person:amira hass

  • Cisjordanie : coups et gaz lacrymogènes serait à l’origine de la mort du ministre palestinien
    Le Monde.fr avec AFP | 11.12.2014
    http://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2014/12/11/cisjordanie-coups-et-gaz-lacrymogenes-a-l-origine-de-la-mort-d-abou-ein_4538

    L’autopsie pratiquée à l’institut médicolégal d’Abou Dis, en Cisjordanie occupée, de Ziad Abou Ein, mort mercredi, a montré que le haut responsable palestinien avait succombé aux coups portés par des soldats israéliens et aux gaz lacrymogènes qu’il a inhalés, selon Hussein Al-Sheikh, ministre des affaires civiles. D’après l’équipe mixte de médecins jordanien, palestinien et israélien qui a examiné le corps, « les occupants (ont) empêché qu’il soit transporté à l’hôpital à temps pour être sauvé », a-t-il précisé.

    http://seenthis.net/messages/320779

    • Communiqué : La mort de Ziyad Abu Eïn
      http://www.lapaixmaintenant.org
      /Communique-La-mort-de-Ziyad-Abu
      mis en ligne le 11 décembre 2014

      Ziyad Abu Eïn n’était pas inconnu du camp de la Paix. Membre du Comité central du Fatah, ancien directeur général du ministère palestinien des Prisonniers, puis responsable de la Communication au sein de l’Autorité palestinienne, il a été membre du Comité de pilotage des Accords de Genève. À ce titre, il avait fait partie de la délégation israélo-palestinienne invitée en France par La Paix Maintenant en juin 2004, pour les promouvoir. En compagnie de Giora Inbar, général de brigade en retraite, ils étaient intervenus conjointement à Paris, Tours, Angers, Rennes et, à la demande de la municipalité, à Saint-Denis.

      Il était de ces combattants de la cause palestinienne qui avaient fait le choix d’une solution politique et de la recherche d’une paix juste et équitable avec Israël pour unique solution au conflit, dans la reconnaissance des droits des deux peuples.

      Sa mort est un drame pour sa famille. Elle est également lourde de conséquences. La rupture de la coopération sécuritaire qui s’ensuit, si elle était confirmée, ne serait que l’une d’elles, et non la moindre.

  • Why is Israel preventing rights experts from entering #Gaza?
    By Amira Hass | Dec. 8, 2014
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.630618

    Israel prevented experts from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch from entering the Gaza Strip during Operation Protective Edge, and it still is preventing them. As a result, no independent professionals (for example, a certain retired British military officer) have been able to check in real time the army’s claims and versions; for example, about weapons caches or firing near or from inside UN buildings.

    If the Israel Defense Forces and its legal advisers were so sure they were adhering to international law, why were they scared to let these experts enter Gaza – alongside the many journalists who were allowed in?

    It could very well be that every word in the IDF spokesman’s recent statement on the decision to investigate “exceptional incidents that occurred during Operation Protective Edge” is truthful. But these words – true or not – are just a veneer covering the problematic layers of Protective Edge and all Israeli military operations against the Palestinians.

    The IDF, its lawyers and its commanders hold a monopoly on information from Israeli theaters of war because of the IDF’s technological superiority. So they also hold a monopoly on concealing information, telling untruths and dismissing the findings of Palestinian and Israeli human rights groups – and of course on ignoring Hamas’ claims.

    They can claim that their information – which they gather through the Coordination and Liaison Administration for Gaza and its large collaborator network – is precise due to the sophisticated means of observation and location, and the abundant data gathered by the Civil Administration and the army of collaborators.

    This monopoly on information and the sophisticated methods for gathering it lets the IDF choose a few “exceptional” cases in order to portray the rest as proper and passing an objective self-examination.

    The IDF has decided to conduct a criminal investigation into the bombing that killed the entire Abu Jama family in Bani Suheila. But as rights group B’Tselem has found, 72 IDF bombings of populated buildings killed 547 people, including 125 women under the age of 60, 250 minors and 29 men and women over 60. Of course, this doesn’t mean the rest (men under 60) were a “legitimate target.” What makes the bombing of the Abu Jamas manslaughter and the rest appropriate?

  • The goal: to expel as many Palestinians from their land as possible -
    Forced relocation plan decrees overcrowding for West Bank Bedouin. Nearby Jewish settlements, meanwhile, sprawl free.
    By Amira Hass | Dec. 8, 2014 |Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/middle-east/.premium-1.630522

    Pages upon pages came out of the fax machine at the Civil Administration’s Central Planning Bureau on Wednesday. They contained objections to the establishment of a Bedouin township to be named Talet Nueima (in Hebrew, Ramat Nueima) north of Jericho, which is slated for 12,500 people. This comes on top of objections sent in by registered mail and email.

    The Civil Administration subcommittee that deals with such objections will have to read more than 200 objections. Opponents of the plan include Bedouin from the Kaabneh and Jahalin tribes, whom the Civil Administration plans to expel from their homes and resettle in the township together with the Rashaida tribe which is already based in the area. Jericho and nearby Palestinian villages object to the plan as well.

    The objectors are represented by the Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center; Bimkom – Planners for Planning Rights; the Association for Civil Rights in Israel; and attorneys Sliman Shahin, Basem Karajeh, Tawfek Jabarin and Shlomo Lecker.

    An oft-repeated objection is that the Civil Administration drafted the Talet Nueima plan without consulting the Bedouin or the Palestinian communities in the area, and without taking their needs into consideration.

    Dozens of private individuals and activists in Israel/Palestine and abroad have also sent in standard objections to the plan.

    The Hebrew standard objection states, among other things, that: “The plan disregards the cultural characteristics of Bedouin society – including the division of the family complex, to which entrance is highly restricted.” The objections note that the families “take great care to guard their privacy, and the privacy of women in particular.”

    According to this argument: “Allowing this part of their culture to exist requires spatial planning that completely contradicts what the plan contains. Instead of small two-family lots of a half dunam each, the lots must be much larger and include a residential portion alongside a large area that will let family members keep their flocks near their places of residence.” This means at least three dunams (0.7 acres), instead of a quarter dunam, per family.

    The plan was preceded by the state’s decades-old policy of uprooting the Bedouin in the West Bank (most of them refugees expelled from the Negev after 1948) by reducing the space available to them, demolishing their shacks and blocking their access to water and markets. The Civil Administration even considers the tarps that protect them from the rain illegal construction and confiscates them.

    To solve the problem of the Bedouin’s subhuman living conditions, which as everybody knows came out of the blue, along comes the compassionate Talet Nueima plan (which is comprised of four detailed master plans and two additional plans for roads).

    In a letter to attorney Shlomo Lecker, Capt. Yaniv Ya’ari, a consulting officer in the military legal adviser’s office in the West Bank, wrote: “The plan ... was prepared to create a suitable planning solution that took the population’s needs into account ... in accordance with proper planning principles .... Contrary to your claim, several meetings and hearings have taken place in recent years in which your clients and you were given full opportunity to have your say to present alternative solutions for the area’s inhabitants – the members of the Bedouin population.

    According to Ya’ari, “As far as we are concerned, the fact that these talks did not result in agreements is no indication of unwillingness to include the community in the planning process, but only of the regional authorities’ position that the rationale and planning of the proposed programs was preferable to those that you proposed.”

    The objection by Bimkom reveals significant shortcomings in planning (on top of the original sin of forced relocation).

    It’s possible these shortcomings are innocent mistakes – such as the assumption that the Bedouin’s basic organizational unit is the nuclear, not the extended family, or that the size of the average Bedouin nuclear family is 5.6 people, not the actual 7.1. It’s also possible that because of human error, there are crude discrepancies in the various parts of the plan, which also includes the demolition of already-existing homes of the Rashaida tribe.

    Plans ‘lack of sensitivity’

    But is the planning of a very wide road right through a village, to be used mainly for military purposes (access to the nearby army base or training ground) a mistake?

    Bimkom says this road “embodies the plan’s lack of sensitivity and brings into sharp focus the plan’s functionalist aspect, which justifies the substandard planning that forces the Bedouin, with their families and flocks, to crowd into closed and narrow boxes stuck close together, and puts a military road, on which weapons of war will be traveling, in the middle.”

    Are the tiny lots allocated for the construction of public buildings a “mistake” as well? According to Bimkom experts, the plan allocates 3.4 square meters of public buildings per person: roughly one-third of the 10 square meters accepted for ultra-Orthodox Jewish families – and ultra-Orthodox and Bedouin families are about the same size.

    By comparison, the new plans for the two settlements in the area has set aside several times more space for public buildings: 80.7 square meters per person in Beit Ha’arava and 449 (!) square meters per person in Almog’s new neighborhood.

    This “mistake” reflects the Civil Administration’s raison d’etre and activity in the West Bank: to expel as many Palestinians as possible from as much Palestinian land as possible. Then crowd them into as tiny an area as possible to give Jews as much space, comfort, convenience and quality of life as possible.

  • No matter how far right Israel moves, Abbas stays the course - Palestinian leader’s gradualist strategy, blocking nonviolent protest against occupation, is endlessly adaptable to Israeli radicalization.
    By Amira Hass | Dec. 5, 2014 |Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.630120

    The growing extremism in Israel and the assumption that the next government will be even more rightist and extreme than the outgoing one are not likely to change the Palestinian leadership’s positions and tactics. Nor is the prevalent assumption that the caretaker government will take a harsher line against the Palestinians expected to encourage the leadership in Ramallah to change the rules that have developed over the 21 years of the Oslo process.

    Since Yigal Amir murdered Yitzhak Rabin in 1995, the Palestinian leadership has distinguished between the Israeli government and the public, believing Israelis to be peace seekers. Now the Palestinian leadership recognizes that most Jewish Israelis have rightist or extreme rightist inclinations. This constitutes a dramatic change in the discourse at the top.

    Palestinian Authority Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki predicted that the changes in Israel will bring other states or parliaments to recognize the Palestinian state. In an interview with the official daily Al Ayyam this week, Maliki said the Palestinian leadership will continue efforts to have the UN Security Council set a timetable to end the occupation.

    Palestinian official Saeb Erekat, who attended a debate organized by Masarat – the Palestinian Center for Policy Research and Strategic Studies in Ramallah, also spoke of the diplomatic UN track. This includes bringing the occupation to UN votes and getting the nearly 200 states that have signed the Geneva Convention to take up the Palestinian issue.

    He said Palestinian officials were engaged in talks with France about advancing the latter’s initiative to set principles for ending the occupation and concluding peace negotiations within two years.

    According to the Masarat report, participants noted the contradiction between setting a schedule to conclude the negotiations and setting a schedule in the United Nations to end the occupation. The two senior officials in fact spoke of contradictory tracks. The Palestinians see negotiations as synonymous with preserving the status quo, postponing any decisions and giving up on real international pressure on Israel.

    On the other hand, the diplomatic route – “setting a timetable to end the occupation” – as is practiced by the Palestinian leadership, excludes other ways of defying the occupation that would bind the leadership and public.

    The policy led by PA President Mahmoud Abbas is based on several foundations. These include running the PA and its institutions as the “state in progress”; dependence on international – mainly Western – assistance and faith in the United States’ support for establishing a Palestinian state; an authoritarian government that restricts criticism; opposing any military escalation and the use of arms against the occupation; paying lip service to an unarmed popular struggle while in fact restricting it and promoting a diplomatic strategy in the United Nations and the world.

    These foundations fit in with the Palestinians’ adjustment to living in the enclaves (areas A and B in the West Bank and Gaza) and bolster the de facto renunciation of East Jerusalem and Area C (which includes the settlements). Combined, the foundations are conducive to a high level of adjustment – of both the official leadership and the public – to any Israeli right-wing radicalization.

    The Palestinian public is skeptical about its leadership’s goals and intentions. The question always hovering in the air is whether Abbas’ diplomatic strategy is intended to end the occupation, or to prolong the PA life and justify its existence, with all the perks for the ruling strata that this involves.

    The same questions were posed regarding the leadership’s long-standing adherence to the negotiations with Israel, even after reaching the conclusion that Israel was using the talks not to reach an agreement but to expand the annexation and thwart a Palestinian state.

    Pinning hopes on diplomacy, UN

    Indeed, the Palestinian leadership is pinning its hopes on diplomacy and the United Nations. It is striving to take the “Palestinian cause” (rather, the problem of Israeli occupation and oppression) out of the bilateral Israeli-Palestinian route and return it to the international arena. So every ceremonial vote on recognizing its statehood is presented as a great Palestinian achievement.

    The leadership believes the diplomatic course is working and advancing the Palestinians toward statehood. At the same time, the diplomatic strategy is a substitute for unarmed civilian rebellion in the occupied territories.

    Advancing a diplomatic strategy while maintaining ambiguity about resuming the negotiations with Israel enables the PA to continue to receive international assistance, albeit reduced. The assistance balances and neutralizes the economic and humanitarian disasters caused by the occupation and its draconian restrictions on freedom of movement between the West Bank and Gaza and the use of Palestinian territory and natural resources.

    The financial assistance softens and contains the impact of poverty and unemployment. The money also enables the Western states to make do with verbal warnings to Israel, while refraining from actually imposing sanctions on it.

    The international funds maintain the Palestinian middle classes and public sector that are directly and indirectly affiliated with the PA. Like the official leadership, these groups know full well that civilian rebellion will bring an end to their lifestyle, which includes freedom of movement in the West Bank and travel abroad, leisure activities, study options, social and political gatherings, limited economic enterprises and more.

    Such a way of life is based on basic human rights. But since the PA is in fact a protectorate that depends on Israel, Israel holds this way of life hostage, seeing these human rights as “gestures” that depend, as in prison, on the prisoners’ good behavior.

    Any changes the Palestinians can make in the long overdue Oslo agreements to reflect their resistance to the occupation will evoke immediate Israeli retaliation against the Palestinian leaders and the normal lifestyle of the middle class, which is the authority’s backbone. Such changes by the PA may include ending the security coordination with the IDF and Shin Bet, building in Area C, drilling for water in the western areas of the West Bank or organizing mass processions to Jerusalem headed by Palestinian elders.

    So the PA leadership’s declarations about continuing the diplomatic course in the United Nations should be seen in the shadow of a collective Israeli revenge and the prospect of the PA’s collapse. The UN diplomatic course indicates that even when an extreme-right wing is taking over in Israel, the Palestinian leadership is still adhering to the reality created by the Oslo process.

  • How easy it is to prevent escalation in Jerusalem
    Palestinians are generous when they attribute Israel’s policies to the stupidity of its leaders.
    By Amira Hass | Dec. 1, 2014 | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.629286

    Almost every conversation in East Jerusalem over the past few weeks has ended with the statement: “They are stupid” – meaning the Israeli government is stupid to behave in such-and-such a way toward Palestinian Jerusalem. If they would just make it easier to obtain construction permits, they say, if they would add just a few percentage points to the budget, if they would not beat demonstrators so savagely, if they did not trump up traffic violations, for example, then the clashes would not spread like wildfire.

    This is the consecutive third week with no age restriction on people attending Friday prayers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque, and everything went quietly. Got that? No humiliations and restrictions, no rioting.

    The definition of the government’s actions as stupid is a fairly common act of generosity on the part of Palestinians, the generosity of the native-born. It is the generosity of those who are well planted in the villages and neighborhoods that have turned into slums, sealed ghettos; neighborhoods that are a mixture of wide roads for the Jews, open areas where Palestinian construction is prohibited, kitschy villas and ordinary apartments that cost 400,000 dollars, because the housing shortage is so severe. If you are Palestinian, that is.

    Stupidity is beyond the control of the stupid person. The poor fellow was born that way. Stupid people can be replaced and their stupid actions set right. Those who say “this is stupidity” do not say it is malice; those who diagnose stupidity do not say it is a premeditated crime. It is a demonstration of generosity when the words used to describe Israel’s policy in East Jerusalem have run out. How many times can we say apartheid, discrimination, silent transfer, expulsion, racism, exclusion, dispossession, assault, impoverishment, weakening?

    Stupidity? Here are a few fundamentals of Israel’s policy in Jabal Mukkaber:

    In 1967, the village of A-Sawahra was divided into two parts. One portion remained inside the West Bank, while its western portion (including Jabal Mukkaber) was included within Jerusalem’s borders and annexed to Israel. But the inhabitants continued to be members of the same tribe, marry within the tribe and bury their dead in the same cemetery on the western side.

    In 1993, traffic restrictions and checkpoints began to divide the eastern portion of the village from its western part. Since 2000 and after the construction of the separation fence, the barrier between members of the tribe and members of the same families has become hermetic.

    As the BIMKOM – Planners for Planning Rights nonprofit organization wrote in its survey of East Jerusalem’s neighborhoods, Jabal Mukkaber is under the most extreme construction restrictions of all the Palestinian neighborhoods of East Jerusalem. Most of the area is off-limits for construction, and in the few places where it is allowed, no building permits are issued. The amount of open areas (not slated for development) set by the plans that apply to the neighborhood is exceptional, even compared to other East Jerusalem neighborhoods. The planned system of roads is so meager that it leaves most of the neighborhood utterly inaccessible.

    In the western Sawahra neighborhood, which is close to the separation barrier, only one-quarter of the area is zoned for residential purposes. The housing shortage is so severe that young people are postponing their wedding dates or remaining in their parents’ homes. The areas slated for expropriation from Sawahra for the purpose of paving the eastern ring road, most of whose users will not be from the neighborhood (read: Jews), are larger than the total area of the neighborhood’s roads.

    On top of the expropriations carried out in the 1970s for constructing the East Talpiot neighborhood, Nof Tzion, a well-planned, well-kept settlement for Jews only, was built a decade ago in the heart of the neglected half-village of Jabal Mukkaber. The planning goes back to the 1980s. Fifty dunams (some 12 acres) were originally under Jewish ownership. Sixty-five dunams (16 acres) of land were expropriated from Jabal Mukkaber for the large neighborhood, which would be suitable for the waves of immigration from the former Soviet Union. The buildings are six stories high – about 130 percent of construction – while the Palestinians on the other side are allowed only 25 percent, or two floors.

    There is no stupidity here. This is a crime of discrimination being committed deliberately, with malice aforethought. It is no invention of Benjamin Netanyahu or Nir Barkat or Naftali Bennett. The intellectual property rights belong to the governments of Labor and the “moderate” Likud.

    To say that the Israeli governments are stupid after 50 years – or almost 70 years – of living under their rule is an act of psychological repression, with a bit of hope for redress. The last thing that can be said of the country’s leaders and high officials is that they are stupid. To say that we, the Jews, are stupid is to throw us a last rope of rescue from ourselves and our policies.

    Expired tear gas

    Residents of Isawiyah and Jabal Mukkaber noticed that the canisters of tear gas that the Israel Police generously have been firing at them to subdue their demonstrations were stamped with the date 2005. Text on the canisters also read that they were suitable for use five years from the date of manufacture. So they fear that the tear gas is even more harmful than usual and will damage their health and that of their children, sick people, elderly people and pregnant women, particularly when it is fired among the residential buildings.

    But the Israel Police, in its response to Haaretz, wanted to reassure the worried targets of the tear gas: “The expiration date written on the gas canisters does not refer to the gas that is used, but instead to other parts of the canister.” The police say further that the gas does no harm, but merely causes irritation of the mucous membranes.

  • Comme j’ai entendu pleurer Meyer Habib à la Radio ce matin à l’issu du débat sur la reconnaissance de la Palestine qu’il considère comme un crime contre Israël en particulier et contre l’humanité en général, j’ai repris une de mes archives (en ce moment, je les classe !) qui date de janvier 2009, un petite histoire simple qui se passe à Gaza et qui est raconté sobrement ici, par notre amie Amira hass :

    Wounded Gaza family lay bleeding for 20 hours

    05/01/2009
    By Amira Hass

    Three hours after the Israel Defense Forces began their ground operation in the Gaza Strip, at about 10:30 P.M. Saturday night, a shell or missile hit the house owned by Hussein al A’aiedy and his brothers. Twenty-one people live in the isolated house, located in an agricultural area east of Gaza City’s Zeitoun neighborhood. Five of them were wounded in the strike: Two women in their eighties (his mother and aunt), his 14-year-old son, his 13-year-old niece and his 10-year-old nephew.

    Twenty hours later, the wounded were still bleeding in a shed in the courtyard of the house. There was no electricity, no heat, no water. Their relatives were with them, but every time they tried to leave the courtyard to fetch water, the army shot at them.

    Al A’aiedy tried to summon help on his cell phone, but Gaza’s cell phone network is collapsing. Shells have hit transponders, there is no electricity and no diesel fuel to run the generators. Every time the telephone works, it is a minor miracle.

    At about noon Sunday, Al A’aiedy finally managed to reach S., who called me. There was nothing else that S., who lives nearby, could do.

    I had known Al A’aiedy for eight years, and I called Physicians for Human Rights. They called the IDF’s liaison office to ask it to arrange to have the wounded evacuated. That was shortly after noon - and as of press time, the liaison office had still not called PHR back.

    Meanwhile, someone else had managed to reach the Red Crescent Society. It called the Red Cross and asked it to coordinate the evacuation of the wounded with the IDF. That was at 10:30 A.M. - and as of press time Sunday night, the Red Cross had still not been able to do so.

    While I was on the phone with PHR, at about noon, H. called. He just wanted to report: Two children, Ahmed Sabih and Mohammed al-Mashharawi, aged 10 and 11, had gone up on the roof of their Gaza City house to heat water over a fire. There is no electricity or gas, so fire is all that remains.

    Tanks are spitting shells, helicopters are raining fire, warplanes are causing earthquakes. But it is still hard for people to grasp that heating water has become no less dangerous than joining Hamas’ military wing.

    An IDF missile hit the two boys, killing Ahmed and seriously wounding Mohammed. Later Sunday, an Internet news site reported that both had died. But H.’s cell phone was not answering, so I could not verify that report.

    And there was no point in trying H.’s land line: A bomb destroyed his neighborhood’s entire phone system on Saturday. The target was a print shop (yet another of the IDF’s “military” targets). Its owner, a retired UNRWA employee, had invested his entire pension in the shop.

    In B.’s neighborhood, the bombs hit the water mains, so she has had no water since yesterday morning. “I’m already used to coping without electricity,” she said. “There’s no television, but I hear what happens from friends who call. One friend called from Lebanon, another from Haifa. And Ramallah. But without water, how will we manage?”

    A. offered his own take on the situation: “I keep the children away from the windows because the F-16s are in the air; I forbid them to play below because it’s dangerous. They’re bombing us from the sea and from the east, they’re bombing us from the air. When the telephone works, people tell us about relatives or friends who were killed. My wife cries all the time. At night she hugs the children and cries. It’s cold and the windows are open; there’s fire and smoke in open areas; at home there’s no water, no electricity, no heating gas.

    And you [the Israelis] say there’s no humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Tell me, are you normal?”

    #gaza

  • ▶ L’Invitée de l’AFPS : Amira Hass, journaliste à Ha’aretz - YouTube

    Entre autre parce que j’aime beaucoup Amira Hass

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G2p-MtIA4mc

    Ajoutée le 9 déc. 2013

    Amira Hass, née en 1956 à Jérusalem, est une journaliste et auteure israélienne, surtout connue pour ses colonnes dans le quotidien Ha’aretz. Elle vit en Cisjordanie après avoir habité à Gaza et elle rapporte les événements du conflit israélo-palestinien depuis les territoires palestiniens.

    Amira a débuté sa carrière à Ha’aretz en 1989, et a commencé à informer depuis les territoires palestiniens en 1991. En 2003, elle était la seule journaliste israélienne juive à vivre parmi les Palestiniens, à Gaza depuis 1993 et à Ramallah depuis 1997.

    Elle a publié deux ouvrages tirés de ses expériences successives : ’Boire la mer à Gaza’ et ’Correspondante à Ramallah’, tous deux parus en France aux éditions La Fabrique.

    #israël #palestine #amira_hass

  • In Jerusalem, the Israeli tormentor whines
    The question isn’t why firecrackers are being thrown in East Jerusalem, but what are the aims of a government that systematically beats down and harasses a population.
    By Amira Hass | Nov. 10, 2014 Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.625527

    East Jerusalem is a battered and tortured city. And the master doing the beating and inflicting the torture rubs his hands contentedly since, once again, he’s been able to get his fellow masters abroad and in the media to be shocked by the violence of the beaten ones and to ignore the nonstop terror attacks that he commits.

    East Jerusalem under Israeli domination for nearly half a century is a city haunted by violence. State violence. To calculate the proper dosage of new draconian laws, cement blocks and stinking water [to “quell riots”] our experts measure and weigh why there is unrest now in East Jerusalem and break down the reasons as follows: 13 percent is due to the population paying municipal taxes without receiving municipal services; 12 percent, to a shortage of classrooms and housing while land is appropriated for building roads and housing for Jews; 17 percent, to Jews with an overt pogrom-type syndrome who settle in the middle of one’s home; and 58 percent, to Al Aqsa. In short, it’s all due to incitement. If not for the incitement quiet would prevail in East Jerusalem and the master could continue to hurt, torture, beat, rob, torment, and enjoy himself.

    One other way the abuser derives pleasure is by talking at length about the violence carried out by the abused. So we’ll do the opposite and talk at length about the abuse.

    The master abuses, and hundreds of thousands of Jews who live in the city and profit from the abuse act as if they don’t see or know about it, as if it has nothing to do with them.

    Intentional abuse

    The question isn’t why is there unrest in East Jerusalem, but what are the aims of the government that for nearly half a century has been torturing, beating, abusing and robbing – and in the past 20 years, under the cover of a peace process, has only intensified its terror attacks against the population under its domination. The country’s leaders are no dummies. Nor are they inexperienced in the ways of oppression. They know that action X results in consequences Y and Z. They know that they are creating an intolerable situation for the native, non-Jewish population.

    The answer to the question is clear, and is no earth-shattering revelation. If you purposely create an intolerable situation, your aim is to cause people to decide to go live somewhere else where their situation will be tolerable, perhaps good or even very good. In short, over the years, the Israeli governments and Jerusalem municipal governments, whether Labor or Likud, hoped and aimed to get the Palestinians to vanish from our sight and from the city.

    Palestinian resistance

    But the Palestinians in Jerusalem didn’t go along with the plan. They’re not leaving. Or at least not in the kind of numbers that would satisfy the demography wizards. And not only are they not going away, they’re disturbing the peace. Hundreds of brave, heroic children and youths are putting their lives on the line and clashing with the security forces to try to remind the world that for the past half century they have been living under a foreign, hostile, oppressive and abusive rule. Dozens more occasionally throw stones at Jews, whom they see as representing that part of the city’s population that isn’t lifting a finger to put an end to the abuse. A few, driven by a desire for revenge, have rammed into Jews with their vehicles in suicide terror attacks.

    Over the past 20 years, Israel has added a political tool to its repertoire of devices designed for abuse: the isolation of East Jerusalem from the population of the West Bank and Gaza and a prohibition preventing the official leadership from operating in the city (through the closing of PLO institutions and a ban on political and cultural activity, claiming it is sponsored by the Palestinian Authority). Like many colonialists before it, Israel figures that by fragmenting the population this way and neutralizing its leadership, it will weaken its power of resistance. This system is working so far, and enabling Israel to stick to the status quo of continually altering the situation for the sake of Greater Israel. But there’s a reason why East Jerusalem isn’t following the Israeli blueprint.

    Unlike the enclaves of the West Bank and Gaza, where there is an illusion of sovereignty and a Palestinian subcontractor, a governmental buffer that separates the abuser-occupier from the population, in “united” Jerusalem, the Palestinians live directly under the Israeli boot. This policy has led to the impoverishment of most of the East Jerusalem population, caused many from the middle class to leave and led to a relative uniformity in the living conditions of its inhabitants. There’s no longer much difference between the Shoafat refugee camp and the village of Issawiya with all its (stolen) lands.

    Why Al Aqsa?

    And Jerusalem also happens to be the site of Haram a-Sharif, the Noble Sanctuary of the Al Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock, a religious and emotional magnet that, also in the absence of charismatic leaders, serves as a national symbol to those who see no political horizon. The holy site is also a religious symbol for another billion and a half people in the world. Which is why it is such a source of strength and power for the small native people that Israel is doing its utmost to dispossess of all concrete and symbolic assets. All East Jerusalemites – including those who oppose revenge attacks and cloaking resistance in religious terms – have become the guardians of the holy compound. And the holy compound is their guardian.

  • « Pourquoi les médias accordent plus de valeur à la vie des enfants israéliens qu’à celle des enfants palestiniens ? » - Rania Khalek - The Electronic Intifada

    http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/rania-khalek/why-do-media-value-israeli-childrens-lives-more-those-palestinia

    Sur @OrientXXI http://orientxxi.info/lu-vu-entendu/israel-palestine-le-prix-de-la,0279

    Dans un article publié par le quotidien Haaretz du 28 mai (« The Israeli-Palestinian balance of brutality »), la journaliste Amira Hass revient sur le prix payé par les enfants palestiniens et israéliens, sur les souffrances humaines des deux côtés, mais aussi sur l’inégalité de situation entre un camp et l’autre.

  • Jews, Camps, and the Red Cross

    A mini-controversy has broken out over a new research paper that analyzes four detention camps Israel ran during and after the 1948 war. There the Israelis held some 5000 Palestinians, who were subject to forced labor, beatings, torture, and ritual humiliations. Writing in Haaretz, Amira Hass cites the testimony of one former inmate, who claims that prisoners were lined up and ordered to strip naked as a punishment for the escape of two prisoners at night. [Jewish] adults and children came from the nearby #kibbutz to watch us line up naked and laugh. To us this was most degrading.

    http://coreyrobin.com/2014/11/02/jews-camps-and-the-red-cross

    #camp_de_détention #travail_forcé #Palestine #Israël #humiliation
    cc @reka

  • Otherwise occupied / The genius of Israeli evil: It poses as concern
    How to murder human beings without using an explosive or a knife, how to empty them from within, how to steal from workers of the land the thing they hold most dear
    By Amira Hass | Oct. 27, 2014 | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.622892

    Israeli evil is not at all banal. Abundant in inventions and innovations as well as in age-old techniques, it trickles like water and bursts out from hidden places. But unlike floods, it does not reach an end, and it affects some while being invisible, undetectable and non-existent for others. The genius of Israeli evil is in its ability to disguise itself as compassion and concern (thus providing Bernard-Henri Lévy and Elie Wiesel with yet another opportunity to praise the Jewish state in widely-read essays).

    Take, for example, the inventive technique of Israeli agriculture: two to five days per year of cultivating the land. A shmita (sabbatical) for land every year, instead of remaining idle every seven years. It does so 360 days each year. Our compassionate and generous army allows tens of thousands of Palestinians living in the West Bank to work their land for only three or four or five days per year in order to protect them from attacks by Israelis, colonizers, settlers – in short, Jews. For the rest of the year, the land is a mirage.

    Take, for instance, the village of Deir el-Hatab. The settlement of Elon Moreh and its outposts dominate about half of its 12,000 dunams (some 3,000 acres). Because of the proximity to the settlement, the village’s farmers are not permitted to cultivate about 6,000 dunams of their land, nor are they permitted to walk there, graze flocks, rotate crops, plow, weed, watch birds or transmit their family’s accumulated knowledge to the young generation. They may go there only two or three days a year to pick the olives that Allah made to sprout with his rain and that unknown Israelis did not manage to steal.

    Evil also excels at being patient. It knows that land whose owners do not access it for 360 days a year does not disappear. It becomes, de facto, land belonging to the master who loves nature and hikes and grazing flocks, just as our ancestors did.

    As is written on the sign beside the road leading out of Elon Moreh: “May it be Your will, our God and God of our ancestors, that you lead us in peace and guide our footsteps in peace ... and rescue us from the hand of every foe, ambush and highwaymen and all manner of calamity along the way,” (an excerpt from the Jewish travelers’ prayer.)

    Take Deir el-Hatab and multiply it by ... how many? Seven villages? A hundred? Add in the spring of Deir el-Hatab, the water source that the grandmothers of the village’s grandmothers enjoyed and used. It has now become a pool for ritual immersion and a place to relax for Jews only, by the side of the Palestinian-free road leading to Elon Moreh. Multiply it by dozens more springs that have suffered a similar fate.

    Put everything together and you get another innovative technique from the producers of Israeli evil: How to murder human beings without using an explosive or a knife, how to empty them from within, how to steal from workers of the land the thing they hold most dear – not only their livelihood and their children’s future, but also the deeply-rooted relationship of love they have with their homeland, which exists without satanic verses or eye-rolling or generous subsidies from the Jewish Agency’s Settlement Department.

    The genius of Israeli evil is that it is broken down into an infinite number of atoms, individual cases that the human brain – and even more so a newspaper column – cannot contain in their entirety, and a single definition cannot conceptualize them. We will write about stolen land, and leave out the demolished home. We will leave out both in favor of writing about the prohibition on family visits in prison, but there will not be enough time to write about the military raids and the invasion of a home with frightened children inside, and the atmosphere of “action” in the army unit.

    We will waste days searching for the soldier who aimed a rifle at the expense of the days required to describe the branching out of the siege of Gaza under the shadow of promises of relief measures. We will write about the relief measures, and it will be forgotten that the Gaza Strip continues to function like a detention facility for 1.8 million people. We will write about a detention camp, and people will tell us that we are repeating ourselves. We will write about a 40-percent unemployment rate in Gaza and about how only seven of 40 graduates in nursing from Al-Quds University found work, and people will say: “But what does that have to do with us?”

    Evil is very good at recruiting linguistic accomplices. “An intifada is running wild in Jerusalem,” read one headline. When will we write in a Hebrew headline that the built-in, well-thought-out and deliberate discrimination against Palestinians committed by the Interior Ministry, the Jerusalem municipality and the National Insurance Institute for decades continues to run wild and inflict disasters in the city? It is impossible. It’s too long for one headline.

    Or a “human-rights violation” – a definition by which this writer also transgresses, a definition that is dragged into dealing with those who have been harmed (“victim,” another despicable collaborating word) instead of those who are doing harm.

    To keep our blood pressure down, we have not touched on the evil embodied in the killing of children by Israeli troops, the evil of Israel’s collective disregard of the inevitable wrath that builds up with the burial of each bullet-riddled child, the evil that exists in the evasive wording imposed by so-called objective traditions of news reporting. Killing? Israeli soldiers shoot at Palestinian children because that is the job of soldiers who are sent to protect, with self-sacrifice, the colonialist enterprise and the benefits that it provides to the master nation. Is it any wonder that so few Israelis are emigrating abroad?

  • Israelis excel at camouflaging the expulsion of Palestinians - Here is an inventory of the methods of expulsion in their various concealments.
    By Amira Hass | Oct. 20, 2014 | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.621596

    As the descendants of a people which was banished throughout history from its homes and various homelands, we Israelis have developed our own expulsion skills – skills that would not embarrass the kings, nobles and officials of the goyim. Our contribution to the family of banishing nations is great, especially considering our short existence as a sovereign entity.

    After the big expulsion of between 700,000 and 800,000 Palestinians in 1948, we have made do with smaller expulsions, and excel in camouflaging them under various legal definitions or varying circumstantial theories. The Israeli civil-military bureaucracy does not attempt to bathe its acts in any single guiding ideology. But the spirit of Avigdor Lieberman, Naftali Bennett, Rehavam Ze’evi and Yosef Weitz is watching from above.

    Here is an inventory of the methods of expulsion in their various concealments:

    1.
    “Stop being a resident.” Israel’s control of the Palestinian Population Registry allowed it to expel some 250,000 Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip between 1967 and 1994 by revoking their status as residents (because they remained overseas for over seven years). These figures were provided by the Defense Ministry to HaMoked: Center for the Defence of the Individual, in 2011 and 2012. We must add about 100,000 Palestinians (at least) to this number, who fled or were expelled from the West Bank and Gaza during the June 1967 war and were not present during the census conducted that summer. They have not been allowed back to their homes. The Israelis who have emigrated to Los Angeles, it should be noted, continue to be Israelis.

    2.
    “Trickery.” The Oslo Accords speak of a mechanism for the gradual return to the West Bank and Gaza of those who “lost” their identity cards in 1967. Later, Israeli representatives in the negotiations claimed that the intention was for those who had physically lost their ID cards, not residency status itself. In the meantime, here we have another section of the agreement that Israel is not carrying out, while demanding the Palestinians follow their commitments in full.

    3.
    The continued control of the Palestinian Population Registry in the West Bank and Gaza, 20 years after the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, allows Israel to continue and prevent hundreds of thousands from returning to their homes and families. Also, to approve only a few tens of thousands to return through the goodwill gesture of “family reunification.”

  • Otherwise occupied / For IDF soldiers who killed Palestinians civilians, nameless equals blameless
    Preserving the anonymity of soldiers who killed Palestinian civilians is another way of shrugging off responsibility.
    By Amira Hass | Oct. 6, 2014
    Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.619288

    Omri and Yaron are two soldiers of the Paratroopers Brigade’s 202nd Battalion. We are not allowed to know their full names. They said in statements they submitted to the court that revealing their full names could cause them harm when they go out to do reserve duty in the West Bank or Gaza Strip. They would have remained completely anonymous but for the legal proceeding they have become entangled in – anonymous to those for whom Zakaria Daraghmeh, a father of five, is not just an X on a growing list of Palestinians killed by Israeli soldiers.

    The principle of preserving the anonymity of soldiers who killed Palestinian civilians outside of battle helps every journalist to become a collaborator in the mechanism of shrugging off responsibility and guilt. This is the same bureaucratic and psychosocial mechanism that does precisely the opposite when it comes to Palestinians suspected of having killed Israelis. The army provides their full names, places of residence, family background, the names of the Jews in whose killings they were allegedly involved, and the planning and details of the act. Journalists swoop down on this well-cooked and ready-to-serve information, with a ravenous appetite that vanishes without a trace when it comes to the endless list of anonymous Israelis who killed Palestinians.

    Staff Sgt. Omri and Sgt. 1st Class Yaron of the 202nd Battalion, by now in the reserves and maybe college students or new fathers, killed Zakaria Daraghmeh of Tubas in May 2006. The incident took place when Daraghmeh was waiting for potential passengers to cross a large roadblock made of mounds of earth and pits roughly half a kilometer long that the army had made to cut Nablus off from the cities and villages in the northeastern part of the West Bank. Taxi drivers, such as Drameh, drove on one side of the roadblock and waited for the passengers that taxis had dropped off on the other side to climb the mounds of earth, step carefully around the holes, shake the mud and dust off their boots and trouser cuffs, and get into the taxi.

    Daraghmeh arrived at the northeastern side of the cut-off road at about 4 P.M. that day. When he got out of the taxi, he left the motor running and asked another driver who was there to turn it off after a few minutes. The drivers explain that this protects the diesel engine.

    The mounds concealed what happened 500 meters away. Daraghmeh began climbing the other side, which was topographically higher. He found only one passenger, and together they made their way back to his taxi. At that point, the army jeep arrived. Omri and Yaron (the squad commander) were inside with two other soldiers, whom the state attorney (the defense) never brought in to testify. In the end, Omri shot Daraghmeh in the back. Later on, Yaron and Omri would explain that Daraghmeh and the other man were “runaways” – which rhymes with “suspects,” which rhymes with “terrorists,” which rhymes with fair game.

    It never occurred to them that the driver and the passenger did not want the soldiers to delay them for hours, as soldiers often did at such roadblocks, so they ran away from them (as much as anyone could run among mounds and holes). They also said that Daraghmeh had pulled out a pistol and endangered them. The alleged pistol was not found on Daraghmeh’s body. It had vanished.

    Suddenly, about seven months after they killed Daraghmeh, a bothersome lawyer by the name of Firas Jabaly brought a personal-injury lawsuit against the state. The lawsuit took them partially out of their anonymity, and Omri and Yaron were asked to answer questions. It is very likely that they felt deprived in comparison with their fellow soldiers, who had killed and wounded tens of thousands of unarmed Palestinian civilians over the years without having their lives’ routine disturbed over it.

    As Omri and Yaron testified at the trial, the soft-hearted officials of the investigating Military Police had not even summoned them for questioning and clarification by January 2012. Here is a wild guess: No Military Police investigator questioned them before Military Advocate General Danny Efroni approved the closing of the case in April 2014.

    Jabaly and Judge Yousif Sohil asked Yaron and Omri all the questions that a serious investigator should have asked to clarify whether their lives really had been in sufficient danger to justify their shooting Daraghmeh in the back. The questioning exposed all the internal contradictions in their testimony. The judge delicately avoided saying that they were lying.

    The legal procedure exposed the state’s stinginess in handing over evidence, as Judge Sohil noted. He ruled that the state must pay damages to the families, court costs and a fee for the lawyer’s services. While the amount of damages is to be determined by December, the state may appeal the verdict, and the process may continue in a higher court.

    The soldiers’ sacred anonymity is explained by the fact that they are emissaries of the state, not only of the army. It is a law of nature that any agency that investigates itself will be negligent in such investigations. Civil lawsuits for damages are supposedly a way to bypass this law of nature.

    But the state knows very well how to stop such lawsuits by Palestinians from proliferating, particularly by setting court fees so high as to be a deterrent. Daraghmeh’s family managed to raise 9,000 shekels for the court fees (the required amounts are usually several times higher).

    Jabaly’s and Sohil’s thorough work exposed another small portion of the leniencies by which many Israelis kill Palestinians, and are allowed to kill, without investigation, trial and punishment.

  • Abbas’ UN speech gives West another chance to pressure Israel - The Palestinian president’s remarks belay an attempt to amend the bad impressions recently made upon his people, yet lack a pointed message about what to do if Abbas’ demands are rejected.
    By Amira Hass | Sep. 27, 2014 || Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.617881

    The words and phrases selected by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas (or his speechwriters) for his United Nations General Assembly speech on Friday made one thing perfectly clear: The Palestinian President has given up on the Israeli public as his audience. Packaged inside words such as “colonialist occupation,” "racism," “a war of genocide” undertaken by Israel, massacres, a nation above the law and so forth, it is easy to overlook the actual content of Abbas’ message, which is the reason he rose to the UNGA podium.

    The message, aimed primarily at the West, is this one: The negotiations with Israel, as they have been held until now, are over; forget about the Palestinians returning to them. Forget about the Palestinians continuing to meet and discuss while Israel continues to construct settlements and ignore even the simple commitments it agreed to, such as the release of prisoners. The central headline that emerges from Abbas’ speech is this: The Palestinians will not return to any negotiations that do not take as a starting point the final objective of a Palestinian state to stand alongside Israel, based on the ’67 borders, and a binding timetable for its establishment.

    Abbas’ declarations belay an attempt to amend the bad impressions his recent speeches have made upon his people. This time, he used language that reflects the true reality facing Palestinians’, as they perceive it.

    Language used by Palestinians who oppose the renewal of negotiations with Israel also found its way into Abbas’ speech; words heard spoken by demonstrators and by non-governmental organizations who participate in international conferences. For example: “We will not agree to be those who are always called to prove their good intentions through forsaking their rights, and to be silent when they are killed and their land stolen from them, and understand the conditions of the other side and the importance of keeping the coalition government from collapsing.”

    But make no mistake: Abbas did not use these words out of tactical considerations meant to improve his standing among his people, which has long been diminishing. Abbas truly is fed up of the futile negotiations with Israel, negotiation which have for many years now placed him, his belief in a two-state solution and the Palestinian Authority itself in a ludicrous light.

    How great the distance between the Abbas who now extols the achievements of the BDS movement and its work against “Israel’s occupation and apartheid policies” and the Abbas who once expressed his opposition to boycotts directed against Israel (as opposed to those directed against settlement-made products), and several times referred to it as “a neighbor.”

    A wide gulf divides the speaker who on Friday said Palestinians “will not forget or forgive and won’t let war criminals go unpunished” and the one who in 2010 blocked the passage of the Goldstone report – which investigated allegations of war crimes committed by Israel and the Palestinians during “Operation Cast Lead” – to the hands of the UN Security Council.

    Whoever remembers Abbas, in his office, describing to a group of young Israelis the security coordination with Israel as “holy” will have a difficult time believing that it is the same person who said on Friday that “such destruction as was caused by the recent offensive in Gaza has never been seen before in the modern era.” The security agencies responsible for this destruction are, of course, the same ones the Palestinian Authority are in “holy” contact with.

    The speech clearly rebukes Hamas, as well, although implicitly: Abbas frequently mentioned the unbearable destruction and suffering of Gaza, but he implied that his opponent organization did not need to undergo said destruction and suffering to prove the occupation’s existence. He additionally spoke of Palestinian rights to struggle, yet set limits to this struggle: humanity, values, ethics, international law.

    In recent weeks, there were some rumors that Abbas planned to announce in his speech that he would dissolve the Palestinian Authority if the Security Council would not accept his proposal to set a three-year schedule to end the occupation. Not only did a Hamas news site (Risala-Net) report this, but Palestinian government officials believed Abbas intended to announce this plan. A senior Fatah official said in the same breath, however, that Abbas could not prepare for an international conference on rebuilding Gaza while threatening the liquidation of the Palestinian Authority, designated as the main contractor in the reconstruction.

    And that is exactly what was missing from the speech: A pointed message about what the Palestinians should do if and when Abbas’ demand for a timetable to end the occupation and a new framework for negotiations would be rejected. “This is not Mahmoud Abbas’ way to convey a pointed message,” a senior Fatah official told Haaretz. “He works through creating a sequence.”

    This time, he declared a cap of three years, then sent Saeb Erekat and intelligence chief Majdi Faraj to the United States on a fumbling journey to the U.S. government. When it was apparent that Barack Obama would not support setting a deadline to end the occupation, Abbas announced in his speech that he would stick to his demand and continue on this track. When the Security Council vote fails, he will return to the General Assembly. Afterwards, he will intend to sign international treaties (including the Rome Statute), to call for the implementation of the Geneva Convention in the West Bank and Gaza, and to ask for the deployment of an international force. In between every declaration and actions within the UN framework, Abbas creates a respite period. In these intervals, Abbas still gives the Western countries an opportunity to pull themselves together and exert political pressure on Israel.

  • Israel steps up pace of Bedouin home demolitions
    The targeted area, east of Jerusalem, is slated for an expansion of the settlement of Ma’aleh Adumim.
    By Amira Hass | Sep. 24, 2014 | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.617537

    The Civil Administration in the West Bank has stepped up demolitions of Bedouin buildings in the E-1 area east of Jerusalem since April. The area is slated for an expansion of the settlement of Ma’aleh Adumim.

    The number of such demolitions in the first eight months of 2014 was higher than in any comparable period in the last five years, as was the number of people who lost their homes as a result, according to an analysis by the Association of International Development Agencies of data compiled by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Although demolitions were carried out in only four of these eight months (March, April, May and August), more buildings were razed in the E-1 area in those months (35) than in all of 2013 (21). The number of people who lost their homes as a result rose to 156, from 57.

    The disproportionate increase in the number of people who were made homeless as a result of the demolitions in the first eight months of 2014 relative to the number of buildings that were razed indicates that a larger proportion of the structures that were destroyed this year were residential. That, as opposed to being used for livestock or other purposes.

    In Area C as a whole — portions of the West Bank under exclusive Israeli control, according to the Oslo Accords – the Civil Administration razed 346 buildings in the eight-month period, leaving 668 Palestinians homeless. In 2013 as a whole, 565 demolitions left 805 Palestinians homeless.

    The only demolitions so far this month occurred on September 8, when the Civil Administration razed three homes and a sheep pen in Khan al-Ahmar, a Bedouin encampment near Ma’aleh Adumim. A family of 14, including eight children, lived in the three homes.

    It was the fourth time in three years that the family’s homes were destroyed, on the grounds that they were within an Israel Defense Forces firing zone. The family, like most Bedouin in the same situation, would rather risk repeated demolitions than leave the area where they live, supporting themselves by raising sheep and goats and doing odd jobs in nearby communities.

  • Israeli government plans to forcibly relocate 12,500 Bedouin - Plans to expel communities from land east of Jerusalem and move them to new town in Jordan Valley were drafted without consulting tribes.
    By Amira Hass | Sep. 16, 2014 Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.615986

    Israel’s Civil Administration in the West Bank is advancing a plan to expel thousands of Bedouin from lands east of Jerusalem and forcibly relocate them to a new town in the Jordan Valley.

    Between late August and last week, the administration published nine plans that together comprise the master plan for the proposed new town north of Jericho. The plans were drafted without consulting the Bedouin slated to live there, in violation of the Supreme Court’s recommendation.

    In explanatory notes to the plans, to which the public now has 60 days to submit objections, the administration said its proposal suits the “dynamic changes” Bedouin society is undergoing as it moves from an agricultural society to “a modern society that earns its living by commerce, services, technical trades and more.”

    The town is slated for about 12,500 Bedouin from the Jahalin, Kaabneh and Rashaida tribes. It is the third and largest of the towns the administration has designated for Bedouin in the West Bank.

  • Sanctions on Russia could affect Israel, Finland FM says
    Erkki Tuomioja said that after offering Israel mainly ’carrots’ to bring about peace with the Palestinians, the EU may have to use ’sticks.’
    By Amira Hass | Sep. 15, 2014Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.615797

    The European Union’s sanctions against Russia in response to the situation in Ukraine will affect the organization’s policy on Israel, Finnish Foreign Minister Erkki Tuomioja said in an interview with Haaretz in Helsinki last week.

    Tuomioja said that after offering Israel mainly “carrots” in an effort to bring about peace with the Palestinians, Brussels may have to use “sticks” as well, in order to show that foot-dragging carries a cost.

    On Thursday, a day before the EU announced it was broadening sanctions against Russia, Tuomioja told Haaretz: “If a country invades and occupies and annexes part of another country this is clearly illegal and being followed by sanctions of the EU and other countries. So the question that many people are asking, this is fine and we accept it, but how come the Palestinian territories have been occupied for 47 years and there are no sanctions? Nobody has proposed, but we are aware that there is a link with the Ukraine Crimea crisis. So this will come up in the discussions,” he said.

    He added that “One of the countries that did not vote on the resolution condemning the annexation of Crimea was Israel.”

    Tuomioja said there was consensus in the EU that it and the other members of the Quartet on the Middle East – the United Nations, the United States and Russia – “have to be more actively engaged” in Israeli-Palestinian matters, after a prolonged period of conscious disengagement when U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry took the lead in the negotiations.

    The talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority that ended earlier this year “did not lead anywhere,” Tuomioja said, adding: “We of course recognize that without the Americans nothing can be achieved but it is not enough; we also need EU engagement.”

    “So far the EU has offered carrots,” the Finnish foreign minister said, in the event the two-state solution is implemented “support and aid to the PA state and new possibilities of Israeli-European trade and other relations. But it also seems that it needs the possibility of sticks. If there is no progress, it has to be shown that there are costs involved in the stalling,” Tuomioja said.

    Tuomioja is considered the leftmost member of the Social Democratic Party of Finland, which is in a coalition government with four other parties, all of them to its right. Tuomioja has been foreign minister since 2011, a position he served in from 2000 to 2007.

    Policy gap

    He has made statements critical of Israel in the past. One, in 2001, was interpreted as comparing Israel’s actions with those of Nazi Germany in the 1930s, an interpretation rejected by Finland’s Foreign Ministry.

    When asked about the gap between his personal opinions on the Israeli occupation and Finnish policy, Tuomioja said that Finnish policy on the ground is dependent on the governing coalition in Helsinki and the member of the EU. He is personally against continuing to buy arms from Israel, for example, but in Finland the defense minister (Carl Haglund, of the Swedish People’s Party of Finland) has sole authority over arms imports, whereas the entire cabinet must approve arms sales.

    Tuomioja said Finland was among the states that influenced the formulation of the European Union Foreign Affairs Council’s Conclusions on the Middle East Process, issued on July 22, during the war in the Gaza Strip. Because the statement recognized Israel’s right to defend itself and demanded that all terrorist groups in the Strip must disarm, it was interpreted as especially positive toward Israel.

    But Tuomioja also said that at the request of Finland and other EU members it also included the EU position regarding a peace agreement in the region. He noted that the statement also said the EU condemns the loss of hundreds of civilian lives as a result of the Israeli military operation. In the past, Tuomioja said, the EU used “regrets” rather than “condemns” in regard to Israeli actions, and he implied that the decision over which words to use was not taken lightly.

  • Tensions between Hamas and Fatah overshadow work of reconciliation government -
    Rivalry between Palestinian groups grows with mutual recriminations, perhaps fanned by recent poll showing huge popularity boost for Hamas.
    By Amira Hass | Sep. 6, 2014 |Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/middle-east/.premium-1.614333

    The regular tension, hostility and suspicion between the two largest Palestinian factions, Hamas and Fatah, have resurfaced strongly again in recent days, despite declared intentions by both sides to maintain the reconciliation government of technocrats.

    Tensions ramped up even more Thursday as anonymous gunmen fired on Hassan Khreisheh, a member of Hamas’ Change and Reform faction in the legislative council – the Palestinian Parliament – and its second deputy speaker. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas was quick to announce an investigation into the attacks.

    Mutual accusations, reports on arrests and persecution of activists from the other faction, and fierce rhetoric are now serving as the chilling background music as the first postwar aid attempts get underway: Care for the wounded; distribution of emergency aid funds to the needy; talks on rebuilding Gaza; and creating the committees necessary for assessing the damage and long-term planning.

    The Fatah Central Committee accused Hamas this week of targeting and persecuting activists in the Gaza Strip during the fighting, and putting them under house arrest. It also claimed that Hamas government security personnel shot activists in the legs (the Hamas government has been officially dismantled, save for its Interior Ministry, which is responsible for security issues).

    A source in Gaza told Haaretz that some 300 individuals – not just Fatah activists – were targeted for daring to express opposition to Hamas, and were quieted by gunfire in attempts to deter and silence others. Fatah has not published the names of its members that were attacked.

    Palestinian human-rights field researchers have tried to obtain more information – names, dates and types of injuries – but their efforts have so far proved futile. One Fatah member from the West Bank told Haaretz that he knows for certain that the reports are true, from colleagues in Gaza, and that the movement apparently did not want word to get out during the fighting, to avoid harming public morale.

    During the fighting, the same Fatah member stated that his Fatah contacts in Gaza all expressed support for the armed struggle led by Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and even complained that Hamas did not allow them to join in the fighting.

    Fatah’s central committee also accused Hamas authorities in Gaza of confiscating donated materials coming in from the West Bank (clothing, mattresses, water, food, etc.) and distributing them alone. At least during the fighting, Hamas complained that aid distribution was not coordinated with high-ranking officials that were nominated during its single rule and are now officially part of the reconciliation government, but rather with Palestinian Authority officials who had been inactive during the seven years of Hamas government. Therefore, officials from the former Hamas Social Affairs Ministry took charge of the distribution of aid.

    Behind the mutual recriminations is both sides’ desire to monopolize the role of aid distributors and benefactors, though the accusations also reflect the political-bureaucratic difficulties facing the government of technocrats.

    Hamas spokespersons have repeatedly stated that the reconciliation government is responsible for rebuilding the Gaza Strip, and that it is dragging its feet. In response, government officials have complained that Hamas has not allowed four ministers – all Gaza residents – to fulfill their duties in accordance with their appointment and in coordination with Ramallah. Meanwhile, many in Gaza – not only Hamas supporters – are wondering why Abbas and Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah have not yet gone to Gaza.

    In recent weeks, Palestinian Authority security personnel have forcefully dispersed Hamas protests in Gaza, which have been marked by an abundance of green separatist flags. Over the last week, Palestinian security forces in the West Bank arrested 10 Hamas activists – some of them university students; broke into Islamists’ homes and offices, including the offices for the student movement associated with Hamas at Al-Quds University; and summoned another seven activists for questioning.

    Hamas has claimed this constitutes political persecution. A statement published on Wednesday read, “These arrests and attacks are done as part of Fatah and Palestinian Authority attempts to slander and distort the victory of the resistance [the armed factions] in the Gaza Strip, and an attempt to steal from it [the resistance] the fruits of victory.”

    There may be a connection between the heightened tensions and a poll released this week by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR), attesting to a drastic increase in public support for Hamas and its leaders.

    Based on interviews with 1,270 men and women, Fatah representatives and PA officials received the lowest ratings in the poll. Only 35 percent rated Hamdallah positively, with 39 percent positive for Abbas and 36 percent for the Palestinian Authority in general. On the other hand, 78 percent of respondents rated positively the performance of exiled Hamas leader Khaled Meshal, 88 percent rated Hamas positively, and 94 percent expressed satisfaction with Hamas’ military performance.

    If an election was held today, Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh would be voted president, defeating both Abbas and imprisoned Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti, and Hamas would defeat Fatah in a parliamentary election. At the same time, a press release from PCPSR highlighted that previous wars also led to increases in support for Hamas that eventually returned to their preconflict levels.

    Most of the respondents – 72 percent – believe that the armed struggle in Gaza should be replicated in the West Bank in order to achieve statehood.

    According to the poll, the public is showing more support and optimism regarding the reconciliation government than it did during a similar poll in June about its chances of survival (69 percent today, as opposed to 26 percent then).

    Every day, the PA “Voice of Palestine” radio station devotes two hours to a program called “Bridges to Gaza.” Various experts are interviewed about the aftermath of the war, and they highlight the damage, destruction, loss of life and psychological damage, particularly among children, rather than victory.

    According to the poll, 79 percent of the Palestinian public believe that Hamas defeated Israel during the war, 3 percent believe that the victory was Israel’s, and 17 percent believe that both sides lost.

    The poll was conducted in the West Bank and Gaza, starting on the last day of the war, August 26, until August 30, when Hamas media outlets and Al Jazeera hailed the cease-fire agreements as victory. But even then, respondents’ answers about the cease-fire were more reserved: 63 percent believed the cease-fire was in line with Palestinian interests, and 34 percent believed the opposite. Fifty-nine percent of respondents stated that the balance between the agreement’s achievements and the loss of life and property in Gaza was reasonable, while 31 percent said it was not. At the same time, 86 percent would support renewed rocket fire on Israel if the blockade on Gaza is not lifted.

    It is difficult to reconcile this last response with reports coming from Gaza residents, especially as the heightened tension between the two factions in the Strip adds to the harsh prevailing mood there and increases fears of renewed warfare.

  • Hamas trying to sell ’victory’ to Gazans - D
    With Egypt and Israel recognizing it, Hamas can claim an achievement. But the question remains: Could it lead to a Palestinian release from the bonds of the Oslo Accords?
    By Amira Hass | Aug. 27, 2014
    Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.612655

    Israel and Hamas understood that they had arrived at a kind of a draw. Israel’s ability to militarily grind the other side will always be greater than that of Hamas, but the Palestinian threshold of suffering and its ability to absorb the blows is greater than that of Israel by an order of magnitude. The Israel Defense Forces and the military wing of Hamas could have continued demonstrating their asymmetrical armed power for a few more weeks, at the expense of the lives and homes of thousands more Palestinians and at the expense of the lives and property of a few Israelis and the worn out nerves of the citizens of Israel.

    During the first two or three weeks of the war, the Palestinian public in Gaza – including the majority, which is not the Hamas hard-core – supported the Muqawama (resistance, meaning the military wings ) almost in their entirety, despite the heavy civilian losses. Afterwards, however, it lost not only its fortitude to suffer, but also its belief in the political logic of extending the military campaign and in Hamas’ negotiating skills. That message certainly got through to the Hamas and Islamic Jihad activists and their leaders.

    As expected, Hamas spokesmen were quick to sell the cease-fire as a victory over Israel. If they compromise and, in the coming weeks, speak of “achievements,” they have a better chance of persuasion; it will be sufficient to quote some of the Israeli newspapers on the military surprises that Hamas prepared and its ability to find Israeli weak spots.

    Hamas can certainly claim a diplomatic achievement: Egypt spoke directly with Hamas representatives in order to get their agreement to the current cease-fire. PLO representatives on the joint negotiations delegation in Cairo did not participate in this successful round of the talks. A senior PLO source told Haaretz that delegation members who were not Hamas or Islamic Jihad did not even insist on being kept in the loop. Hamas understood long ago that the coup against Mohammed Morsi in Egypt had created a new reality and overturned the political and regional forecasts it had counted on before.

    But it turns out that even Egypt, which refused to speak directly with an organization that is part of the Muslim Brotherhood, understood that it had no other option: Hamas is a key political organization in the Palestinian arena. If Egypt wants to fill the role of political and regional leader, it cannot dismiss Hamas as a terrorist organization that can be crushed.

    Despite everything, after more than 2,100 deaths, among them 518 children and 296 women (according to the figures of the Mezan human rights organization); over 10,000 wounded; more than 10,000 buildings that were bombed and wrecked, including some 2,800 which were completely destroyed; how is it possible to describe as a victory an agreement that does not even include an important term that Hamas demanded from the start of the war: international guarantees that Israel will carry out its commitments, especially the “lifting of the blockade?”

    Hamas’ spokesmen raised expectations with their demand that the “blockade be lifted.” Though important to Hamas, the sea port and airport had little significance to the public. Allowing goods into the Strip - especially raw materials and construction materials - is positive, but people in Gaza were speaking more and more about the resumption of contact between Gaza and the West Bank, about regaining their freedom of movement, not only to go abroad but also within the country, at least the areas that were occupied in 1967.

    The separation between Gaza and the West Bank – which contravenes the Oslo Accords, yet deepened during the Oslo negotiations – has been a pillar of Israeli policy over the past 21 years (together with the expansion of settlements and the establishment of Palestinian enclaves in the West Bank). Israel has not changed its policy and it is difficult to believe that it will “remove the blockade” in accordance with the very logical expectations of the Palestinians.

    But another round of fighting in the near future does not seem likely. Hamas’ ability to rearm is limited.

    Now the question is whether Hamas and Fatah can overcome their mutual aversion and succeed in creating a joint political strategy.

    If they do, such a strategy would need to free them from the bonds of the Oslo Accords, and involve popular resistance and a resolute diplomatic and legal campaign. At the same time, it would also need to prevent any of the individual Palestinian groups from imposing a military path on all the rest.

  • ’Holding this medal insults my relatives, slain in Gaza by Israel’
    91-year-old Henk Zanoli returned his Righteous Among the Nations medal to Israel after six members of his Palestinian family were killed in a bombing in Gaza.
    By Amira Hass | Aug. 19, 2014 Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/jewish-world/jewish-world-features/.premium-1.611272

    In a few words, a letter that arrived by messanger at the Israeli embassy in Holland on Thursday afternoon told the story of three bereaved families whose lives were intertwined: Zanoli, Pinto and Ziadah. Enclosed in the letter was the Righteous Among the Nations medal that was granted to Johana Zanoli-Smit (posthumously) and her son Henk for hiding and rescuing a 12-year-old boy, Elhanan Pinto, during the Nazi occupation of Holland.

    On Thursday, Henk Zanoli, 91, returned the medal to the State of Israel because, he wrote, the state murdered six of his relatives, members of the Ziadah family from the El Boureij refugee camp in the Gaza Strip.

    Zanoli, a lawyer, wrote to Ambassador Hayim Davon that “...for me to hold on to the honour granted by the State of Israel under these circumstances, will be both an insult to the memory of my courageous mother who risked her life and that of her children fighting against suppression and for the preservation of human life as well as an insult to those in my family, four generations on, who lost no less than six of their relatives in Gaza at the hands of the State of Israel.”

    At his mother’s request, Henk set out for Amsterdam one day in 1943 and returned with Pinto, whose parents had been sent to concentration camps from which they would not return. The trip by train to their village in the Utrecht region was difficult and frightening; the campaigns to catch Jews were at their height. The Zanolis were already involved in resistance to the occupation. Johana’s husband was arrested and exiled to Dachau, and a few months before Germany surrendered, he died in the Mauthausen concentration camp. The Nazis executed her son-in-law in the dunes of The Hague for his participation in the Dutch resistance movement. Another of her sons was engaged to a Jewish woman, who was arrested for the crime of being Jewish and murdered. Elhanan Pinto was saved and eventually emigrated to Israel.

    Johana Zanoli and Henk didn’t talk much about the years of the occupation, said Angelique Eijpe, 41, Zanoli’s great-grandniece, who is a diplomat in the Dutch foreign service. Johana Zanoli died in 1980. She didn’t expect to receive a prize for her deeds, nor did her son initiate the receipt of the Righteous Among the Nations award at a ceremony held in 2011 at the Israeli embassy in The Hague.

    The initiator was the survivor, Pinto.

    “Only recently did I discover that they were actually traumatized after losing three family members: a husband, a son-in-law and a fiancee,” said Eijpe. “The entire family was involved in resistance to the occupation, but they didn’t talk about it much. I only remember that they disliked Germans.”

    In the late 1990s Eijpe was studying at Birzeit University on the West Bank where she met Isma’il Ziadah, an economics student who was born in the El Boureij refugee camp in the Gaza Strip. The family originated from the village of Faluja (on whose land is present-day Kiryat Gat and other Israeli communities). They married several years later and since then have been living together abroad. Since 2012 they have been living with their three children in Oman, where Eijpe works as the deputy head of the Dutch diplomatic mission. In June they went to The Hague for their summer vacation and often spoke with their family in Gaza via Skype.

    Skype is a poor substitute for a real meeting. But a real meeting is almost impossible due to the limitations that Israel imposes on the movement of residents of the Gaza Strip. Isma’il and his two older sons (ages 6 and 7), who were registered in the Palestinian population registry, are not allowed to leave or enter the Strip to travel to the West Bank via the Erez checkpoint, to land at Ben-Gurion International Airport, to enter the West Bank via the Allenby terminal on the Jordanian border, or to stay on the West Bank.

    As a Dutch woman, Eijpe, the wife and mother, is allowed to land at Ben Gurion, enter the West Bank via Allenby and visit there. She is not allowed to enter the Gaza Strip via the Erez checkpoint or the Rafah terminal, which aside from a short period after the revolution in Egypt has been open only to Palestinians who are residents of the occupied territories. Isma’il and his two sons last visited the Strip in 2010, entering via Egypt. The Egyptians denied entry to Eijpe. “For us the siege of Gaza is a very concrete, very personal matter,” said Eijpe, who last saw her mother-in-law in 2005.

    In Oman the Skype connection is blocked, so they all particularly enjoyed the unlimited conversations from The Hague. Isma’il spoke with his brothers in Gaza and with his mother, Muftiyah, 70. The children spoke a lot with their cousins and their grandmother, whom they called “Tiyah.” “How you’ve grown,” she said proudly, never tiring of looking at the third grandson who appeared on the computer screen, and whom she didn’t know yet. Since the start of the July 8 assault, they have become more emotionally dependent on these Skype conversations.

    On Sunday, July 20, at noon Isma’il Ziadah spoke to the daughter of one of his brothers who lives in Gaza City. She suddenly received a phone call informing her that “something has happened in El Boureij,” and then the Skype connection was interrupted. That morning it was reported that in the Shujaiyeh neighborhood in Gaza seven Israeli soldiers were killed, as well dozens of civilians living in the neighborhood, whose homes were bombed with their occupants inside or who were shot while fleeing from the neighborhood. Ziadah was unable to contact his family in El Boureij.

    Maybe it’s an electricity blackout, he thought, perhaps a problem due to the bombings. He asked his sons to go play downstairs in the yard. Their games interfered with his feverish attempts to renew contact with his home. And still he didn’t imagine the worst.

    Isma’il’s brother Hassan, 50, a psychologist who lives and works in Gaza, told Haaretz this week: “That night there were many bombings and shellings in the eastern part of El Boureij. Nobody slept, not those in the camp and not us in Gaza. We considered the possibility that they had left the house. Mother and four brothers, their wives and children, live in the house. Khaled, who is a nurse, was in the clinic all the time in any case. His wife and children had gone to her family. The other three brothers, Jamil, 53, Youssef, 43 and Omar, 32, decided in the end to remain, along with our mother. Jamil’s wife, Bayan, also remained, and their 12-year-old son, Shaaban, insisted on staying with them.

    “Two of the wives and their young children, and five of Jamil and Bayan’s six children, drove to Gaza, although the road from the camp was also difficult and frightening, with continuous bombings and shellings.”

    At about 12 noon Hassan spoke by phone with his brother Jamil, to make sure that the children had arrived safely in Gaza. “See you,” said Jamil.

    At about 2:30 p.m. a friend contacted Hassan to tell him that he had heard that the home of someone called Abu Suhayb Ziadah had been bombed. Hassan didn’t imagine that it was the house in El Boureij and that Abu Suhayb was his brother Khaled. He thought that it was one of his relatives, also Abu Suhayb, who lives in Gaza.

    Hassan contacted several relatives — and then he got a call from his brother Sa’ed, who also lives in Gaza. He was crying: “Our home in El Boureij was bombed.” It was a four-story house, the pride of the mother and her sons, a house built on land purchased with savings they all contributed, and to which they moved only in 2003 from a small asbestos-roofed home provided by UNRWA.

    “We all assumed that the army gives people a warning — by phone, with a warning missile — before it bombs a house or shells a neighborhood, that the army would give them time to leave,” Hassan said. “The grandson Shaaban, who is very close to my mother, remained in the house with them. If my mother had had any suspicion that our house was among Israel’s targets, for some reason that I can’t imagine, she wouldn’t have allowed her sons and her grandson to stay. I’m convinced of that.”

    They drove to the hospital in Dir Al Balah to identify the bodies: Four arrived immediately; another two were identified later and brought to the mosque next to the cemetery, just as the funeral was about to begin. Another body was discovered in the ruins of their home: that of Mohammed Maqadmah, 30, a resident of the camp. According to B’Tselem — the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories — he was a member of the military arm of Hamas.

    Hassan Ziadah has been working at the mental-health center in Gaza since 1991. He treats trauma victims and knows how to diagnose his condition and that of his family at present. “Mourning always takes time, but how do you deal with it when the loss is of six family members?” Hassan says. “You’re overwhelmed. You think about mother and then you’re angry at yourself for forgetting your elder brother, or think about your nephew and immediately reprimand yourself for not thinking of your younger brother.

    “And besides, even before we lost them we lived in a situation of tremendous fear, insecurity and a sense of imminent death. This situation didn’t change even after they were killed. So we couldn’t yet begin to mourn naturally. Mourning has its own rituals, both religious and social, that make things easier. But like thousands of others, we were unable to observe these rituals because of the bombings and shellings.”

    One of the trademarks of an Israel Defense Forces assault is the killing of entire families or many members of the same family, inside their homes. B’Tselem has documented 60 such families that were killed during the four weeks of the war: 458 people, including 108 women under the age of 60, 214 minors and 18 men and women aged 60 and over. On July 20 the IDF killed nine families, a total of 73 people.

    The IDF spokesman did not reply to Haaretz’s question as to whether the Ziadah home was bombed by mistake — and if not, which family member was the target of the bombing, and whether the killing of the six civilians in the house is considered legitimate “collateral damage.” The spokesman replied that the IDF invests great efforts to avoid harming civilians, is working to investigate complaints about irregular incidents, and will publish the results after the investigations are concluded.

  • Un feu vert européen pour tuer, détruire et pulvériser Gaza
    Amira Hass
    http://delphysyllepse.wordpress.com/2014/08/12/un-feu-vert-europeen-pour-tuer-detruire-et-pulveriser-gaza

    On peut comprendre que les experts israéliens de la sécurité interprètent constamment de travers les courants tant publics que souterrains qui traversent la société palestinienne, et qui constamment détruisent le “calme”. Les cerveaux de ces experts ne sont pas programmés pour comprendre que le calme et l’ordre qu’ils sont supposés préserver ne sont ni le calme, ni l’ordre.

  • A European green light to kill, destroy and pulverize Gaza
    If the security of Jews in the Mideast were of real interest to European countries like Germany and Austria, they wouldn’t continue subsidizing the Israeli occupation.
    By Amira Hass | Aug. 11, 2014 | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.609866

    In its ongoing silence, official Germany is collaborating with Israel on its journey of destruction and death, waged against the Palestinian people in Gaza. Germany isn’t alone – Austria’s silence is also deafening.

    Actually, why single out these two countries? On the second or third day of the war, Chancellor Angela Merkel wasn’t the only one to declare that she stood beside Israel. The entire European Union supported Israel and its right “to defend itself.”

    Yes, France and Britain did some squirming last week, making a few feeble sounds of protest. But the EU’s original stance, stated on July 22, still resounds. It accused the side under prolonged Israeli siege of causing the escalation. This is the side that, despite all the European declarations on its right to self-determination and an independent state in the West Bank and Gaza, is still under Israeli occupation after 47 years.

    EU member states and, obviously, the United States, gave Israel a green light to kill, destroy and pulverize. They placed the brunt of the blame on the people launching the rockets, the Palestinians. The rockets are disrupting the “order” and the “quiet,” endangering the security of Israel, which is so weak and vulnerable, always attacked for no reason whatsoever.

    Basically, the United States and Europe are endorsing the status quo under which the Gaza Strip is severed from the West Bank. The Israeli siege of Gaza and the oppression of the Palestinian population in the West Bank are Israel’s quiet, order and security. Whoever dares to violate this must be punished. In their passionate declarations on Israel’s right to defend itself, EU officials fail to mention the Palestinians’ right to security or protection from the Israeli army.

    Europe and the United States didn’t give Israel the green light to escalate — to destroy, kill and inflict suffering on an unprecedented scale — at the outbreak of the current hostilities. They already gave it back in 2006, when they spearheaded the boycott of the Hamas government, elected in a democratic vote.

    Even then they chose to collectively punish the entire occupied Palestinian population while ignoring the main reason this organization had won a majority: the pet Palestinian regime that Europe had fostered — the Palestinian Authority. This regime remains tarnished by two evils – corruption and the failure of its diplomatic tactics to achieve independence.

    The PA’s conduct has led to a situation in which negotiations, a willingness to reach a peace deal with Israel and even opposition to an armed struggle for moral and practical reasons have become synonymous with the enrichment of a small group — alongside its cynical disregard for the rights and conditions of most of the population.

    Neither quiet nor order

    One can understand that Israeli security experts repeatedly misread both open and subterranean currents coursing through Palestinian society, which again and again disrupt the “quiet.” Those experts’ brains aren’t programmed to understand that the quiet and order they’re supposed to preserve are neither quiet nor order.

    Two weeks ago, Jacob Perry, the public’s darling and a key figure in the documentary “The Gatekeepers,” said he hoped the security establishment would be able to contain the latest wave of demonstrations in the West Bank.

    “These demonstrations are bad for them and for us,” said the former head of the Shin Bet security service in a typically paternalistic manner. Indeed, the army, which did not wait for his advice, continues to kill demonstrators who do not endanger soldiers’ lives. They do this every week and wound dozens of others (two more were killed this weekend). Even after 47 years, security officials don’t get it that oppression does not lead to submission. At most it only postpones a much bloodier confrontation — as is now happening in Gaza.

    But what of Europe’s experts, aid workers, diplomats and civilian and military advisers, and the lessons accumulated over the many years of colonialism? One would have thought that all these people and events would have prevented Europe from making such an egregious mistake in 2006, from which arose all the escalations soaked in Palestinian blood.

    The boycott of Hamas, which in effect was a political boycott of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories, encouraged Fatah and PA President Mahmoud Abbas to overturn the election results by nondemocratic means. The boycott and Western contempt for the election result only goaded Hamas into extreme and desperate channels, turning it into a martyr and a respectable alternative in the public mind.

    In fact, this wasn’t a “mistake” but rather a conscious decision. European countries and the United States are willing to invest billions of dollars in the Palestinian territories for the reconstruction of rubble created using American, and probably European, arms. These dollars address humanitarian disasters caused by the Israeli occupation.

    Europe and the United States are willing to fund tents, food and water in order to domesticate a leadership held captive by these donations. These leaders therefore promise not to disrupt the quiet and order. It’s not justice and the Palestinians’ rights that the West holds dear, it’s the maintaining of “stability.”

    Germany and Austria are particularly noteworthy. Because of them there’s the impression that the European Union is so supportive of Israel due to guilt feelings over the murder of Europe’s Jews under German occupation, and due to a moral commitment to the direct offshoot of that chapter in history, the State of Israel.

    Shielded by the Holocaust, there is no need to discuss Western interests, whether American or European. These include the continued control, through trusted agents, of oil and gas resources, the protection of markets and the safeguarding of the “security” of Israel as a Western power, perceived as a stable entity that can contain and counter the changes in the region.

    If the security of Jews in the Middle East were of real interest to European countries, especially Germany and Austria, they would not continue subsidizing the Israeli occupation. They would not give Israel a permanent green light to kill and destroy.

  • A European green light to kill, destroy and pulverize Gaza
    If the security of Jews in the Mideast were of real interest to European countries like Germany and Austria, they wouldn’t continue subsidizing the Israeli occupation.
    By Amira Hass | Aug. 11, 2014 | 3:55 AM
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.609866

    In its ongoing silence, official Germany is collaborating with Israel on its journey of destruction and death, waged against the Palestinian people in Gaza. Germany isn’t alone – Austria’s silence is also deafening.

    Actually, why single out these two countries? On the second or third day of the war, Chancellor Angela Merkel wasn’t the only one to declare that she stood beside Israel. The entire European Union supported Israel and its right “to defend itself.”

    Yes, France and Britain did some squirming last week, making a few feeble sounds of protest. But the EU’s original stance, stated on July 22, still resounds. It accused the side under prolonged Israeli siege of causing the escalation. This is the side that, despite all the European declarations on its right to self-determination and an independent state in the West Bank and Gaza, is still under Israeli occupation after 47 years.

    EU member states and, obviously, the United States, gave Israel a green light to kill, destroy and pulverize. They placed the brunt of the blame on the people launching the rockets, the Palestinians. The rockets are disrupting the “order” and the “quiet,” endangering the security of Israel, which is so weak and vulnerable, always attacked for no reason whatsoever.

    Basically, the United States and Europe are endorsing the status quo under which the Gaza Strip is severed from the West Bank. The Israeli siege of Gaza and the oppression of the Palestinian population in the West Bank are Israel’s quiet, order and security. Whoever dares to violate this must be punished. In their passionate declarations on Israel’s right to defend itself, EU officials fail to mention the Palestinians’ right to security or protection from the Israeli army.

    Europe and the United States didn’t give Israel the green light to escalate — to destroy, kill and inflict suffering on an unprecedented scale — at the outbreak of the current hostilities. They already gave it back in 2006, when they spearheaded the boycott of the Hamas government, elected in a democratic vote.

  • Erekat urges Palestinian factions to sign request for ICC membership -
    Palestinian Islamist groups might sign on too, even if this means cases at the ICC against them, not just against Israel.
    By Amira Hass | Aug. 5, 2014
    Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.608878

    Palestinian chief negotiator Saeb Erekat is urging the PLO and the various Palestinian factions to sign a document supporting a State of Palestine as a member of the International Criminal Court in The Hague.

    The signatories are members of the PLO Executive Committee, the Fatah Central Committee — including former Palestinian Prime Minister Ahmed Qureia — and other heads of PLO organizations such as the Popular Front and the Democratic Front. Palestinian Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki has also signed, sources in Ramallah say. Malki will visit the International Criminal Court in the Netherlands on Tuesday.

    According to the source, Erekat said that if Hamas and Islamic Jihad did not sign, he would demand that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas order the signing of the Rome Statute of 2002, the treaty that established the International Criminal Court.

    Abbas is known to staunchly oppose joining the ICC, both out of concern that steps would be taken against Palestinians and because of the strong opposition of the United States and European countries.

    Since the United Nations accepted Palestine as a nonmember state in 2012, Palestinian human rights organizations and political groups such as Mustafa Barghouti’s Palestinian National Initiative have urged membership in the ICC. They say this will help end what they consider Israel’s impunity.

    The many civilian deaths and destruction in Gaza have bolstered the Fatah grouping that has long supported joining the criminal court. But representatives of a number of European countries have expressed concerns about the latest move, a Palestinian diplomatic source said.

    According to that person, the effort clashes with a conference of donor nations to rebuild Gaza due on September 1. The source said the signers of the document saw no contradiction between the two efforts.