person:deng xiaoping

  • The Tiananmen Square massacre, 30 years on - World Socialist Web Site

    By Peter Symonds, 8 June 2019 - Thirty years have passed since heavily-armed Chinese troops, backed by tanks, moved through the suburbs of Beijing on the night of June 3–4, 1989, killing hundreds, probably thousands, of unarmed civilians. The military forces overwhelmed makeshift barricades with brute force as they made their way to Tiananmen Square—the site of weeks of mass protests by students and workers.

    Those barbaric events, which demonstrated the willingness of the Stalinist Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime to do anything to stay in power, have gone down in history as the Tiananmen Square massacre. Yet most of deaths during that murderous assault were of workers who courageously tried to halt the progress of troops to central Beijing. Estimates vary, but up to 7,000 were killed and 20,000 wounded.

    Moreover, in the reign of terror that followed throughout China it was the workers who received the harshest penalties, including lengthy jail terms and death sentences. Around 40,000 people were arrested just in June and July, mostly members of Workers Autonomous Federations that had sprung up in the course of the protests.
    Protesters in Tiananmen Square

    What is commonly depicted as the crushing of student protesters was in fact a wave of repression directed overwhelmingly against a mass movement of the working class. What had begun in April as student protests calling for democratic reforms had swelled into the millions as workers joined the demonstrations by mid-May, making their own class demands.

    The Beijing Workers Autonomous Federation was established on April 20 with a handful of workers and rapidly expanded to become a major organising centre by mid-May. On May 17, up to two million people marched through the centre of Beijing, the majority being workers and their families under the banners of their work units or enterprises. Reflecting the impact of events in Beijing, Workers Autonomous Federations were established in a host of major cities, including Changsha, Shaoyang, Xiangtan, Hengyang and Yueyang.

    While moderate student leaders were intent on pressing the CCP bureaucracy for concessions on democratic rights, workers were animated by concerns over deteriorating living standards, soaring inflation and a wave of sackings and closures. The regime’s embrace of the capitalist market since the 1970s had led to widening social inequality and rampant bureaucratic corruption and profiteering. Workers were bitterly hostile to the accumulation of privileges and wealth by the top CCP leaders, such as Deng Xiaoping, Li Peng, Zhao Ziyang, Jiang Zemin, Chen Yun and their family members, and were contemptuous of their claims to be communist and socialist.

    A statement by workers issued on May 25 expressed the rebellious currents in the working class. “Our nation was created by the struggle and labour of we workers and all other mental and manual labourers. We are the rightful masters of this nation. We must be heard in national affairs. We must not allow this small band of degenerate scum of the nation and the working class to usurp our name and suppress the students, murder democracy and trample human rights.” [1]

    Premier Zhao Ziyang had been sympathetic to the demands of student leaders and had counselled making small concessions to calls for basic democratic rights. However, no compromise was possible with the working class, whose unrest threatened the very existence of the regime. As the protest movement rapidly grew in size and confidence, paramount leader Deng Xiaoping removed his ally Zhao as premier, installed hardline Li Peng in his place and ordered the military to violently suppress the protests in Beijing and nationally.
    The crisis of Stalinism

    The resort to such extreme measures was bound up with the profound crisis of Stalinism, not only in China but internationally. In response to deepening economic and social crises, a turn was underway in China, Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union toward the dismantling of centralised bureaucratic planning mechanisms, encouragement of private enterprise and establishment of market mechanisms.

    After assuming the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev introduced his keynote policies of perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (openness and transparency) that laid the framework for greater autonomy for enterprises outside the central planning mechanisms and, under the guise of democratic reform, sought to establish a base of social support for the regime among the petty bourgeoisie.

    Gorbachev’s pro-market restructuring also encouraged the Stalinist regimes in Eastern Europe in their plans for capitalist restoration, making desperate bids to resolve their mounting economic and political crises. These processes dramatically accelerated as Gorbachev signaled that the Soviet Union would not intervene militarily to prop up its Soviet bloc allies, as it had done in Hungary in 1956 to crush the workers’ uprising and in Czechoslovakia in 1968 to end liberal reforms. In December 1987, he announced the withdrawal of 500,000 Soviet troops from Eastern Europe.

    In a very short period of time, during 1989–90, the Stalinist bureaucracies in one Eastern European country after another moved to restore capitalism, dismantling what remained of nationalised property relations and centralised planning.

    In Poland, talks between the government and opposition Solidarity leaders resulted in a deal in April 1989 to hold limited elections. This paved the way for the installation in August of Solidarity leader Tadeusz Mazowiecki as prime minister. He unleashed sweeping pro-market restructuring.

    Similar negotiations in Hungary, where the processes of pro-market restructuring were already advanced, led to a new constitution in August 1989. Multi-party elections in May 1990 resulted in a government that junked what remained of centralised planning and carried out wholesale privatisation.

    Amid a mounting economic and political crisis, Gorbachev visited Berlin in October 1989 to urge the East German government to accelerate pro-market reforms. Erich Honecker resigned as leader two weeks later. On November 9, the government announced the end of all border restrictions and Berlin citizens tore down the hated Berlin Wall. Before the end of the month, West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl unveiled a plan to integrate East Germany with capitalist West Germany—a process that was completed by October 1990.

    The collapse of the Stalinist regimes in Czechoslovakia, Romania and Bulgaria quickly followed. By the end of 1990, governments throughout Eastern Europe were giving full rein to the plunder of state-owned property, an influx of foreign capital and the dismantling of social services, leading to a precipitous deterioration in living standards.

    Gorbachev’s policies in the Soviet Union gave rise to intense pressures within the Stalinist bureaucracy and the emerging layer of entrepreneurs for a far speedier dismantling of all fetters on private ownership and market relations. This found expression in the installation of Boris Yeltsin in July 1991 and the implementation of pro-market “shock therapy.” In December 1991, the Soviet Union was formally dissolved.

    The break-up of the Soviet Union and collapse of the Stalinist states in Eastern Europe led to an orgy of triumphalism in the capitalist media proclaiming the end of socialism. Pundits, politicians and academics, who had foreseen nothing and could explain nothing, exulted over the triumph of the market, even going so far as to pronounce the end of history. In other words, capitalism supposedly represented the highest and final stage of human development. A new period of peace, prosperity and democracy would dawn, they all declared.

    The International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI), based on the analysis made by Leon Trotsky of Stalinism, had rejected the universal adulation of Gorbachev and warned that his policies were rapidly leading to the dismantling of the gains of the first workers’ state. Its perspectives resolution entitled “The World Capitalist Crisis and the Tasks of the Fourth International,” published in August 1988, made clear that the breakdown of the Soviet Union was not a product of socialism, but rather of Stalinism and its reactionary autarchic conception of “socialism in one country”:

    The very real crisis of the Soviet economy is rooted in its enforced isolation from the resources of the world market and the international division of labour. There are only two ways this crisis can be tackled. The way proposed by Gorbachev involves the dismantling of state industry, the renunciation of the planning principle, and the abandonment of the state monopoly on foreign trade, i.e., the reintegration of the Soviet Union into the structure of world capitalism. The alternative to this reactionary solution requires the smashing of imperialism’s domination over the world economy by linking up the Soviet and international working class in a revolutionary offensive aimed at extending the planned economy into the European, North American and Asian citadels of capitalism. [2]

    In the aftermath of the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the ICFI identified the root cause of the crisis of Stalinism in the processes of the globalisation of production that had been underway since the late 1970s, which had undermined all programs based on national economic regulation. While the crisis of Stalinism was the most immediate and acute expression, these same processes lay behind the international embrace of pro-market restructuring by Social Democratic and Labour parties, and trade unions, and their abandonment of any defence of the social rights of the working class.
    Capitalist restoration in China

    The events in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union had a profound impact in China, where processes of capitalist restoration had been underway since the 1970s. The CCP’s decision in June 1989 to use the military to brutally suppress the working class was in no small measure conditioned by its longstanding fear of a repetition in China of the mass strike movement in Poland in 1980–81 that led to the formation of the Solidarity trade union.

    China specialist Maurice Meisner explained that the involvement of masses of workers in the protests in Tiananmen Square on May 17 “did much to rekindle the ‘Polish fear’ among Party leaders, their decade-old obsession about the rise of a Solidarity-type alliance between workers and intellectuals in opposition to the Communist state. And that fear, in turn, contributed to their fateful decision to impose martial law.” [3]

    While Deng Xiaoping recognised the affinity of Gorbachev’s perestroika with the policies that he had already enacted, he did not embrace the political liberalisation of glasnost, fearing it would undermine the foundations of the CCP regime. When Gorbachev visited Beijing in mid-May 1989 to cement closer Sino-Soviet ties, the Chinese leadership kept him closeted from public view, anxious that his presence would give further impetus to the protests in Tiananmen Square. The rapid collapse of the Stalinist regimes in Eastern Europe only heightened the determination of the CCP bureaucracy to suppress any opposition.

    The roots of the crisis in China lay in the outcome of the 1949 Chinese revolution. The monumental events that brought the Chinese Communist Party to power ended more than a century of imperialist oppression that had mired the country of more than 500 million in squalor and backwardness. It expressed the aspirations of the vast majority of the population for economic security, basic democratic and social rights, and a decent standard of living. Decades of political upheaval and a war against Japanese imperialism from 1937 to 1945 had ravaged the country and left an estimated 14 million Chinese soldiers and civilians dead.

    Like the Soviet bureaucracy, however, the new CCP apparatus was based on the reactionary nationalist program of “socialism in one country,” which was a repudiation of socialist internationalism and Leon Trotsky’s theory of Permanent Revolution which underpinned the October Revolution in Russia in 1917.

    As a result, the course of the revolution and the subsequent evolution of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) proclaimed by Mao Zedong in 1949 was distorted and deformed by Stalinism, which dominated the CCP in the wake of Stalin’s betrayal of the Second Chinese Revolution of 1925–27. Stalin subordinated the very young CCP to the bourgeois nationalist Kuomintang, resulting in crushing blows to the Chinese Communists and working class in April 1927, and again in May 1927. CCP leaders and members who supported Trotsky’s analysis of the tragedy were expelled.

    In the wake of the 1949 Chinese Revolution, the pragmatic, nationalist ideology of Maoism led China rapidly into a blind alley. Mao’s perspective of a “New Democracy” sought to maintain a bloc with the national bourgeoisie, but the CCP government was driven, under conditions of the Korean War and the internal sabotage by bourgeois and petty bourgeois elements, to go further than intended. By 1956, virtually every aspect of the economy was nationalised and subject to bureaucratic planning along the lines of the Soviet Union, but the working class had no say through its own democratic organs.

    The organic hostility of the Maoist regime to the working class was expressed in its repression of Chinese Trotskyists, all of whom were jailed in 1952 amid the rising resistance by workers. As with the Eastern European states, the Fourth International characterised China as a deformed workers’ state, a highly conditional formula that placed the emphasis on the deformed, bureaucratic character of the regime.

    The national autarky of “socialism in one country” generated worsening economic and social turmoil, and crises for which the CCP bureaucracy had no solution, leading to bitter internal factional warfare. Mao’s fanciful scheme for a peasant socialist society, which underpinned his “Great Leap Forward,” ended in economic catastrophe and mass starvation. His factional opponents, led by Liu Shaoqi, followed the Soviet model of bureaucratic planning with its emphasis on heavy industry, but this provided no alternative.

    The economic crisis was greatly worsened by the 1961–63 split with the Soviet Union and the withdrawal of Soviet aid and advisers, as the two Stalinist regimes advanced their conflicting national interests. In a last desperate bid to oust his rivals, Mao unleashed the Cultural Revolution in 1966, which rapidly span out of his control, leading to confused and convulsive social struggles that threatened the very existence of the regime. Mao turned to the military to suppress workers who had taken literally his edict to “Bombard the Headquarters,” resulting in mass strikes in Shanghai and the formation of an independent Shanghai People’s Commune in 1967.

    Incapable of resolving the immense economic and social problems wracking the country, and facing a military confrontation with the Soviet Union, the CCP bureaucracy forged an anti-Soviet alliance with US imperialism that laid the basis for China’s integration into global capitalism. While Deng Xiaoping is generally credited with initiating market reforms, Mao’s rapprochement with US President Richard Nixon in 1972 was the essential political and diplomatic pre-condition for foreign investment and increased trade with the West.

    The process of “opening and reform” went hand-in-hand with the imposition of strict discipline and emphasis on boosting production in workplaces. Maurice Meissner noted: “Factory managers dismissed during the Cultural Revolution were restored to their former posts, accompanied by calls to strengthen managerial authority, labour discipline, and factory rules and regulations—and to struggle against ‘anarchism’ and ‘ultra-leftism.’ There were dramatic increases in foreign trade and in imports of foreign technology. Veteran party leaders attacked during the Cultural Revolution were ‘rehabilitated’ at an increasingly rapid pace; by 1973, it has been noted, ‘the pre-Cultural Revolution cadres were running the government ministries.” [4]

    From 1969 to 1975, the value of foreign trade increased from $US4 billion to $14 billion per annum. From the end of 1972 until mid-1975, China imported whole industrial plants, valued at $2.8 billion, mainly from Japan and western Europe.

    Deng Xiaoping who had been ostracised during the Cultural Revolution as the “No 2 capitalist roader,” was rehabilitated, appointed a vice premier of the state council under Zhou Enlai. Deng led the Chinese delegation to a special session of the UN in 1974 where he declared that the “socialist bloc” no longer existed and China was part of the Third World. In the factional power struggle that followed Mao’s death in 1976, Deng emerged as the dominant figure in the Stalinist bureaucracy. He embraced US imperialism ever more closely, formalising diplomatic relations in 1979, launching a border war against neighbouring Vietnam, and defending US allies such as the Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet.

    From 1978, Deng greatly accelerated the “reform and opening” pro-market reforms. Four Special Economic Zones (SEZs) were established in 1979 in Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou and Xiamen, where foreign entrepreneurs and joint ventures produced goods for export and enjoyed tax breaks and other concessions. A similar system was later implemented in key port cities such as Shanghai. In the countryside, the collectivised communes were dismantled and restrictions removed on the operation of private enterprises. Prices for agricultural produce were lifted. In the cities, moves were made to transform thousands of state-owned enterprises into profit-making corporations. Private enterprises were permitted, the market was increasingly allowed to determine prices for consumer goods, and a “labour market” was initiated, allowing the hiring and firing of workers.

    The pro-market reforms led to the rapid rise of social inequality. Millions of former peasants were left landless and forced to seek employment in the cities. In the SEZs, where the capitalist market was given free rein, corruption and criminal activity was rampant, including smuggling, bribery and the theft of state-owned property. The sons and daughters of the top party leaders took full advantage of their political connections to establish their own business empires. With the lifting of price restrictions, inflation rocketed to 18.5 percent in 1988, to which the regime responded by drastically reducing credit and re-imposing import restrictions. Hundreds of thousands of workers lost their jobs, as private enterprises reduced their workforces or closed down altogether. Unemployment, the loss of job security, as well as skyrocketing prices, combined with disgust at the corruption and enrichment of CCP bureaucrats, fueled the social unrest that erupted in the mass protests by workers the following year.
    Capitalist restoration following Tiananmen Square

    In the aftermath of the bloody crackdown in Tiananmen Square and the police dragnet throughout the country, the factional battle inside the CCP leadership sharpened in the next three years over Deng’s program of capitalist restoration. In ordering the troops against workers and students, Deng had removed his chief ally in pro-market restructuring, Zhao Ziyang, as premier. Former Shanghai party leader Jiang Zemin was installed as a compromise choice to the top post of CCP secretary general. The initiative shifted to the so-called hardliners—Li Peng and Chen Yun, who, in criticising Zhao, were also criticising Deng’s policies.

    However, in advocating restrictions on market relations, Li and Chen based their policies on the status quo ante and the nationalist perspective of “socialism in country,” which had already proven to be a dead-end. They were looking toward the Soviet Union, even as the deformed workers’ states in Eastern Europe were collapsing and Gorbachev’s policies were undermining centralised planning and nationalised property relations. Their so-called “Soviet faction” represented sections of the Chinese bureaucracy whose power and privileges resided in their control of key sections of state-owned industry and the central apparatus in Beijing.

    At the Fifth Plenum in November 1989, Li delivered the main report, based on the recommendations of a revived State Planning Commission. The adopted plan called for cutting inflation to 10 percent in 1990 and economic growth to 5 percent by maintaining tight controls on credit and balancing the national budget. Rural industries would not be allowed to compete with state-owned enterprises. While keeping the SEZs and “open door” policy in place, the new restrictions hit rural and provincial industries, particularly in the south of the country.

    While Deng no longer held any official party or state position, he still retained considerable political clout, especially in the southern provinces where the new profit-making industries were concentrated. Deng had sided with the hardliners in opposing any political liberalisation and, above all, supported the 1989 military crackdown, but he was adamant that the restrictions on private enterprises and foreign investment had to be completely dismantled.

    The snowballing crisis in the Soviet Union brought matters to a head. An attempted Stalinist putsch in August 1991 to oust Gorbachev and Yeltsin and wind back their program of pro-market restructuring ended in dismal failure. China scholar Michael Marti explained: “This one event changed the thinking about the political equation within the Chinese leadership, including that of Deng Xiaoping. The failure of the Soviet Red Army to support the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in its bid to regain control threw the CCP into a panic. The Chinese leadership feared that a precedent had been established.” [5]

    The factional battle lines were drawn. While the “Soviet faction” began to call into question the entire agenda of pro-market reforms, including the establishment of the SEZs, Deng insisted that the levels of economic growth were too low to maintain employment and social stability. “If the economy cannot be boosted over a long time,” he told a meeting of party elders as far back as late 1989, “it [the government] will lose people’s support at home and will be oppressed and bullied by other nations. The continuation of this situation will lead to the collapse of the Communist Party.” [6]

    Deng was also concerned that the crisis in the Soviet Union, following the collapse of Stalinism in Eastern Europe, would greatly change geo-political relations. Not only had Deng’s strategy sought to balance between the US and the Soviet Union, but his economic policies depended on a large influx of foreign investment, which could potentially shift to exploiting new opportunities opening up in the former Soviet republics.

    Along with provincial leaders in the southern provinces, Deng counted on the support of People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The generals had been shocked by the way in which US imperialism and its allies had deployed hi-tech weaponry in the 1990–91 Gulf War to rapidly destroy the Iraqi military. Their conclusion was that China had to invest heavily in modernising the PLA and only Deng’s policies could transform the economy and produce the growth needed to supply that investment.

    Deng set out on his “Southern tour” in January–February 1992, just 20 days after the formal liquidation of the Soviet Union in December 1991, accompanied by top generals, the state security chief Qiao Shi and party elder Bo Yibo. As he visited the SEZs and southern cities, he declared that there would be no reversal of economic policies in the face of the Soviet collapse. Dismissing concerns about growing social inequality, he is said to have declared: “Let some people get rich first.”

    In a showdown with Chen Yun in Shanghai, Deng reportedly shouted: “Any leader who cannot boost the economy should leave office.” Openly backing capitalist restoration, he declared: “We should absorb more foreign capital and more foreign-advanced experiences and technologies, and set up more foreign-invested enterprises. Do not fear when others say we are practicing capitalism. Capitalism in nothing fearsome.” [7]

    Deng prevailed, opening the door for wholesale capitalist restoration that transformed the whole country into a giant free trade zone for the exploitation of cheap Chinese labour. The crocodile tears shed by Western politicians over the Tiananmen Square massacre were rapidly cast aside as foreign investors recognised that the police-state regime in Beijing was willing to use any method, no matter how brutal, to discipline the working class. In 1993, the CCP proclaimed that its objective was a “socialist market economy,” giving a threadbare “socialist” disguise to its embrace of capitalism.

    In 1994, the CCP formally established a “labour market,” by legitimising the sale and purchase of labour power. State-owned enterprises were corporatised into companies run for profit. The unprofitable ones were restructured or shut down. The better equipped, in sectors not designated as strategic, were sold off or converted into subsidiaries of foreign transnationals. A small number were preserved as state-owned “national flagships.”

    Between 1996 and 2005, the number of employees in state- and collective-owned enterprises halved, from 144 million to 73 million workers. Along with guaranteed life-time employment, the “iron rice bowl” of cradle-to-grave services was also dismantled. Essential services that had previously been provided by state-owned enterprises—childcare, education, health care and pensions—were now left to individual workers.
    Chinese capitalism today

    The restoration of capitalism in China over the past 30 years has only exacerbated the underlying social tensions within Chinese society and compounded the political and geo-political dilemmas confronting the CCP apparatus.

    The extraordinary economic expansion of China to become the world’s second largest economy has rested, in the first place, on the immense gains of the 1949 Revolution that unified China for the first time in decades, created an educated and skilled workforce, and developed basic industries and essential infrastructure. The flood of foreign investment into the country transformed China into the sweatshop of the world and produced a massive 11-fold increase in the economy between 1992 and 2010. This rapid growth, however, did not reflect an inherent strength of the Chinese economy, but rather its role in the world economy, dependent on foreign investment and technology.

    The imperialist powers, above all the United States, were more than willing to exploit cheap Chinese labour as long as China’s economic expansion did not challenge their own established geo-political interests. However, the vast quantity of raw materials and energy that Chinese industries require from around the world have increasingly brought it into conflict with the US and other major powers, in Asia, Africa, the Middle East and internationally. Moreover, as China has sought to create its own hi-tech “national champions” such as Huawei and ZTE, the US, under the Trump administration, has declared economic war on Beijing, not just in matters of trade. It has openly opposed Chinese plans to develop and expand hi-tech industries and to more closely link Eurasia to China through massive infrastructure projects under Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative.

    The delusion promoted by CCP leaders that China could, through a “peaceful rise,” become a world power on a parity with the US has been shattered. China’s expansion has brought it into conflict with the global imperialist order dominated by the United States. Under Obama and now Trump, the US has begun using all means at its disposal to ensure its continued global hegemony. Trump’s economic war goes hand-in-hand with a military build-up in the Indo-Pacific, escalating naval provocations in the South China Sea, under the guise of “freedom of navigation operations, and more open preparations for a war between the two nuclear-armed powers.

    The CCP leadership has no answer to the mounting danger of war, other than desperately seeking an accommodation with imperialism, while engaging in a frenetic arms race that can only end in catastrophe for the working class in China and internationally. Capitalist restoration, far from strengthening China’s capacity to counter the US, has greatly weakened it. The regime is organically incapable of making any appeal to the international working class, as that would inevitably lead to social struggles by the working class at home.

    Having abandoned even its previous nominal commitment to socialism and internationalism, the CCP has increasing relied on whipping up Chinese nationalism to try to create a social base in layers of the middle class. There is nothing progressive about Chinese chauvinism and patriotism, which divides Chinese workers from their class brothers and sisters internationally, and within China from non-Han Chinese minorities. Its repressive measures against Uighurs, Tibetans and other ethnic groups have provided an opening that the US is seeking to exploit. Under the bogus banner of “human rights,” Washington is promoting separatist groups as part of its ambition to fracture and subordinate China to its interests.

    Thirty years after the Tiananmen Square massacre, the CCP leadership is terrified of a renewal of working-class opposition, the first stirrings of which have been seen in the more numerous reports of workers’ strikes and protests, and, significantly over the past year, in a turn by a layer of university students to assist workers in their struggles. Since 1989, the working class in China has vastly expanded to an estimated 400 million and as a proportion of the population. One indicator is the growth of the country’s urban population from just 26.4 percent of the total in 1990, to 58.5 percent in 2017.

    The CCP leadership boasts of having lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty, using the UN’s very austere measures of poverty. Such benchmarks ignore the many factors that are fueling discontent among workers, including the common practice of late or unpaid wages, unhealthy and dangerous factory conditions, harsh corporate disciplinary practices, and the lack of basic social rights for tens of millions of internal migrants in the cities. All of these oppressive conditions are monitored and policed by the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, which functions as an arm of the CCP bureaucracy in workplaces.

    Capitalist restoration has produced a dramatic rise in social inequality: from one of the most equal societies in the world, China has become one of the most unequal countries. It is home to more dollar billionaires than any other country except the United States. While Chinese workers struggle to survive on the minimum wage of $370 a month, the wealthiest individual, Tencent chairman Pony Ma, has a personal fortune of almost $40 billion. These super-rich oligarchs, who in many cases have built their fortunes through naked corruption and the looting of state-owned property, are represented in the Chinese Communist Party and sit on powerful advisory bodies.

    The gulf between the super-rich and the vast majority of the workers and the poor is generating huge social tensions that, sooner rather than later, will explode on a scale that will eclipse the rebellion by workers and students 30 years ago. The lesson drawn by the Stalinist leadership from the 1989 events was that it had to suppress, through all available means, any expression of opposition that could become the focus of a broader movement against the regime. Incapable of meeting the pressing social needs of the majority of the population, the CCP has vastly expanded its police-state apparatus, now spending more each year on its internal security forces than it does on external defence.

    The working class must also draw the necessary political lessons from the defeat of that movement in 1989, which was rapidly assuming revolutionary dimensions. What was lacking was not determination, audacity and courage, nor numbers, which were rapidly swelling across China, but the essential problem facing the international working class in the 20th century—the absence of revolutionary leadership.

    James Cogan summed up the issue in his analysis “Ten years since the Tiananmen Square massacre,” stating:

    Inexperienced politically and lacking a political perspective outside of opposition to the existing regime, the workers’ leaders advanced no alternative to, and deferred to, the student bodies. The workers of China knew in their life experience what they were against—Stalinism and capitalism—but they were not able to articulate any perspective for an alternative social order.

    Decades of domination by Stalinism and the active suppression of genuine Marxism in China meant there was no revolutionary socialist, that is, Trotskyist, tendency in the working class. No organisation within the country could spontaneously advance the program that was implicit in the actions and sentiments of the Chinese working class—a political revolution to overthrow the Stalinist regime and introduce major reforms into the economy for the benefit of the working class. [8]

    The essential political task of building a Trotskyist leadership in the Chinese working class as a section of the International Committee of the Fourth International remains. None of the oppositional tendencies that emerged out of the 1989 protests offer a viable political perspective for the working class. Advocates of independent trade unions such as Han Dongfang, who was prominent in the Beijing Workers Autonomous Federation in 1989, have underscored the political bankruptcy of syndicalism by lurching to the right and into the arms of US trade union apparatus, in other words of US imperialism.

    A layer of youth, intellectuals and workers have turned to Maoism, and its banal “revolutionary” slogans, for answers. Capitalist restoration in China, however, was not a break from Maoism. It flowed organically out of the dead-end of “socialism in one country.” Maoism could aptly be termed Stalinism with Chinese characteristics, with its hostility to the working class, its emphasis on subjective will, and above all its putrid nationalism. It is diametrically opposed to genuine Marxism, that is the perspective of socialist internationalism, which alone was upheld by the Trotskyist movement, including the Chinese Trotskyists.

    The establishment of a genuinely revolutionary party in China, as part of the ICFI, requires the assimilation of the essential strategic experiences of the international working class, of which the Chinese revolutions of the 20th century are a critical component. The CCP leaders are petrified that workers and youth will begin to work over the lessons of history. They attempt to censor and black out any knowledge and discussion of the events of 1989, and continue to perpetrate the lies of Stalinism about the course of the 20th century.

    The crucial political lessons of the protracted struggle of Trotskyism against Stalinism are embedded in the program, perspective and documents of the International Committee of the Fourth International. Workers and youth should make a serious study of the political issues involved, beginning with the documents of the ICFI on the Tiananmen Square massacre, republished this week on the World Socialist Web Site. We urge you to contact the International Committee of the Fourth International, which is the first step toward forging a Trotskyist leadership in the Chinese working class.


    [1] Cited in “Workers in the Tiananmen protests: The politics of the Beijing Workers Autonomous Federation,” by Andrew G. Walder and Gong Xiaoxia, first published in the Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No 29, January 1993.

    [2] The World Capitalist Crisis and the Tasks of the Fourth International: Perspectives Resolution of the International Committee of the Fourth International, August 1988, Labor Publications, pp.30–31.

    [3] Maurice Meisner, Mao’s China and After: A History of the People’s Republic, The Free Press, Third edition, 1999, p.508.

    [4] ibid, p.389.

    [5] Michael Marti, China and the Legacy of Deng Xiaoping: From Communist Revolution to Capitalist Evolution, Brassey’s Inc, 2002, pp.47–48.

    [6] Cited in John Chan, “Twenty years since Deng Xiaoping’s ‘Southern tour’—Part 1”, 26 November 2012.

    [7] Cited in John Chan, “Twenty years since Deng Xiaoping’s ‘Southern tour’—Part 2”, 27 November 2012.

    [8] James Cogan, “Ten years since the Tiananmen Square massacre: Political lessons for the working class,” 4 June 1999.

    #Chine #4689

  • #Chine : #Xi_Jinping achève sa contre-réforme

    Xi Jinping est désormais assuré de rester au pouvoir au-delà de 2023. © Reuters À l’issue de la session parlementaire, Xi Jinping a imposé la fin des réformes et de l’ouverture initiées en 1978. Concentration du pouvoir au sommet, interférence du Parti dans le travail de l’État et dictature personnelle : tous les problèmes identifiés à l’époque par Deng Xiaoping sont aujourd’hui présentés comme les solutions.


    • Pour savoir ce que c’est que l’inconscience subjectivement vécue du journalisme objectivement au service de la classe, il suffit de lire l’article du Monde intitulé « Macron face à l’étiquette de président des riches ». Citons : « L’opposition tente d’installer la même petite musique qu’il y a dix ans : “Macron, président des riches” » . Sans les cabales vicieusement musicales de « l’opposition », la chose, en effet, aurait-elle pu venir à l’idée de quiconque ? À lire la suite de l’article, il y a de quoi en douter car, en définitive, pas un fait susceptible de soutenir cette retorse accusation n’est réellement établi, preuve en est qu’ils méritent tous le conditionnel et surtout de les faire endosser par les petits musiciens : « les “insoumis” seraient les représentants du “peuple” face à l’ancien banquier d’affaire devenu président de “l’oligarchie” » ; à en croire des socialistes — des socialistes ! — « le nouveau président mènerait une politique inégalitaire ». Mais rien de tout ça n’est assuré, on demandera sans doute aux Décodeurs de trancher : le président Macron mène une politique pour l’oligarchie, vrai ou faux ?

      Ni de droite ni de gauche : « efficace » !

      Il faudra bien ça pour éclaircir cet incompréhensible mystère : comment se peut-il en effet qu’une élection de classe tranchée comme jamais livre ainsi une politique de classe tranchée comme jamais ? Heureusement un « conseiller » de l’Elysée vient nous sortir de la difficulté : « La question n’est pas de savoir si le budget est pour les riches ou les moins riches [car dans la tête d’un « conseiller », les pauvres n’existent pas, il n’y a que « des moins riches »], s’il s’agit d’un budget libéral ou social, la question, c’est celle de l’efficacité ».

      La récurrence entêtante, presque frénétique, dans le discours gouvernemental de ce topos vieux comme Deng Xiaoping (lui parlait des chats à qui on ne demande pas s’ils sont marxistes ou pas mais d’attraper les souris) ou Tony Blair, qui déclamait semblablement (les souris en moins) devant les parlementaires français en 1998, en dit long sur la sécheresse d’imagination d’un gouvernement qui porte le service de la classe à son comble, et ne pourra, en effet, jamais se trouver d’autre vêtement que « l’efficacité » — quand bien même tout ce qui a été fait depuis trente ans, et qu’il se propose simplement d’intensifier, a spectaculairement échoué. Heureusement, il y a la presse pour s’émerveiller de la modernité du vieux, de l’inédit du non-advenu (« le clivage gauche-droite n’existe plus »), ou de la percée du surplace (« LRM n’est pas un parti »). Et puis pour examiner avec gravité les arguments de « l’efficacité »...

      #journalisme_de_classe #l'efficacité_en_question

    • Oui avec comme par hasard la présence de Jean-marc Daniel, l’économiste libéral macroniste aujourd’hui à l’instant au journal de 12h30 sur france-culture : « Non, Macron ne se positionne pas en président des riches mais plutôt en termes de croissance ou stagnation [plutôt qu’ en termes riches/pauvres]... »

      Encore à voir...
      Offensive de l’exécutif pour défendre sa politique fiscale
      à 6:16

      #économiste_au_service_de_la_classe #choix_de_l'efficacité

    • Macron, « Nu dans ses bottes »

      Partout autour de nous, de l’Allemagne à l’Espagne, dans les urnes ou dans la rue, les évènements politiques de ces huit derniers jours ont mis en lumière l’étouffement démocratique qui accompagne le libéralisme économique transnational imposé comme seule politique possible.

      C’est pourtant la semaine qu’a choisie M. Macron pour expliciter et assumer non seulement l’obédience droitière et eurobéiste (lire européiste béate) de sa politique, mais aussi la conception de mise à distance démocratique qui l’accompagne immanquablement.

      Qu’on se comprenne : depuis le mois de mai, M. Macron a largement eu l’occasion de nous démontrer son orientation néolibérale, comme en atteste l’anéantissement de la forme républicaine du droit du travail. Mais c’est une autre affaire que de rendre celle-ci visible et sensible aux yeux du plus grand nombre. La présentation du budget 2018 a joué ce rôle de révélateur. La dimension symbolique de la suppression de l’ISF sur la part mobilière en fait partie. Jets, voitures de sport et chevaux de course aidant, M. Macron est désormais et durablement estampillé comme le président des riches.

      La même semaine, l’État laissant filer STX sous pavillon italien et Alstom étant livré aux Allemands, M. Macron révélait aussi sa politique industrielle : privilégier l’avènement de grands acteurs européens laissés aux soins des forces du marché au prix de l’abandon de toute régulation et de toute pensée stratégique nationale.

      Ne manquait que la théorisation de tout cela : droit dans ses bottes, le Président Macron s’y est essayé mardi dernier à la Sorbonne. Droit dans ses bottes, il a assumé ce jour-là la prévalence de la souveraineté européenne sur la souveraineté française, allant jusqu’à mettre sous le boisseau les représentations nationales au sein de la Commission européenne. En fidèle, fût-il énamouré comme Castaner ou simple collaborateur comme Fillon en son temps, le Premier ministre ne disait pas autre chose deux jours plus tard sur le plateau de France 2 lorsqu’il considérait le CETA comme ratifié puisque le Parlement européen s’en est chargé.

      Alors que s’accélère la désagrégation des structures en France (dans le champ syndical avec la mise en minorité du secrétaire général de FO, dans le champ politique avec la scission au sein du FN, au sein du PS avec la résurgence d’une frange vallsiste, chez LREM avec la menace d’autonomisation de parlementaires…), c’est donc dans le modèle politique européen qui le surplombe et qui lui-même vole en éclat que M. Macron a été chercher l’inspiration à ses basses-œuvres.

      Dépourvu de base sociale pour mener une telle politique, M. Macron en est réduit à agir comme le fait dans chaque pays la Caste : tenter d’imposer une politique maximaliste tandis qu’il voudrait retirer au peuple jusqu’à sa souveraineté pour la confier aux gardiens bruxellois du temple libéral. Mais le coup de force ne fait pas le droit. À n’en pas douter, celles et ceux qui l’expriment déjà avec tant de force à l’occasion des mobilisations contre les ordonnances de la loi travail se verront demain renforcés par toutes celles et tous ceux pour qui le projet présidentiel est enfin révélé dans sa nudité la plus crue.

      L’édito de François Cocq

  • Carte du commerce extérieur de biens et marchandises de la Chine

    Cette carte (PDF et JPEG) propose un panorama complet du commerce extérieur de biens et marchandises de l’Empire du milieu avec le reste du monde ainsi qu’un classement de ses 20 premiers partenaires.

    La Chine a effectué un formidable bond en avant depuis la politique d’ouverture économique décidée par Deng Xiaoping à partir de 1978. Véritable « usine de la planète », elle est devenue la première puissance économique mondiale en termes de PIB dès 2014.

    Les données qui l’accompagnent mettent en avant :
    . les excédents commerciaux de la Chine sur la quasi-totalité des marchés ainsi que les quelques pays qui dérogent à cette règle (essentiellement fournisseurs d’énergie et de matières premières minières et agricoles)
    . l’importance toujours centrale de l’Amérique du Nord et de l’Europe pour les exportations chinoises.

    #chine #commerce #visualisation #cartographie

  • The gaokao: China’s most grueling school examinations - SupChina

    Starting on June 7, millions of Chinese high-school students take the gaokao (高考 gāokǎo), the nationwide college entrance examination. This year, according to Xinhua (in Chinese), close to 9.4 million candidates have signed up to participate in the high-stakes examination, down from a peak of 10.5 million in 2010. Every year in June, gaokao news dominates the headlines in Chinese media which reports on the event like a national holiday — only with much less joy, and much more pressure.

    What makes this year’s exams unique is that 2017 marks the 40th anniversary of the resumption of the gaokao after the end of the Cultural Revolution, but the genesis of the gaokao can be found as early as the Sui dynasty, when keju (科举 kē jǔ), also known as the Imperial Exam or Civil Exam, was first introduced by the central government to select talented individuals from the amongst the commoners. Hailed by some as the fifth great innovation from China, keju, during its 1,300-year history, served as an effective tool for imperial China to expand its human resource pool, and was also almost the only path for ordinary Chinese to ascend to the elite class. In 1905, the keju system was abolished. But its spirit still lives on today in the gaokao, an advanced merit-based test that was launched in 1952, three years after the birth of modern China.

    During the chaotic 10-year Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), public education in China came to a complete standstill. Schools were closed and Chinese universities stopped enrolling students. In 1977, right after Mao’s death, the gaokao exams were restored under the charge of Deng Xiaoping 邓小平, who returned to power as the vice-premier overseeing culture and education. Unlimited by age or background, people deprived of educational opportunities in the years before rushed to embrace the gaokao’s revival. Official figures suggested that about 5.7 million candidates registered for the exam in 1977, and only 272,971 were admitted, making the enrollment rate as low as 4.78 percent.

    #Chine #histoire #éducation

  • Pepe Escobar nous donne des nouvelles de la Route de la Soie –
    Par Pepe Escobar – Le 24 fevrier 2016 – Source TeleSur lTraduit par Wayan, relu par nadine pour le Saker Francophone.

    La semaine dernière, le premier train commercial chinois, arrimé de 32 containers, est arrivé à Téhéran après un trajet de moins de 14 jours à partir du grand hangar de Yiwu dans le Zhejiang, à l’est de la Chine, après avoir traversé le Kazakhstan et le Turkménistan.

    Pour comprendre ce processus du point de vue de la stratégie chinoise, il est enrichissant de revenir sur un discours très important tenu l’été dernier par le général Qiao Liang à l’Université de la Défense, la plus grande école militaire chinoise. C’est comme si les mots de Liang sortaient de la bouche même du dragon, Xi lui-même.

    Les dirigeants chinois estiment que les États-Unis ne vont pas se lancer dans une guerre contre la Chine d’ici les dix prochaines années. Regardez bien ce calendrier ; 2025 est l’année où Xi pense que la Chine sera devenue une société modérément prospère comme le prévoit le nouveau Rêve chinois. Alors Xi aura rempli sa mission, cueillir les fruits de l’arbre planté par le petit timonier que fut Deng Xiaoping.

    Le secret pour ces dix prochaines années, comme le remarquait le général Liang, est pour la Chine de réajuster son économie (un travail en cours) et d’internationaliser le yuan. Cela implique aussi la mise en route d’un accord commercial de libre échange asiatique, qui ne sera visiblement pas le TTP américain interdit aux Chinois, mais le RCEP mené par les Chinois.

    Le général Liang connecte directement l’internationalisation du yuan à quelque chose qui va bien au-delà de la nouvelle Route de la Soie dénommée officiellement par la Chine Une Ceinture, Une Route . Il en parle comme si c’était un accord commercial nord-est asiatique, alors que ce qui est en jeu et ce vers quoi tend la Chine est un accord de libre échange trans-asiatique.

    En conséquence, un effet ricochet va diviser le monde.

    Si un tiers seulement de l’argent mondial est libellé en dollar, comment la monnaie américaine peut-elle maintenir son hégémonie ? Est-ce que des États-Unis au bout du rouleau, laissés sans avantage monétaire, peuvent continuer à être une puissance mondiale ?(...)


  • Décembre 2014

    La charité contre l’Etat ; Villepin : « La France gesticule... mais ne dit rien » ; projet pour une presse libre ; le socialisme existe, pour les riches ; Lyon-Turin, résistance dans la vallée ; veillée d’armes au Donbass ; la jeunesse burkinabé bouscule la « Françafrique » ; l’Afrique du Sud dans la bulle de la consommation à crédit ; au Mexique, le massacre de trop ; Apollinaire et ses peintres ; luttes d’influence dans une Asie centrale désunie ; le commerce à l’assaut du droit social ; Deng Xiaoping, vedette cathodique ; l’Afghanistan ne croit pas à la paix ; Chaplin et l’art de la chute ; « Il Manifesto », le prix de l’engagement ; comment devient-on fasciste ? Ebola, des treillis sous les blouses blanches.

  • La #Chine célèbre #Deng #Xiaoping et dépeint l’actuel #président comme son héritier

    En rendant cette semaine un hommage appuyé à Deng Xiaoping, père de l’ouverture économique du pays il y a 35 ans, la propagande chinoise a surtout insisté sur les similitudes avec l’actuel président #Xi #Jinping, qui s’en revendique l’héritier.

    C’est Hu Jintao et Jiang Zemin qui apprécieront....

    Revue de Presse Hebdomadaire sur la Chine du 18/08/2014

  • Xi Jinping et le peuple, par Martine Bulard
    Les blogs du Diplo, 25 mars 2014

    Le président Xi Jinping adore les symboles — ceux qui peuvent être utilisés dans les médias ou sur les réseaux sociaux. En France, où il commence une visite d’Etat, il a souhaité se rendre à Lyon — là où, dans les années 1930, le communiste Deng Xiaoping organisait clandestinement (avec Chou Enlai) les étudiants chinois ; là où le même Deng Xiaoping, escorté de M. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, était revenu, en 1975, lançant sur le perron de la mairie en français « Vive l’amitié entre les deux peuples ! », longuement applaudi, parait-il.

  • La tête au-dessus des nuages, par Martine Bulard @mb
    Les blogs du Diplo, 24 février 2014

    Infatigable, Li Kunwu a repris son crayon pour poursuivre son exploration de l’histoire contemporaine de la Chine. Dans ses bandes dessinées précédentes, Une Vie chinoise (en trois tomes), l’auteur passait au crible la période maoïste, puis celle des réformes lancées par Deng Xiaoping jusqu’à nos jours, à travers la vie au quotidien.

    Cette fois, sa chronique commence en 1903, quand les Français qui occupent le Vietnam et certaines enclaves chinoises décident de construire une ligne de chemin de fer entre le port vietnamien de Haiphong et la capitale du Yunnan, Kunming.

  • Les noces du #pouvoir et de l’ #argent, de #Mao à Bo Xilai

    C’est le péché originel de #Deng #Xiaoping, le successeur de Mao. En ouvrant dès 1978 la boîte de Pandore de l’ #économie de marché sans renoncer au parti unique, le père des réformes met en selle une #aristocratie #rouge qui ne va cesser de monnayer son pouvoir.

    Suite de l’analyse du #OffshoreLeaks / #ChinaLeaks par Brice Pedroletti du @Le_Monde !
    Rappel : enquête de l’ ICIJ =>

    Revue de Presse Hebdomadaire sur la Chine du 20/01/2014

  • « Comment le mouvement ouvrier chinois peut changer le monde » - Le nouvel Observateur

    C’est un moment idéal pour l’émergence d’un mouvement ouvrier qui pousse à la création d’un système de négociations collectives.

    Au cours des 30-35 années de réforme économique [depuis la mort de Mao Zedong en 1976 et le lancement des réformes par Deng Xiaoping en 1979, ndlr], le gouvernement n’a réalisé qu’une partie de la promesse faite au peuple. Un groupe de millionnaires a émergé, mais pour des centaines de millions de personnes, c’est encore une économie de survie.

    Aujourd’hui, les gens en sont conscients grâce à la circulation de l’information. Avant, les gens pouvaient se dire « je n’ai pas de chance, je suis stupide, je n’ai pas eu la chance de faire des études »... Aujourd’hui, ils savent ce qui se passe aux quatre coins du pays, les gens se plaignent sur les médias sociaux des mêmes choses.

    Une conscience de classe, et pas seulement individuelle, émerge, et ça fait une grande différence.

    Si vous voulez réorienter l’économie vers la consommation plutôt que l’exportation, comme le dit le gouvernement, vous ne pouvez pas échapper au sujet de l’amélioration de la vie des ouvriers.

    Nous ne nous voyons pas seulement comme des ouvriers faisant des objets pour un faible salaire, mais comme des éléments d’une activité économique globale. Ça nous permet de convaincre le gouvernement d’accepter l’idée des négociations collectives, pour aider les ouvriers dans l’économie moderne avec un pouvoir de consommation.

    #Chine #salaire

  • Naissance d’un monde désaméricanisé par Pepe Escobar
    Traduction [JFG-QuestionsCritiques]

    Comme elle est bien loin l’époque de Deng Xiaoping où la Chine « gardait un profil bas » ! L’éditorial de Xinhua résume la goutte d’eau qui a fait déborder le vase du dragon - le blocage actuel du gouvernement américain, le « shutdown ». Après la crise financière provoquée par Wall Street, après la guerre d’Irak, un « monde confus », et pas seulement la Chine, veut le changement.

    Le paragraphe suivant ne pourrait être plus explicite :
    Au lieu d’honorer ses obligations en tant puissance dominante responsable, Washington, qui ne se préoccupe que de ses intérêts, a abusé de son statut de superpuissance et introduit encore plus de chaos dans le monde en déplaçant les risques financiers vers l’étranger, en incitant les tensions régionales au beau milieu de disputes territoriales, et en livrant des guerres injustifiées à la faveur de mensonges invétérés.

    La solution pour Pékin est de « désaméricaniser » les rapports géopolitiques actuels - à commencer par hausser le ton au Fonds Monétaire International et à la Banque Mondiale pour les économies émergentes et le monde en voie de développement, en conduisant à une « nouvelle devise de réserve internationale qui sera créée pour remplacer le dollar US dominant ».

    Notez que Pékin ne propose pas de démanteler complètement le système de Bretton Woods - du moins pour l’instant, mais c’est pour avoir plus de pouvoir de décision. Cela semble raisonnable si l’on considère que la Chine détient un poids légèrement supérieur à celui de l’Italie au sein du FMI. La « réforme » - au sens large - du FMI est en cours depuis 2010, mais Washington, et ce n’est pas surprenant, a opposé son veto à tout ce qui pourrait avoir une portée substantielle.

    Quant à la manouvre pour s’éloigner du dollar US, elle a déjà commencé, à divers degrés de vitesse, en particulier en ce qui concerne les échanges entre les pays qui forment le BRICA, le groupe des puissances émergentes (Brésil, Russie, Inde, Chine et Afrique du Sud), qui se font dans leurs devises respectives. Le dollar US est en train d’être remplacé, lentement mais sûrement, par un panier de devises.

    La « désaméricanisation » est également en route. Prenez l’offensive de charme commerciale de la semaine dernière par la Chine dans tout le Sud-Est asiatique, lequel tend précisément à encore plus d’action avec son premier partenaire, la Chine. Le Président Xi Jinping a conclu tout un éventail de contrats avec l’Indonésie, la Malaisie et aussi l’Australie, une semaine seulement après avoir conclu une autre gamme de contrats avec les « stans » d’Asie Centrale.

    L’engagement de la Chine à améliorer la Route de la Soie sur rail était à son comble, avec les actions des compagnies chinoises de chemin de fer qui crevaient le plafond à la perspective d’un tronçon à grande vitesse, en cours de matérialisation, qui relierait la Thaïlande et la traverserait. Au Vietnam, le Premier ministre chinois Li Keqiang a conclu un protocole d’accord selon lequel les querelles frontalières entre les deux pays dans le Sud de la Mer de Chine n’interfèreraient pas avec le business toujours en augmentation. Bonjour le « pivot » asiatique !

    Tous à bord du pétroyuan

    Tout le monde sait que Pékin détient des montagnes de bons du Trésor américains - grâce à ses excédents commerciaux massifs accumulés au cours des trois dernières décennies, plus une politique officielle laissant le yuan s’apprécier, très lentement mais sûrement.

    En même temps, Pékin agissait. Le yuan devient également, lentement mais sûrement, plus convertible sur les marchés internationaux. (Rien que la semaine dernière, la Banque centrale européenne et la Banque populaire de Chine ont passé un accord pour mettre en place une ligne d’échange entre leurs devises d’un montant de 45 à 57 milliards de dollars, qui viendra s’ajouter à la solidité internationale du yuan et améliorera l’accès aux échanges financiers dans la zone euro.)

    Oct 15, ’13

  • New Chinese leader signals further pro-market restructuring - World Socialist Web Site

    Donc, la Chine va devenir encore plus capitaliste !
    By John Chan
    18 December 2012

    The new Chinese Communist Party (CCP) general secretary, Xi Jinping, conducted a “southern tour” from December 7 to 11. It was designed to send an unequivocal message that his leadership will impose another round of pro-market restructuring, further opening up the Chinese economy to foreign capital. The tour followed the recent 18th CCP congress, which installed Xi as party leader and adopted an economic agenda in line with the China 2030 report, jointly published with the World Bank in February.

    Xi sought to replicate the “southern tour” of CCP leader Deng Xiaoping in January-February 1992, just weeks after the dissolution of the former Soviet Union. Deng’s tour greatly accelerated the processes of capitalist restoration that he had begun in 1978. With the backing of the military, Deng ended the protracted internal debates that had followed the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and crackdown, and opened up all of China as a cheap labour platform for global corporations. As investment flooded in, tens of millions of workers were laid off as state enterprises were restructured into joint-stock companies or sold to private owners.