person:amira hass

  • A l’encontre » Israël/Palestine. Couper des oliviers palestiniens, pour s’emparer, demain, de terres
    Par Amira Hass Article publié dans le quotidien Haaretz, le 5 novembre 2018 ; traduction A l’Encontre

    Une vidéo du 4 octobre 2018 évoque la scène d’une récolte d’olives. Après tout, c’est la saison. Deux jeunes, dont au moins un est mineur, tiennent une grande bâche. Le plus petit d’entre eux tient un bâton et donne des coups à un arbre [pour faire tomber les olives], mais plutôt que de récolter les olives, les coups cassent les branches de l’olivier.

    Les oliviers du village palestinien de Burin, en Cisjordanie, dans le nord de la Cisjordanie, n’appartiennent pas à ces jeunes hommes, et personne ne leur a donné la permission de récolter des olives dans cette oliveraie à l’ouest du poste de contrôle de Hawara. Ils sont indubitablement juifs, comme l’indiquent clairement leurs kippas blanches, leurs papillotes et leurs franges rituelles tzitzit.

    On a demandé à un résident de Burin, qui sera identifié ici seulement comme N., de filmer ce qui se passait. Il a réussi à arriver sur les lieux environ 20 minutes plus tard. Il a appelé la police et, à leur arrivée, 15 à 20 minutes plus tard, il avait réussi à filmer les jeunes hommes donnant des coups contre trois arbres. (...)

  • A rational Hamas

    Hamas leader’s interview with Israeli paper caused an uproar. It wasn’t always like that

    Amira Hass

    The interview with Yahya Sinwar, Hamas chief in Gaza, which was conducted by Italian journalist Francesca Borri and published in the Israeli daily Yedioth Ahronoth,” set off a major internet storm in the Gaza Strip and the Palestinian diaspora. What? Sinwar spoke knowingly to an Israeli newspaper? It wasn’t the content that caused the uproar (“A new war is not in anyone’s interest, certainly not our interest”) – only the host.
    >> Israel is incomparably stronger than Hamas – but it will never win: Interview with Hamas leader in Gaza
    Sinwar’s bureau hastened to publish a clarification: The request was for an interview with an Italian newspaper and a British newspaper; the Western media department in the Hamas movement ascertained that the journalist was neither Jewish nor Israeli, and that she has never worked with the Israeli press. There was no face-to-face interview with the above-mentioned journalist, but rather a written response to her questions. The journalist met with Sinwar only for the purpose of a joint photo.

    Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar greets militants in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, after his release from Israeli prison, October 20, 2011Adel Hana / ASSOCIATED PRESS
    Borri, 38, is a freelance journalist who began writing only about six years ago, mainly from Syria. “I think that Sinwar agreed to let me interview him because he knew that I’m a war correspondent and that I would understand when he told me that he isn’t interested in another war,” she told me over the phone from Italy on Friday.
    Her articles have been published in many languages – including in Hebrew in Yedioth Ahronoth. In June, Borri visited Gaza and published an article that was “tough on Hamas,” as she put it. She was haunted by the sight of little children begging, and in her opinion the Islamic resistance movement is also responsible for the terrible deterioration in the Strip. That article was also translated and published in Yedioth.
    And then Borri received a text message from one of Sinwar’s advisers, she told me. Why are you so hard on the Palestinians, he complained. They exchanged several text messages, until she asked if she could interview Sinwar. In late August she came to the Gaza Strip again, to interview him.

    Yahya Sinwar holds his son Ibrahim while he listens to Khaled Mashaal, the outgoing Hamas leader in exile, during his news conference in Doha, Qatar, on Monday, May 1, 2017Adel Hana,AP
    I asked her whether Hamas really didn’t know that the article would be published in Yedioth. “As a freelancer, transparency is important to me,” she said. “It was clear to everyone that the interview would be translated into other languages, including Hebrew. Everyone in Sinwar’s bureau knew that my articles have been published in Yedioth Ahronoth.”

    What caused the outrage was that the wording of the article seemed to indicate that Borri was sent by the Israeli newspaper, and that that’s how the situation was presented to Sinwar. Here is the wording of her first question: “This is the first time ever that you’re agreeing to speak to the Western media – and to an Israeli newspaper yet.” According to Borri, the words “and to an Israeli newspaper yet” didn’t appear in her original question to Sinwar.
    >> ’We can’t prevail against a nuclear power’: Hamas’ Gaza chief says he doesn’t want war with Israel
    On the other hand, she confirmed that Sinwar’s final remark in the article, “and they translate you regularly into Hebrew too,” really was said. “Sinwar spoke to me, and through me to the world. I had the impression that he’s interested in talking through me to the Israelis too,” she said.
    And was the interview really conducted face-to-face and during joint trips with Sinwar and his aides over the course of five days, or in writing, as Hamas claimed. Borri explains: “I never record. I feel that people’s answers change when they see a recording device.” She didn’t travel with him in his car, but she says she did join a convoy of cars with Sinwar through the Strip, yet preferred not to say where.
    On Thursday, in other words before the publication of the full article in Yedioth on Friday, the Al Jazeera website in Arabic already published the text of the written questions and answers that were exchanged, according to Hamas, between Sinwar’s bureau and Borri. A comparison of the written version with the article in Yedioth reveals great similarity between the two texts, with a few differences – mainly a change in the order of the questions and their answers, sentences, declarations and facts that were deleted from the Hebrew version, and a few sentences that were added to it.
    >> Israeli military strikes Gazans who launched incendiary balloons
    The questions and answers in the Arabic version flow, and there is a connection between the replies and the following questions; in other words, a conversation is taking place. According to Al Jazeera, the written questions and replies were exchanged several times between the parties. There is even mention of how during the interview, Sinwar pointed to one of his advisers and said that his son was killed by Israeli fire.
    Borri confirmed in a conversation with me that she combined the replies received in writing, over a period of time, with answers she received orally. Due to the great similarity between the two versions, my impression is that many replies were sent to her in writing. A Gaza resident told me that he was convinced that most of the answers were given in writing because of “the polished wording, the level-headed replies and the rational explanations.”
    Keep updated: Sign up to our newsletter
    Email* Sign up

    He believes that an entire team thought things through and wrote the answers, not Sinwar alone. He also said that the message in the interview is addressed to the Palestinians in Gaza “who are sick and tired of Hamas rule,” no less than to readers in the West, whom Borri enables to see a senior Hamas official as a leader who cares about his people, rather than as a caricature of a bloodthirsty fanatic.
    And I was left longing for the period when senior Hamas officials gave interviews to the Israeli press and to a Jewish Israeli like me – including Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, Ismail Haniyeh and many others. And I was left with the following conclusion: When Israel doesn’t allow Israeli journalists to enter Gaza, it makes life easy for Hamas.

  • The Germans will ignore Israeli apartheid again

    Each day that has passed since May 1999, Europe in general and Germany in particular have crossed another red line in the normalization of the status quo

    Amira Hass SendSend me email alerts
    Oct 02, 2018

    Angela Merkel is the answer to two questions: 1. Will Israel, “having no alternative,” attack the Gaza Strip before Friday, that being “the only possible response” to the multiplying demonstrations at the border fence? And 2. Now that the Monday-evening deadline given to the residents of the West Bank Bedouin village of Khan al-Ahmar to dismantle their simple structures has passed, will Israel’s Civil Administration raze the entire community Tuesday?
    To really understand Israel and the Middle East - subscribe to Haaretz
    It probably won’t happen this week, so as not to embarrass Merkel. The German chancellor and her cabinet are scheduled to arrive Wednesday for meetings with their Israeli colleagues, the seventh such intergovernmental consultations since the tradition began in 2008. In between, the German delegation will visit an exhibition on technological innovation sponsored by the Foreign Ministry, at which six Israeli companies will present their wares.

    Officially, Germany — like all European Union member states — opposes the demolition of Khan al-Ahmar and the forced eviction of its residents, actions that violate international law and Israel’s obligations as an occupying power. Officially, Germany is concerned by the military escalation and the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Gaza. Therefore, like all European states, it hopes for a nonviolent resolution of the military tension.
    But the consulting cabinet ministers aren’t supposed to delve into the bottomless expectation gap between the parties on the future of the Palestinian territories that were captured in 1967. The Germans are still talking about a two-state solution, even as Israel is realizing the eight-state vision (of defeated, disconnected Palestinian enclaves scattered throughout the expanse of Jewish sovereignty).
    Keep updated: Sign up to our newsletter
    Email* Sign up

    In any event, the joint consultations address the real issues of mature countries. The parties will discuss their excellent technological, military and intelligence ties, their common place in the advanced industrial world, their cultural and scientific ties — not to mention, of course, the Holocaust and Germany’s eternal obligations to Israel.
    >> Read more: Israel Gives Residents of West Bank Bedouin Village Week to Evacuate
    We can infer, from the slogans inserted in the joint statement after the 2016 consultations, that some German minister will blurt out something about human rights, and the response will be that Israel is the only democracy in the region. An open expression of Israeli military and bureaucratic superiority during the visit wouldn’t go over well with the foreign guests.
    And so, the bulldozers and the deadly armed drones, the pride of Israeli technology, along with our female combat soldiers who operate them remotely, the pride of Israeli feminism, will be forced to wait patiently. Not this week.
    On the other hand, why should they wait patiently? Why shouldn’t it happen this week? The German ministers already ignore that an important part of Israeli technological, military and intelligence development is linked to maintaining the occupation and keeping the permanent conflict on a low flame that occasionally flares up. They must ignore this, mentally and emotionally, to continue cultivating partnerships with Israel. They can also ignore Israel’s use of its military capabilities during their visit.
    Each day that has passed since May 1999 (when the final-status agreement with the Palestinians was to go into effect), Israel has crossed another red line in shaping its unique regime of separation (apartheid, in Afrikaans). None of these crossings or violations of international resolutions led European countries to put genuine political pressure on Israel.
    Each day that has passed since May 1999, Europe in general and Germany in particular have crossed another red line in the normalization of Israeli apartheid. They make a complete separation between their partner in technological, scientific and intellectual progress and the Israel that plans to erase in the near future the small village and other communities, and that for 10 years has imprisoned 2 million people in the biggest concentration facility in the world.
    And the umbrella of the victims and survivors of the Holocaust is used to excuse and explain this intolerable ability to repress and compartmentalize.

  • Bantoustans en Palestine
    par Robert Fisk - 24 août 2018 – The Independent – Traduction : Chronique de Palestine – Dominique Muselet - 23 septembre 2018

    Montrez-moi quelque chose qui va me choquer, ai-je demandé à Amira Hass. La seule journaliste israélienne qui vit en Cisjordanie – ou en Palestine, si vous croyez encore en ce mot si peu orthodoxe – m’a donc emmené sur une route à l’extérieur de Ramallah qui dans mon souvenir était une autoroute qui menait à Jérusalem. Mais maintenant, sur la colline, elle se transforme en une route à l’abandon, à moitié goudronnée, bordée de magasins fermés par des volets rouillés et des ordures. La même odeur putride d’égouts à l’air libre plane sur la route. L’eau puante stagne, verte et flasque, en flaques au pied du mur.

    (...) C’est une Israélienne qui me parle, la fille solide et inébranlable d’une résistante bosniaque qui a dû se rendre à la Gestapo et d’un survivant juif roumain de l’Holocauste, une fille à qui le socialisme a donné, à mon avis, un courage marxiste inflexible.

    Elle ne serait peut-être pas d’accord, mais je la considère comme une enfant de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, même si elle est née 11 ans après la mort d’Hitler. Elle pense qu’il ne lui reste plus qu’entre 100 et 500 lecteurs israéliens ; Grâce à Dieu, pensent beaucoup d’entre nous, son journal, Haaretz, existe toujours.

    Lorsqu’on l’a emmenée de la gare à Bergen-Belsen en 1944, la mère d’Amira, a été frappée par les ménagères allemandes qui venaient voir la file de prisonniers terrorisés, toutes ces Allemandes qui les « regardaient de loin ». Je crois qu’Amira Hass ne regardera jamais de loin. Elle s’est habituée à être haïe et insultée par son propre peuple. Mais elle est réaliste.

    « Tu sais, on ne peut pas nier que, pendant un certain temps, [le Mur] a eu un impact sécuritaire, » dit-elle. C’est vrai. Il a stoppé la campagne palestinienne d’attentats-suicide. Mais le Mur a aussi un objectif expansionniste ; il a confisqué des terres arabes qui ne font pas plus partie de l’État d’Israël que les vastes colonies qui abritent aujourd’hui environ 400 000 Juifs à travers la Cisjordanie. Pas encore, en tout cas.

    Amira porte des lunettes rondes qui la font ressembler à un de ces dentistes un peu déprimés, qui inspectent avec tristesse et cynisme votre dentition en perdition. C’est comme ça qu’elle écrit. Elle vient de terminer un long article pour Haaretz qui sera publié deux jours plus tard ; c’est une dissection féroce de l’accord d’Oslo de 1993 qui n’est pas loin de prouver que les Israéliens n’ont jamais voulu que l’accord de « paix » permette aux Palestiniens d’avoir un État.

    « La réalité des bantoustans, réserves ou enclaves palestiniens, écrit-elle à l’occasion du sombre 25ième anniversaire des accords d’Oslo, se voit sur le terrain… il n’a été précisé nulle part que l’objectif était la création d’un État palestinien dans le territoire occupé en 1967, contrairement à ce que les Palestiniens et beaucoup de gens du camp israélien à l’époque et dans les pays européens avaient imaginé. » Amira me confie : » Le problème, c’est que les rédacteurs en chef d’Haaretz, – je les appelle les enfants – changent de couplet tous les deux ans et à chaque fois ils me demandent : » Comment sais-tu qu’Oslo n’avait pas la paix comme objectif ? Il y a 20 ans, ils pensaient que j’étais folle, maintenant ils sont fiers d’avoir eu quelqu’un au journal qui avait tout compris dès le début. » (...)

  • Le long périple des enfants palestiniens vers l’école — devant les colons avec leurs armes
    26 septembre | Amira Hass pour Haaretz |Traduction CG pour l’AURDIP

    Depuis 14 ans, une jeep de l’armée israélienne doit accompagner une dizaine d’enfants à leur école, et de retour, pour éviter qu’ils ne soient harcelés, attaqués, ou aient à faire un long détour.

    Un chemin de terre devenant une route asphaltée. Filles et garçons d’âge scolaire y marchent, avec une jeep militaire avançant lentement derrière eux
    Cette vision étrange est devenue une partie familière du paysage pour le village de Al-Tuwani au sud de Yatta, dans le sud de la Cisjordanie. Mais le matin du 9 septembre, quelque chose était différent. Au lieu de la jeep militaire, qui était en retard, il y avait un véhicule civil blanc. Son conducteur a essayé de bloquer les élèves et leurs deux accompagnateurs, des volontaires de l’organisation pacifiste italienne Opération Colombe.

    L’homme, qui portait une chemise grise et une kippa, avec un fusil pointant sous sa chemise, est sorti de la voiture et a crié en hébreu : « Vous n’avez pas le droit de traverser seuls ». Ensuite, il a dit en anglais : « Vous n’avez pas le droit de traverser avant que les soldats n’arrivent ». Une accompagnatrice italienne a répliqué : « Ce n’est pas vrai. Les soldats ont déjà une heure de retard ». L’Israélien a maintenu sa position et a dit en anglais : « Eux [les enfants] n’ont pas le droit, et vous, n’avez même pas le droit d’être ici ».

    Le groupe a continué à avancer. L’Israélien a dit à quelqu’un au téléphone : « Est-ce que vous venez ? Ils se baladent ici, les gauchistes et les Européens ». Apeurés, mais déterminés, les enfants ont continué de marcher parce qu’ils avaient déjà raté la première leçon et étaient sur le point d’être en retard pour la deuxième.

    « Vous êtes un touriste, et en tant que touriste vous n’avez pas le droit d’être ici », a dit l’homme. « Attendez les soldats », a-t-il ordonné à l’accompagnatrice italienne. Elle l’a photographié. Il l’a photographiée. « Est-ce que vous êtes fier d’effrayer les enfants ? », a-t-elle demandé. L’Opération Colombe est une organisation pacifiste catholique qui prône la non-violence et ses volontaires vivent et travaillent au sein de la population civile dans des zones de conflit.

    L’homme avec le fusil et la kippa a commencé à marcher rapidement, s’est rapproché des enfants d’un air menaçant et a continué ses avertissements au téléphone : « Des gauchistes et des Arabes marchent ici seuls ». Il a ensuite regagné en courant sa voiture blanche, où deux filles et un garçon d’âge scolaire étaient assis. Avec les enfants à l’intérieur, l’homme a avancé, a rattrapé les élèves et a essayé encore de les bloquer.

  • Israel Violence from God -

    Amira Hass

    The IDF spokesman did not miss the target and proved what we have known for a long time. In other words, his employer, the army, is a willing captive of the settlement enterprise and the settlers.
    To really understand Israel and the Middle East - subscribe to Haaretz
    In a response after the attack on six activists from Ta’ayush by about a dozen or more Israelis, (Jews), at the Mitzpeh Yair settlement outpost on the holy Sabbath of the 14th of the Jewish month of Elul, 5778, the IDF spokesman lied twice: “Friction” – that’s what he called the brutal attack, after which four of the victims required treatment in the hospital. He also claimed that the soldiers declared a closed military zone. If they did, the activists didn’t hear it.

    Soldiers evacuating an injured activist after the attack in South Hebron Hills, August 25, 2018.B’Tselem
    There is no group of Israeli Jewish activists that has been and is being exposed to physical attacks by the settlers more than Ta’ayush. For almost 20 years the activists of this left-wing group have been going out to the battlefields: the pastures, fields and orchards that the settlers have their eyes on.

  • Par l’interrogatoire serré d’un militant de gauche, le Shin Bet viole une décision de la Haute Cour
    Amira Hass, Haaretz, le 25 juillet 2018

    Geva a aussi déclaré qu’il n’était pas un interrogateur, mais plutôt la personne responsable pour les affaires concernant la gauche radicale et la « dalag ». C’est seulement plus tard que Kronberg a compris que ce terme était une abréviation pour « délégitimation ».

    Avant la rencontre, qui a duré environ une demi-heure, les affaires de Kronberg avaient été fouillées et il a lui-même subi une fouille au corps. On lui a dit que c’était destiné à s’assurer qu’il n’avait pas d’appareil d’enregistrement.

    Selon l’Association pour les droits civils en Israël, convoquer des militants pour des entretiens d’avertissement « est une pratique inacceptable qui ne devrait pas exister et qui n’a aucune place dans un pays démocratique. Nous entendons avec une grande inquiétude que l’agent du Shin Bet s’est défini comme ‘responsable à propos de la délégitimation’. Il est interdit au Shin Bet de fonctionner comme une police de la pensée et de saper la liberté d’expression ».

    #Palestine #BDS #Daniel_Kronberg #Taayush #Shin_Bet #criminalisation_des_militants #liberté_d'expression #censure #police_de_la_pensée

  • Israeli minister planned eviction of West Bank Bedouin 40 years ago, document reveals
    Now agriculture minister, then settler activist, Uri Ariel was already planning in the 1970s the eviction of Bedouin living east of Jerusalem that is taking place now in Khan al-Ahmar
    Amira Hass Jul 12, 2018 2:57 AM

    Forty years ago Uri Ariel, now agriculture minister, was already planning the eviction of Bedouin living east of Jerusalem. This emerges from a document signed by him titled, “A proposal to plan the Ma’aleh Adumim region and establish the community settlement of Ma’aleh Adumim B.”

    The document outlines a plan to turn some 100,000 to 120,000 dunams (25,000 to 30,000 acres) of Palestinian land into an area of Jewish settlement and develop it as a “Jewish corridor,” as he put it, from the coast to the Jordan River. In fact, a large part of the plan has been executed, except for the eviction of all the area’s Bedouin.

    Now the Civil Administration and the police are expediting the demolition of the homes of the Jahalin in Khan al-Ahmar. This is one of approximately 25 Bedouin communities in the area that have become a flagship of the Bedouin resistance in the West Bank’s Area C against the efforts by the Israeli occupation to uproot them, gather them in a few compounds adjacent to Area A, and impose a semi-urban lifestyle on them.

    The boundaries of the area that Ariel sets for his plan are the Palestinian villages of Hizme, Anata, Al-Azariya and Abu Dis to the west, the hills overlooking the Jordan Valley to the east, Wadi Qelt to the north and the Kidron Valley and Horkania Valley to the south. “In the area there are many Bedouin involved in the cultivation of land,” he writes, contrary to the claims voiced today by settlers that the Bedouin only recently popped up and “took over” the land.

    But Ariel has a solution: “Since the area is used by the military and a large part of the industry there serves the defense establishment, the area must be closed to Bedouin settlement and evacuated.”

    This document, exposed here for the first time, was found by Dr. Yaron Ovadia in the Kfar Adumim archives when he was doing research for a book he’s writing about the Judean Desert. Ovadia wrote his doctorate about the Jahalin tribe.

    “Since [the area] is unsettled, it is now possible to plan it entirely,” Ariel wrote, about an area that constituted the land reserves for construction, industry, agriculture and grazing for the Palestinian towns and villages east of Bethlehem, Jerusalem and Ramallah. “Arab urban/rural settlement is spreading at an amazing pace along the route from Jerusalem eastward, and this linear spread must be stopped immediately.”

    His solutions: to build urban neighborhoods that will become part of Jerusalem and to “administratively close the area of the Arab villages by means of an appropriate plan.” This administrative closure by an appropriate plan can be discerned in the reality perpetuated by the Interim Agreement of 1995, which artificially divided the West Bank into Areas A and B, to be administered by the Palestinians, and Area C, which covers 60 percent of the West Bank, to be administered by Israel. That’s how Palestinian enclaves were created with limited development potential within a large Jewish expanse.

    Ariel’s plan was apparently written between late 1978 and the beginning of 1979, and he said that as far as he recalls, it was submitted to Brig. Gen. Avraham Tamir, the IDF’s head of planning. “We have been living for three years in the existing settlement at Mishor Adumim,” writes Ariel, referring to a settlement nucleus that was established in 1975 and was portrayed as a work camp near the Mishor Adumim industrial zone. Even before Ma’aleh Adumim was officially inaugurated, Ariel was proposing to build “Ma’aleh Adumim B,” i.e., Kfar Adumim, which was established in September 1979.

    Some Jahalin families were indeed evicted from their homes in 1977 and 1980. In 1994, expulsion orders were issued against dozens more, and they were evicted in the late 1990s, with the approval of the High Court of Justice. But thousands of Bedouin and their flocks remained in the area, albeit under increasingly difficult conditions as firing zones, settlements and roads reduced their grazing areas and their access to water. From the early 2000s the Civil Administration has been planning to evacuate the Bedouin and forcibly resettle them in permanent townships.

    It’s tempting to present Ariel’s 40-year-old suggestions as an example of the personal and political determination that characterizes many religious Zionist activists and was facilitated by the Likud electoral victory in 1977. But it was Yitzhak Rabin’s first government that decided to build a 4,500-dunam industrial zone for Jerusalem in Khan al-Amar. In 1975 it expropriated a huge area of 30,000 dunams from the Palestinian towns and villages in the area and built a settlement there disguised as a work camp for employees of the industrial zone.

    In a study (“The Hidden Agenda,” 2009) written by Nir Shalev for the nonprofit associations Bimkom – Planners for Planning Rights and B’tselem, he notes that the Housing and Construction Ministry’s Jerusalem district director when Ma’aleh Adumim was first being built in 1975 said that the objective behind it was political – “to block the entrance way to Jerusalem from a Jordanian threat.” But since the objective was political, it was clear that he wasn’t referring to a military threat, but to demographic growth that would require additional construction.

    The planning for Ma’aleh Adumim actually began in Golda Meir’s time in the early 1970s; at the time, minister Israel Galili advised Davar reporter Hagai Eshed that it would be best if the press didn’t deal with this “exciting and interesting” issue, “because it could cause damage.” Both the Meir and Rabin governments considered the planned settlement to be part of metropolitan Jerusalem. Moreover, during Rabin’s second government, the period of the Oslo Accords, Bedouin were evicted, in the spirit of Ariel’s proposal.

    Perhaps the most crucial move was actually made in 1971, when under that same government of Meir, Galili and Moshe Dayan, military order No. 418 was issued, which made drastic changes to the planning apparatus in the West Bank. The order removed the rights of Palestinian local councils to plan and build. As explained in another study by Bimkom (“The Prohibted Zone,” 2008) this prepared the legal infrastructure for the separate planning systems – the miserly, restrictive system for the Palestinians and the generous, encouraging one for the settlements. This distorted planning system refused to take into account the longtime Bedouin communities that had been expelled from the Negev and had been living in the area long before the settlements were built.

    The settlement part of Ariel’s proposal succeeded because it was merely a link in a chain of plans and ideas had already been discussed when the Labor Alignment was still in power, and which were advanced by a bureaucratic infrastructure that had been in place even before 1948. Today, under a government in which Ariel’s Habayit Hayehudi party is so powerful, the open expulsion of Bedouin is possible. But the expulsion of Palestinians in general is hardly a Habayit Hayehudi invention.

  • The missing reports on herbicides in Gaza
    Amira Hass Jul 09, 2018 1:05 AM |

    So we’re destroying Palestinian crops with our spraying? What’s new here, shrugs the average Israeli and clicks to another channel

    As I was working on my article about Israeli herbicide spraying in Gaza, I learned that 1948 refugees from the village of Salama are living in the village of Khuza’a. They are farmers, much as their parents and grandparents were. Back then, they grew citrus fruit, bananas and grains, and sold their crops in Jaffa as well as in Jewish communities.

    We tend to associate Palestinian refugees with the refugee camps. But sometimes you get to meet some who, even in exile from their village, have managed to maintain the same type of life and livelihood – that is, to work and live off the land in the West Bank and even Gaza. The Al-Najjar family in Khuza’a is one such family.

    Together with his father, Saleh al-Najjar, 53, works 60 dunams (about 15 acres) of land that they are leasing in Khuza’a. They employ three laborers, and Saleh says the five of them work 12 hours a day.

    By working the land they maintain continuity, despite being refugees and having lost the lands of Salama – where Israel built Kfar Shalem. Israel, meanwhile, maintains the continuity by damaging their sources of income and their health. When people say the Nakba never ended, the Najjar family can be cited as another example. One of the millions.

    Over the past four years, the Najjars – like hundreds of other farming families in the eastern part of the Gaza Strip – have learned to fear also small civilian aircraft.

    In spring and fall, and sometimes in winter too, for several days the planes appear in the mornings, flying above the separation fence. But the contrails they emit are borne westward with the wind, cross the border and reach the Gazan fields. From seeing their wilted crops, the farmers have understood that the planes are spraying herbicides.

    The fear of these crop dusters is even greater than of the Israeli armored vehicles that every so often trample all the vegetation west of the separation fence – because the herbicides reach further, seep into the soil and pollute the water. Crops up to 2,200 meters (7,220 feet) west of the border fence are affected by the spraying, says the Red Cross. The crops 100 to 900 meters away were totally destroyed. The irrigation pools located a kilometer away were contaminated.

    The Palestinian reports about Israeli crop spraying destroying Gaza agriculture were first heard in late 2014. A figment of the imagination? In late 2015, the Israel Defense Forces spokesperson confirmed to the 972 website that crop spraying was taking place. The Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, an organization in Gaza, sent soil samples for laboratory testing. The army did not tell it what was being sprayed.

    Spraying of herbicides intended to destroy crops is not the sort of thing the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit or the Coordinator of Government Activity in the Territories is happy to talk about or volunteer information on. Nor is it the kind of report that concerns Israelis much, not on social media or as a common subject of conversation in Israeli homes.

    “So we’re destroying Palestinian crops with herbicide spraying – what else is new? We did the same thing to the Bedouin crops in the Negev (before the High Court of Justice outlawed it following a petition by Adala) and with the lands of Akraba in the 1970s. If our fine young men have decided to do it, it must be necessary,” shrugs the ordinary Israeli before clicking to the next channel. That is why I’m trying to return to the previous channel.

    The IDF’s Gaza Division decides; the Defense Ministry pays the civil aviation companies to do it. The seared spinach fields and the withered parsley plants prey on my mind. Also, I think about the children of these pilots: Do they know the wind carries the chemicals their daddy sprayed, and that another daddy can’t buy his kids shoes and other things because of the crops that were destroyed due to it?

    Asked to comment, the Defense Ministry says: “The spraying is carried out by properly authorized companies in accordance with the 1956 law regarding the protection of plants.” It’s true that the two civilian companies that fly crop dusters above the border fence – Chim-Nir and Telem Aviation – are recognized professionals in the field. The Defense Ministry also says: “The crop dusting is identical to that which is done throughout Israel.”

    Whoever wrote that sentence is either demeaning the intelligence of his Israeli readers, or confident that they will take his word for it and not be concerned. Both are correct.

    The Defense Ministry only revealed what the “identical” herbicides being used are in response to an inquiry from Gisha, the Legal Center for Freedom of Movement, based on the freedom of information law. The chemicals are glyphosate, oxyfluorfen and diuron.

    Despite the numerous findings about the environmental and health hazards posed by glyphosate, it is still in use in Israel. But the Defense Ministry spokesperson ignores the fact that even with all the debate about how harmful these substances are to the environment and to people’s health, their purpose is to help safeguard farmers’ livelihoods – not to destroy their crops, as we are doing in Gaza.

    The IDF and the Defense Ministry know these sprayed chemicals don’t recognize borders. The systematic damage to Palestinian crops through spraying is not an accident. It is deliberate. Another form of warfare against the health and welfare of Palestinians, and all under the worn-out blanket of security.

    #GAZA #herbicides

    • La guerre agricole ou comment Israël se sert de substances chimiques pour tuer les récoltes à Gaza
      Amira Hass | Publié le 6/7/2018 sur Haaretz | Traduction : Jean-Marie Flémal

      Les photographies de véhicules blindés de l’armée déracinant et broyant arbres et végétation dans la bande de Gaza ne sont pas étrangères, aux yeux des Israéliens, mais ce qu’ils savent beaucoup moins, c’est que, depuis 2014, des champs palestiniens sont également détruits via l’usage d’herbicides déversés depuis les airs – comme cela a d’abord été publié sur le site internet 972. Officiellement, la pulvérisation ne se fait que du côté israélien de la clôture mais, comme en ont témoigné des fermiers palestiniens de l’autre côté, avec confirmation de la Croix-Rouge, les dégâts qui en résultent peuvent être perçus très loin dans le territoire palestinien même.

      « La pulvérisation par les airs n’est effectuée que sur le territoire de l’État d’Israël, le long de l’obstacle sécuritaire à la frontière de la bande de Gaza », a fait savoir le ministère de la Défense à Haaretz. « Elle est effectuée par des sociétés d’épandage munies d’une autorisation légale, en conformité avec les dispositions de la Loi sur la protection des plantes (5716-1956) et les réglementations qui en découlent, et elle est identique à la pulvérisation aérienne effectuée partout dans l’État d’Israël. »

      Le porte-parole des FDI 1 a déclaré : « L’épandage est réalisé à l’aide du matériel standard utilisé en Israël et dans d’autres pays ; cela provoque un dépérissement de la végétation existante et empêche les mauvaises herbes de pousser. L’épandage s’effectue près de la clôture et ne pénètre pas dans la bande de Gaza. »

      Toutefois, le matériel standard utilisé en Israël a pour but d’aider les fermiers à faire pousser leurs cultures de rapport. À Gaza, il les détruit.

  • Journalists beaten, cameras destroyed: Palestinian police break up anti-Abbas protest in Ramallah

    Dozens beaten and arrested, including foreign journalists, in breakup of demonstration against Abbas’s economic sanctions on Gaza

    Amira Hass and Jack Khoury Jun 14, 2018

    Palestinian Authority riot police forcefully broke up a demonstration in Ramallah Wednesday evening, enforcing a ban on protests citing the Id al-Fitr holiday, which marks the end of the Ramadan month of fasting.
    The police arrested journalist and dozens of protesters, busted cameras and beat many of the demonstrators.
    The protesters called for Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to remove sanctions he has imposed against Hamas and residents of the Gaza Strip, for Hamas’s failure to follow through on a power share deal.
    Palestinian security forces fired tear gas, stun grenades and shot bullets into the air. They confiscated cameras and smartphones, breaking a few of them and ordered journalists not to interview demonstrators. The police arrested foreign and Palestinian journalists and beat a large number of protesters. A number of Israeli citizens participated in the protest, too.
    In spite of the violent repression of the protest, a small group of demonstrators managed to evade the police and gathered on side streets, chanting slogans such as: “Woe to the disgrace and woe to the shame,” and “With spirit and blood we will redeem you, Gaza.”

  • Il n’y a pas que Gaza... ou presque... à propos des manifestations en Cisjordanie :

    La colère rentrée des Palestiniens de Cisjordanie
    Allan Kaval, Le Monde, le 17 mai 2018

    Le jeune Odai Akram Abu Khalil est mort d’une blessure par balle infligée par l’armée d’occupation
    The New Arab, le 24 mai 2018

    Retour sur la marche du retour, vue de Haïfa – Conversation avec Majd Kayyal
    Michèle Sibony, Agence Média Palestine, le 9 juin 2018

    Ramallah Protesters Demand PA to Cancel Sanctions on Gaza
    IMEMC, le 11 juin 2018

    Palestinians protest in Ramallah against the ‘Authority of Shame’
    Jaclynn Ashly, Mondoweiss, le 11 juin 2018

    Plus de 1500 manifestants à Ramallah demandent à Abbas de lever les sanctions contre Gaza
    Amira Hass, Haaretz, le 11 juin 2018

    « Un seul peuple, un seul ennemi, une seule cause »
    Cirepal, le 11 juin 2018

    Multiplication des raids israéliens en Cisjordanie
    Pierre Barbancey, L’Humanité, le 12 juin 2018

    #Palestine #Gaza #Cisjordanie #Ramallah #Autorité_Palestinienne #Nakba #Marche_du_retour

  • » Ramallah Protesters Demand PA to Cancel Sanctions on Gaza IMEMC News – June 11, 2018 9:36 PM

    Hundreds of Palestinians held a protest in Ramallah, last night, demanding that the Palestinian Authority (PA) cancel its sanctions against Gaza, describing these measures as punitive measures against the Palestinian people in Gaza.

    The participants in the demonstration called on PA President Mahmoud Abbas and the Palestinian leadership to lift the sanctions imposed on the region, and called for the Implementation of the Palestinian National Council decisions on Gaza.

    According to Al Ray Palestinian Media Agency, the demonstration was organized by a group called “Movement for Lifting Sanctions Imposed on Gaza”, a large movement of academics, journalists, writers, artists, prisoners, activists and citizens who decided to break the silence toward measures imposed by the Palestinian Authority on the Gaza Strip since March of 2017, in addition to ending the Palestinian division and achieving reconciliation.


  • La gagnante d’un prestigieux prix israélien va donner le montant de son prix à des organisations de défense des droits de l’Homme
    7 mai | Amira Hass pour Haaretz |Traduction J.Ch. pour l’AURDIP

    Féministe et savante, Evelyn Fox Keller, ancienne professeure au MIT, donnera le montant de son prix Dan David à l’organisation B’Tselem, à l’Association pour les Droits Civiques en Israël et à Médecins pour les Droits de l’Homme.

    traduction en français de cet article :

  • Un relent d’antisémitisme dans le discours d’Abbas ne modifie pas son soutien à la solution à deux États -
    Par Amira Hass – 2 mai 2018 - Haaretz. Traduction SF (relue par J. Ch.) [UJFP]

    L’histoire des juifs a été imposée aux Palestiniens et par conséquent ces derniers l‘abordent à chaque occasion. Tous les Palestiniens se voient comme autorisés, et ils sont bien sûr vraiment autorisés, à présenter l’historiographie de leur terre et de leur peuple comme un contrepoids au récit sioniste.

    C’est ce que fait aussi le président palestinien, Mahmoud Abbas, dans des discours lors d’événements publics et c’est ce qu’il a fait une fois de plus lundi soir à l’ouverture de la 23ème session, très retardée, du Conseil National Palestinien, qui est censé être le Parlement de tous les Palestiniens.

    Le résumé par Abbas de l’historiographie d’Israël est que l’établissement d’un État pour les Juifs était un projet colonialiste émanant de nations chrétiennes, et que les promoteurs du projet étaient des gens qui détestaient les Juifs et n’en voulaient pas dans leurs pays. Mais l’analyse légitime du président palestinien contient des erreurs embarrassantes, des omissions importantes et aussi une allégation assortie d’un lourd relent d’antisémitisme : en Europe, ils haïssaient les Juifs, non pas à cause de leur religion, mais à cause de leurs professions de prêteurs d’argent et de banquiers.

    Son insistance à tomber dans le piège de déclarations qui vont aider la hasbara israélienne (la diplomatie publique), qui ignore aussi complètement ses messages pertinents à propos du chemin vers la paix, révèle quelque chose de l’homme et de son style de gouvernance : il est constant dans ses positions, n’écoute pas les critiques et ne consulte pas les autres – ou il choisit des conseillers qui ne lui diront rien qu’il ne veuille entendre. Il choisit aussi d’être tenu à jour uniquement de ce qui lui convient.

    Voilà quelques unes des caractéristiques qu’Abbas a dû acquérir pour devenir le leader autoritaire du Fatah, de l’OLP et de l’Autorité Palestinienne (AP), avec son contrôle des finances et le soutien qu’il continue d’avoir de pays européens à cause de sa fidélité aux accords d’Oslo. Ces caractéristiques lui ont permis de poursuivre ce qu’avait commencé Arafat : vider l’OLP de son contenu embrassant tout ce qui est palestinien et, en pratique, le soumettre à l’AP. (...)

  • La journaliste israélienne Amira Hass donne une leçon de politique et d’honnêteté à ses concitoyens et au reste du monde, en expliquant toute la conscience politique contenue dans l’initiative de la Marche du Retour engagée par la société civile palestinienne.

     » La répression de la lutte contre les droits nationaux et pour l’égalité n’est pas une science exacte. Difficile de savoir, même après 70 ans d’expérience de répression, si le fait de tuer des manifestants non armés qui n’ont pas menacé la vie d’un seul soldat, va décourager les manifestants ou avoir l’effet inverse.

    Et après des décennies d’expérience, nos politiciens et notre armée continuent à présenter les Palestiniens comme des marionnettes du Hamas, tout comme ils les ont fait passer pour des pions de l’OLP.

    Mais des dizaines de milliers de personnes ne participent pas à une manifestation risquée, défiant les avertissements israéliens, par simple obéissance au Hamas. Le faire croire, c’est afficher un profond mépris
    à la fois pour le public israélien, et adopter le langage des dictateurs.

  • Israel publishes BDS blacklist : These are the 20 groups whose members will be denied entry -
    Noa Landau Jan 07, 2018

    Israel published on Sunday the full list of organizations whose activists will be barred from entering the country. The so-called BDS blacklist was released by the Strategic Affairs Ministry.

    Members of the 20 organizations on the list will not be allowed to enter the country due to their support for the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement against Israel. The list primarily includes European and American organizations as well as groups from Latin America, a group from South Africa and an international umbrella organization.
    The full list

    European organizations:

    ■ The France Association Palestine Solidarity

    ■ BDS France

    ■ BDS Italy

    ■ The European Coordination of Committees and Associations for Palestine

    ■ Friends of Al-Aqsa

    ■ Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign

    ■ The Palestine Committee of Norway

    ■ Palestine Solidarity Association of Sweden

    ■ Palestine Solidarity Campaign

    ■ War on Want

    ■ BDS Kampagne

    American organizations:

    ■ American Friends Service Committee

    ■ American Muslims for Palestine

    ■ Code Pink

    ■ Jewish Voice for Peace

    ■ National Students for Justice in Palestine

    ■ US Campaign for Palestinian Rights

    Other groups:

    ■ BDS Chile

    ■ BDS South Africa

    ■ BDS National Committee


    Israël donne son accord pour un projet anti-BDS de 72 millions de dollars
    2 janvier | JTA & The Times of Israel |Traduction LGr pour l’AURDIP

    Financée par le gouvernement et par des donateurs juifs, la nouvelle organisation supervisera la lutte contre le boycott via une diplomatie publique


  • Les soldats israéliens détiennent un garçon palestinien de 6 ans pendant cinq heures parce qu’il avait lancé des pierres
    24 décembre | Amira Hass pour Haaretz |Traduction JPP pour l’AURDIP

    L’armée israélienne affirme que le jeune Ashraf, qui a du mal à dormir, participait à une agitation violente et qu’il n’a pas été arrêté, mais simplement éloigné de la scène.

    Il y a une semaine samedi, les sites d’informations palestiniens débordaient. Les soldats des Forces de défense israéliennes (FDI) avaient arrêté un garçon de 6 ans du camp de réfugiés de Jalazun en Cisjordanie, rapportaient-ils. Il n’y a aucune limite à leur malfaisance, se déchaînaient les surfeurs.

    Le coordinateur des FDI pour les activités gouvernementales dans les territoires, le général Yoav Mordechai, s’est empressé d’intervenir sur sa page Facebook. Dans un envoi à 8 h du matin, il écrit, en arabe, que l’enfant avait pris part à une confrontation violente et qu’il avait même lancé des pierres.

    « Contrairement à ce qui a été écrit dans les médias palestiniens, le garçon n’a pas été arrêté mais remis aux agents du bureau de la Coordination du district, à Ramallah, qui ont appelé ses parents et leur ont fait part du comportement dangereux et violent de leur fils, parmi d’autres enfants » écrit Mordechai.

    Mordechai y joint une vidéo en noir et blanc, montrant les silhouettes plutôt floues de deux enfants – l’un étant sur une terrasse en hauteur. Un cercle rouge entoure l’enfant qui est sur une autre terrasse plus bas et qui tient les deux bouts d’un lance-pierres qu’il agite. L’autre enfant agite lui aussi, plus habilement, une fronde similaire, qui contient probablement une pierre. La cible des pierres n’est pas dans leur ligne de tir, mais il est raisonnable de supposer que c’est la position de l’armée régulière, à environ 200 mètres et plus bas, à la périphérie de la colonie de Beit El.

    Si l’affrontement, pour reprendre la terminologie de Mordechai, a été vraiment plus houleux que le montrent ces deux enfants balançant leurs bras et lançant des pierres, alors, ce n’est pas dans la vidéo diffusée que l’on peut en trouver la preuve.

    La colonie de Beit El est nettement visible, dans toute sa splendeur, depuis l’école du camp de réfugiés de Jalazun, située sur la grande route.(...)

  • Israel helped establish 14 illegal West Bank outposts since 2011 -

    State support ranges from turning a blind eye to offering government funds ■ Review reveals system that helps clear the way for ’legalization’

    Yotam Berger Dec 25, 2017
    read more:

    Israeli authorities in September placed one of the so-called hilltop youth under house arrest at Havat Itamar Cohen – an illegal outpost in the West Bank. That’s one example, and not the only one, of how the authorities are involved in de facto legalization of illegal outposts. (The teen, who asked that his name not be published, said he’d had a falling out with the owner of the farm, who was going to beat him. A few hours later the Shin Bet security service and the army placed the teen in another, legal facility. People at the farm declined to comment.)
    To really understand Israel and the Middle East - subscribe to Haaretz
    Another example is that of Hill 387, a small illegal outpost established on state land near Kfar Adumim east of Jerusalem. At the outpost, surrounded by privately-owned Palestinian land, an NGO called Haroeh Ha’ivri (“the Hebrew Shepherd”) operates. Its official purpose is to rehabilitate violent settler teens known as hilltop youth. In fact, the association itself established the illegal outpost. Its documentation shows that it is funded solely by the Education Ministry, with an annual budget of a few hundred thousand shekels.

    Um Zuka. Olivier Fitoussi
    The Education Ministry at first denied that the NGO established the outpost, but the documents it filed with the Civil Administration show that not only did it establish the outpost illegally, it is also seeking to have it legalized retroactively.
    In 2014, Amira Hass disclosed in Haaretz that the Shomron Regional Council was behind the establishment of the illegal outpost Havat Shaharit. The Shomron Regional Council responded at the time that “the work was carried out by law and in coordination with the relevant officials.”
    Yet another illegal outpost, a kind of farm in the Umm Zuka nature reserve, was connected a few months ago to a water pipeline by a nearby Israel Defense Forces base.
    >> Settler leader used state resources to fund illegal outpost, while Israel turned blind eye <<

    Hill 387, the unauthorized West Bank settlement outpost where Jewish Shepherd operates a rehab program for teenage dropouts, in Jan. 2017.Olivier Fitoussi
    Ostensibly, after the report on illegal outposts submitted to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon by attorney Talia Sasson in 2005, no more illegal outposts were to have been established, certainly not with government assistance. The report, which revealed that the government had invested hundreds of millions of shekels directly and indirectly in the establishment of dozens of illegal outposts, was to have put an end to this phenomenon. But aerial photos and Civil Administration data show that it has not stopped, it’s only gone underground. Over the past six years illegal outposts are once more being established, some in recent months.

    Most of these outpost are hastily cobbled together, a tent or a prefab where “hilltop youth” – most of them under 18 – live off and on.
    The authorities are fighting against these outposts tooth and nail, removing them and sometimes arresting residents, among other reasons because the security forces see them as a source of violence against Palestinians. Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman seems almost pleased to order their evacuation – perhaps because they don’t have a political lobby or economic backing. Last summer, in speaking to journalists covering the West Bank, he called them “disturbed” and “idiots.”
    The law is not being enforced when it comes to the better-planned and more establishment-supported outposts; they are sometimes recognized and receive assistance and protection. Since 2011, 17 illegal outposts have been established, 14 of which are known to the Civil Administration. The way they were established shows their planning. The founders or planners examined aerial photos and the location chosen was not coincidental: They are built on government land, not privately-owned Palestinian land, which increases the chance that they will be legalized in the future. They are mainly built in fairly remote locations with a commanding view of the surroundings.
    Keep updated: Sign up to our newsletter
    Email* Sign up

    Three of them are near but not connected to existing settlements, such as the so-called “prefab neighborhood” set up near the outpost of Sde Boaz, which was evacuated about two weeks ago. Eleven outposts were set up as farms with living quarters for a few people who raise flocks or crops. No plans are known for evacuating these outposts, although they are all illegal.
    Dror Etkes, of the left-wing organization Kerem Navot, says that the founders of these outposts chose the locales and built their structures on state land so they can claim that they should not be evacuated. “They take over as much surrounding land as possible, including private land, which they steal by other means, such as cultivation or barring access [to the Palestinian landowners].” Etkes, who is in possession of Civil Administration maps, believes the settlers saw them before they established the outposts.
    At the outpost of Nahalat Yosef, east of Elon Moreh, Etkes says: “Huge surrounding areas are private, and were taken over by planting or barring access, and have very much increased the area of the outpost. It’s methodical, and they know exactly what they’re doing.”

    Umm Zuka nature reserveGil Eliyahu
    Civil Administration data obtained by Haaretz show that dozens of demolition orders have been issued against these outposts. Nine such orders were issued against Havat Itamar Cohen, and eight against Haroeh Ha’ivri. But the Civil Administration doesn’t issue demolition orders against outposts within settlement master plans, such as Neveh Ahi near the settlement of Halamish, which was established after the murder this year of the Salomon family in the unused area of where a master plan is in force.
    But the flood of demolition orders is misleading. In fact, these outposts can expect the authorities to turn a blind eye to them, if not support them outright. “Except for Sde Boaz, there are no evacuations,” said Etkes. “This is clearly sweeping immunity against enforcement of the law. Add to this all the infrastructure around it, electricity, water, road-building; this isn’t being paid for with settlers’ private money.”
    A resident of the evacuated outpost at Sde Boaz, which was established with the assistance of the regional council, told Haaretz: “They told us that the High Court had decided that it had to be dismantled. We were told there was no choice, that it could harm the settlements – so we left. We’re not hilltop youth, we’re good, law-abiding people we understood there was no point in going on.”

    West Bank outpost of Nahalat Yosef, east of Elon MorehOlivier Fitoussi
    We might learn about the future of the illegal outposts through the case of Malakhei Hashalom, a small outpost on an abandoned army base near Shiloh in the northern West Bank, with a sheep pen that is presented as a farm. Visits to the site revealed it is inhabited by one family and visited occasionally by teens. The Civil Administration has evacuated the site a few times, but according to officials familiar with the case, a few months ago it was agreed between the Civil Administration and the site that its inhabitants would evacuate it of their own free will. The state sent them trucks and they piled their belongings on them. The Civil Administration proudly touted the evacuation. But within a few weeks later the outpost was established elsewhere, with the same sheep.
    SponsoredThe Unusual Link Between Coconut Oil and Alzheimer’s

    Yotam Berger
    Haaretz Correspondent

  • Explained: How Israel is trying to break Breaking the Silence – and how it could backfire

    What happened after a former Israeli soldier confessed he assaulted an unarmed Palestinian

    Judy Maltz Nov 21, 2017
    read more:

    Following a relatively swift investigation, a former Israeli combat soldier was cleared of allegations that he assaulted an unarmed Palestinian during a tour of duty in Hebron.
    It might have been cause for celebration, had the soldier not been the one to bring the allegations against himself.
    So last week, when the State Prosecutor’s Office alleged that Dean Issacharoff, spokesman of the soldiers’ anti-occupation group Breaking the Silence, had lied about his actions, Israeli right-wing leaders naturally rejoiced.
    >> To whitewash occupation, Netanyahu crew casts Breaking the Silence whistle-blower as bogeyman | Opinion
    The findings, they claimed, were further evidence of what they have been saying for years – that Breaking the Silence is an organization of liars and traitors bent on defaming the State of Israel and the Israeli army.
    skip - IDF soldier accused of accosting Palestinian man

    Keep updated: Sign up to our newsletter
    Email* Sign up

    As Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared in a Facebook post: “Breaking the Silence lies and slanders our soldiers around the world. Today this fact received further proof, if anyone had a doubt. The truth wins out.”
    But in the latest twist in a case that has gripped the nation in recent days, Netanyahu’s declaration of victory appears to be premature.
    According to brand new evidence, the state prosecutors who pronounced Issacharoff a liar may have been investigating the wrong incident and questioning the wrong victim.

    Breaking the Silence spokesman Dean Issacharoff, who confessed in a video to beating up a Palestinian in the West Bank while in the Israeli army.Breaking the Silence
    Newly unearthed footage, broadcast on two of Israel’s most popular evening news programs Monday, suggests that the Palestinian whom Issacharoff claims to have assaulted was not the same Palestinian questioned by state investigators.

    It also appears that the Palestinian questioned by state investigators, the one who testified that Issacharoff had not assaulted him, had been referring to a completely different incident.
    In the clip, filmed three-and-a-half years ago by a Hebron resident employed by another Israeli human rights organization, Issacharoff is seen escorting a handcuffed Palestinian who appears to have bruises on his face. How he received the bruises and the circumstances of his arrest are not clear from the footage.
    An account published Tuesday morning in Haaretz by Amira Hass raises further questions about the credibility of the state prosecutors’ findings. In his first interview since the findings were published, Hassan Joulani, the Palestinian questioned by investigators about the incident, said that contrary to what state prosecutors reported, he had indeed been assaulted during his arrest – although by Border Police and not by Issacharoff.
    The blows, he said, were received during a separate incident – not the one cited by Issacharoff in the videotaped account that prompted the investigation.
    Joulani was arrested and beaten, according to this interview with him, in February 2014, during a demonstration marking the 20th anniversary of the mass murder of Palestinians at Hebron’s Cave of the Patriarchs by settler Baruch Goldstein.
    The assault reported by Issacharoff, however, took place after a routine round of stone-throwing.
    On one level, it boils down to the simple question of whether or not a former Israeli soldier lied.
    On a whole other level, however, the case of Issacharoff raises more fundamental questions about Israel’s 50-year-old occupation and its corrosive effects on society, among them: Who is to blame when soldiers serving among a hostile population in occupied territory act badly – the soldiers or the state that sent them there? Should Israeli soldiers speak out about the atrocities they witness during their service at the risk of tarnishing the image of the state? Can an investigation launched by a right-wing politician who harbors hostility toward anti-occupation organizations – in this case, Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked – really be undertaken with neutrality?

  • A yawn — that’s how most Israelis respond to land theft
    As long as it’s Palestinian land. They know that sooner or later they’ll be able to buy a dirt-cheap villa with a fantastic view on that land
    By Amira Hass | Oct. 31, 2017 | 10:00 PM

    What would have happened had unidentified individuals in Iran, France or Venezuela attacked Jewish shopkeepers and forced them to close their shops? What apologies and expressions of shock our diplomats would have demanded from the European Union, the United Nations and who knows who else. And with what glee various researchers would have drawn a graph of global hatred and been interviewed at length, with grave expressions, about the worrisome anti-Semitic characteristics – so reminiscent of a dark past – of robbing Jews of their livelihood and destroying their property.

    But for we Israelis, this rhetorical question has lost its power to educate, embarrass and shame. The fact that so many Israelis are involved in robbing so many Palestinians of their livelihood doesn’t even register on our seismographs. Those seismographs are calibrated only to record, say, agricultural thefts that were seemingly carried out by Palestinians. In contrast, all the actions we routinely carry out so that Palestinians will lose their sources of income elicit one big yawn. Listen, you can already hear it.

    This rhetorical question isn’t aimed at Israelis, because they are the potential beneficiaries of the robbery, if not the ones already benefiting from it. Here’s a small, partial, recent example: According to complementary reports by the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and two nongovernmental organizations, Rabbis for Human Rights and Yesh Din, over the past few weeks, unidentified individuals have stolen olives from more than 1,000 trees in 11 Palestinian villages in the West Bank – Azmut, Awarta, Yanun, Burin, Qaryut, Far’ata, Jit, Sinjil, Al-Magheir, Al-Jinya, Al-Khader. Moreover, unidentified individuals, who looked like Jews, assaulted harvesters from the villages of Deir al-Khattab, Burin, As-Sawiya and Kafr Kalil and drove them from their orchards.

    Aside from in Burin, where the army located some of the Jewish thieves and returned the harvest to its owners, these thefts meant that an investment of time, money and effort had gone down the drain. In most of the villages, the looting occurred in areas that outposts and settlements have ring-fenced with intimidation and violence, and where the army, in response, has penalized the Palestinians by limiting their access to their lands.

    This is how we ensure that in another few years, there will be vacant land on which to build another luxury neighborhood. The indifferent Israelis know that soon they’ll be able to buy a dirt-cheap villa with a fantastic view there. Hence they yawn.

    There is theft ostensibly perpetrated by individuals, and then there’s state theft – in the village of Al-Walaja, for example. It’s very possible that this is the last year in which the olive harvest will take place there as it should. Next year, residents will already be subject to a permit regime in order to reach their lands via an agricultural gate in the separation wall, which will be opened only when the agricultural staff officer at Israel’s Civil Administration in the West Bank decides it should be opened – for two or three months a year. In the morning it will open and close immediately, and in the evening it will be open and close immediately.

    Last Friday, a resident of Al-Walaja and Israeli volunteers from Engaged Dharma, who were helping to harvest his land, preferred to talk about things that are pleasant to talk about: the quality of the olive oil, the plump olives growing on the trees near the pool, the more wizened olives that had been harvested from the lower terrace, the glorious taste of the radishes and green onions that he grows between the trees. But next year, residents of the village will contend with strict conditions for getting a permit – conditions that contradict the Palestinians’ custom of working the land collectively, and which very likely won’t allow them to continue growing vegetables there.

    The yawners are already hiking on Al-Walaja’s lands, which have been declared a national park for rest and relaxation, for carousels and ritual immersion by Jews. And God willing, next year, when the wall’s construction has been completed, no Palestinians – the land’s legal owners – will be seen there.

    The rhetoric here makes clear why, say, a European and South American boycott of, say, Israeli agricultural produce is necessary and justified. This may be the only thing that can make Israelis stop yawning.

  • Retour de l’électricité dans un village palestinien, trois mois après la confiscation par Israël de son système électrique
    23 octobre | Amira Hass pour Haaretz |Traduction J.Ch. pour l’AURDIP

    Chaque famille du village de Jubbet Adh-Dhib a droit à seulement trois kilowattheures par jour alors qu’une association israélo-palestinienne réinstalle un système à énergie solaire hybride que lui avait pris Israël.

    L’électricité a été restituée dans les modestes maisons de pierre et de ciment du village palestinien de Jubbet Adh-Dhib, au sud-est de Bethléem. En juin dernier, l’Administration Civile avait confisqué l’installation électrique qui y fonctionnait depuis huit mois.

    Comme cela a été dit à Haaretz le jour de la confiscation par un porte-parole du Coordinateur de l’Activité Gouvernementale dans les Territoires (COGAT), la raison en était que les panneaux solaires avaient été installés sans les permis exigés. Fin septembre, les panneaux confisqués ont été rendus. Et, comme l’a écrit le chef de l’Administration Civile, le Brigadier général Ahvat Ben Hur, aux avocats qui ont présenté en août une requête contre cette confiscation, la raison est : « Etant donné les circonstances de cette affaire – tout d’abord, la période passée entre leur installation et leur confiscation - j’ai décidé de restituer immédiatement les objets saisis. » Cette décision rendait la pétition inutile.
    Dans les circonstances de cette affaire, il y a aussi le fait que le gouvernement néerlandais a financé le système électrique qui a été construit par Comet-ME ; il ne s’est pas contenté d’une protestation diplomatique contre cette confiscation. Le parlement néerlandais s’est réuni deux fois à ce sujet, comme l’a rapporté Haaretz. Au cours de ces séances, les députés ont été informés qu’à la fin juin, le premier ministre hollandais sortant, Mark Rutte, avait exprimé sa consternation au premier ministre Benjamin Netanyahu à propos de ces confiscations. Répondant aux questions des députés néerlandais à ce sujet, des ministres néerlandais ont raconté que Netanyahu avait promis par écrit de rendre les panneaux. ( Le Bureau du premier ministre n’a pas répondu à une question de Haaretz à ce sujet.)

  • « Condamner l’occupation israélienne ne suffit pas »
    Amira Hass | Publié le 6/9/2017 sur Haaretz | Traduction : Jean-Marie Flémal

    Européens, vos dénonciations sont perçues par Israël comme dénuées de caractère urgent. Ce que vous devez faire, c’est appliquer des sanctions douloureuses.

    Aux Pays-Bas, à la Belgique et à la France : Il ne suffit pas de condamner uniquement par des mots la politique de destruction menée par Israël, qui détruit des infrastructures et des habitations financées avec l’argent de vos contribuables. C’est une bonne chose que vous soyez en colère, mais le tempo de l’accumulation de votre colère est de loin inférieur au rythme effréné et dangereux des bulldozers de l’Administration civile et des Forces de défense des colonies en Cisjordanie.

    Vos condamnations sont perçues comme dénuées de caractère urgent. Vous devez entreprendre des actions réelles. Oui, des sanctions ouvertes et déclarées, qui emprunteront la voie d’une sévérité accrue. Des sanctions douloureuses. Ce peut être la dernière chance de faire bouger l’Israélien moyen, y compris les hommes d’affaires, les touristes, les juges, les universitaires, les fermiers et les consommateurs de football étranger de leur indifférence et de leur complaisance criminelle.


  • Israël saisit les salles de classes mobiles dans un village palestinien à la veille de la nouvelle année scolaire UJFP - Amira Hass - 26 Aout

    Le début de l’année scolaire dans un village de Cisjordanie a été renvoyé à dimanche après que l’Administration civile israélienne, mardi dernier, eut confisqué et détruit les caravanes censées servir de salles de classe, ainsi que les autres matériels éducatifs.

    Les autorités ont également confisqué et détruit les caravanes utilisées comme salles de classes dans trois autres communautés palestiniennes ces deux dernières semaines.

    Les cours pour les 80 élèves environ, de la première à la quatrième année, des villages de Jubbet Adh-Dhib et Zatra ont finalement été donnés sous des tentes improvisées, mercredi matin.

    Une habitante de Jubbet Adh-Dhib a déclaré à Haaretz : « Nous avons été surpris quand, dans la matinée, des élèves venant de Zatra sont venus et ont commencé à étudier sur le sol en béton ». Une tente a été montée sur place, mais elle n’était pas assez grande pour les 80 élèves, dit-elle.

    L’Administration civile, qui fait partie du ministère de la Défense, a également confisqué les caravanes et le matériel dans deux communautés bédouines de Jérusalem, et elle a publié l’ordre de démolition d’une cabane en zinc qui sert d’école dans le village de Rifa’iyeh, au sud d’Hébron.

    Selon l’Administration civile, les mobile homes – qui ont été donnés par une organisation humanitaire européenne – avaient été montés sans les permis nécessaires.

    Mardi soir, la veille de l’ouverture de l’année scolaire en Cisjordanie et à Gaza, des inspecteurs de l’Administration civile accompagnés de militaires ont fait irruption dans Jubbet Adh-Dhib, où ils ont démantelé et confisqué six caravanes qui avaient été données par une organisation humanitaire en tant que salles de classes pour les élèves de l’école primaire.

    Alors que les caravanes étaient démantelées et enlevées, les Palestiniens se sont mis à lancer des pierres sur les forces de sécurité israéliennes, qui tirèrent en l’air.

    Les quatre communautés où l’Administration civile a confisqué et démoli les salles de classes sont situées en Zone C, où Israël n’autorise pas les Palestiniens à construire et à se relier au système d’eau et d’électricité, en dépit des besoins et de la croissance naturelle de la population.

    Des organisations humanitaires internationales affirment qu’il y a environ 50 ordres de démolition israéliens en cours contre les écoles palestiniennes en Cisjordanie.

    La semaine dernière, l’Administration civile a confisqué la voiture et le camion d’un entrepreneur venu préparer un système électrique pour l’école de Jubbet Adh-Dhib.

    L’Administration a également confisqué les deux générateurs de cet entrepreneur, ainsi que sa perceuses et sa découpeuse, et placé en détention deux de ses ouvriers pendant deux heures. Les deux véhicules sont estimés à 40 000 dollars, et le matériel saisi à 4000 dollars.

    Protestation néerlandaise
    . . . . . . .
    #Ecole #Palestine #Israel #Union_Européenne #Pays_Bas #destruction

  • Israel Palestine
    Music, children’s choirs and camels in the desert

    Three years ago in Gaza, between July 21 and July 28, Israel killed (it is forbidden say murdered) 37 Palestinian children under the age of 7
    read more:

    1. My friend B. lives in Kobar. Somehow, during the four years of her young son’s life she has managed to protect him from the not-for-children narrations about the army and death, the occupation, shooting and guns. She and her husband have created an island around him, with children’s books and games, and made sure that the television, with its horrible sights, wouldn’t be turned on in his vicinity.
    Last week reality forced itself on them. Every day the army bulldozers came, made the barriers at the entrance to the village higher and wider, and deepened the wound they dug in the asphalt. Every day the residents swept aside the earth at the edges of the barriers so that their cars could pass. And when my friend passed by there in her car, with her son next to her, he wondered and asked who had made those high piles of earth. Al jish, the army, she replied. He at first thought she had said the jag (the hen) and was very confused. And then she had to tell him what the army is, whose army it is, and why they’re against everyone large and small.
    Comment 1: If until now B. was able to protect her son from the violent lexicon created by the Settlements Defense Forces, that says something about the relative quiet in the village of Kobar (despite pinpoint raids to detain residents). But almost a week of nighttime raids, with dozens of soldiers deploying among the houses, beating residents, firing stun grenades and tear gas and rubber-coated metal bullets, reminded them that the relative quiet is deceptive.
    Comment 2: The Shin Bet security services and the Israel Defense Forces were the subjects of exaggerated praise this week. Their stand concerning the metal detectors at the entrances to the Temple Mount did in fact prove that they understand the overall picture. In other words, the collective revenge campaign that they carried out last week in Kobar did not stem from a lack of understanding or knowledge that the harassment of the entire village and the persecution of all its residents would only give rise to more anger, even among those who are opposed to the attack in the West Bank settlement of Halamish or have reservations about it. This collective revenge is not a case of shooting from the hip. It’s part of the plan. Part of the logic of control. You escalate, you incite, you detain more young people, you scare more children to create more reasons for preventive activities and oppression, and to maintain the apparatus.
    2. T., a sweet boy of 11, joined me during my visits to several of the families in Kobar whose homes the army had invaded. In a short lull between their testimonies he said: “He proved himself a man, Omar al-Abed” (who killed three members of the Salomon family in Halamish). I asked T.: “So do you mean to say that all of you, all the rest of the Palestinians, aren’t men?” T. was somewhat confused. “No, of course that’s not what I mean,” he said.

    Israeli forces near the site of the attack in the West Bank settlement of Halamish and assailant Omar al-Abed, July 21, 2017.
    Keep updated: Sign up to our newsletter
    Email* Sign up

    Comment: The words expressing understanding of al-Abed’s motives shouldn’t allow us to forget two facts: Relative to the intensity and duration of the injustice in which they live, very few Palestinians have chosen or are choosing al-Abed’s path. On the other hand, tens of thousands of Israelis (correct me if necessary, maybe actually hundreds of thousands?) were and are directly involved in the killing (we are forbidden to call it murder) of Palestinians; not to mention all the other things we inflict on them.
    3. Noor, Malak, Miar and Dareen sing in the Amwaj choir. They’re about 12 years old. We met in the most unexpected place: the desert. A procession of camels was marching towards the sunset. The plucking of the strings in Beethoven’s Eighth Symphony and the strains of the piccolo from Ravel’s Bolero wafted above the row of plastic chairs placed on the sand.
    The Amwaj (Waves) choir in Bethlehem and the Ramallah Orchestra, founded by the Al Kamandjati Conservatory, are offering a series of concerts for the general public, conducted by Diego Masson. The concert, which was supposed to take place on Friday in Dar Al Tifl (The Child’s Home) in Jerusalem, was canceled because of the circumstances. Ramzi Abu Radwan, founder of Al Kamandjati and a native of the Al-Amari refugee camp, immediately phoned Abu Ismail.
    Abu Ismail heads the Bedouin Hospitality and Desert Excursions agency for those touring the desert, east of his village Arab al-Rashayida, south of Bethlehem. He immediately said, “Of course, play here.” The next day. The Kamandjati sound and lighting technicians worked all day on installing the systems and making sure they functioned. Girls from the Bedouin village, ages 3 to 12, sat fascinated on the plastic chairs and blended in with the aural and visual miracle taking place before their eyes. On Sunday the concert took place as planned in the Bethlehem Convention Palace. And on Monday, it will be held in the Ramallah Municipal Theater.

    The Amwaj (Waves) choir and the Ramallah Orchestra perform in the desert south of Bethlehem, July 29, 2017.Amira Hass
    4. The Amwaj choir includes 30 girls and boys from Hebron and 30 from the Bethlehem area, including villages and refugee camps. It began taking shape about three years ago. There are no auditions, all that’s required is a commitment to eight hours of study a week, and summer courses. At present there are 25 boys and 35 girls in the choir. The youngest singer is a 6-year-old girl.
    5. Three years ago, between July 21 and July 28, we killed (we are forbidden to call it murdered) 37 Palestinian children in the Gaza Strip between the ages of several months and 6 years. Next to the name of each toddler we killed (and who are included in the B’Tselem list of 546 children we killed in the 2014 onslaught), there is a dry notation: “Did not participate in the fighting.”
    Comment. We no longer like to dirty our hands with blood. We’re experts at killing (we are forbidden to call it murdering) from a distance, with high-tech gadgets, at most with rifles and pistols. That way it’s not sickening. Not disgusting. Not horrifying.