person:francisco franco

  • Spain’s Far-right Vox Received Almost $1M from ’Marxist-Islamist’ Iranian Exiles: Report | News | teleSUR English
    https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Spains-Far-right-Vox-Received-Almost-1M-from-Marxist-Islamist-Irania

    It is unlikely that Vox’s hyper-nationalist voters know that their party scored a significant presence in Spain’s parliament mostly thanks to Zionists, Islamists and foreigners.

    With the April 28 general elections in Spain over, the far-right party Vox gained about 10 percent of parliamentary seats, marking the far-right’s rising comeback into politics four decades after Francisco Franco’s dictatorship. While a less alarmist reading would say that the far-right was always there, hidden in the conservative People’s Party (PP), the fact that they are out in the open strengthens Europe’s wave of far-right xenophobic and anti-European advance.

    The party appealed to voters in one of Spain’s most contested elections since its return to democracy, mostly basing its arguments against leftists politics, social liberals, migrants, charged mainly with an Islamophobic narrative. Emphasizing the return of a long lost Spain and pushing to fight what they refer to as an “Islamist invasion,” which is the “enemy of Europe.” One could summarize it as an Iberian version of “Make Spain Great Again.”

    Yet while this definitely appealed to almost two million voters, many are unaware of where their party’s initial funding came from. Back in January 2019, an investigation made by the newspaper El Pais revealed, through leaked documents, that almost one million euros - approximately 80 percent of its 2014 campaign funding - donated to Vox between its founding in December 2013 and the European Parliament elections in May 2014 came via the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), a self-declared “Marxist” organization and an Islamist group made up of Iranian exiles.

    However, this is where things get complicated. The NCRI is based in France and was founded in 1981 by Massoud Rajavi and Abolhassan Banisadr, nowadays its president-elect is Maryam Rajavi (Massoud’s wife). The Rajavis are also the leaders of the Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK). A reason for many to believe that the NCRI is just a front for the MEK, which over the past few decades has managed to create a complicated web of anti-Iranian, pro-Israel and right-wing government support from all over the world.

    To understand MEK, it’s necessary to review the 1953 U.S. and British-backed coup which ousted democratically elected prime minister of Iran Mohammad Mosaddegh and instituted a monarchical dictatorship led by Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

    The oppression carried out by the Pahlavi royal family led to the creation of many radical groups, one which was MEK, whose ideology combined Marxism and Islamism. Its original anti-west, especially anti-U.S. sentiment pushed for the killing of six U.S citizens in Iran in the 1970s. While in 1979, they enthusiastically cheered the seizure of the U.S. embassy in Tehran. After the Iranian Revolution, its young leaders, including Rajavi, pushed for endorsement from the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, but were denied.

    So Rajavi, allied with the winner of the country’s first presidential election, Abolhassan Banisadr, who was not an ally of Khomeini, either. Soon Banisadr and MEK became some of Khomeini’s main opposition figures and had fled to Iraq and later to France.

    In the neighboring country, MEK allied with Sadam Hussein to rage war against Iran. In a RAND report, allegations of the group’s complicity with Saddam are corroborated by press reports that quote Maryam Rajavi encouraging MEK members to “take the Kurds under your tanks, and save your bullets for the Iranian Revolutionary Guards."

    The organization was deemed a terrorist organization by the U.S. and European Union for the better part of the 1990s, but things changed after the U.S. invasion to Iraq in 2003. This is when the U.S. neoconservative strategist leading the Department of State and the intelligence agencies saw MEK as an asset rather than a liability. Put simply in words they applied the dictum of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.”

    The U.S.’s dismissal of past crimes reinvigorated MEK’s intense lobbying campaign to have itself removed from terrorist lists in the U.S. and the European Union. MEK, which by the beginning of the 21 century had morphed into a cult-like group according to many testimonies from dissidents, moved from Camp Ashraf to the U.S-created Camp Liberty outside of Baghdad. And that’s when things rapidly changed.

    According to the Guardian, between 2007 and 2012, a number of Iranian nuclear scientists were attacked. In 2012, NBC News, citing two unnamed U.S. officials, reported that the attacks were planned by Israel’s Mossad and executed by MEK operatives inside Iran. By 2009 and 2012, the EU and the U.S. respectively took it out of its terrorist organizations list.

    Soon after it gained support from U.S. politicians like Rudy Giuliani and current National Security Advisor John Bolton, who now call MEK a legitimate opposition to the current Iranian government. As the U.S. neocon forefathers did before, MEK shed its “Marxism.” After the U.S.’s official withdrawal from Iraq, they built MEK a safe have in Albania, near Tirana, where the trail of money can be followed once again.

    Hassan Heyrani, a former member of MEK’s political department who defected in 2018, and handled parts of the organization’s finances in Iraq, when asked by Foreign Policy where he thought the money for MEK came from, he answered: “Saudi Arabia. Without a doubt.” For another former MEK member, Saadalah Saafi, the organization’s money definitely comes from wealthy Arab states that oppose Iran’s government.

    “Mojahedin [MEK] are the tool, not the funders. They aren’t that big. They facilitate,” Massoud Khodabandeh, who once served in the MEK’s security department told Foreign Policy. “You look at it and say, ‘Oh, Mojahedin are funding [Vox].’ No, they are not. The ones that are funding that party are funding Mojahedin as well.”

    Meanwhile, Danny Yatom, the former head of the Mossad, told the Jersulamen Post that Israel can implement some of its anti-Iran plans through MEK if a war were to break out. Saudi Arabia’s state-run television channels have given friendly coverage to the MEK, and Prince Turki al-Faisal, Saudi Arabia’s former intelligence chief, even appeared in July 2016 at a MEK rally in Paris.

    With Israel and Saudi Arabia backing MEK, the question of why a far-right movement would take money from an Islamist organization clears up a bit. Israel’s support of European far-right parties has been public. In 2010, a sizeable delegation arrived in Tel Aviv, consisting of some 30 leaders of the European Alliance for Freedom, gathering leaders such as Geert Wilders of the Netherlands, Philip Dewinter from Belgium and Jorg Haider’s successor, Heinz-Christian Strache, from Austria.

    Yet for the U.S., Israel, and Saudi Arabia, MEK represents an anti-Iranian voice that they so desperately need, and that on the surface didn’t come from them directly. It is unlikely that Vox’s hyper-nationalist voters know that their party scored a significant presence in Spain’s parliament mostly thanks to Zionists, Islamists and foreigners.

    #Espagne #extrême_droite #Israël #Iran #Arabie_Saoudite #OMPI #Albanie

  • Photo de l’assassinat du Premier ministre espagnol Luis Carrero Blanco par le groupe séparatiste basque ETA le 20 décembre 1973.

    L’assassinat du Premier ministre Luis Carrero Blanco, également connu sous son nom de code, Operación Ogro (en anglais : Operation Ogre), a eu de profondes conséquences sur la politique espagnole. L’amiral Carrero Blanco a été assassiné à #Madrid par le groupe séparatiste basque #ETA le 20 décembre 1973. Cet assassinat est considéré comme le plus grand #attentat contre l’État franquiste depuis la fin de la #guerre_civile_espagnole en 1939.

    La mort de Carrero Blanco eut de nombreuses implications politiques. À la fin de 1973, la santé physique du caudillo Francisco Franco s’était détériorée de manière significative, ce qui résumait la dernière crise de l’État franquiste. Après sa mort, le secteur le plus conservateur de l’État franquiste, connu sous le nom de búnker , a voulu influencer Franco afin qu’il choisisse un ultraconservateur comme Premier ministre. Enfin, il a choisi Carlos Arias Navarro , qui avait initialement annoncé un assouplissement partiel des aspects les plus rigides de l’État franquiste, mais qui se retirait rapidement sous la pression du búnker. En revanche, ETA a consolidé sa place en tant que groupe armé pertinent et évoluera pour devenir l’un des principaux adversaires du #franquisme.

    http://historium.tumblr.com
    #histoire #Tumblr

  • La Guerre Civile espagnole dans une double exposition - Mowwgli
    http://mowwgli.com/10781/2017/03/16/guerre-civile-espagnole-double-exposition


    Il y a 81 ans débutait la guerre civile espagnole, à cette occasion, le Centre International du Photojournalisme de Perpignan et le Mémorial du camp de Rivesaltes organisent une double exposition intitulée « L’Espagne déchirée, 1936-1939 » rassemblant une centaines de photographies historiques dont de nombreuses inédites.

    L’exposition du CIP vise à présenter un panorama de cette guerre civile, depuis le déclenchement du soulèvement militaire les 17 et 18 juillet 1936, jusqu’à la victoire finale le 1er avril 1939 des troupes nationalistes, menées par le général Francisco Franco, contre les forces républicaines.

    Ce conflit fratricide a fait quelque 500 000 morts et a divisé le pays en deux qui demeura ensuite sous le régime dictatorial du général Franco jusqu’en 1975.
    Souvent considérée comme un « prélude » à la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la guerre d’Espagne, opposition farouche et cruelle entre les « Deux Espagne », a également été marquée par des interventions étrangères dans les combats. L’Allemagne d’Hitler et l’Italie de Mussolini ont soutenu les militaires insurgés, tandis que l’URSS de Staline et les Brigades internationales appuyaient le #FrontePopular au pouvoir à Madrid.

    Montrant la guerre des deux côtés, l’exposition présente le conflit de manière didactique et pédagogique, avec un rappel chronologique de tous ces grands événements et protagonistes : putsch militaire, défense de Madrid, escadrille de Malraux, Alcazar de Tolède, Guernica, grandes batailles de Belchite, Teruel ou de l’Ebre, Brigades internationales, Légion Condor allemande, meurtres de religieux, révolution en Catalogne, Retirada, …

    Parallèlement à l’exposition de Perpignan, le Mémorial du Camp de #Rivesaltes présente une série de photographies sur la #Retirada et le sort des exilés républicains espagnols après la guerre, en France et à l’étranger.
    #perpignan #exposition #guerre_civile_espagnole #Espagne #franchisme

  • Il est invraisemblable qu’existe la Fondation Francisco Franco

    [...]

    Créée dès 1976, un an après la mort du dictateur, afin de « diffuser la connaissance de la figure de Francisco Franco dans toutes ses dimensions, ainsi que les réussites menées à bien par son régime », la structure a fait parler d’elle ces dernières semaines, en Espagne.

    http://www.lemonde.fr/m-moyen-format/article/2017/01/13/les-papys-du-franquisme-font-de-la-resistance_5062293_4497271.html

    #memoire

  • Painful memories of civil war purge live on in southern Spain - France 24

    LA ALGABA (SPAIN) (AFP) -

    “They would say: ’We have to eliminate the red seed’,” said Rogelia Beltran as she recalled how her grandfather died in a purge against leftists in southern Spain during the country’s civil war.

    The bloody conflict pitted forces loyal to the elected Socialist-led government known as Republicans against rebel Nationalist troops that rose up under General Francisco Franco in a military putsch.

    After Nationalist troops staged a coup on July 18, 1936, large landowners in the southern region of Andalusia aided the revolt by persecuting day labourers who they believed backed the government.

    In Beltran’s hometown of La Algaba the pro-Nationalist landowners were led by a matador, Jose Garcia Carranza, also known as “El Algabeno”, who became known as the “killer of bulls and reds”.

    Civilian supporters of the military uprising like “El Algabeno” received “carte blanche” from the military men who quickly seized control of the region, historian Francisco Espinosa told AFP.

    “They were members of the rural bourgeoisie” who offered to repress opposition to the coup “mounted on their own horses and using their own weapons”, he said.

    Eighty years after the war began, the memory of the purge carried out against leftists in Andalusia, known today for its sandy tourist beaches, lives on.

    – Hunted like animals -

    Paramilitaries and the rebel troops “carried out clean-up operations in the mountains” where leftists and unionists sought sanctuary, said Juan Jose Lopez, a member of an association of victims of the civil war and the dictatorship that followed.

    His great uncle was killed in November 1936 in a raid near the village of El Madrono.

    “It was like a deer or wild boar hunt. The raiders would sweep the mountains so the prey would flee” and then shoot them, he said.

    As he speaks he holds a photo of his relative which is part of a travelling exhibition called “The DNA of Memory” which aims to give visibility to victims of the conflict eight decades after it started.

    A 1977 amnesty law prevents Spain from investigating and trying the crimes of the civil war era and the repressive right-wing dictatorship of General Francisco Franco that followed until his death in 1975.

    “They did horrible things. They would leave bodies scattered in the streets as an example and would prevent them from being collected so they would be eaten by animals,” said Antonio Narvaez, 83, a retired steelworker.

    He was just three-years-old when his father was killed in Marchena. A day labourer who did not belong to a union and had no political affiliation, his only crime was that he knew how to read, said Narvaez.

    “He would read the press to his colleagues,” he said with a toothless smile.

    Widows were also punished. Supporters of the right-wing coup would confiscate their homes and goods, leaving them without work and stigmatised with young children to raise.

    “They would shave their hair off and parade them around the town,” said Antonio Martinez, 80, a retired hotel worker whose father was repressed during the war in the town of Escacena del Campo.

    – ’Ideological purge’ -

    Beltran, a 53-year-old nursing assistant, said the idea was “’if you don’t think like me, I will eliminate you’ and that is called genocide”.

    “It was an ideological purge which also included teachers, lawyers, journalists, writers with a liberal ideology,” added Paqui Maqueda, 52, a social worker whose great-grandfather and three great-uncles were killed in the town of Carmona near Seville.

    She gave the example of the celebrated Spanish poet Federico Garcia Lorca, known for works including the play “Blood wedding”, who was shot for his suspected leftist sympathies by supporters of the military uprising near the southern city of Granada in 1936.

    “But the lower classes were the most repressed,” said Maqueda.

    Plagued by high levels of illiteracy and miserable living conditions, farm workers had formed a strong union movement.

    And wealthy landowners like “El Algabeno”, who is said to have speared day labourers as if they were bulls, decided to quash their movement, historians and victims say.

    “Many of Garcia Carranza’s crimes were gathered and detailed by witnesses and contemporaries,” said Diego Aguera, the mayor of La Algaba, the matador’s hometown.

    In a narrow street of white houses near the bougainvillea-lined main square of the town, a plaque reads: “Jose Garcia Carranza Street”.

    Aguera in March got the town hall to approve changing the name to “Equality Street” because of the “countless murders he carried out, the majority in cold blood, the countless detentions and tortures he practiced”.

    Several family members of the late matador, contacted by AFP, refused to be quoted about his legacy.

    “Sometimes you think you are doing good and you are doing bad,” said one of his great-nieces who declined to be named.

    But for now, the street sign bearing Carranza’s name remains in place as local authorities wrestle with the bureaucracy needed to change it.
    by Anna Cuenca

    http://www.france24.com/en/20160713-painful-memories-civil-war-purge-live-southern-spain

    #espagne #memoire #guerre_d'espagne

  • Recyclage

    Le site d’information El Diario s’est intéressé à ce que devenaient les ministres espagnols après avoir quitté leurs fonctions.

    Depuis 1977 [date des premières élections générales après la dictature du général Francisco Franco], 40~% des ministres ont rejoint des conseils d’administration et des directions d’entreprises privées (...). Le phénomène s’observe pour chaque gouvernement depuis la législature constituante. Pour 49%, les ministres des exécutifs conduits par l’Union du centre démocratique (UCD), présidés par Adolfo Suárez (1977-1981) et Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo (1981-1982), sont passés au secteur privé. Le même pourcentage, 49~%, des ministres choisis par Felipe González (1982-1996) ont été recrutés par de grandes entreprises. C’est aussi le cas de plus de la moitié (51~%) des ministres de José María Aznar (1996-2004). Les titulaires de portefeuilles ministériels du gouvernement de José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (2004-2011) ne sont en revanche que 23~% à avoir rejoint de grandes entreprises espagnoles ou internationales. Mais il faut prendre en compte le fait qu’ils ont eu moins de temps que les autres pour opérer leur passage au secteur privé.

    http://www.eldiario.es/economia/ministros-democracia-pasado-sector-privado_0_494501429.html #cdp #st

    http://zinc.mondediplo.net/messages/22411 via Le Monde diplomatique

  • Édifiant. Quand un nazi devient un tueur du Mossad

    The Strange Case of a Nazi Who Became an Israeli Hitman
    Otto Skorzeny, one of the Mossad’s most valuable assets, was a former lieutenant colonel in Nazi Germany’s Waffen-SS and one of Adolf Hitler’s favorites.

    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/1.711115

    On September 11, 1962, a German scientist vanished. The basic facts were simple: Heinz Krug had been at his office, and he never came home.

    The only other salient detail known to police in Munich was that Krug commuted to Cairo frequently. He was one of dozens of Nazi rocket experts who had been hired by Egypt to develop advanced weapons for that country.

    HaBoker, a now defunct Israeli newspaper, surprisingly claimed to have the explanation: The Egyptians kidnapped Krug to prevent him from doing business with Israel.

    But that somewhat clumsy leak was an attempt by Israel to divert investigators from digging too deeply into the case — not that they ever would have found the 49-year-old scientist.

    We can now report — based on interviews with former Mossad officers and with Israelis who have access to the Mossad’s archived secrets from half a century ago — that Krug was murdered as part of an Israeli espionage plot to intimidate the German scientists working for Egypt.
    Moreover, the most astounding revelation is the Mossad agent who fired the fatal gunshots: Otto Skorzeny, one of the Israeli spy agency’s most valuable assets, was a former lieutenant colonel in Nazi Germany’s Waffen-SS and one of Adolf Hitler’s personal favorites among the party’s commando leaders. The Führer, in fact, awarded Skorzeny the army’s most prestigious medal, the Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross, for leading the rescue operation that plucked his friend Benito Mussolini out from the hands of his captors.
    But that was then. By 1962, according to our sources — who spoke only on the promise that they not be identified — Skorzeny had a different employer. The story of how that came to be is one of the most important untold tales in the archives of the Mossad, the agency whose full name, translated from Hebrew, is “The Institute for Intelligence and Special Missions.”
    Key to understanding the story is that the Mossad had made stopping German scientists then working on Egypt’s rocket program one of its top priorities. For several months before his death, in fact, Krug, along with other Germans who were working in Egypt’s rocket-building industry, had received threatening messages. When in Germany, they got phone calls in the middle of the night, telling them to quit the Egyptian program. When in Egypt, some were sent letter bombs — and several people were injured by the explosions.

    Krug, as it happens, was near the top of the Mossad’s target list.

    During the war that ended 17 years earlier, Krug was part of a team of superstars at Peenemünde, the military test range on the coast of the Baltic Sea, where top German scientists toiled in the service of Hitler and the Third Reich. The team, led by Wernher von Braun, was proud to have engineered the rockets for the Blitz that nearly defeated England. Its wider ambitions included missiles that could fly a lot farther, with greater accuracy and more destructive power.

    According to Mossad research, a decade after the war ended, von Braun invited Krug and other former colleagues to join him in America. Von Braun, his war record practically expunged, was leading a missile development program for the United States. He even became one of the fathers of the NASA space exploration program. Krug opted for another, seemingly more lucrative option: joining other scientists from the Peenemünde group — led by the German professor Wolfgang Pilz, whom he greatly admired — in Egypt. They would set up a secret strategic missile program for that Arab country.

    In the Israelis’ view, Krug had to know that Israel, the country where so many Holocaust survivors had found refuge, was the intended target of his new masters’ military capabilities. A committed Nazi would see this as an opportunity to continue the ghastly mission of exterminating the Jewish people.

    The threatening notes and phone calls, however, were driving Krug crazy. He and his colleagues knew that the threats were from Israelis. It was obvious. In 1960, Israeli agents had kidnapped Adolf Eichmann, one of the chief administrators of the Holocaust, in far-off Argentina. The Israelis astonishingly smuggled the Nazi to Jerusalem, where he was put on trial. Eichmann was hanged on May 31, 1962.

    It was reasonable for Krug to feel that a Mossad noose might be tightening around his neck, too. That was why he summoned help: a Nazi hero who was considered the best of the best in Hitler’s heyday.
    On the day he vanished, according to our new information from reliable sources, Krug left his office to meet Skorzeny, the man he felt would be his savior.

    Skorzeny, then 54 years old, was quite simply a legend. A dashing, innovative military man who grew up in Austria — famous for a long scar on the left side of his face, the result of his overly exuberant swordplay while fencing as a youth— he rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel in Nazi Germany’s Waffen-SS. Thanks to Skorzeny’s exploits as a guerrilla commander, Hitler recognized that he had a man who would go above and beyond, and stop at nothing, to complete a mission.

    The colonel’s feats during the war inspired Germans and the grudging respect of Germany’s enemies. American and British military intelligence labeled Skorzeny “the most dangerous man in Europe.”

    Krug contacted Skorzeny in the hope that the great hero — then living in Spain — could create a strategy to keep the scientists safe.

    The two men were in Krug’s white Mercedes, driving north out of Munich, and Skorzeny said that as a first step he had arranged for three bodyguards. He said they were in a car directly behind and would accompany them to a safe place in a forest for a chat. Krug was murdered, then and there, without so much as a formal indictment or death sentence. The man who pulled the trigger was none other than the famous Nazi war hero. Israel’s espionage agency had managed to turn Otto Skorzeny into a secret agent for the Jewish state.

    After Krug was shot, the three Israelis poured acid on his body, waited awhile and then buried what was left in a hole they had dug beforehand. They covered the makeshift grave with lime, so that search dogs — and wild animals — would never pick up the scent of human remains.

    The troika that coordinated this extrajudicial execution was led by a future prime minister of Israel, Yitzhak Shamir, who was then head of the Mossad’s special operations unit. One of the others was Zvi “Peter” Malkin, who had tackled Eichmann in Argentina and in later life would enter the art world as a New York-based painter. Supervising from a distance was Yosef “Joe” Raanan, who was the secret agency’s senior officer in Germany. All three had lost large numbers of family members among the 6 million Jews murdered by the cruel, continent-wide genocide that Eichmann had managed.
    Israel’s motivation in working with a man such as Skorzeny was clear: to get as close as possible to Nazis who were helping Egypt plot a new Holocaust.

    The Mossad’s playbook for protecting Israel and the Jewish people has no preordained rules or limits. The agency’s spies have evaded the legal systems in a host of countries for the purpose of liquidating Israel’s enemies: Palestinian terrorists, Iranian scientists, and even a Canadian arms inventor named Gerald Bull, who worked for Saddam Hussein until bullets ended his career in Brussels in 1990. Mossad agents in Lillehammer, Norway, even killed a Moroccan waiter in the mistaken belief that he was the mastermind behind the 1972 Munich Olympics massacre of 11 Israeli athletes by the terrorist group known as Black September. Ahmed Bouchikhi was shot down in 1973 as he left a movie theatre with his pregnant wife. The Israeli government later paid compensation to her without officially admitting wrongdoing. The botched mission delayed further Mossad assassinations, but it did not end them.

    To get to unexpected places on these improbable missions, the Mossad has sometimes found itself working with unsavory partners. When short-term alliances could help, the Israelis were willing to dance with the proverbial devil, if that is what seemed necessary.

    But why did Skorzeny work with the Mossad?

    He was born in Vienna in June 1908, to a middle-class family proud of its military service for the Austro-Hungarian Empire. From an early age he seemed fearless, bold and talented at weaving false, complex tales that deceived people in myriad ways. These were essential requirements for a commando officer at war, and certainly valuable qualities for the Mossad.

    He joined Austria’s branch of the Nazi Party in 1931, when he was 23, served in its armed militia, the SA, and enthusiastically worshipped Hitler. The führer was elected chancellor of Germany in 1933 and then seized Austria in 1938. When Hitler invaded Poland in 1939 and World War II broke out, Skorzeny left his construction firm and volunteered — not for the regular army, the Wehrmacht, but for the Leibstandarte SS Panzer division that served as Hitler’s personal bodyguard force.

    Skorzeny, in a memoir written after the war was over, told of his years of SS service as though they were almost bloodless travels in occupied Poland, Holland and France. His activities could not have been as innocuous as his book made them seem. He took part in battles in Russia and Poland, and certainly the Israelis believed it was very likely that he was involved in exterminating Jews. The Waffen-SS, after all, was not the regular army; it was the military arm of the Nazi Party and its genocidal plan.
    His most famous and daring mission was in September 1943: leading commandos who flew engineless gliders to reach an Italian mountaintop resort to rescue Hitler’s friend and ally, the recently ousted Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini and spirit him away under harrowing conditions.

    This was the escapade that earned Skorzeny his promotion to lieutenant colonel — and operational control of Hitler’s SS Special Forces. Hitler also rewarded him with several hours of face-to-face conversation, along with the coveted Knight’s Cross. But it was far from his only coup.

    In September 1944, when Hungary’s dictator, Admiral Miklos Horthy, a Nazi ally, was on the verge of suing for peace with Russia as Axis fortunes plunged, Skorzeny led a contingent of Special Forces into Budapest to kidnap Horthy and replace his government with the more hard-line Fascist Arrow Cross regime. That regime, in turn, went on to kill or to deport to concentration camps tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews who had managed to survive the war up to that point.

    Also in 1944, Skorzeny handpicked 150 soldiers, including some who spoke fair to excellent English in a bold plan to fend off the Allies after they landed in Normandy on D-Day in June. With the Allies advancing through France, Skorzeny dressed his men in captured U.S. uniforms, and procured captured American tanks for them to use in attacking and confusing Allied troops from behind their own lines.

    The bold deception — including the act of stealing U.S. soldiers’ property — plunged Skorzeny into two years of interrogation, imprisonment and trial after the war ended. Eventually, Allied military judges acquitted him in 1947. Once again, the world’s newspapers headlined him as Europe’s most dangerous man. He enjoyed the fame, and published his memoirs in various editions and many languages, including the 1957 book “Skorzeny’s Special Missions: The Autobiography of Hitler’s Commando Ace,” published by Greenhill Books. He spun some tall-tale hyperbole in the books, and definitely downplayed his contacts with the most bloodthirsty Nazi leaders. When telling of his many conversations with Hitler, he described the dictator as a caring and attentive military strategist.

    There was much that Skorzeny did not reveal, including how he escaped from the American military authorities who held him for a third year after his acquittal. Prosecutors were considering more charges against him in the Nuremberg tribunals, but during one transfer he was able to escape — reputedly with the help of former SS soldiers wearing American military police uniforms.

    Skorzeny’s escape was also rumored to have been assisted by the CIA’s predecessor agency, the Office of Special Services, for which he did some work after the war. It is certainly notable that he was allowed to settle in Spain — a paradise for Nazi war veterans, with protection from the pro-Western Fascist, Generalissimo Francisco Franco. In the years that followed he did some advisory work for President Juan Peron in Argentina and for Egypt’s government. It was during this period that Skorzeny became friendly with the Egyptian officers who were running the missile program and employing German experts.
    In Israel, a Mossad planning team started to work on where it could be best to find and kill Skorzeny. But the head of the agency, Isser Harel, had a bolder plan: Instead of killing him, snare him.

    Mossad officials had known for some time that to target the German scientists, they needed an inside man in the target group. In effect, the Mossad needed a Nazi.

    The Israelis would never find a Nazi they could trust, but they saw a Nazi they could count on: someone thorough and determined, with a record of success in executing innovative plans, and skilled at keeping secrets. The seemingly bizarre decision to recruit Skorzeny came with some personal pain, because the task was entrusted to Raanan, who was also born in Vienna and had barely escaped the Holocaust. As an Austrian Jew, his name was originally Kurt Weisman. After the Nazis took over in 1938, he was sent — at age 16 — to British-ruled Palestine. His mother and younger brother stayed in Europe and perished.

    Like many Jews in Palestine, Kurt Weisman joined the British military looking for a chance to strike back at Germany. He served in the Royal Air Force. After the creation of Israel in 1948, he followed the trend of taking on a Hebrew name, and as Joe Raanan he was among the first pilots in the new nation’s tiny air force. The young man rapidly became an airbase commander and later the air force’s intelligence chief.

    Raanan’s unique résumé, including some work he did for the RAF in psychological warfare, attracted the attention of Harel, who signed him up for the Mossad in 1957. A few years later, Raanan was sent to Germany to direct the secret agency’s operations there — with a special focus on the German scientists in Egypt. Thus it was Raanan who had to devise and command an operation to establish contact with Skorzeny, the famous Nazi commando.

    The Israeli spy found it difficult to get over his reluctance, but when ordered, he assembled a team that traveled to Spain for “pre-action intelligence.” Its members observed Skorzeny, his home, his workplace and his daily routines. The team included a German woman in her late 20s who was not a trained, full-time Mossad agent but a “helper.” Known by the Hebrew label “saayanit” (or “saayan” if a male), this team member was like an extra in a grandly theatrical movie, playing whatever role might be required. A saayanit would often pose as the girlfriend of an undercover Mossad combatant.

    Internal Mossad reports later gave her name as Anke and described her as pretty, vivacious and truly flirtatious. That would be perfect for the job at hand — a couples game.

    One evening in the early months of 1962, the affluent and ruggedly handsome — though scarred — Skorzeny was in a luxurious bar in Madrid with his significantly younger wife, Ilse von Finckenstein. Her own Nazi credentials were impeccable; she was the niece of Hjalmar Schacht, Hitler’s talented finance minister.

    They had a few cocktails and were relaxing, when the bartender introduced them to a German-speaking couple he had been serving. The woman was pretty and in her late 20s, and her escort was a well-dressed man of around 40. They were German tourists, they said, but they also told a distressing story: that they had just survived a harrowing street robbery.

    They spoke perfect German, of course, the man with a bit of an Austrian accent, like Skorzeny’s. They gave their false names, but in reality they were, respectively, a Mossad agent whose name must still be kept secret and his “helper,” Anke.

    There were more drinks, then somewhat flamboyant flirting, and soon Skorzeny’s wife invited the young couple, who had lost everything — money, passports and luggage — to stay the night at their sumptuous villa. There was just something irresistible about the newcomers. A sense of sexual intimacy between the two couples was in the air. After the four entered the house, however, at a crucial moment when the playful flirting reached the point where it seemed time to pair off, Skorzeny — the charming host — pulled a gun on the young couple and declared: “I know who you are, and I know why you’re here. You are Mossad, and you’ve come to kill me.”

    The young couple did not even flinch. The man said: “You are half-right. We are from Mossad, but if we had come to kill you, you would have been dead weeks ago.”

    “Or maybe,” Skorzeny said, “I would rather just kill you.”

    Anke spoke up. “If you kill us, the ones who come next won’t bother to have a drink with you, You won’t even see their faces before they blow out your brains. Our offer to you is just for you to help us.”

    After a long minute that felt like an hour, Skorzeny did not lower his gun, but he asked: “What kind of help? You need something done?” The Mossad officer — who even now is not being named by colleagues — told Skorzeny that Israel needed information and would pay him handsomely.

    Hitler’s favorite commando paused for a few moments to think, and then surprised the Israeli by saying: “Money doesn’t interest me. I have enough.”

    The Mossad man was further surprised to hear Skorzeny name something that he did want: “I need for Wiesenthal to remove my name from his list.” Simon Wiesenthal, the famous Vienna-based Nazi-hunter, had Skorzeny listed as a war criminal, but now the accused was insisting he had not committed any crimes.

    The Israeli did not believe any senior Nazi officer’s claim of innocence, but recruiting an agent for an espionage mission calls for well-timed lies and deception. “Okay,” he said, “that will be done. We’ll take care of that.”

    Skorzeny finally lowered his weapon, and the two men shook hands. The Mossad man concealed his disgust.

    “I knew that the whole story about you being robbed was bogus,” Skorzeny said, with the boastful smile of a fellow intelligence professional. “Just a cover story.”

    The next step to draw him in was to bring him to Israel. His Mossad handler, Raanan, secretly arranged a flight to Tel Aviv, where Skorzeny was introduced to Harel. The Nazi was questioned and also received more specific instructions and guidelines. During this visit, Skorzeny was taken to Yad Vashem, the museum in Jerusalem dedicated to the memory of the 6 million Jewish victims of the Holocaust. The Nazi was silent and seemed respectful. There was a strange moment there when a war survivor pointed to Skorzeny and singled him out by name as “a war criminal.”

    Raanan, as skilled an actor as any spy must be, smiled at the Jewish man and softly said: “No, you’re mistaken. He’s a relative of mine and himself is a Holocaust survivor.”

    Naturally, many in Israeli intelligence wondered if the famous soldier for Germany had genuinely — and so easily — been recruited. Did he really care so much about his image that he demanded to be removed from a list of war criminals? Skorzeny indicated that being on the list meant he was a target for assassination. By cooperating with the Mossad, he was buying life insurance.

    The new agent seemed to prove his full reliability. As requested by the Israelis, he flew to Egypt and compiled a detailed list of German scientists and their addresses.

    Skorzeny also provided the names of many front companies in Europe that were procuring and shipping components for Egypt’s military projects. These included Heinz Krug’s company, Intra, in Munich.

    Raanan continued to be the project manager of the whole operation aimed against the German scientists. But he assigned the task of staying in contact with Skorzeny to two of his most effective operatives: Rafi Eitan and Avraham Ahituv.

    Eitan was one of the most amazing characters in Israeli intelligence. He earned the nickname “Mr. Kidnap” for his role in abducting Eichmann and other men wanted by Israeli security agencies. Eitan also helped Israel acquire materials for its secret nuclear program. He would go on to earn infamy in the 1980s by running Jonathan Pollard as an American Jewish spy in the United States government.

    Surprisingly flamboyant after a life in the shadows, in 2006, at age 79, Eitan became a Member of Parliament as head of a political party representing senior citizens.

    “Yes, I met and ran Skorzeny,” Eitan confirmed to us recently. Like other Mossad veterans, he refused to go on the record with more details.

    Ahituv, who was born in Germany in 1930, was similarly involved in a wide array of Israeli clandestine operations all around the globe. From 1974 to 1980 he was head of the domestic security service, Shin Bet, which also guarded many secrets and often conducted joint projects with the Mossad.

    The Mossad agents did try to persuade Wiesenthal to remove Skorzeny from his list of war criminals, but the Nazi hunter refused. The Mossad, with typical chutzpah, instead forged a letter — supposedly to Skorzeny from Wiesenthal— declaring that his name had been cleared.

    Skorzeny continued to surprise the Israelis with his level of cooperation. During a trip to Egypt, he even mailed exploding packages; one Israeli-made bomb killed five Egyptians in the military rocket site Factory 333, where German scientists worked.

    The campaign of intimidation was largely successful, with most of the Germans leaving Egypt. Israel stopped the violence and threats, however, when one team was arrested in Switzerland while putting verbal pressure on a scientist’s family. A Mossad man and an Austrian scientist who was working for Israel were put on trial. Luckily, the Swiss judge sympathized with Israel’s fear of Egypt’s rocket program. The two men were convicted of making threats, but they were immediately set free.

    Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, however, concluded that all of this being out in public was disastrous to Israel’s image — and specifically could upset a deal he had arranged with West Germany to sell weapons to Israel.

    Harel submitted a letter of resignation, and to his shock, Ben-Gurion accepted it. The new Mossad director, commander of military intelligence Gen. Meir Amit, moved the agency away from chasing or intimidating Nazis.

    Amit did activate Skorzeny at least once more, however. The spymaster wanted to explore the possibility of secret peace negotiations, so he asked Israel’s on-the-payroll Nazi to arrange a meeting with a senior Egyptian official. Nothing ever came of it.

    Skorzeny never explained his precise reasons for helping Israel. His autobiography does not contain the word “Israel,” or even “Jew.” It is true that he sought and got the life insurance. The Mossad did not assassinate him.

    He also had a very strong streak of adventurism, and the notion of doing secret work with fascinating spies — even if they were Jewish — must have been a magnet for the man whose innovative escapades had earned him the Iron Cross medal from Hitler. Skorzeny was the kind of man who would feel most youthful and alive through killing and fear.

    It is possible that regret and atonement also played a role. The Mossad’s psychological analysts doubted it, but Skorzeny may have genuinely felt sorry for his actions during World War II.

    He may have been motivated by a combination of all these factors, and perhaps even others. But Otto Skorzeny took this secret to his grave. He died of cancer, at age 67, in Madrid in July 1975.

    He had two funerals, one in a chapel in Spain’s capital and the other to bury his cremated remains in the Skorzeny family plot in Vienna. Both services were attended by dozens of German military veterans and wives, who did not hesitate to give the one-armed Nazi salute and sing some of Hitler’s favorite songs. Fourteen of Skorzeny’s medals, many featuring a boldly black swastika, were prominently paraded in the funeral processions.

    There was one man at the service in Madrid who was known to no one in the crowd, but out of habit he still made sure to hide his face as much as he could. That was Joe Raanan, who by then had become a successful businessman in Israel.

    The Mossad did not send Raanan to Skorzeny’s funeral; he decided to attend on his own, and at his own expense. This was a personal tribute from one Austrian-born warrior to another, and from an old spy handler to the best, but most loathsome, agent he ever ran.

    Dan Raviv, a CBS News correspondent based in Washington, and Israeli journalist Yossi Melman are co-authors of five books about Israel’s espionage and security agencies, including “Spies Against Armageddon: Inside Israel’s Secret Wars” (Levant Books, 2014). Contact them at feedback@forward.com

    For more stories, go to www.forward.com. Sign up for the Forward’s daily newsletter at http://forward.com/newsletter/signup

    The Forward

    Haaretz Contributor

    #Israel #Mossad #Nazi #Egypte #Histoire #Allemagne #Hitman

  • Le roi Juan Carlos cède le trône d’Espagne à son fils au terme d’un règne qui aura duré presque quarante ans. Le 19 juillet 1974, il acceptait l’intérim du général Francisco Franco, malade, en jurant « fidélité aux principes du Mouvement ».

    Les chances et les périls de l’entreprise de Juan Carlos, par Christian Rudel (août 1974) http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/1974/08/RUDEL/32528

  • Les symboles franquistes persistent en Euskal Herria
    http://lahorde.samizdat.net/2013/11/24/les-symboles-franquistes-persistent-en-euskal-herria

    Malgré ce que beaucoup aimerait nous faire croire, l’Etat espagnol reste imprégné de la dictature franquiste. Non seulement le jeune Juan Carlos de Borbon, actuel roi d’Espagne, était un admirateur du général Francisco Franco mais surtout le Caudillo a désigné, le 22 juillet 1969, le futur roi d’Espagne comme son légitime successeur. Cela peut sembler [&hellip

    #Espagne #International #Franquisme #Pays_basque

  • Les États-Unis doivent lever les sanctions économiques contre Cuba, déclare le Président du Sénat Français

    Conversations avec Jean-Pierre Bel, Président du Sénat français

    Salim Lamrani
    Opera Mundi

    Président du Sénat depuis 2011, Jean-Pierre Bel est le deuxième personnage de l’Etat français selon la Constitution. Ce proche du Président de la République François Hollande est devenu le premier socialiste à occuper ce poste à la Chambre haute du Parlement sous la Ve République. Parlant couramment espagnol, c’est un fin connaisseur de l’Amérique latine et notamment de Cuba.
    Né en 1951 au sein d’une famille de résistants communistes du sud de la France, Jean-Pierre Bel s’est engagé dès les années 1970 dans les réseaux de solidarité avec l’opposition espagnole en lutte contre la dictature de Francisco Franco, accueillant les réfugiés et fournissant de l’aide matérielle aux antifascistes. Lors de l’une de ces opérations, il sera même arrêté par la police franquiste et passera plusieurs mois dans les geôles espagnoles.
    Elu maire en 1983 et sénateur en 1998, Jean-Pierre Bel a présidé le groupe socialiste du Sénat de 2004 à 2011 et a siégé pendant plus de dix ans au bureau national du Parti socialiste, avant d’être élu numéro deux de la Nation. Jean-Pierre Bel est un fervent partisan d’un rapprochement entre la France et l’Amérique latine – notamment avec Cuba, pour des raisons non seulement politiques mais également affectives. En effet, admirateur de la Révolution cubaine depuis son adolescence, charmé par l’intelligence remarquable du peuple de José Martí, le Président du Sénat a épousé une Cubaine et de cette union est née une fille.
    Au cours de ces conversations réalisées dans l’île, le Président du Sénat aborde les relations entre Cuba et la France, la politique de l’Union européenne vis-à-vis du gouvernement de Raúl Castro, le conflit bilatéral entre Washington et La Havane ainsi que les perspectives de sa normalisation sous le second mandat de Barack Obama. Il évoque également la distinction octroyée à Eusebio Leal, historien de La Havane, qui a reçu au nom du Président de la République la Croix de Commandeur de la Légion d’Honneur. Enfin, ce dialogue s’achève sur une réflexion autour de la figure de Maximilien Robespierre, Héros de la Révolution française.


    Salim Lamrani : Monsieur le Président, dans quel état se trouvent les relations entre Cuba et la France ?

    Jean-Pierre Bel : Les relations entre nos deux pays se trouvent à une étape charnière. Il y a eu récemment, à la fin du mois de janvier, la rencontre entre l’Union européenne et la Communauté des Etats latino-américains et caribéens à Santiago du Chili, où les dirigeants des deux continents ont pu échanger des points de vue et des idées sur l’avenir de notre monde et sur le modèle de société que nous voulons construire. Cuba a pris la présidence de cette institution, la CELAC, qui regroupe les 33 nations d’Amérique latine et de la Caraïbe et il s’agit là d’un événement majeur. Le Premier ministre français, Jean-Marc Ayrault, était à Santiago et je puis vous affirmer qu’il y a une volonté très forte de la part de notre pays, la France, d’approfondir les relations avec Cuba. J’en ai personnellement parlé avec le Président de la République, François Hollande, et il y a une réelle résolution à renforcer nos liens avec La Havane.

    SL : Quels sont les liens entre les deux nations ?

    JPB : Les liens sont multiples et ils sont d’ordre historique et culturel. La Révolution française et la Déclaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen avaient beaucoup influencé les plus grands penseurs cubains, en particulier l’Apôtre et Héros national cubain José Martí. La Révolution française a également marqué la Révolution cubaine dans sa lutte pour l’indépendance. L’hymne national cubain, La Bayamesa, est directement inspiré de La Marseillaise et il y a une grande similitude entre nos drapeaux. De grands personnages français ont participé à l’organisation de ce pays. Pour La Havane, par exemple, c’est un architecte français qui a réalisé les grandes infrastructures autour de la capitale. La ville de Cienfuegos a été fondée par des Français de Bordeaux. Cuba est un pays qui a beaucoup fasciné les Français. Ma génération a beaucoup été marquée par l’épopée révolutionnaire de Fidel Castro. Nous avions tous le portrait de Che Guevara dans nos chambres.
    Plus qu’un symbole, la France et Cuba partagent une histoire commune. Nous avons donc la responsabilité, nous, générations d’aujourd’hui, de reprendre cette histoire et de faire en sorte que nos deux pays, nos deux peuples, puissent retrouver une amitié solide et fraternelle.

    SL : Qu’en est-il aujourd’hui ?

    JPB : Aujourd’hui, l’époque est différente et je souhaite, compte-tenu des mes liens particuliers avec Cuba, contribuer à retrouver cette voie de l’amitié et à partager nos points de vue. La France a un rôle à jouer à Cuba et de grandes sociétés françaises y sont présentes, comme par exemple l’entreprise Bouygues qui construit plusieurs complexes hôteliers et qui a de nombreux projets sur cette île. Il y a également le magnifique mariage entre Cuba et la France avec la marque Havana Club et l’entreprise Pernod-Ricard qui permet de porter à travers le monde l’excellence cubaine en matière de rhum. Air France a également une place particulière à Cuba. Nous voulons tous approfondir nos liens avec Cuba et développer notre coopération, et pour cela nous devons respecter ce qu’est ce pays, son identité, son système et sa manière de fonctionner. Nous avons une grande marge de progression devant nous.

    SL : Que représente ce voyage à Cuba pour vous ?

    JPB : Je suis chargé de porter cette parole d’amitié et de fraternité de la France à Cuba, et ce voyage a une dimension émotive particulière pour moi car ma seconde famille se trouve dans ce pays. Mon épouse est cubaine et j’ai ce pays au cœur. Mais je suis ici en tant que Président du Sénat français, c’est-à-dire en tant que deuxième personnage de la République pour témoigner de l’importance que mon pays accorde aux relations et au dialogue avec Cuba.

    SL : L’Union européenne impose depuis 1996 une Position commune à Cuba, officiellement en raison de la situation des droits de l’homme, faisant de l’île la seule nation du continent à être stigmatisée de la sorte. Loin de constituer une politique constructive, elle s’est révélée être le principal obstacle à la normalisation des relations entre La Havane et Bruxelles. Ne serait-il pas judicieux pour l’UE de modifier son approche vis-à-vis des autorités cubaines ?

    JPB : L’Union européenne doit certainement évoluer et elle est d’ailleurs en train de modifier son approche vis-à-vis de Cuba. La Position commune est une politique révolue et la France souhaiterait se faire l’interlocuteur de cette réalité et convaincre le reste de l’Europe que le dialogue est nécessaire avec Cuba. Nous sommes conscients des difficultés car nous n’avons pas la même vision des choses. Nos systèmes politiques sont différents. Néanmoins, nous sommes lucides et nous savons tout ce qu’a pu endurer ce pays au cours des dernières années. Pour le peuple cubain, la réalité a été difficile. Il m’arrive de vivre avec le peuple cubain et de partager sa vie quotidienne et je suis toujours frappé par sa capacité à faire face aux difficultés, pour bien vivre, pour mieux manger, pour avoir un meilleur confort. Mais il s’agit surtout d’une lutte pour la dignité. Pour nous, Français, Cuba, terre d’esprits libres, est synonyme d’intelligence, de dignité et de beauté. De ce point de vue, nous nous sentons très proches de ce peuple et de ces valeurs que nous portons ensemble.

    SL : Les Etats-Unis imposent des sanctions économiques à Cuba depuis plus d’un demi-siècle. Elles affectent les catégories les plus fragiles de la société. L’immense majorité de la communauté internationale – 186 pays en 2012 – se prononce pour leur levée immédiate. Le moment n’est-il pas venu pour Washington de normaliser ses relations avec Cuba ?

    JPB : Loin de moi l’idée de m’ingérer dans les relations entre deux pays, mais si je dois donner mon sentiment, je dirais que le moment est arrivé, plus que jamais, de retrouver le sens des réalités. Il n’y a que 170 kilomètres de distance entre ces deux nations qui, au cours de l’histoire, se sont toujours regardées face à face. Il est temps que les deux peuples marchent ensemble, l’un à côté de l’autre. Ce serait dans l’intérêt de tous de mettre de côté les différends et de regarder collectivement l’avenir d’un œil paisible. Il est temps d’en finir avec les sanctions économiques qui durent depuis cinquante ans et qui font souffrir le peuple cubain.

    SL : Au nom du Président de la République française, François Hollande, vous venez de décorer Eusebio Leal, historien de la ville de La Havane, de la Croix de Commandeur de la Légion d’Honneur. Il s’agit de la plus haute et plus ancienne distinction que décerne notre nation. Quels critères ont motivé cette décision ?

    JPB : Eusebio Leal est pour nous un grand personnage. Je l’ai rencontré à plusieurs reprises à Paris et à La Havane et nous sommes liés par une amitié et une admiration fortes. J’ai toujours été frappé par son immense talent, sa culture incroyable et son insatiable curiosité. Eusebio Leal a la particularité de connaître notre propre histoire mieux que nous. Il l’a étudiée avec beaucoup de passion, en particulier la période napoléonienne. Je me souviendrai toujours de notre rencontre au Palais du Luxembourg, siège du Sénat de la République. Nous nous trouvions devant le siège où l’Empereur Napoléon avait été couronné et nous écoutions les explications de plusieurs spécialistes de l’époque. Eusebio Leal, historien de La Havane, Cubain, à notre grande surprise, avait complété les propos de ces historiens et avait éclairé des détails et des aspects que nous ignorions tous. D’ailleurs, à Cuba, à La Havane, se trouve l’un des plus grands musées au monde sur Napoléon, œuvre de Leal, et il est d’une richesse extraordinaire. Il a été inauguré en 2011, en présence de la Princesse Napoléon.

    SL : Quelles valeurs représente Eusebio Leal à vos yeux ?

    Eusebio Leal est porteur des valeurs de la France, des principes de notre Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme et du Citoyen. Il partage le combat de la France pour la liberté et l’émancipation du genre humain, par la conquête de nouveaux droits sociaux. Il partage notre esprit de résistance et de solidarité vis-à-vis des plus faibles. Il est le lien entre la France de Victor Hugo et d’Aimé Césaire et la Cuba de José Martí. Il est le lien entre nos deux cultures convergentes. Leal est en même temps le symbole de cette extraordinaire culture cubaine, si proche de nous. Eusebio Leal est un très grand ambassadeur de Cuba en France et à l’étranger et je crois que cette distinction particulièrement importante est amplement méritée. Il y a très peu de personnalités étrangères qui ont été décorés de la Croix de Commandeur de la Légion d’Honneur, établie par Napoléon Bonaparte le 19 mai 1802. A ma connaissance, hormis Nelson Mandela, personne d’autre n’a reçu une telle distinction.

    SL : Maximilien Robespierre, notre Libérateur, le défenseur de la souveraineté populaire, était sans doute le plus fidèle représentant des aspirations du peuple français lors de la Révolution. Quand lui érigerons-nous une statue à Paris ?

    JPB : Beaucoup de Français sont attentifs à l’histoire de Robespierre et, comme à Cuba, nous avons en France nos grands débats. La façon dont Robespierre a porté notre Révolution et les raisons pour lesquelles il a été guillotiné en pleine période de Terreur sont l’objet de controverses. Il est vrai qu’il y a également eu la terreur blanche des royalistes. Je viens d’un département dont le président de la Cour de Sureté Générale, au moment de la Terreur, a fait tomber Robespierre et lui a coupé la tête.

    SL : Défendre l’héritage de Robespierre ne revient-il pas à défendre la Démocratie ?

    JPB : Il y a un regard historique qu’il convient de porter sur ces événements. Les idées de la Révolution sont les miennes. L’idéal de Robespierre est le mien. Sans doute ne partagerais-je pas aujourd’hui la manière dont le pouvoir a été exercé à l’époque. Mais aujourd’hui est un autre jour, une autre époque et il est difficile de porter des jugements a posteriori car nous n’avons pas vécu l’épopée révolutionnaire, et qui sait comment aurions-nous agi si nous avions été au pouvoir et si nous avions dû faire face à une guerre civile et à l’assaut de toutes les monarchies européennes coalisées contre notre Patrie et notre Révolution. Je puis porter un jugement historique, certes, mais pas un jugement politique.


    Docteur ès Etudes Ibériques et Latino-américaines de l’Université Paris Sorbonne-Paris IV, Salim Lamrani est Maître de conférences à l’Université de la Réunion, et journaliste, spécialiste des relations entre Cuba et les Etats-Unis.
    Son dernier ouvrage s’intitule État de siège. Les sanctions économiques des Etats-Unis contre Cuba, Paris, Éditions Estrella, 2011 (prologue de Wayne S. Smith et préface de Paul Estrade).
    Contact : lamranisalim@yahoo.fr ; Salim.Lamrani@univ-reunion.fr
    Page Facebook : https://www.facebook.com/SalimLamraniOfficiel

  • Les syndicats espagnols acceptent le chômage de masse et les réductions de salaires
    http://www.wsws.org//fr/articles/2013/fev2013/espa-f21.shtml

    Avec un capitalisme profondément en crise, il est impossible que « tout le monde gagne, » et il n’a pas fallu longtemps pour que cela devienne clair. Les travailleurs ont perdu sur toute la ligne – subissant une augmentation très forte du chômage, des salaires plus bas et des conditions de travail qui empirent, pendant que les employeurs ont récolté les bénéfices. Toutes les protections limitées obtenues au cours de la transition vers la démocratie bourgeoise suite à la mort du dictateur fasciste Francisco Franco en 1975, consacrées par le Pacte de Moncloa et le Statut des travailleurs, sont en train d’être effacées.