person:david brooks

  • Les #gilets_jaunes vus de New York...

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    Driving was already expensive in France when in January 2018 the government of President Emmanuel Macron imposed a tax that raised the price of diesel fuel by 7.6 centimes per liter and of gasoline by 3.8 centimes (about 9 and 4 cents, respectively); further increases were planned for January 2019. The taxes were an attempt to cut carbon emissions and honor the president’s lofty promise to “Make Our Planet Great Again.”

    Priscillia Ludosky, then a thirty-two-year-old bank employee from the Seine-et-Marne department outside Paris, had no choice but to drive into the city for work every day, and the cost of her commute was mounting. “When you pay regularly for something, it really adds up fast, and the increase was enormous,” she told me recently. “There are lots of things I don’t like. But on that I pushed.” In late May 2018, she created a petition on entitled Pour une Baisse des Prix du Carburant à la Pompe! (For a reduction of fuel prices at the pump!)

    Over the summer Ludosky’s petition—which acknowledged the “entirely honorable” aim of reducing pollution while offering six alternative policy suggestions, including subsidizing electric cars and encouraging employers to allow remote work—got little attention. In the fall she tried again, convincing a radio host in Seine-et-Marne to interview her if the petition garnered 1,500 signatures. She posted that challenge on her Facebook page, and the signatures arrived in less than twenty-four hours. A local news site then shared the petition on its own Facebook page, and it went viral, eventually being signed by over 1.2 million people.

    Éric Drouet, a thirty-three-year-old truck driver and anti-Macron militant also from Seine-et-Marne, created a Facebook event for a nationwide blockade of roads on November 17 to protest the high fuel prices. Around the same time, a fifty-one-year-old self-employed hypnotherapist named Jacline Mouraud recorded herself addressing Macron for four minutes and thirty-eight seconds and posted the video on Facebook. “You have persecuted drivers since the day you took office,” she said. “This will continue for how long?” Mouraud’s invective was viewed over six million times, and the gilets jaunes—the yellow vests, named for the high-visibility vests that French drivers are required to keep in their cars and to wear in case of emergency—were born.

    Even in a country where protest is a cherished ritual of public life, the violence and vitriol of the gilets jaunes movement have stunned the government. Almost immediately it outgrew the issue of the carbon taxes and the financial burden on car-reliant French people outside major cities. In a series of Saturday demonstrations that began in mid-November and have continued for three months, a previously dormant anger has erupted. Demonstrators have beaten police officers, thrown acid in the faces of journalists, and threatened the lives of government officials. There has been violence on both sides, and the European Parliament has condemned French authorities for using “flash-ball guns” against protesters, maiming and even blinding more than a few in the crowds. But the gilets jaunes have a flair for cinematic destruction. In late November they damaged parts of the Arc de Triomphe in Paris; in early January they commandeered a forklift and rammed through the heavy doors of the ministry of state—the only time in the history of the Fifth Republic that a sitting minister had to be evacuated from a government building.

    The gilets jaunes are more than a protest. This is a modern-day jacquerie, an emotional wildfire stoked in the provinces and directed against Paris and, most of all, the elite. French history since 1789 can be seen as a sequence of anti-elite movements, yet the gilets jaunes have no real precedent. Unlike the Paris Commune of 1871, this is a proletarian struggle devoid of utopian aspirations. Unlike the Poujadist movement of the mid-1950s—a confederation of shopkeepers likewise opposed to the “Americanization” of a “thieving and inhuman” state and similarly attracted to anti-Semitic conspiracy theories—the gilets jaunes include shopkeepers seemingly content to destroy shop windows. There is an aspect of carnival here: a delight in the subversion of norms, a deliberate embrace of the grotesque.

    Many have said that the gilets jaunes are merely another “populist movement,” although the term is now so broad that it is nearly meaningless. Comparisons have been made to the Britain of Brexit, the United States of Donald Trump, and especially the Italy of Cinque Stelle. But the crucial difference is that the gilets jaunes are apolitical, and militantly so. They have no official platform, no leadership hierarchy, and no reliable communications. Everyone can speak for the movement, and yet no one can. When a small faction within it fielded a list of candidates for the upcoming European parliamentary elections in May, their sharpest opposition came from within: to many gilets jaunes, the ten who had put their names forward—among them a nurse, a truck driver, and an accountant—were traitors to the cause, having dared to replicate the elite that the rest of the movement disdains.

    Concessions from the government have had little effect. Under mounting pressure, Macron was forced to abandon the carbon tax planned for 2019 in a solemn televised address in mid-December. He also launched the so-called grand débat, a three-month tour of rural France designed to give him a better grasp of the concerns of ordinary people. In some of these sessions, Macron has endured more than six hours of bitter criticisms from angry provincial mayors. But these gestures have quelled neither the protests nor the anger of those who remain in the movement. Performance is the point. During the early “acts,” as the weekly demonstrations are known, members refused to meet with French prime minister Édouard Philippe, on the grounds that he would not allow the encounter to be televised, and that sentiment has persisted. Perhaps the most telling thing about the gilets jaunes is the vest they wear: a symbol of car ownership, but more fundamentally a material demand to be seen.

    Inequality in France is less extreme than in the United States and Britain, but it is increasing. Among wealthy Western countries, the postwar French state—l’État-providence—is something of a marvel. France’s health and education systems remain almost entirely free while ranking among the best in the world. In 2017 the country’s ratio of tax revenue to gross domestic product was 46.2 percent, according to statistics from the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)—the highest redistribution level of any OECD country and a ratio that allows the state to fight poverty through a generous social protection system. Of that 46.2 percent, the French government allocated approximately 28 percent for social services.

    “The French social model is so integrated that it almost seems a natural, preexisting condition,” Alexis Spire, a sociologist of inequality at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, told me recently. A number of the gilets jaunes I met said that despite the taxes they pay, they do not feel they benefit from any social services, since they live far from urban centers. But anyone who has ever received housing assistance, a free prescription, or sixteen weeks of paid maternity leave has benefited from the social protection system. The effect of redistribution is often invisible.

    And yet the rich in France have gotten much richer. Between 1983 and 2015, the vast majority of incomes in France rose by less than one percent per year, while the richest one percent of the population saw their incomes rise by 100 percent after taxes. According to World Bank statistics, the richest 20 percent now earns nearly five times as much as the bottom 20 percent. This represents a stark shift from the Trente Glorieuses, France’s thirty-year economic boom after World War II. As the economist Thomas Piketty has pointed out, between 1950 and 1983, most French incomes rose steadily by approximately 4 percent per year; the nation’s top incomes rose by only one percent.

    What has become painfully visible, however, is the extent of the country’s geographical fractures. Paris has always been the undisputed center of politics, culture, and commerce, but France was once also a country that cherished and protected its vibrant provincial life. This was la France profonde, a clichéd but genuinely existing France of tranquil stone villages and local boulangeries with lines around the block on Sundays. “Douce France, cher pays de mon enfance,” goes the beloved song by the crooner Charles Trenet. “Mon village, au clocher aux maisons sages.” These days, the maisons sages are vacant, and the country boulangeries are closed.

    The story is familiar: the arrival of large multinational megastores on the outskirts of provincial French towns and cities has threatened, and in many cases asphyxiated, local businesses.1 In the once-bustling centers of towns like Avignon, Agen, Calais, and Périgueux, there is now an eerie quiet: windows are often boarded up, and fewer and fewer people are to be found. This is the world evoked with a melancholy beauty in Nicolas Mathieu’s novel Leurs enfants après eux, which won the Prix Goncourt, France’s most prestigious literary prize, in 2018.

    The expansion since the 1980s of France’s high-speed rail network has meant that the country’s major cities are all well connected to Paris. But there are many small towns where the future never arrived, where abandoned nineteenth-century train stations are now merely places for teenagers to make out, monuments of the way things used to be. In these towns, cars are the only way people can get to work. I met a fifty-five-year-old truck and taxi driver named Marco Pavan in the Franche-Comté in late November. What he told me then—about how carbon taxes can seem like sneers from the Parisian elite—has stayed with me. “Ask a Parisian—for him none of this is an issue, because he doesn’t need a car,” Pavan said. “There’s no bus or train to take us anywhere. We have to have a car.” I cited that remark in a Washington Post story I filed from Besançon; in the online comments section, many attacked the movement for what they saw as a backward anti-environmentalism—missing his point.

    Few have written as extensively as the French geographer Christophe Guilluy on la France périphérique, a term he popularized that refers both to the people and the regions left behind by an increasingly globalized economy. Since 2010, when he published Fractures françaises, Guilluy has been investigating the myths and realities of what he calls “the trompe l’oeil of a peaceful, moderate, and consensual society.” He is one of a number of left-wing French intellectuals—among them the novelist Michel Houellebecq, the historian Georges Bensoussan, and the essayist Michel Onfray—who in recent years have argued that their beloved patrie has drifted into inexorable decline, a classic critique of the French right since 1789. But Guilluy’s decline narrative is different: he is not as concerned as the others with Islamist extremism or “decadence” broadly conceived. For him, France’s decline is structural, the result of having become a place where “the social question disappears.”

    Guilluy, born in Montreuil in 1964, is something of a rarity among well-known French intellectuals: he is a product of the Paris suburbs, not of France’s storied grandes écoles. And it is clear that much of his critique is personal. As a child, Guilluy, whose family then lived in the working-class Paris neighborhood of Belleville, was forcibly relocated for a brief period to the heavily immigrant suburb of La Courneuve when their building was slated to be demolished in the midst of Paris’s urban transformation. “I saw gentrification firsthand,” he told Le Figaro in 2017. “For the natives—the natives being just as much the white worker as the young immigrant—what provoked the most problems was not the arrival of Magrebis, but that of the bobos.”

    This has long been Guilluy’s battle cry, and he has focused his intellectual energy on attacking what he sees as the hypocrisy of the bobos, or bourgeois bohemians. His public debut was a short 2001 column in Libération applying that term, coined by the columnist David Brooks, to French social life. What was happening in major urban centers across the country, he wrote then, was a “ghettoization by the top of society” that excluded people like his own family.

    Guilluy crystallized that argument in a 2014 book that won him the ear of the Élysée Palace and regular appearances on French radio. This was La France périphérique: comment on a sacrifié les classes populaires, in which he contended that since the mid-1980s, France’s working classes have been pushed out of the major cities to rural communities—a situation that was a ticking time bomb—partly as a result of rising prices. He advanced that view further in 2016 with La Crépuscule de la France d’en haut—now translated into English as Twilight of the Elites: Prosperity, the Periphery, and the Future of France—a pithy screed against France’s bobo elite and what he sees as its shameless embrace of a “neoliberal,” “Americanized society” and a hollow, feel-good creed of multicultural tolerance. In 2018, one month before the rise of the gilets jaunes, he published No Society, whose title comes from Margaret Thatcher’s 1987 comment that “there is no such thing as society.”

    In Guilluy’s view, an immigrant working class has taken the place of the “native” working class in the banlieues on the outskirts of major cities. This native class, he argues, has been scattered throughout the country and become an “unnoticed presence” that France’s elite has “made to disappear from public consciousness” in order to consolidate its grip on power. Cities are now the exclusive preserve of the elites and their servants, and what Guilluy means by “no society” is that the visible signs of class conflict in urban daily life have vanished. This is his trompe l’oeil: rich, insulated Parisians have convinced themselves that everything is fine, while those who might say otherwise are nowhere near. “The simmering discontent of rural France has never really been taken seriously,” he writes in Twilight of the Elites.

    Since November, much of the French press has declared that Guilluy essentially predicted the rise of the gilets jaunes. They seem, after all, a fulfillment of his prophecy about “the betrayal of the people” by the elites, even if he is always elusive about who exactly “the people” are. While critiques from the movement have remained a confused cloud of social media invective, Guilluy has served as its de facto interpreter.

    No Society puts into words what many in the gilets jaunes have either struggled or refused to articulate. This is the hazy middle ground between warning and threat: “The populist wave coursing through the western world is only the visible part of a soft power emanating from the working classes that will force the elites to rejoin the real movement of society or else to disappear.”

    For now, however, there is just one member of the elite whom the gilets jaunes wish would disappear, and calls for his violent overthrow continue even as the movement’s momentum subsides.

    An intense and deeply personal hatred of Macron is the only unifying cry among the gilets jaunes. Eighteen months before the uprising began, this was the man who captured the world’s imagination and who, after populist victories in Britain and the United States, had promised a French “Third Way.” Yet the Macronian romance is already over, both at home and abroad.

    To some extent, the French always turn against their presidents, but the anger Macron elicits is unique. This is less because of any particular policy than because of his demeanor and, most of all, his language. “Mr. Macron always refused to respond to us,” Muriel Gautherin, fifty-three, a podiatrist who lives in the Paris suburbs, told me at a December march on the Champs-Élysées. “It’s he who insults us, and he who should respond.” When I asked her what she found most distasteful about the French president, her answer was simple: “His words.”

    She has a point. Among Macron’s earliest actions as president was to shave five euros off the monthly stipends of France’s Aide personalisée au logement (APL), the country’s housing assistance program. Around the same time, he slashed France’s wealth tax on those with a net worth of at least €1.3 million—a holdover from the Mitterand era.

    Macron came to office with a record of unrelentingly insulting the poor. In 2014, when he was France’s economic minister, he responded to the firing of nine hundred employees (most of them women) from a Breton slaughterhouse by noting that some were “mostly illiterate.” In 2016 he was caught on camera in a heated dispute with a labor activist in the Hérault. When the activist gestured to Macron’s €1,600 suit as a symbol of his privilege, the minister said, “The best way to afford a suit is to work.” In 2018 he told a young, unemployed gardener that he could find a new job if he merely “crossed the street.”

    Yet nothing quite compares to the statement Macron made in inaugurating Station F, a startup incubator in the thirteenth arrondissement of Paris, housed in a converted rail depot. It is a cavernous consulate for Silicon Valley, a soaring glass campus open to all those with “big ideas” who can also pay €195 a month for a desk and can fill out an application in fluent English. (“We won’t consider any other language,” the organization’s website says.) Google, Amazon, and Microsoft all have offices in it, and in a city of terrible coffee, the espresso is predictably fabulous. In June 2017 Macron delivered a speech there. “A train station,” he said, referring to the structure’s origins, “it’s a place where we encounter those who are succeeding and those who are nothing.”

    This was the moment when a large percentage of the French public learned that in the eyes of their president, they had no value. “Ceux qui ne sont rien” is a phrase that has lingered and festered. To don the yellow vest is thus to declare not only that one has value but also that one exists.

    On the whole, the gilets jaunes are not the poorest members of French society, which is not surprising. As Tocqueville remarked, revolutions are fueled not by those who suffer the most, but by those whose economic status has been improving and who then experience a sudden and unexpected fall. So it seems with the gilets jaunes: most live above the poverty line but come from the precarious ranks of the lower middle class, a group that aspires to middle-class stability and seeks to secure it through palliative consumption: certain clothing brands, the latest iPhone, the newest television.

    In mid-December Le Monde profiled a young couple in the movement from Sens in north-central France, identified only as Arnaud and Jessica. Both twenty-six, they and their four children live in a housing project on the €2,700 per month that Arnaud earns as a truck driver, including more than €1,000 in government assistance. According to statistics from France’s Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (Insée), this income places them right at the poverty line for a family of this size, and possibly even slightly below it. But the expenses Arnaud and Jessica told Le Monde they struggled to pay included karate lessons for their oldest son and pet supplies for their dog. Jessica, who does not work, told Le Monde, “Children are so mean to each other if they wear lesser brands. I don’t want their friends to make fun of them.” She said she had traveled to Paris for gilet jaune protests on three separate weekends—journeys that presumably cost her money.

    Readers of Le Monde—many of them educated, affluent, and pro-Macron—were quick to attack Arnaud and Jessica. But the sniping missed their point, which was that they felt a seemingly inescapable sense of humiliation, fearing ridicule everywhere from the Élysée Palace to their children’s school. They were explaining something profound about the gilets jaunes: the degree to which the movement is fueled by unfulfilled expectations. For many demonstrators, life is simply not as they believed it would be, or as they feel they deserve. There is an aspect of entitlement to the gilets jaunes, who are also protesting what the French call déclassement, the increasing elusiveness of the middle-class dream in a society in which economic growth has not kept pace with population increase. This entitlement appears to have alienated the gilets jaunes from immigrants and people of color, who are largely absent from their ranks and whose condition is often materially worse.2 “It’s not people who don’t have hope anymore, who don’t have a place to live, or who don’t have a job,” Rokhaya Diallo, a French activist for racial equality, told me recently, describing the movement. “It’s just that status they’re trying to preserve.”

    The gilets jaunes have no substantive ideas: resentment does not an ideology make. They remain a combustible vacuum, and extremist agitators on the far right and the far left have sought to capitalize on their anger. Both Marine Le Pen of the recently renamed Rassemblement National and Jean-Luc Mélenchon of the left-wing La France Insoumise have tried hard to channel the movement’s grassroots energy into their own political parties, but the gilets jaunes have so far resisted these entreaties. The gilets jaunes also found themselves at the center of a diplomatic spat: in early February Italy’s deputy prime minister, Luigi Di Maio, met with two of their members on the outskirts of Paris in a jab at Macron. Two days later, France withdrew its ambassador to Rome for the first time since 1940, but the gilets jaunes have not attempted to exploit this attention for their own political gain. Instead there was infighting—a Twitter war over who had the right to represent the cause abroad and who did not.

    The intellectual void at the heart of an amorphous movement can easily fill with the hatred of an “other.” That may already be happening to the gilets jaunes. Although a careful analysis by Le Monde concluded that race and immigration were not major concerns in the two hundred most frequently shared messages on gilet jaune Facebook pages between the beginning of the movement and January 22, a number of gilets jaunes have been recorded on camera making anti-Semitic gestures, insulting a Holocaust survivor on the Paris metro, and saying that journalists “work for the Jews.” Importantly, the gilets jaunes have never collectively denounced any of these anti-Semitic incidents—a silence perhaps inevitable for a movement that eschews organization of any kind. Likewise, a thorough study conducted by the Paris-based Fondation Jean Jaurès has shown the extent to which conspiracy theories are popular in the movement: 59 percent of those surveyed who had participated in a gilet jaune demonstration said they believed that France’s political elites were encouraging immigration in order to replace them, and 50 percent said they believed in a global “Zionist” conspiracy.

    Members of the movement are often quick to point out that the gilets jaunes are not motivated by identity politics, and yet anyone who has visited one of their demonstrations is confronted with an undeniable reality. Far too much attention has been paid to the symbolism of the yellow vests and far too little to the fact that the vast majority of those who wear them are lower-middle-class whites. In what is perhaps the most ethnically diverse society in Western Europe, can the gilets jaunes truly be said to represent “the people,” as the members of the movement often claim? Priscillia Ludosky, arguably the first gilet jaune, is a black woman. “It’s complicated, that question,” she told me. “I have no response.”

    The gilets jaunes are also distinctly a minority of the French population: in a country of 67 million, as many as 282,000 have demonstrated on a single day, and that figure has consistently fallen with each passing week, down to 41,500 during “Act 14” of the protest on February 16. On two different weekends in November and December, other marches in Paris—one for women’s rights, the other against climate change—drew far bigger crowds than the gilets jaunes did. But the concerns of this minority are treated as universal by politicians, the press, and even the movement’s sharpest critics. Especially after Trump and Brexit, lower-middle-class and working-class whites command public attention even when they have no clear message.

    French citizens of color have been protesting social inequality for years without receiving any such respect. In 2005 the killing of two minority youths by French police in the Paris suburb of Clichy-sous-Bois ignited a string of violent uprisings against police brutality, but the government declared an official state of emergency instead of launching a grand débat. In 2009, the overseas departments of Guadeloupe and Martinique saw a huge strike against the high cost of living—a forty-four-day uprising that also targeted fuel prices and demanded an increase to the minimum wage. In 2017 an almost identical protest occurred in French Guiana, another French overseas department, where residents demonstrated against household goods that were as much as 12 percent more expensive than they were in mainland France, despite a lower minimum wage. The French government was slow to respond in both of these instances, while the concerns of the gilets jaunes have resulted in a personal apology from the president and a slew of concessions.

    Guilluy, whose analysis of la France périphérique ultimately fails to grapple significantly with France’s decidedly peripheral overseas territories, does not shy away from the question of identity. He sees a racial element to the frustrations of la France périphérique, but he does not see this as a problem. Some of the most frustrating moments in his work come when he acknowledges but refuses to interrogate white working-class behavior that seems to be racially motivated. “Public housing in outlying communities is now a last resort for workers hoping to be able to go on living near the major cities,” he writes in Twilight of the Elites, describing the recent astronomic rise in France’s urban real estate prices. “These projects, mostly occupied by immigrant renters, are avoided by white French-born workers. Barring some utterly unforeseeable turn of events, their expulsion from the largest urban centers will be irreversible.” It would not diminish Guilluy’s broader point about la France périphérique if he acknowledged that victims of structural changes can also be intolerant.

    Guilluy also regularly recycles anxieties over immigration, often from controversial theorists such as Michèle Tribalat, who is associated with the idea of le grand remplacement, the alleged “great replacement” of France’s white population by immigrants from North and Sub-Saharan Africa. In making his case about “the demographic revolution in process,” Guilluy has been accused of inflating his statistics. France, he wrote in Fractures françaises, “welcomes a little less than 200,000 legal foreigners every year.” But these claims were attacked by Patrick Weil, a leading French historian of immigration, who noted in his book Le sens de la République (2015) that Guilluy failed to consider that a large number of those 200,000 are temporary workers, students who come and go, and others of “irregular” status. Guilluy has not responded to these criticisms, and in any case his rhetoric has since grown more radical. In No Society he writes, “Multiculturalism is, intrinsically, a feeble ideology that divides and weakens.”

    Whether the gilets jaunes will eventually come to agree with him is a crucial question. Like Guilluy, they are responding to real social conditions. But if, following Guilluy’s lead, they ultimately resort to the language of race and ethnicity to explain their suffering, they will have chosen to become a different movement altogether, one in which addressing inequality was never quite the point. In some ways, they have already crossed that line.

    On the afternoon of Saturday, February 16, the prominent French intellectual Alain Finkielkraut got out of a taxi on the Boulevard Montparnasse. A crowd of gilets jaunes noticed him and began hurling anti-Semitic insults. The scene, recorded on video, was chilling: in the center of Paris, under a cloudless sky, a mob of visibly angry men surrounded a man they knew to be Jewish, called him a “dirty Zionist,” and told him, “go back to Tel Aviv.”

    Finkielkraut’s parents were Polish refugees from the Holocaust. He was born in Paris in 1949 and has become a fixture in French cultural life, a prolific author, a host of a popular weekly broadcast on France Culture, and a member of the Académie Française, the country’s most elite literary institution. In the words of Macron, who immediately responded to the attack, he “is not only an eminent man of letters but the symbol of what the Republic affords us all.” The irony is that Finkielkraut—another former leftist who believes that France has plunged into inexorable decline and ignored the dangers of multiculturalism—was one of the only Parisian intellectuals who had supported the gilets jaunes from the beginning.

    I spoke to Finkielkraut after the attack, and he explained that the gilets jaunes had seemed to him the evidence of something authentic. “I saw an invisible France, neglected and forgotten,” he said. “Wearing fluorescent yellow vests in order to be visible—of being a ‘somewhere’ as opposed to an ‘anywhere,’ as Goodhart has said—seemed to me an absolutely legitimate critique.” The British journalist David Goodhart, popular these days in French right-wing circles, is the author of The Road to Somewhere (2017), which sees populist anger as the inevitable response to the widening gulf between those “rooted” in a particular place and cosmopolitans at home anywhere. “France is not a ‘start-up nation,’” Finkielkraut told me. “It can’t be reduced to that.”

    Finkielkraut said that the attack was a sign that the reasonable critiques orginally made by the gilets jaunes had vanished, and that they had no real future. “I think the movement is in the process of degradation. It’s no longer a social movement but a sect that has closed in on itself, whose discourse is no longer rational.”

    Although the Paris prosecutor has opened an investigation into his attackers, Finkielkraut has not pressed charges. He told me that the episode, as violent as it was, did not necessarily suggest that all those who had worn yellow vests in recent months were anti-Semites or extremists. “Those who insulted me were not the nurses, the shopkeepers, or the small business owners,” he said, noting that he doubted he would have experienced the same prejudice at the roundabouts, the traffic circles across the country where gilets jaunes protesters gathered every Saturday. In a sense, these were the essence of the movement, which was an inchoate mobilization against many things, but perhaps none so much as loneliness. The roundabouts quickly became impromptu piazzas and a means, however small, of reclaiming a spirit of community that disappeared long ago in so many French towns and villages.

    In Paris, where the remaining gilets jaunes have now focused most of their energy, the weekly protests have become little more than a despicable theater filled with scenes like the attack on Finkielkraut. There is no convincing evidence that those still wearing yellow vests are troubled by the presence of bigotry in their ranks. What is more, many gilets jaunes now seem to believe that pointing out such prejudice is somehow to become part of a government-backed conspiracy to turn public opinion against them.

    Consider, for instance, a February 19 communiqué released in response to the attack on Finkielkraut from La France en Colère, one of the movement’s main online bulletins. “For many days, the government and its friends in the national media seem to have found a new technique for destabilizing public opinion and discrediting the Gilets Jaunes movement,” it begins. “We denounce the accusations and the manipulations put in place by this government adept at fake news.” But this is all the communiqué denounces; it does not address the anti-Semitic violence to which Finkielkraut was subjected, nor does it apologize to a national figure who had defended the movement when few others of his prominence dared to do the same.

    A month after our last conversation, I called Priscillia Ludosky back, to see if she had any reaction to the recent turn of events in the movement her petition had launched. She was only interested in discussing what she called the French government’s “systematic abuse to manipulate public opinion.” She also believes that a government-media conspiracy will stop at nothing to smear the cause. “If there was one person who ever said something homophobic, it was on the front page of every newspaper,” she told me.

    In the days after the attack, Finkielkraut lamented not so much the grim details of what had happened but the squandered potential of a moment that has increasingly descended into paranoid feverishness. As he told me: “This was a beautiful opportunity to reflect on who we are that’s been completely ruined.”

  • Alimentation. La lutte des classes se joue aussi dans l’assiette

    Avec leur vente solidaire annuelle de fruits et légumes, PCF et Modef démontrent, le temps d’une journée, que les classes populaires ne sont pas condamnées à se priver de produits de qualité et à un prix juste.

    Déguster un gratin de courgettes, une tarte aux prunes ou même une salade de tomates relève parfois du luxe pour des familles aux revenus modestes ou des retraités aux pensions faibles. Mais, au pied des immeubles des villes populaires d’Île-de-France comme sur la place de la Bastille, au cœur de Paris, ils seront encore des milliers aujourd’hui à pouvoir s’offrir des fruits et légumes frais, de qualité, et à des prix justes, aussi bien pour le producteur que pour le consommateur. En réalisant leur initiative annuelle de vente à prix coûtant, la Confédération syndicale agricole des exploitants familiaux (Modef) et le Parti communiste français réduisent, le temps d’une journée, la différence du contenu des assiettes entre les couches sociales.

    Les plus modestes, davantage victimes de diabète et d’obésité

    Car, si la France est le 4e producteur de fruits et légumes en Europe (après l’Espagne, l’Italie et la Pologne), tous ses citoyens n’y ont pas accès de la même manière. Un rapport réalisé tous les sept ans par l’Agence nationale de sécurité sanitaire de l’alimentation, et publié l’an dernier, démontre combien les habitudes alimentaires sont un reflet saisissant des inégalités sociales. Dans ces habitudes, la consommation de fraises, petits pois, tomates et aubergines est davantage le fait d’individus ayant un niveau d’études supérieur à bac + 4 que de leurs compatriotes ayant quitté les bancs de l’école en primaire ou au collège, qui en mangent en proportions moindres. Ces derniers, davantage touchés par le chômage ou occupant des emplois d’ouvriers ou d’employés, perçoivent des revenus moins importants. Leurs choix se portent davantage sur de la viande rouge, pourtant peu bon marché, mais symbole de l’assiette des catégories aisées, ou sur des pommes de terre et des produits issus de céréales, jugés plus nourrissants. D’autant que, selon Faustine Régnier, docteur en sociologie de l’alimentation à l’Institut de recherche agronomique (Inra), les ménages modestes, qui consacrent une part importante de leur budget à leur alimentation, sont plus sensibles aux variations des prix. Or, saisonnalité oblige, les prix des fruits et légumes frais passent parfois du simple au double en quelques mois sur les étals. Le résultat de ces arbitrages contraints n’est pas sans conséquence sur la santé, puisque les Français aux revenus modestes sont davantage victimes de maladies cardio-vasculaires, de diabète ou d’obésité...

  • À lire un extrait de Les bobos n’existent pas

    L’irruption de la catégorie des « bobos » dans le champ médiatique français au cours des années 2000 et 2001 a d’ores et déjà été documentée de manière précise (de La Porte, 2006). C’est dans les colonnes de Courrier international qu’elle fait son apparition en juin 2000, à l’occasion d’un compte rendu du livre publié par David Brooks aux États-Unis (Yardley, 2000). Un mois plus tard, c’est surtout l’article « L’été de tous les bobos » d’Annick Rivoire, paru dans la rubrique « Tendance mode de vie » de Libération, qui représente le point de départ du succès de la catégorie. Dans cet article, que Brooks n’aurait pas renié tant il relève du patchwork, les bobos à la sauce française sont dépeints en jouant sur le grand écart supposé définir leur identité en matière de pratiques sociales : Source : (...)

  • Des générations de gentrifieurs

    À partir d’une enquête menée dans deux quartiers gentrifiés, les Pentes de la Croix-Rousse et le Bas-Montreuil, Anaïs Collet déconstruit la catégorie de « bobos » et contribue à l’analyse des recompositions des #classes_moyennes et supérieures.


    / #ville, classes moyennes, #gentrification

    • Depuis son apparition en 2000 sous la plume de David Brooks [1], le terme de « bobos » a connu un succès certain. Dans son livre Rester bourgeois, la sociologue Anaïs Collet souligne le caractère flou et variable de sa signification, et lui préfère la catégorie de « #gentrifieurs » regroupant les habitants de classes moyennes-supérieures résidant dans d’anciens #quartiers_populaires en pleine revalorisation. Son livre se situe dans la lignée des travaux de #sociologie_urbaine des années 1970-80 [2] qui ont mis en évidence que des quartiers populaires anciens ont permis aux « nouvelles couches moyennes salariées » de l’époque (enseignants, chercheurs, formateurs, journalistes, cadres de la fonction publique et autres jeunes diplômés se trouvant dans des positions d’expertise, de conseil, ou de mise en œuvre des politiques publiques) de se rassembler autour d’un modèle culturel critique et militant, et de constituer ce que certains ont appelé la « classe d’alternative » [3]. À partir de l’étude de « gentrifieurs » plus récents et dans une démarche inspirée des travaux de Pierre Bourdieu, Anaïs Collet pose la question des transformations qui ont affecté, depuis une trentaine d’années, la région de l’espace social située à la frontière des classes moyennes et des classes supérieures, dont les membres sont dotés en #capital_culturel plus qu’économique et se caractérisent par des valeurs plutôt progressistes. L’ouvrage vise deux objectifs : d’une part, contribuer à décrire la variété des « gentrifieurs » et, d’autre part, analyser leur « travail » (p. 31) sur les lieux, c’est-à-dire les manières dont ils agissent sur leur logement et leur quartier pour le transformer et se l’approprier.

      L’auteure a choisi de centrer son étude sur deux quartiers : les Pentes de la Croix-Rousse à Lyon, lieu de révoltes ouvrières au XIXe siècle et investi par des intellectuels et des militants dans les années 1960, et le Bas-Montreuil, quartier plus populaire de la région parisienne, qui a connu un afflux de ménages #diplômés dans les années 1980 et surtout au début des années 2000. Entre 2005 et 2007, Anaïs Collet a mené une enquête par entretiens auprès d’une cinquantaine de ménages ayant participé à la « gentrification » de ces deux quartiers et appartenant à des générations différentes. Elle mobilise aussi, de manière plus ponctuelle, des données statistiques issues de recensements de l’Insee de 1968 à 2006 à l’échelle infracommunale et les bases de données notariales sur les transactions immobilières ayant été conclues dans les deux quartiers étudiés. Son enquête dans le Bas-Montreuil, qui a pris une dimension plus ethnographique que sur les Pentes de la Croix-Rousse, occupe une place plus importante dans l’ouvrage.

  • Bret Stephens’s greatest hits

    I was shocked last night when I learned that Bret Stephens has been hired as an op-ed columnist by the New York Times. Being an idealist, I’ve always believed that the Times is going to begin to reflect progressive opinion on Israel and Palestine; but this hire told me I’m dreamin. It goes to show, there really is a neoconservative bloc at the Times. That’s why Jodi Rudoren was Jerusalem bureau chief (and told readers about “a sliver of opportunity” in Gaza). It’s why Bill Kristol was a columnist for a while. It’s why editors always let through stupid headlines about Jerusalem. It’s why the op-ed page is all Zionist, from Roger Cohen to David Brooks to waffling Tom Friedman. And why the paper slags the boycott movement against Israel without rejoinder from pro-BDS voices.

    But let’s hear from the temperamental Stephens himself; let’s see why I think this hire is so problematic. What characterizes Stephens’s speech is an irritable callowness that easily flares into prejudice. That prejudice is conventional neoconservative, and Jewish-centric with a boyish gloss. A former editor of the Jerusalem Post— the launching pad for Wolf Blitzer and Jeffrey Goldberg — Stephens is often Islamophobic.

  • Je ne suis pas Charlie. Je suis CCIF (par Naëm Bestandji)

    Qu’on ne se dise pas être « Charlie Hebdo », je comprends. Personne n’est obligé d’aimer ce journal, même après les attentats. Mais refuser d’être « Charlie » ? « Je suis Charlie » est la réaction la plus pacifiste qui soit face aux attentats qui ont non seulement touché la France mais aussi et surtout nos valeurs fondamentales. Être « Charlie » signifie la volonté de rassembler tout le monde, quelles que soient nos origines, notre (non)religion ou nos opinions, contre l’obscurantisme et la barbarie. Cela définit le refus de répondre par la violence, la volonté de répondre par la fraternité à travers un mouvement pacifiste qui a pour seules armes la démocratie et quelques crayons. C’est un cri à la liberté d’expression et à l’humanisme.

    #ccif #islamisme

  • Ma vie fausse _ Le Courier - Jeudi 03 novembre 2016 Romain Felli -

    Les faux gens se définissent d’abord par opposition aux « vrais gens ». Les vrais gens ont une vraie vie. Les faux gens sont des universitaires qui n’ont pas une vraie vie. Leur vie est fausse. Dans leurs universités, d’autres faux gens leur demandent de lire des livres plutôt que de faire des choses utiles. Ils sont dans la théorie (qui est fausse) plutôt que dans la pratique (qui est vraie). Ils blablatent pendant des heures plutôt que de décider et d’agir. Résultat : les faux gens n’ont pas d’expérience de la vie. Ils ne souffrent pas. Ils ne comprennent pas les problèmes des vrais gens. Ils ne doivent pas se lever tôt le matin pour travailler. Ils ne doivent pas élever leurs enfants ; d’ailleurs ce sont plutôt les vrais gens qui sont hétérosexuels et qui ont des enfants. Les faux gens ne sont jamais au chômage, ils n’ont jamais de fin de mois difficile, leur emploi est toujours stable et leur revenu toujours garanti. Ils ne paient pas d’impôts, ni de primes d’assurance maladie. Les faux gens n’ont pas de problèmes.

    Il existe des vrais gens qui font des études – mais alors ils deviennent aussi des faux gens, coupés des réalités. Pire, certains deviennent des experts, c’est-à-dire des ignorants de la vraie vie. Les faux gens habitent en ville, roulent à vélo, boivent du café filtre, mangent des plats végétariens et tolèrent l’islamisme radical qui commence – comme les vrais gens le savent – par le fait que des femmes choisissent de porter un voile dans la rue plutôt que de rester tête nue chez elles.

    Un spécialiste des faux gens, c’est David Brooks. David Brooks est le chroniqueur conservateur du New York Times. En l’an 2000, il publie Bobos in Paradise : The New Upper Class and How They Got There [Les Bobos au Paradis : La nouvelle classe supérieure, et comment elle est arrivée là]. Dans ce livre, il crée le mot de « bobo », contraction de « bourgeois » et « bohémien ». Brooks est un conservateur, il cherche à briser l’analyse de classe qui est faite par la gauche. Pour la gauche, l’opposition fondamentale dans la société tient à la propriété des moyens de production : d’un côté, les bourgeois propriétaires et exploiteurs, de l’autre, les travailleuses et travailleurs exploité-e-s. Que nenni, affirme Brooks : la classe dominante n’est pas celle qui détient les moyens de production ; ce ne sont pas les propriétaires et dirigeants d’entreprise. Non, l’ennemi du peuple, ce sont les élites culturelles snobinardes qui vivent comme de pseudo-bohémiens : les bobos.

    C’est ainsi qu’une politique fondée sur une perspective de classe est subrepticement remplacée par une politique d’identité : les vrais gens contre les faux… et tant pis si ceux qui regardent ça ricanent et continuent d’accumuler les profits. Dénoncer les faux gens permet au moins de se rassurer sur le fait qu’on fait partie des « vrais gens ».
    Quant à moi, je suis expert en faux gens. D’ailleurs, j’en suis un.
    #Bobo #David_Brooks #faux #vrais #lutte_des_classes

  • Sing in Unison, David Brooks Tells Black Athletes

    Listen up, black kids, David Brooks is here to tell you why your choice of political activism is “counterproductive.” What’s strange is that Brooks never really bothers to explain why, exactly. What follows instead is a discursive white supremacist McHistory lesson about an America defined by harsh self-criticism and noble ideals:


    #racisme « #progressiste » #New_York_Times

  • « Excepté dans les fantasmes des politiciens de droite, le "bobo" ne vit pas dans un loft luxueux à Paris mais souvent en banlieue, il vient plutôt d’un milieu modeste et exerce une profession (graphiste, illustrateur, musicien…) dont il semble acquis qu’elle n’appelle pas de rémunération – ou alors, symbolique. »

    #bobos #Front_de_Libération_des_Bobos

  • Eloge des petits miracles - New York Times

    David Brooks (@nytdavidbrooks), le célèbre éditorialiste du New York Times, fait un bel éloge de l’économie comportementale qu’il oppose aux grandes #politiques_publiques

    « La plupart d’entre nous n’épargne pas assez. Lorsque les gouvernements tentent d’encourager l’épargne, ils adoptent généralement de grandes politiques visant à accroître les incitations. Mais au Kenya, les gens ont reçu de simples boîtes métalliques fermant à clé - un endroit simple où mettre son argent. Après un an, les personnes qui avaient reçu ces boîtes ont accru leur épargne tant et si bien qu’ils avaient 66% d’argent disponible en plus que les autres pour payer leurs dépenses de santé par exemple. Il aurait fallu une énorme réforme fiscale pour produire un changement de comportement aussi large. » "Trop de gens meurent dans des accidents (...)


    • Ce sont des exemples d’un nouveau type d’élaboration des politiques qui déferle sur le monde. Le style ancien a été fondé sur l’idée que les êtres humains sont des acteurs rationnels qui répondent de façon simples aux incitations. Le nouveau style, qui complète sans remplacer l’ancien, est basé sur le fait, évident, que les êtres humains ne sont pas toujours des acteurs rationnels. Parfois, nous sommes mentalement paresseux, ou stressés, ou nous sommes influencés par la pression sociale et des préjugés inconscients. Il est possible de profiter de ces caractéristiques pour favoriser des changements.

      Le style ancien, pour être plus précis, ça s’appelle le #libéralisme économique.
      Pour ces raisons aussi, il est temps de sortir de ce modèle économique archaïque et de ses paradigmes fantaisistes sur la mécanique humaine individuelle..

    • je sais pas trop quoi en penser. notamment quand il est dit :

      Parfois, nous sommes mentalement paresseux, ou stressés, ou nous sommes influencés par la pression sociale et des préjugés inconscients.

      ça semble prendre ces choses comme une base indépassable plutôt que d’envisager qu’elles puissent être améliorées...

    • @koldobika : moi c’est cet exemple que je trouve flippant

      Par exemple, les gens détestent perdre des choses plus qu’ils aiment faire des choses, un phénomène connu sous le nom d’aversion aux pertes. (...) Dans d’autres écoles, les enseignants ont reçu une prime en début d’année qui leur serait enlevée si les résultats de leurs élèves ne s’amélioraient pas. Cette peur de perdre un bonus a eu un grand effet.

      en plus ça semble contradictoire avec l’exemple indien indiquant qu’on était moins performant sous stress (dans le cas de la pauvreté)

      Mais pour le reste, j’adhère à l’approche, ça correspond à ce que j’observe autour de moi, nos motivations et comportements ne sont pas tous rationnels. Je parle aussi de manipulation bienveillante mutuelle, pour nous aider à améliorer les comportements, comme on accepte qu’un kiné nous manipule pour nous aider à améliorer nos gestes..
      reste le pb de l’intentionnalité et de la finalité, et là retour à la case départ -> cf libéralisme

  • La mort (de la #politique) par les données - New York Times

    Dans un édito pour le New York Times, David Brooks souligne combien les campagnes politiques américaines sont désormais devenues scientifiques, pilotées par les données. Les discours, publicités et les campagnes ciblent désormais des tranches démographiques spécifiques. Mais cette nouvelle forme de politique est construite sur une philosophie et un ensemble d’hypothèses douteuses, estime l’éditorialiste. “Cette méthode suppose que la mobilisation est plus importante que la persuasion, qu’il est plus important de cibler des supporters susceptibles de recadrer le débat ou de convaincre l’ensemble du pays” que l’ensemble des citoyens. Elle favorise la démultiplication de messages formatés, qui insistent plus sur la forme que sur le fond. Au final, si Obama a gagné avec ces méthodes en 2012, il n’avait aucun (...)


  • Les maîtres des machines - New York Times

    David Brooks pour le New York Times revient sur l’article que Kevin Kelly a publié sur Wired sur les trois avancées technologiques qui vont libérer l’intelligence artificielle sur le monde (à savoir le calcul bon marché, le big data et des algorithmes toujours plus performants). Selon Kelly, l’intelligence artificielle est enfin à portée de main. Mais celle-ci n’aura pas la forme d’un génie anthropomorphe, comme HAL 9000 dans 2001 l’odyssée de l’espace (même si HAL n’est pas vraiment anthropomorphe !). L’intelligence artificielle de demain sera constitué de machines plus modestes : moteurs de voitures, traducteurs en temps réel, logiciels pour organiser ses photos ou sa musique…

    « Tout ce qu’autrefois nous avons électrifié, nous allons désormais le cognitiser », écrit Kelly. (…) Pour Kelly :"Les business (...)

    #prospective #intelligence_artificielle

  • Obama Met Privately With Top Journalists Before ISIS War Speech

    NEW YORK –- President Barack Obama met with over a dozen prominent columnists and magazine writers Wednesday afternoon before calling for an escalation of the war against the Islamic State, or ISIS, in a primetime address that same night.

    The group, which met in the Roosevelt Room of the White House in an off-the-record session, included New York Times columnists #David_Brooks, #Tom_Friedman and #Frank_Bruni and editorial writer #Carol_Giacomo; The Washington Post’s #David_Ignatius, #Eugene_Robinson and #Ruth_Marcus; The New Yorker’s #Dexter_Filkins and #George_Packer; The Atlantic’s #Jeffrey_Goldberg and #Peter_Beinart; The New Republic’s #Julia_Ioffe; #Columbia_Journalism_School Dean #Steve_Coll; The Wall Street Journal’s #Jerry_Seib; and The Daily Beast’s #Michael_Tomasky, a source familiar with the meeting told The Huffington Post.

    National Security Advisor Susan Rice, Deputy National Security Advisor Ben Rhodes and White House Chief of Staff Denis McDonough also attended the meeting, according to the source.

    • Off-the-Record Session With the President on ISIS Raises Concerns
      By MARGARET SULLIVAN SEPTEMBER 17, 2014 3:15 PMSeptember 17, 2014 4:03 pm 3 Comments

      Tom English of Jackson Heights wrote, “to me, it really looks like the meeting was held to run talking/propaganda points by the media to see how best to sell the war.” Judith Abrams of Newton, Mass., asked, “how can I have confidence in the reporting in the Times when the government and the journalists appear to have such a symbiotic relationship?” And Eric Kodish, chairman of the bioethics department at the Cleveland Clinic, wondered about the ethics of using information from those who were not supposed to talk about what they had heard.


      As I noted above, Mr. Obama didn’t invent these off-the-record sessions, not by a long shot. But such meetings shouldn’t be a substitute for allowing news reporters, on behalf of the public, to grill the president on the record – especially on a subject as weighty and important as impending military action. But increasingly, they seem to be just that. Readers are right to be troubled about the implications.

  • Comment la critique des « bobos » est passée à droite

    Rien n’est mieux partagé que le discours anti-bobo. L’ironie ou l’agressivité peuvent varier, mais chacun a un jour, d’un air entendu, utilisé ce mot pour parler d’un quartier, d’un restaurant, d’idées politiques, de modes vestimentaires ou de pratiques alimentaires. Nul besoin d’expliquer le terme, les bobos c’est les autres – et, pour certains, le nouveau repoussoir, l’incarnation d’un progressisme hypocrite, d’une branchitude désinvolte et indifférente aux vrais problèmes. Source : Les mots (...)