person:david harvey

  • Mathematicians Discover the Perfect Way to Multiply | Quanta Magazine
    https://www.quantamagazine.org/mathematicians-discover-the-perfect-way-to-multiply-20190411

    Four thousand years ago, the Babylonians invented multiplication. Last month, mathematicians perfected it.

    On March 18, two researchers described the fastest method ever discovered for multiplying two very large numbers. The paper marks the culmination of a long-running search to find the most efficient procedure for performing one of the most basic operations in math.

    “Everybody thinks basically that the method you learn in school is the best one, but in fact it’s an active area of research,” said Joris van der Hoeven, a mathematician at the French National Center for Scientific Research and one of the co-authors.

    The complexity of many computational problems, from calculating new digits of pi to finding large prime numbers, boils down to the speed of multiplication. Van der Hoeven describes their result as setting a kind of mathematical speed limit for how fast many other kinds of problems can be solved.

    “In physics you have important constants like the speed of light which allow you to describe all kinds of phenomena,” van der Hoeven said. “If you want to know how fast computers can solve certain mathematical problems, then integer multiplication pops up as some kind of basic building brick with respect to which you can express those kinds of speeds.”

    Most everyone learns to multiply the same way. We stack two numbers, multiply every digit in the bottom number by every digit in the top number, and do addition at the end. If you’re multiplying two two-digit numbers, you end up performing four smaller multiplications to produce a final product.

    The grade school or “carrying” method requires about n2 steps, where n is the number of digits of each of the numbers you’re multiplying. So three-digit numbers require nine multiplications, while 100-digit numbers require 10,000 multiplications.

    The carrying method works well for numbers with just a few digits, but it bogs down when we’re multiplying numbers with millions or billions of digits (which is what computers do to accurately calculate pi or as part of the worldwide search for large primes). To multiply two numbers with 1 billion digits requires 1 billion squared, or 1018, multiplications, which would take a modern computer roughly 30 years.

    For millennia it was widely assumed that there was no faster way to multiply. Then in 1960, the 23-year-old Russian mathematician Anatoly Karatsuba took a seminar led by Andrey Kolmogorov, one of the great mathematicians of the 20th century. Kolmogorov asserted that there was no general procedure for doing multiplication that required fewer than n2 steps. Karatsuba thought there was — and after a week of searching, he found it.

    Karatsuba’s method involves breaking up the digits of a number and recombining them in a novel way that allows you to substitute a small number of additions and subtractions for a large number of multiplications. The method saves time because addition takes only 2n steps, as opposed to n2 steps.

    “With addition, you do it a year earlier in school because it’s much easier, you can do it in linear time, almost as fast as reading the numbers from right to left,” said Martin Fürer, a mathematician at Pennsylvania State University who in 2007 created what was at the time the fastest multiplication algorithm.

    When dealing with large numbers, you can repeat the Karatsuba procedure, splitting the original number into almost as many parts as it has digits. And with each splitting, you replace multiplications that require many steps to compute with additions and subtractions that require far fewer.

    “You can turn some of the multiplications into additions, and the idea is additions will be faster for computers,” said David Harvey, a mathematician at the University of New South Wales and a co-author on the new paper.

    Karatsuba’s method made it possible to multiply numbers using only n1.58 single-digit multiplications. Then in 1971 Arnold Schönhage and Volker Strassen published a method capable of multiplying large numbers in n × log n × log(log n) multiplicative steps, where log n is the logarithm of n. For two 1-billion-digit numbers, Karatsuba’s method would require about 165 trillion additional steps.

    Schönhage and Strassen’s method, which is how computers multiply huge numbers, had two other important long-term consequences. First, it introduced the use of a technique from the field of signal processing called a fast Fourier transform. The technique has been the basis for every fast multiplication algorithm since.

    Second, in that same paper Schönhage and Strassen conjectured that there should be an even faster algorithm than the one they found — a method that needs only n × log n single-digit operations — and that such an algorithm would be the fastest possible. Their conjecture was based on a hunch that an operation as fundamental as multiplication must have a limit more elegant than n × log n × log(log n).

    “It was kind of a general consensus that multiplication is such an important basic operation that, just from an aesthetic point of view, such an important operation requires a nice complexity bound,” Fürer said. “From general experience the mathematics of basic things at the end always turns out to be elegant.”

    Schönhage and Strassen’s ungainly n × log n × log(log n) method held on for 36 years. In 2007 Fürer beat it and the floodgates opened. Over the past decade, mathematicians have found successively faster multiplication algorithms, each of which has inched closer to n × log n, without quite reaching it. Then last month, Harvey and van der Hoeven got there.

    Their method is a refinement of the major work that came before them. It splits up digits, uses an improved version of the fast Fourier transform, and takes advantage of other advances made over the past forty years. “We use [the fast Fourier transform] in a much more violent way, use it several times instead of a single time, and replace even more multiplications with additions and subtractions,” van der Hoeven said.

    Harvey and van der Hoeven’s algorithm proves that multiplication can be done in n × log n steps. However, it doesn’t prove that there’s no faster way to do it. Establishing that this is the best possible approach is much more difficult. At the end of February, a team of computer scientists at Aarhus University posted a paper arguing that if another unproven conjecture is also true, this is indeed the fastest way multiplication can be done.

    And while the new algorithm is important theoretically, in practice it won’t change much, since it’s only marginally better than the algorithms already being used. “The best we can hope for is we’re three times faster,” van der Hoeven said. “It won’t be spectacular.”

    In addition, the design of computer hardware has changed. Two decades ago, computers performed addition much faster than multiplication. The speed gap between multiplication and addition has narrowed considerably over the past 20 years to the point where multiplication can be even faster than addition in some chip architectures. With some hardware, “you could actually do addition faster by telling the computer to do a multiplication problem, which is just insane,” Harvey said.

    Hardware changes with the times, but best-in-class algorithms are eternal. Regardless of what computers look like in the future, Harvey and van der Hoeven’s algorithm will still be the most efficient way to multiply.

    #mathematiques #multiplication

  • David Harvey : la revanche de l’espace by Cecile Gintrac

    Le géographe marxiste David Harvey développe depuis plusieurs années un « matérialisme historico-géographique » permettant notamment de penser les conflits entre les territoires comme un enjeu central de la domination capitaliste. Reprenant à Henri Lefebvre le concept de « droit à la ville », il réfléchit également aux manières d’en sortir

    « Le capitalisme est accro à l’expansion géographique autant qu’au changement technologique et qu’à la croissance économique » David Harvey

    Lire la suite dans : https://www.causecommune-larevue.fr/david_harvey_la_revanche_de_l_espace

    #periurbain #harvey #geopolitique #capitalisme #blanc_des_cartes

  • La Rebelión del espacio vivido. Teoría social de la urbanización capitalista

    “Debemos a la insistente voz de Henri Lefebvre la idea según la cual el dominio sobre el espacio constituye una fuente fundamental y omnipresente del poder social sobre la vida cotidiana”. David Harvey, 1990.

    La tesis revisa el pensamiento de Henri Lefebvre como un todo en movimiento. Siguiendo su torrente teórico se rehace un itinerario complejo con voluntad pedagógica y la intención de estudiar no solo aquello que decía, sino la forma en que pensaba; así como, su traducción en la ciudad global contemporánea.

    https://www.academia.edu/37248384/La_Rebelio_n_del_espacio_vivido._Teor%C3%ADa_social_de_la_urbanizaci%C3%B3
    #thèse #PhD #thèse_De_doctorat #urban_matter #Henri_Lefebvre #Lefebvre #ville #géographie_urbaine #urbanisation_capitaliste

  • Lutte des classes, lutte des places
    https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/les-nouvelles-de-leco/les-nouvelles-de-leco-du-mardi-08-mai-2018

    Le géographe Michel Lussault développe une analyse des "places", considérées non seulement dans leur dimension spatiale, mais aussi sociale et qui permettent de comprendre les nouvelles luttes politiques et économiques à l’oeuvre dans la mondialisation.


    Illustration du Capital par Hugo Gellert• Crédits : VITALIY KARPOV / RIA NOVOSTI / SPUTNIK - AFP - AFP

    Le géographe Michel #Lussault développe une analyse des "places", qui renvoie à une conception de l’#espace, non comme un simple contenant, un cadre extérieur dans lequel se déroulerait la vie économique, mais bien un objet particulier à considérer en soi. Par “place”, il ne faut donc pas entendre de simples localisations géographiques, ni même une situation dans un espace social, mais une tentative de conciliation entre les deux.

    Cette analyse originale est intéressante, car elle permet d’avoir un regard neuf sur les relations de pouvoir et de cohabitation entre les populations populaires et ce que Lussault appelle l’élite “#cinétique” ou circulante, du fait de son usage et de sa voracité de lieux. Au paroxysme de la #mondialisation, qui achève de réduire les distances, cette élite internationale jouit d’une puissance et d’une liberté spatiale sans précédent.

    Dans un article du journal l’Humanité, le philosophe Grégoire Chamayou explique que le système capitaliste, pétri de contradiction, parvient à retarder ses crises grâce à des “ruses géographiques”.

    Reprenant l’analyse du géographe David #Harvey, il explique que c’est grâce à son incroyable plasticité, sa capacité de transformation et d’adaptation, que le capitalisme parvient à se perdurer. Pour David Harvey, il faut également considérer l’#espace comme un objet d’étude à part entière et non pas un simple environnement où se déploient des réalités économiques.

  • Lire pour comprendre #3 - « Villes rebelles, du droit à la ville à la révolution urbaine », David Harvey
    https://rebellyon.info/Lire-pour-comprendre-3-Villes-rebelles-du-18655

    « Villes rebelles », (Buchet Chastel, 2015) est un focus sur les luttes sociales actuelles et précisément sur les luttes « urbaines ». Il s’agit d’une série d’articles qui a été éditée en anglais en 2012 avant d’être traduite dans la langue de Molière en 2015.

    #Analyse_et_réflexion

    / #Vie_des_quartiers_-_urbanisme_-_initiatives, #Apartheid_social, Une, #Table_Rase, Fiches de lectures

    #Fiches_de_lectures_

  • Pour tou.te.s les géographes ici :

    Pour une géographie anarchiste
    Simon Springer
    Traduit de l’anglais par Nicolas Calvé
    Lux Editeur
    Parution en Amérique du Nord : 25 janvier 2018
    Parution en Europe : 15 mars 2018
    http://www.luxediteur.com/catalogue/pour-une-geographie-anarchiste

    Grâce aux ouvrages de David Harvey, Mike Davis ou même Henri Lefebvre, on connaît aujourd’hui la géographie radicale ou critique née dans le contexte des luttes politiques des années 1960 aux États-Unis et qui a, comme le disait Harvey, donné à Marx « la dimension spatiale qui lui manquait ». Dans ce livre, Simon Springer enjoint aux géographes critiques de se radicaliser davantage et appelle à la création d’une géographie insurrectionnelle qui reconnaisse l’aspect kaléidoscopique des espaces et son potentiel émancipateur, révélé à la fin du XIXe siècle par Élisée Reclus et Pierre Kropotkine, notamment.

    L’histoire de l’humanité est une longue suite d’expériences dans et avec l’espace ; or aujourd’hui, la stase qui est imposée à ces mouvements vitaux, principalement par les frontières, menace notre survie. Face au désastre climatique et humain qui nous guette, il est indispensable de revoir les relations que nous entretenons avec le monde et une géographie rebelle comme celle que défend Springer nous libérerait du carcan de l’attentisme. Il faut se défaire une bonne fois pour toutes des géographies hiérarchiques qui nous enchaînent à l’étatisme, au capitalisme, à la discrimination et à l’impérialisme. « La géographie doit devenir belle, se vouer entièrement à l’émancipation. »

    #géographie #anarchisme #Simon_Springer #Lux

  • https://uottawa.scholarsportal.info/ojs/index.php/revue-analyses/article/view/2097/1880
    De l’aveu même du géographe David Harvey, « The geographical
    imagination is far too pervasive and important a fact of
    intellectual life to be left alone to geographers » (1995a, p. 160).
    C’est ainsi qu’à partir des années 1960, les sciences humaines et
    sociales ont été marquées par l’émergence d’un paradigme
    spatial qui, dans une perspective interdisciplinaire, encourageait l’exploitation de concepts spatiaux pour penser la construction
    du savoir. Ce spatial turn aura deux conséquences majeures : il
    marquera un renouveau épistémologique dans de nombreuses
    disciplines – sociologie, histoire, littérature – tout en
    encourageant une nouvelle compréhension de l’espace,
    désormais affranchi de la seule perspective géographique"

  • The Geopolitical Economy of the Global Internet Infrastructure on JSTOR
    https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5325/jinfopoli.7.2017.0228

    Article très intéressant qui repositionne les Etats dans la gestion de l’infrastructure globale de l’internet. En fait, une infrastructure globale pour le déploiement du capital (une autre approche de la géopolitique, issue de David Harvey).

    According to many observers, economic globalization and the liberalization of telecoms/internet policy have remade the world in the image of the United States. The dominant roles of Amazon, Apple, Facebook, and Google have also led to charges of US internet imperialism. This article, however, argues that while these internet giants dominate some of the most popular internet services, the ownership and control of core elements of the internet infrastructure—submarine cables, internet exchange points, autonomous system numbers, datacenters, and so on—are tilting increasingly toward the EU and BRICS (i.e., Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) countries and the rest of the world, complicating views of hegemonic US control of the internet and what Susan Strange calls the knowledge structure.

    This article takes a different tack. It argues that while US-based internet giants do dominate some of the middle and top layers of the internet—for example, operating systems (iOS, Windows, Android), search engines (Google), social networks (Facebook), online retailing (Amazon), over-the-top TV (Netflix), browsers (Google Chrome, Apple Safari, Microsoft Explorer), and domain names (ICANN)—they do not rule the hardware, or material infrastructure, upon which the internet and daily life, business, governments, society, and war increasingly depend. In fact, as the article shows, ownership and control of many core elements of the global internet infrastructure—for example, fiber optic submarine cables, content delivery networks (CDNs), autonomous system numbers (ASN), and internet exchange points (IXPs)—are tilting toward the rest of the world, especially Europe and the BRICS (i.e., Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). This reflects the fact that the United States’ standing in the world is slipping while an ever more multipolar world is arising.

    International internet backbone providers, internet content companies, and CDNs interconnect with local ISPs and at one or more of the nearly 2000 IXPs around the world. The largest IXPs are in New York, London, Amsterdam, Frankfurt, Seattle, Chicago, Moscow, Sao Paulo, Tokyo, and Hong Kong. They are core elements of the internet that switch traffic between all the various networks that comprise the internet system, and help to establish accessible, affordable, fast, and secure internet service.

    In developed markets, internet companies such as Google, Baidu, Facebook, Netflix, Youku, and Yandex use IXPs to interconnect with local ISPs such as Deutsche Telecoms in Germany, BT or Virgin Media in Britain, or Comcast in the United States to gain last-mile access to their customers—and vice versa, back up the chain. Indeed, 99 percent of internet traffic handled by peering arrangements among such parties occurs without any money changing hands or a formal contract.50 Where IXPs do not exist or are rare, as in Africa, or run poorly, as in India, the cost of bandwidth is far more expensive. This is a key factor that helps to explain why internet service is so expensive in areas of the world that can least afford it. It is also why the OECD and EU encourage developing countries to make IXPs a cornerstone of economic development and telecoms policy work.

    The network of networks that make up the internet constitute a sprawling, general purpose platform upon which financial markets, business, and trade, as well as diplomacy, spying, national security, and war depend. The world’s largest electronic payments system operator, the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunications’ (SWIFT) secure messaging network carries over 25 million messages a day involving payments that are believed to be worth over $7 trillion USD.59 Likewise, the world’s biggest foreign currency settlement system, the CLS Bank, executes upward of a million trades a day worth between $1.5 and $2.5 trillion over the global cable systems—although that is down by half from its high point in 2008.60 As Stephen Malphrus, former chief of staff to the US Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, observed, when “communications networks go down, the financial services sector does not grind to a halt, rather it snaps to a halt.”61

    Governments and militaries also account for a significant portion of internet traffic. Indeed, 90 to 95 percent of US government traffic, including sensitive diplomatic and military orders, travels over privately owned cables to reach officials in the field.62 “A major portion of DoD data traveling on undersea cables is unmanned aerial vehicle video,” notes a study done for the Department of Homeland Security by MIT scholar Michael Sechrist.63 Indeed, the Department of Defense’s entire Global Information Grid shares space in these cables with the general public internet.64

    The 3.6 billion people as of early 2016 who use the internet to communicate, share music, ideas and knowledge, browse, upload videos, tweet, blog, organize social events and political protests, watch pornography, read sacred texts, and sell stuff are having the greatest influence on the current phase of internet infrastructure development. Video currently makes up an estimated two-thirds of all internet traffic, and is expected to grow to 80 percent in the next five years,69 with US firms leading the way. Netflix single-handedly accounts for a third of all internet traffic. YouTube is the second largest source of internet traffic on fixed and mobile networks alike the world over. Altogether, the big five internet giants account for roughly half of all “prime-time” internet traffic, a phrasing that deliberately reflects the fact that internet usage swells and peaks at the same time as the classic prime-time television period, that is, 7 p.m. to 11 p.m.

    Importance des investissements des compagnies de l’internet dans les projets de câbles.

    Several things stand out from this analysis. First, in less than a decade, Google has carved out a very large place for itself through its ownership role in four of the six projects (the SJC, Faster, Unity, and Pacific Cable Light initiatives), while Facebook has stakes in two of them (APG and PLCN) and Microsoft in the PLCN project. This is a relatively new trend and one that should be watched in the years ahead.

    A preliminary view based on the publicly available information is that the US internet companies are important but subordinate players in consortia dominated by state-owned national carriers and a few relatively new competitors. Keen to wrest control of core elements of the internet infrastructure that they perceive to have been excessively dominated by United States interests in the past, Asian governments and private investors have joined forces to change things in their favor. In terms of the geopolitical economy of the internet, there is both a shift toward the Asia-Pacific region and an increased role for national governments.

    Return of the State as Regulator of Concentrated Markets

    In addition to the expanded role of the state as market builder, regulator, and information infrastructure policy maker, many regulators have also rediscovered the reality of significant market concentration in the telecom-internet and media industries. Indeed, the US government has rejected several high-profile telecoms mergers in recent years, such as AT&T’s proposal to take over T-Mobile in 2011, T-Mobile’s bid for Sprint in 2014, and Comcast’s attempt to acquire Time Warner Cable last year. Even the approval of Comcast’s blockbuster takeover of NBC Universal in 2011, and Charter Communications acquisition of Time Warner Cable last year, respectively, came with important strings attached and ongoing conduct regulation designed to constrain the companies’ ability to abuse their dominant market power.87 The FCC’s landmark 2016 ruling to reclassify broadband internet access as a common carrier further indicated that US regulators have been alert to the realities of market concentration and telecoms-internet access providers’ capacity to abuse that power, and the need to maintain a vigilant eye to ensure that their practices do not swamp people’s rights to freely express themselves, maintain control over the collection, retention, use, and disclosure of their personal information, and to access a diverse range of services over the internet.88 The 28 members of the European Union, along with Norway, India, and Chile, have adopted similar “common carriage/network neutrality/open network”89 rules to offset the reality that concentration in core elements of these industries is “astonishingly high”90 on the basis of commonly used indicators (e.g., concentration ratios and the Herfindahl–Hirschman Index).

    These developments indicate a new phase in internet governance and control. In the first phase, circa the 1990s, technical experts and organizations such as the Internet Engineers Task Force played a large role, while the state sat relatively passively on the sidelines. In the second phase, circa the early to mid-2000s, commercial forces surged to the fore, while internet governance revolved around the ICANN and the multi-stakeholder model. Finally, the revelations of mass internet surveillance by many states and ongoing disputes over the multi-stakeholder, “internet freedom” agenda on the one side, versus the national sovereignty, multilateral model where the ITU and UN system would play a larger role in internet governance all indicate that significant moves are afoot where the relationship between states and markets is now in a heightened state of flux.

    Such claims, however, are overdrawn. They rely too heavily on the same old “realist,” “struggle for control” model where conflict between nation-states has loomed large and business interests and communication technologies served mainly as “weapons of politics” and the handmaidens of national interests from the telegraph in the nineteenth century to the internet today. Yet, nation-states and private business interests, then and now, not only compete with one another but also cooperate extensively to cultivate a common global space of economic accumulation. Communication technologies and business interests, moreover, often act independent of the nation-state and via “private structures of cooperation,” that is, cartels and consortia, as the history and contemporary state of the undersea cable networks illustrate. In fact, the internet infrastructure of the twenty-first century, much like that of the industrial information infrastructure of the past 150 years, is still primarily financed, owned, and operated by many multinational consortia, although more than a few submarine communications cables are now owned by a relatively new roster of competitive players, such as Tata, Level 3, Global Cloud Xchange, and so forth. They have arisen mostly in the last 20 years and from new quarters, such as India in the case of Tata, for example.

    #Economie_numérique #Géopolitique #Câbles_sous_marins

  • Stratégies post-crash

    Les #crises financières et immobilières ne datent pas d’hier. Phénomène global et cyclique lié à l’évolution des économies capitalistes depuis le 18e siècle en Angleterre et le 19e siècle dans le reste de l’Europe et aux Etats-Unis, leur ampleur et leur fréquence se sont intensifiées depuis le début des années 1970. La dérégulation des marchés et le passage d’un capitalisme industriel à un capitalisme financier auraient inauguré, selon David Harvey dans The Condition of Postmodernity (1989), « une période de changement rapide, de flux et d’incertitude » qui a eu pour conséquence l’émergence d’un nouveau paradigme culturel, social, environnemental et architectural.
    Ce dossier propose d’analyser l’influence des crises sur la production architecturale. Après des périodes d’excès et l’illusion de ressources illimitées, les temps de crise induisent nécessairement des transformations. Dans le cadre d’une réflexion plus générale sur les causes de l’évolution disciplinaire, il est opportun de questionner l’influence des trois crises financières et immobilières les plus importantes depuis les années 1970 – celles de 1973, de la fin des années 1980 et de 2008 – dans des contextes fortement affectés par ces crises.
    Au-delà des conséquences physiques immédiates des krachs immobiliers – bâtiments inachevés, surplus de logements, homogénéisation de l’environnement bâti – et en parallèle aux dernières manifestations de modes de production issus des booms qui les précèdent, les périodes de crise sont des déclencheurs de nouvelles voies de réflexion et de stratégies d’action qui influencent l’évolution de la production architecturale pour les années à venir.
    De la même façon que l’abondance, l’excès et la confiance dans l’évolution du marché définissent le contexte de production durant les périodes de boom, le manque de ressources, l’instabilité et l’incertitude définissent celui des périodes de crise. Les stratégies développées alors s’insèrent dans une réflexion plus globale sur le rôle que l’architecture peut avoir en tant qu’outil de transformation et de #densification du contexte bâti plutôt que d’extension. Elles constituent en définitive une forme de #résilience face à la virulence des cycles immobiliers inhérents au capitalisme financier tel que nous le connaissons.


    https://www.espazium.ch/stratgies-postcrash

    #revue #architecture #urban_matter #villes #immobilier

  • “The Sweetness of Place”: Kristin Ross on the Zad and NoTAV struggles VersoBooks.com
    http://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3262-the-sweetness-of-place-kristin-ross-on-the-zad-and-notav-struggles

    Two struggles have come to define the ground of activism in mainland Europe: the zad (Zone À Défendre - or the zone to defend), and NoTAV (the No to Treno ad Alta Velocità rail line). Despite these struggles being little known in the English-speaking world, each offers a continuation of the kinds of localised, spatial conflict whose genealogy can be traced from the Paris Commune, through Sanrizuka in Japan, the Zapatistas in Mexico and Standing Rock in America, a form of struggle which has been analysed most forcefully in the work of David Harvey. 

    In this extract from the introduction to the new ebook The Zad and NoTAV by the French collective Mauvaise Troupe, which offers English readers the first and most comprehensive narrative of the interlinked stories of the two movements, Kristin Ross offers an introduction to this “never-ending process of soldering together black bloc anarchists and nuns, retired farmers and vegan lesbian separatists, lawyers and autonomistas into a tenacious and effective community”.

    https://seenthis.net/messages/413445

  • Contre le racisme et l’Etat policier
    Angela Davis, Ramon Grosfoguel, David Harvey, Kristin Ross, Bhaskar Sunkara, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor et Immanuel Wallerstein, Libération, le 18 mars 2017
    http://www.liberation.fr/debats/2017/03/18/contre-le-racisme-et-l-etat-policier_1556244

    Plusieurs personnalités du monde universitaire et militants invitent, dimanche à 14 heures à Paris au départ de Nation, à la Marche pour la justice et la dignité à l’initiative de familles victimes de crimes policiers.

    #Marche_pour_la_justice_et_la_dignité

  • #AltWoke Manifesto - &&& Journal
    http://tripleampersand.org/alt-woke-manifesto

    1. Theoria

    #AltWoke is a new awakening for the post-modern Left to navigate the protean digital era. #Altwoke can be categorized as the new New Left. Or Second Wave Neo Marxism. The Post- Truth Left. Anti-liberal postcapitalist left. #AltWoke is antithetical to Silicone Valley techno-neoliberalism. #AltWoke is not the cult of Kurzweil. #AltWoke is not merely analogous to the Alt-Right. #AltWoke injects planning back into left-wing politics. #AltWoke supports universal basic income, biotechnology & radical energy reforms to combat climate change, open borders, new forms of urban planning & the liquidation of Western hegemony. AltWoke sees opportunity in disaster. #AltWoke is the Left taking futurism away from fascism. David Harvey is #altwoke. Situationist International is #altwoke. Jean Baudrillard is #altwoke. Roberto Mangabeira Unger is #altwoke. Eric Snowden is #altwoke. Daniel Keller is #altwoke. Chelsea Manning is #altwoke. William Gibson is #altwoke. Holly Herndon is #altwoke. Franz Fanon is #altwoke. Alvin Toffler is #altwoke.

  • Subvertir la question des communs – Période
    http://revueperiode.net/subvertir-la-question-des-communs

    Face à la toute puissance du paradigme orthodoxe en économie, pour lequel les arrangements contractuels privés sont les plus efficients, une réponse théorique hétérodoxe s’est saisie des communs pour contester les fondements du tout-marché. Dans ce texte, David Harvey montre les limites de ces nouvelles approches. Centrées sur la question des arrangements institutionnels et du droit, elles évacuent le lien indissoluble entre droit de propriété et accumulation du capital. Harvey montre avec brio que le capital reproduit sans cesse un commun bien précis, le travail collectif, pour le reprivatiser. Cette lecture est précieuse, elle permet de mettre les riches observations institutionnalistes sur les communs (problèmes d’échelles, horizontalité, verticalité) au service d’un agenda anticapitaliste.

    #biens_communs #propriété_privée

  • De la ville en pédagogie à la « pédagogie à la ville ». Quelle(s) conception(s) de la ville et du politique dans les méthodes pédagogiques ?

    Chaque théorisation pédagogique constitue le reflet de la société qui l’a construite et mise en place ; elle donne à voir les valeurs dominantes de l’époque et leurs hiérarchisations, l’organisation sociale qu’elle tend à réaliser et/ou reproduire, la place accordée aux enfants et la conception du « citoyen » par rapport à des normes de conduite (place dans la société, pouvoir d’action, degré d’obéissance aux règles collectives et/ou institutionnelles…). Nous souhaitons dans cette tribune profiter de la réforme des programmes scolaires pour proposer un horizon large des liens entre pédagogie et problématiques urbaines, considérant l’héritage historique de la citoyenneté dans la ville (cf. étymologie du terme), ainsi que l’imaginaire politique (d’émancipation) qu’elle a nourrit depuis l’industrialisation et qui animerait selon David Harvey « une impulsion et une aspiration à sa restauration » (2015, pp. 21-22), ce dont témoignerait un certain nombre de mobilisations sur des places centrales du Caire, de Madrid, d’Athènes, de Barcelone…

    https://urbs.hypotheses.org/200

    #pédagogie #urban_matter #ville #didactique
    via @ville_en

  • Contribution à la théorie du marché mondial
    http://revueperiode.net/contribution-a-la-theorie-du-marche-mondial

    Si le marxisme connaît actuellement un renouvellement considérable à travers la #géographie, et a gagné en audience à travers les travaux de David Harvey, Isaak Dachkowski est un précurseur majeur de ce mouvement. Le texte suivant a en effet paru en français en 1929 dans La Revue marxiste. Il expose de façon extrêmement précoce les intuitions fondamentales du marxisme géographique : le rôle de la forme marchandise dans la production d’un espace lisse et homogène, mais aussi dans la différenciation des territoires, la division internationale du travail, et la prolétarisation brutale des sociétés non occidentales au contact du capitalisme. Malgré ses accents vieillis, par sa lecture créative de Marx et Engels, ce texte dégage une fraîcheur insoupçonnée et une ressource pour penser la nouvelle phase de (...)

    #Uncategorized #mondialisation

  • Harvey: Gezi Park Resistance Still Continues Despite Leaving Park - Elif Akgül
    http://bianet.org/english/people/164850-harvey-gezi-park-resistance-still-continues-despite-leaving-park

    On the 2nd anniversary of Gezi Park Resistance, social scientist Prof. Dr. David Harvey attended the press conference, located in the building of Union of Chambers of Turkish Engineers and Architects in İstanbul.

    David Harvey said he was glad with being in İstanbul on the 2nd anniversary of Gezi Park Resistance.

    About Gezi Park Resistance and the city life in İstanbul, Professor Harvey said:

    "It’s very interesting about Gezi Park Resistance that the protests once started locally but then it turned a rebellion all around the country. It was not limited to İstanbul. As a traveler and an urbanologist I think Gezi is unique globally. I suppose these kinds of protests are contagious. There was a protest in Brazil, Sao Paulo and then it spread other cities.

    “Even though these two protests had different factors, they had a mutual point: a demand for democracy. The second mutual point was police violence and the intensity of it. We understand that for people living in the cities life gets harder and harder day by day with deficiency of democracy and police violence.

    “In the U.S.A. we faced police violence again in Ferguson protests.

    “There is a question in our minds: Why don’t political parties want democratic protests and why do they use police violence against the protesters? If we are looking for the answer, we should look at the reflection of the capital on the cities. The capital functions in cities for dispossession. Cities are places for rich men to invest not for common folks to live in anymore.

    "The capital loves mega projects. For instance, urban protests in Brazil started before the world cup against the mega projects and it kept going against the Olympic Games.

    "These mega projects have social effects such as ecological, urban, displacement and evacuation. On demand of the capital, cities become an instrument for investment. Ecology and sustainability are ignored and cities become unlivable.

    “In the last decade, protests against the low life quality in cities increased and even against the alienation among the society. As a result of that, people use violence against each other with this intolerant environment. This is a great mistake.

    “Within this context, we should provide living space for humans to live side by side and without feeling alienated. In my opinion, Gezi was a struggle to create an objective unalienated alternative in an alienated environment. Instead of defending ourselves, we need to create a new life style.

    “We should create new public places to make ourselves understood and we should protect them. Gezi Park Resistance still continues despite leaving the park. It’s only the beginning, keep struggling.” (EA/NV/BD)

    #Gezi #Harvey #Protestation

  • David Harvey: Looking Toward a Moneyless Economy and Sleeping Well at Night

    http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/28879-looking-toward-a-moneyless-economy-and-sleeping-well-at-night

    The ones that to me are the most significant are the growth issue and the environmental issue and what I call “universal alienation.” The way in which we relate to each other, the way in which we relate to our jobs, the way in which relate to the natural world around us - is being constructed in a certain way through the dynamics of technological change and through the growth process to the point where it’s almost impossible to be really human in our relationships to people and in our relationships to life. I think that there’s a kind of sense of frustration, a tremendous sense of frustration. You see this in the younger generation that looks at the future and says, “Where are all the meaningful jobs?”

    It’s not only jobs. I get very tired when politicians go around saying: jobs, jobs, jobs. Yeah, but meaningful jobs. Back in the 1960s, when I first came to the United States, the biggest employers were US Steel, the auto industry and so on, and if you talked to a steel worker, they were kind of political and saw they were being exploited, but they had a certain kind of dignity in terms of the work they did and a certain pride in it.

    The biggest employers now are no longer of that sort; they’re Walmart, McDonald’s and the rest . . . And if you talk to the people who are employed in that and say, “Do you feel this is dignified work?” They look at you and laugh. About 70 percent of the population of the United States is either totally upset at the nature of the work it has to do or totally indifferent to it. This is a kind of situation where you get a kind of visceral anger.

    What we’ve seen over the last 20 or 30 years are sudden outbreaks of visceral anger. In London, for example, suddenly the whole thing is burning. We saw it last year in Stockholm; we saw it in Gezi Park in Istanbul; we’ve seen these events in North Africa. In Brazil, millions of people were out on the street complaining about the World Cup, about soccer. They’re angry and alienated that somehow or another they cannot have a meaningful life and a decent living environment with decent employment opportunities. And this sense of alienation is producing, at this point, not an alternative political movement, but outbreaks of fury and anger, which are actually very difficult to predict and very difficult to control.

    What did we have before we had commercialization and capitalization, and the alienation of ourselves from our labor and each other?

    Well, I think there was this period during the 1930s, the 1940s, and I don’t think we should romanticize it, but there was this period where labor felt it was able to have a piece of the pie and could influence things. And there was a social safety net, which was being constructed - a welfare state of sorts - which had a class character and had all kinds of things wrong with it. Its relationship to gender and race was absolutely awful. But, nevertheless, there was a kind of sense that there was a possibility of a better future, and people felt that. And then in the 1970s, all of that began to get eroded and was gradually washed away.

    There was a time when people felt that being entrepreneurial was a good idea. “We can all go out and be entrepreneurs,” and so on. Of course some people did, and they made it. But a lot of people didn’t. Increasingly, we got the production of higher levels of poverty. The income inequalities start to sort of spiral out of hand, and so we get this transformation. And then it produces, through the technological changes, the artificial intelligence, the robotization and all the rest of it, this kind of meaningless labor where people don’t really understand what it is they’re doing. Society, by the way, is dedicated to be anti-government, but is more bureaucratic than ever before. I mean, I work in a university and the level of bureaucratic stuff we have to fill out to do anything is just enormous. We’ve got this system where I think it’s not working at any level.

    et aussi

    I like Karl Polanyi precisely because he doesn’t come out of the Marxist camp. I think so much of what Marx talks about and what Polanyi talks about is common sense. Land is not a commodity that we’ve made. We’ve turned it into a commodity by establishing private property rights and we’re doing things of that sort with knowledge now. Knowledge, which should be a commons for everybody, is now being enclosed. I was stuck somewhere and needed my own articles, and I couldn’t find a copy of it, and I was traveling. I had to pay $25 to get it off the web. And I thought, here I am paying $25 for one of my own articles. This is ridiculous.

    #Harvey #Marx #capitalisme #Copyright #Cloud

  • #David_Harvey : On #Syriza and #Podemos

    Marxist geographer David Harvey recently spoke with il manifesto about the contradictions inherent in capitalism, the possibilities for its undoing and where Syriza and Podemos fit within its opposition.


    http://www.versobooks.com/blogs/1920-david-harvey-on-syriza-and-podemos

  • David Harvey’s Course on Marx’s #Capital : Volumes 1 & 2 Now Available Free Online

    For many people, the arguments and analysis of Karl Marx’s three-volume Das Kapital (or Capital: A Critique of Political Economy) are as relevant as ever. For many others, the work is a historical curiosity, dated relic, or worse. Before forming an opinion either way, it’s probably best to read the thing—or as much of the huge set of tomes as you can manage. (Vol. 1, Vol. 2. and Vol. 3.) Few thinkers have been as frequently misquoted or misunderstood, even, or especially, by their own adherents. And as with any dense philosophical text, when embarking on a study of Marx, it’s best to have a guide. One could hardly do better than David Harvey, Distinguished Professor of Anthropology and Geography at the City University of New York’s Graduate Center.

    http://www.openculture.com/2014/11/david-harveys-course-on-marxs-capital-volumes-1-2-now-available-free-on
    #Marx #David_Harvey #cours #open_access

  • Le droit à la ville – David Harvey | RdL La Revue des Livres

    http://www.revuedeslivres.fr/le-droit-a-la-ville-david-harvey

    Publié pour la première fois dans la défunte RiLi en novembre 2008, ce texte est proposé ici à nouveau à la lecture en accompagnement de « Gentrification et droit à la ville. La lutte des classes dans l’espace urbain », un entretien avec Anne Clerval qui figure au sommaire de la RdL n° 5, actuellement en kiosque (mai-juin 2012).

    Retraçant deux cent ans d’histoire de l’urbanisme, David Harvey* met au jour le lien fondamental existant entre ville et capitalisme : de Haussmann à la crise des subprimes, de Robert Moses aux expropriations de Mumbai, la ville a toujours été le lieu naturel de réinvestissement du surproduit, et, par conséquent, le premier terrain des luttes politiques entre le capital et les classes laborieuses, avec pour enjeu le « droit à la ville » et à ses ressources.

    Un droit précieux et négligé

    Les idéaux des droits humains sont aujourd’hui passés au centre de la scène éthique et politique. On dépense une grande énergie politique à défendre la place de ces droits dans la construction d’un monde meilleur. Pour la plupart, les concepts en circulation sont individualistes et fondés sur la propriété, et à ce titre, ils ne remettent nullement en question les fondements du néolibéralisme, l’hégémonie des logiques marchandes ou les formes juridiques et d’action de l’État. Après tout, dans le monde où nous vivons, les droits de la propriété privée et du taux de profit priment sur tous les autres. Il est pourtant des moments où l’idéal des droits humains prend une tournure collective, lorsque par exemple les droits des travailleurs, des femmes, des gays et des minorités passent au premier plan (héritage du mouvement des travailleurs et du mouvement pour les droits civiques aux États-Unis, qui fut de nature collective et de portée mondiale). Ces luttes pour les droits collectifs ont, à l’occasion, porté leurs fruits (si bien qu’aujourd’hui une femme et un Noir peuvent devenir des candidats sérieux dans la course à la Maison blanche). Mais c’est un autre genre de droit collectif que je voudrais examiner ici : le droit à la ville. Cette question me paraît importante d’une part en raison de l’actuel regain d’intérêt pour les idées qu’Henri Lefebvre développa sur ce sujet, et d’autre part parce que différents mouvements sociaux se sont récemment constitués autour de la revendication d’un droit à la ville.

    #géographie_radicale #david_harvey

  • #David_Harvey interview : #Tarlabasi #Istanbul

    Acclaimed geography academic and Professor of Anthropology at City University of New York provides an interview on urban issues in the district of Tarlabasi Istanbul, an area in the last throes of evictions for the long-standing residents. Tarlabasi is in the process of a #gentrification programme to create an upscale housing and shopping district in the centre of the city.

    http://vimeo.com/44465815


    #ville #géographie_urbaine #urban_matters