won 20 percent of the vote in his home district with his name on its list — and the Social Democrats slipped 16 percentage points from a previous election.

“Those are my former comrades,” Mr. Reil said, chuckling. “They came with me.”

How is a far-right party drawing voters from labor, a traditional bastion of the left? The question is not academic, but goes directly to the heart of the emerging threat the AfD presents to Germany’s political establishment, including Chancellor Angela Merkel.

The AfD shocked Germany in the fall when it became the first far-right party to enter Parliament since World War II. But that breakthrough not only shattered a significant postwar taboo. It has also enormously complicated the task of forming a new governing coalition, leaving Germany and all of Europe in months of limbo.

Ms. Merkel and her conservative alliance are negotiating a coalition deal with their former governing partners, the left-leaning Social Democrats. If they do, the AfD will be Germany’s primary opposition party, leaving a wide opening for it to pick up even more traditionally left-leaning voters who fear the Social Democrats have been co-opted.
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Many fear that the AfD, as the leading voice of the opposition, would have a perfect perch to turn the protest vote it received in national elections in September — it finished third with 13 percent of the vote — into a loyal and sustained following.

“If we go back into government, the AfD will overtake us,” predicted Hilde Mattheis, a Social Democratic lawmaker from Baden-Wurttemberg, where that has already happened.
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Mr. Reil driving by the Prosper-Haniel mine in Bottrop. He has worked in six mines, five of which have closed. Credit Gordon Welters for The New York Times

The 92 AfD lawmakers, who have been busy moving into their new parliamentary offices in central Berlin, have not been shy about using the spotlight.

One, Jürgen Pohl, recently addressed Parliament and criticized the labor market changes that former Chancellor Gerhard Schröder of the Social Democratic Party passed from 2003 to 2005, saying they created a host of poorly regulated, precarious jobs.

The AfD, Mr. Pohl said, “is a new people’s party that cares about the little people.”

When some center-left lawmakers guffawed, Mr. Pohl pointed at the television cameras. “Go ahead and laugh,” he said, “your voters are watching.”

Indeed, they are. The AfD has already overtaken the Social Democrats as the second-biggest party in state elections across much of what was formerly East Germany. In Bavaria, it is not far behind.

But Mr. Reil believes his party has the greatest potential in places like Bottrop, in the Ruhr area, once the industrial heartland of West Germany and long a bastion of Social Democratic and union power.

The Ruhr has produced coal since the 16th century, and it shaped modern Germany in the process. It powered the Industrial Revolution, two world wars, the postwar economic miracle and even European integration: The coal and steel community was the seedling of the European Union.

But today, Bottrop and surrounding cities are in decline.

Mr. Reil has worked in six mines, five of which have closed. Along with some 2,500 others, he will take early retirement, at 48, after the last mine ceases production in December.

With the mines, most bars have closed, too, as has a whole social and cultural scene that once kept the area alive.
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Mr. Reil won 20 percent of votes in a district where the AfD had never fielded a candidate before. Credit Gordon Welters for The New York Times

The AfD’s “pro-worker” platform (“pro-coal, pro-diesel and anti-immigration,” as Mr. Reil puts it) resonates in Bottrop as well as on the factory floors of Germany’s iconic carmakers in the former east and the wealthy south of the country.

As elections loom nationwide for worker representatives who bargain with management on behalf of their fellow employees, lists of candidates close to the AfD are circulating at several flagship companies, including Daimler and BMW. There are plans to create a new national workers’ movement, Mr. Reil said. The working name is the Alternative Union of Germany.

“The revolution,” he predicted, “will be in the car industry.”

Trade union leaders, currently on strike for higher pay and a 28-hour workweek for those wanting to care for children or elderly relatives, publicly dismiss such talk as “marginal.” But privately, some worry.

One of Mr. Reil’s allies, Oliver Hilburger, a mechanic at a Daimler plant near Stuttgart, founded an alternative union called Zentrum Automobil in 2009, four years before the AfD even existed.

Mr. Hilburger, who has been at the company for 28 years, is not a member of the AfD but he votes for it. He thinks the party and his union are a natural fit.
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When it emerged that he had once played for a band associated with neo-Nazis, the news media reported the fact widely. But that did not stop his colleagues from giving his union 10 percent of their votes and electing him as one of their representatives.

This spring, Mr. Hilburger, who calls his musical past “a sin of youth,” is fielding more than 250 candidates in at least four factories. Several of them, he said, are immigrants who have lived in Germany for years and support the AfD.

“There is a feeling among workers that the old unions collude with the bosses and the government,” Mr. Hilburger said.
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Mr. Reil with AfD supporters during an informal meeting at a bar in Essen. Credit Gordon Welters for The New York Times

“The bosses and the media talk about skills shortages and how we need even more immigration,” he said. “We want to talk about a shortage of decent jobs for those who are already in the country. The AfD has understood that.”

The AfD is ideologically divided, with many senior members staunchly capitalist and suspicious of labor unions.

The strategic focus on the working class speaks to the challenge of turning protest voters into a loyal base, said Oskar Niedermayer, a professor of political science at the Free University in Berlin.

“Breaking into the union milieu is key to that strategy,” Mr. Niedermayer said.

He warned that the reflex to ostracize the AfD could backfire. Some unions are advising members to shun anyone in the AfD. Some soccer clubs are planning to outright bar them. And as Mr. Niedermayer pointed out, lawmakers from other parties have systematically blocked every AfD candidate for senior parliamentary posts.

“It confirms them in their role as victims of the elites,” he said. “Workers who see themselves as victims of the elites will only identify with them more.”

As the AfD appeals to Germany’s left-behinds, it is also trying to tie them to other parts of the party’s agenda, like its hard line on immigration.

For instance, the battle cry of Frank-Christian Hansel, an AfD member of Berlin’s state Parliament, is to save the German welfare state — but for Germans.

“If you want social justice, you need to manage who is coming into your country,” Mr. Hansel said. “Open borders and welfare state don’t go together.”
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An advertising board near the Prosper-Haniel mine. Mr. Reil said the AfD was “pro-coal, pro-diesel and anti-immigration.” Credit Gordon Welters for The New York Times

It is the kind of rhetoric that sets the AfD apart from the traditional left, even as it goes fishing for voters in Social Democratic waters.

For the AfD, it is not just those at the bottom against those at the top, Mr. Niedermayer said. It is insiders against outsiders. Social justice, yes, but only for Germans.

In Bottrop, this message plays well.

Residents complain about some refugees being prescribed “therapeutic horseback-riding” and courses in flirtation, courtesy of taxpayers, while public schools are in decline.

“They get the renovated social housing, while Germans wait for years,” said Linda Emde, the manager of one of the few remaining bars. “But when you speak up against migration, they call you a racist.”

Ms. Emde had voted for the Social Democrats all her life. But in September, she and her husband switched to the AfD.

Mr. Reil, who never managed to rise through the Social Democrats’ local party hierarchy, is now a member of the AfD’s national leadership team. At the monthly meetings, he sits at the same table as the aristocrat Beatrix von Storch and Alice Weidel, a professor.

The two female lawmakers are perhaps best known for a recent social media rant about “barbaric, Muslim, rapist hordes of men.” But for Mr. Reil, the point of his comment was that he had risen socially.

“What do a miner, a princess and a professor have in common?” he jokes. “They are all in the AfD.”

Follow Katrin Bennhold on Twitter: @kbennhold.

Christopher Schuetze contributed reporting from Berlin.

#Allemagne #extrême_droite #syndicalisme

Germany’s populist AfD seeks to turn online ’censorship’ to its advantage
▻http://www.dw.com/en/germanys-populist-afd-seeks-to-turn-online-censorship-to-its-advantage/a-42004730

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Gauland calls new law ’Stasi tactics’

A Tuesday press release from party chair Alexander Gauland was given a rather grand title: “Freedom of opinion came to an end in 2017.”

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German MP under fire for anti-Muslim tweets – DW’s Michaela Küfner and Marina Strauss
“The censorship law of [acting Justice Minister] Heiko Maas is already showing its negative effects on freedom on the first day of the new year,” Gauland said. “These Stasi tactics remind me of the GDR [former East Germany]. I call on every single social media user to resist this repression and to publish the deleted comments over and over again!”

But the AfD’s efforts to draw attention were most pronounced on social media itself, an effective channel of communication for the party. Parliamentary group leader Alice Weidel and her deputy, Beatrix von Storch, are both facing investigation by law enforcement authorities in Cologne on the basis of suspected incitement of racial hatred online. The party shared this news with photos of the two politicians, with gags photo-shopped onto their mouths, and linked it to the German government’s recent comments about protests in Iran.

Alice Weidel : AfD-Fraktionschefin erhebt schwere Vorwürfe gegen die Kirche - FOCUS Online
▻https://amp.focus.de/politik/deutschland/alice-weidel-afd-fraktionschefin-erhebt-schwere-vorwuerfe-gegen-die-kirche

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L’extrême droite déclare que l’AfD serait désormais le seul parti vraimentchrétien sur le sol allemand. A l’entendre on a l’impression qu sa patronne Alice Weide nous promet une fête pleine de rire jaune et de joie absurde.

Zugleich betonte die AfD-Fraktionschefin gegenüber FOCUS, die AfD sei „die einzige christliche Partei, die es noch gibt“. Der CDU sprach sie das Christliche dagegen indirekt ab. „Das C bei der CDU ist ab absurdum geführt worden. Christliche Werte spielen dort keine Rolle mehr“, sagte Weidel. Dagegen gebe es „mit den Christen in der AfD eine sehr große und starke Vereinigung von Gläubigen in einer Partei“.

La soirée de théâtre absurde continue. Un autre membre de son parti déclare la guerre contre les soixante-huitards qui seraient en train de mener une guerre totale contre l’école et la culture allemande. Il ne suffit pas por ce petit gaillard de ne pas savoir compter (les soixante-huitards sont actuellement tous morts ou à la retraite) mais il se trompe simplement de millénaire. Pour Steffen Königer l’échec de son parti ence qui concerne le vote des jeune est la conséquence de l’indoctrination des enfants à l’école et de l’hostilité de la gauche pour la culture allemande.

▻https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Steffen_K%C3%B6niger

#wtf #politique #extrême_droite #allemagne

It’s the Kultur, Stupid

▻http://www.nybooks.com/articles/2017/12/07/germany-alt-right-kultur-stupid

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“The reason we are inundated by culturally alien [kulturfremden] peoples such as Arabs, Sinti and Roma etc. is the systematic destruction of civil society as a possible counterweight to the enemies-of-the-constitution by whom we are ruled. These pigs are nothing other than puppets of the victor powers of the Second World War….” Thus begins a 2013 personal e-mail from Alice Weidel, who in this autumn’s pivotal German election was one of two designated “leading candidates” of the Alternative für Deutschland (hereafter AfD or the Alternative). The chief “pig” and “puppet” was, of course, Angela Merkel. Despite the publication of this leaked e-mail two weeks before election day, adding to other widely publicized evidence of AfD leaders’ xenophobic, right-wing nationalist views, one in eight German voters gave the Alternative their support. It is now the second-largest opposition party in the Bundestag, with ninety-two MPs.

Xenophobic right-wing nationalism—in Germany of all places? The very fact that observers express surprise indicates how much Germany has changed since 1945. These days, we expect more of Germany than of ourselves. For, seen from one point of view, this is just Germany partaking in the populist normality of our time, as manifested in the Brexit vote in Britain, Marine le Pen’s Front National in France, Geert Wilders’s blond beastliness in the Netherlands, the right-wing nationalist-populist government in Poland, and Trumpery in the US.

Raciste et nationaliste, l’extrême droite accède au Parlement allemand
▻https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/240917/raciste-et-nationaliste-l-extreme-droite-accede-au-parlement-allemand

L’AfD (Alternative pour l’Allemagne) est assurée d’envoyer des députés au Parlement fédéral. Les premières projections lui donnent, dimanche 24 septembre, plus de 13% des suffrages. Du jamais vu. Quelle stratégie et quel personnel politique pour ce parti d’extrême droite ? Rencontre avec un de ses candidats. Klaus Riedelsdorf à la tribune. © TS/Mediapart

#International #AFD #Allemagne #Alternative_pour_l'Allemagne #Angela_Merkel #Bundestag #CDU #élections_fédérales #Martin_Schulz #SPD