person:gideon levy

  • L’Israël de Netanyahou va établir un régime d’apartheid. L’Occident va-t-il laisser faire ?
    Gideon Levy - Mardi 14 mai 2019 - 08:30 - Middle East Eye édition française
    https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/opinion-fr/lisrael-de-netanyahou-va-etablir-un-regime-dapartheid-loccident-va-t-

    Le monde tourne sur son axe, rien n’a changé, même après les récentes élections en Israël.

    Choisi pour diriger Israël pour la cinquième fois, Benyamin Netanyahou est sur le point de former le gouvernement le plus nationaliste et le plus à droite de l’histoire du pays – pendant ce temps, le monde semble continuer à tourner comme si de rien n’était.

    Depuis des décennies, Israël crache sans arrêt au visage du reste de la planète, méprisant avec désinvolture le droit international et ne tenant aucun compte des décisions explicites et des politiques détaillées adoptées par les institutions internationales et par la plupart des gouvernements nationaux du monde.

    Toutefois, dans le monde, tout ce crachat passe en quelque sorte pour des gouttes de pluie. Les élections se sont succédé sans effet perceptible sur le soutien automatique à Israël accordé aveuglément par les gouvernements européens et, bien sûr, par les Américains : inconditionnel, sans réserve, apparemment inchangé. À l’évidence, ce qui était sera.

    Israël a néanmoins changé au cours du long règne de Netanyahou. Ce talentueux homme d’État israélien laisse sa marque sur le profil de son pays, avec un effet profond et durable – plus que prévu ou même apparent.

    Oui, il est vrai que les gouvernements de gauche en Israël ont également fait de leur mieux pour préserver à jamais l’occupation israélienne et n’ont jamais eu la moindre intention de mettre fin à celle-ci, pas un seul instant – toutefois, Netanyahou emmène Israël bien plus loin, dans des endroits encore plus extrêmes.

    Il porte atteinte à ce qui constitue une gouvernance acceptable sur le territoire souverain reconnu d’Israël, même à l’égard de ses citoyens juifs. Le visage même de la « seule démocratie au Moyen-Orient », qui a longtemps fonctionné principalement au profit des Israéliens juifs constituant sa classe privilégiée, est en train d’être altéré par Netanyahou et compagnie. (...)

  • Les végans meilleurs soutiens de Nétanyaou ? Israël terre promise du vegan-washing Paul Aries - 24 Avril 2019 - Le Grand Soir
    https://www.legrandsoir.info/les-vegans-meilleurs-soutiens-de-netanyaou-israel-terre-promise-du-veg

    Un site végan me soupçonnait récemment d’antisémitisme (ce qui est un comble) parce que j’évoquais l’importance du lobby végan en Israël dans ma Lettre aux mangeurs de viandes qui souhaitent le rester sans culpabiliser (Larousse). Je vais cependant récidiver en m’abritant derrière le site autorisé de la Chambre de commerce France-Israël qui titrait, au lendemain de la réélection du candidat de la droite la plus dure : « Le véganisme : clé de la victoire de Nétanyaou ? ».

    La thèse, même sous forme interrogative, mérite le détour pour qui connait Israël. Il est exact que pour emporter les voix des « amis des animaux », Netanyahou a annoncé arrêter de consommer de la viande. Lors d’une conférence de presse donnée le 10 mars 2019, la députée Sharren Haskel, membre du parti du Likoud et proche de « Bibi », a annoncé que le Premier ministre et toute sa famille « avaient opté pour le végétarisme ». « Pas entièrement », a-t-elle ajouté à mi-mot. La presse conclut qu’en « s’entourant de cette figure appréciée par les défenseurs des bêtes, « Bibi » a probablement gagné des points dans les urnes ». Beaucoup de sites dont Actualité Israël ont repris aussitôt cette analyse. Sharren Haskel a joué effectivement un rôle central dans la véganisation de la droite. Ex-membre volontaire des commandos de la police des frontières, opposée récemment aux projets d’amélioration de la situation juridique des gays, reconnue comme proche idéologiquement du Tea Party des Etats-Unis, elle n’a cessé de se droitiser, au fils des années, expliquant, par exemple, qu’« ll n’y a pas d’armée plus morale dans le monde que la nôtre » (sic). Les journalistes s’interrogent cependant : « Deux questions émergent lorsqu’on constate l’importance de ces mouvements en Israël : y a-t-il un lien entre l’antispécisme et la spécificité historique d’Israël, à savoir sa définition comme « Etat des Juifs » ? Ensuite, cet engouement pour la cause animale a-t-il un lien avec le conflit israélo-palestinien ? ». La faute politique du candidat travailliste aurait été de ne jamais préciser si, de son côté, il mangeait encore du poulet, lit-on sous la plume des experts.

    L’instrumentalisation du véganisme à des fins politiques ne date pas cependant de cette seule période électorale ni même de la présence de Sharren Haskel. Nétanyaou se dit depuis longtemps favorable aux « lundis sans viande » et l’armée israélienne se proclame végane (alimentation et vêtements).

    Les faits sont assez têtus pour permettre de raconter une tout autre histoire. Cette pseudo « première nation végane » (comme on le lit dans la presse) reste l’un des pays au monde consommant le plus de viande (80 kilos par personne et par an contre 66 en France), notamment de poulets (57 kilos), et les végans, avec 8 % de la population, n’y sont guère plus nombreux qu’ailleurs… Alors pourquoi Israël passe-t-elle pour être le paradis des végans dans le monde ? L’Etat israélien est l’inventeur du vegan-washing en tant que stratégie politique.

    Israël a été d’abord le laboratoire d’une expérience grandeur nature, en matière de conversion, puisque 60 % des téléspectateurs réguliers de l’émission de télé-réalité « Big Brother » ont changé leur façon de manger. Tel Gilboa (née en 1978), fondatrice du Front israélien de libération des animaux (ALF) en 2013, a remporté la sixième édition de « Big Brother » en 2014, en utilisant, avec la complicité de la production, l’émission pour propager, en prime time, le véganisme, et ceci durant trois mois et demi… Végan France titrait le 10 février 2016 : « Une activiste végane remporte « Big Brother » ». Elle portait pour la finale un T-shirt « Go Végan », son opposant en finale (Eldad) était aussi végan, comme d’ailleurs 4 des 18 occupants de la « maison ». On sait aujourd’hui qu’elle a bénéficié d’une véritable mise en scène, un autre candidat était un pseudo-éleveur bovin engagé par la production et dont le rôle était de provoquer et de pousser la participation végane, la production a même autorisé l’ami de Tal à venir parler de véganisme devant les résidents de la « maison » et leur a projeté une vidéo sur l’industrie des œufs, de la viande et du lait, séance enregistrée puis projetée à la télévision, avec une séquence montrant les résidents fondant en larmes. Yoram Zack, directeur de la production, a prononcé un discours après sa victoire : « Il y a cent neuf jours vous êtes entrée dans la maison pour accomplir une mission. Vous êtes venue ici pour servir de voix à ceux qui ne peuvent pas parler . »

    Cette belle aventure n’est pas sans lien avec le fait que le gouvernement israélien a choisi de faire des biotechnologies (notamment dans le domaine agricole) un secteur de pointe, avec la fondation de plus 1 350 firmes, dont 612 créées depuis 2007, et qui mobilisent 20 % du total des investissements. Un exemple : la start-up SuperMeat commercialise une viande vegan friendly , grâce à un blanc de poulet issu de cultures cellulaires, les cellules sont prélevées par biopsie puis cultivées industriellement en laboratoire, elles se nourrissent d’acides aminés d’origine végétale et de glucose. L’association #L214 a relayé l’appel aux dons à SuperMeat sur Facebook. Le professeur Yaakov Nahmias, cofondateur et directeur de recherche de SuperMeat, est aussi directeur du Grass Center for Bioengineering de l’Université hébraïque de Jérusalem et membre du Broad Institute de Harvard et du Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Ces projets sont soutenus par des organisations comme l’ONG A #Well-fed_World (Un monde bien nourri) qui distribue de l’alimentation végane aux nécessiteux. Cette ONG travaille avec le Fonds international pour l’Afrique afin de généraliser des repas scolaires strictement végétariens (Éthiopie). La #Modern_Agriculture_Foundation et l’université de Tel-Aviv ont lancé, en 2014, un projet de viande de poulet cultivée, sous la direction d’Amit Gefen, un des principaux experts mondiaux en ingénierie tissulaire. La firme #Jet-Eat vient de lancer la première imprimante alimentaire 3D végane…au monde.

    Cette belle aventure n’est pas non plus sans lien avec la possibilité que donne le #vegan-washing de laver plus blanc l’Etat d’Israël et sa politique de colonisation.

    Gary Yourofsky, le meilleur VRP végan en Israël
    Le militant étasunien Gary Yourofsky est l’un des nouveaux visages du véganisme israélien. Sa vidéo a été visionnée par plus d’un million d’habitants sur une population de huit millions, ses conférences font le plein et attirent l’élite de la société y compris des politiques comme Tzipi Livni (ancienne agente du Mossad, ancienne députée, elle vient d’abandonner la politique) … à tel point que la presse se demandait si Netanyaou n’irait pas la prochaine fois dans le cadre de sa stratégie assister à une conférence de Yourofsky. Gary Yourofsky ne recycle pas seulement les plus vieux clichés du végétarisme, l’humanité serait herbivore, toutes les maladies majeures seraient dues à la consommation carnée, car il se veut aussi ouvertement misanthrope et « dérape » souvent : « Au fond de moi, j’espère sincèrement que l’oppression, la torture et le meurtre se retournent dix fois contre les hommes qui s’en moquent ! Je souhaite que des pères tirent accidentellement sur leurs fils à l’occasion des parties de chasse, pendant que les carnivores succombent lentement à des crises cardiaques. Que chaque femme emmitouflée dans la fourrure doive endurer un viol si brutal qu’elle en soit marquée à vie. Et que chaque homme couvert de fourrure se fasse sodomiser si violemment que ses organes internes en soient détruits. Que chaque cowboy et chaque matador soit encorné jusqu’à la mort, que les tortionnaires du cirque se fassent piétiner par des éléphants et lacérer par des tigres . » Gary Yourofsky a pris position également en faveur d’Israël contre la Palestine : « Alors que les Israéliens sont dans un processus de destruction des industries de viande, de produits laitiers et d’œufs – ce qui amènera à l’éradication des camps de concentration pour les animaux, les Palestiniens et leurs sympathisants “droitdelhommistes”, psychotiques, sont en train de construire encore plus de camps pour les animaux ! […] Les Palestiniens sont le problème. C’est le groupe de personnes le plus psychotique du monde . »

    Cette position n’est malheureusement pas isolée. Eyal Megged appelle Netanyahou à faire d’Israël la terre des droits des animaux plutôt que de chercher inutilement une paix impossible avec les Palestiniens . Aeyal Gross, professeur israélien de droit international, s’insurge : « Le végétarisme devient un outil pour améliorer l’image des forces de défense israélienne, ou celle d’Israël dans son ensemble […] À Tel-Aviv aujourd’hui, il est beaucoup plus facile de trouver de la nourriture dont la préparation n’a pas impliqué l’exploitation des animaux que de trouver une nourriture dont la production n’a pas entraîné l’oppression et le déracinement d’autres êtres humains ». Le mouvement palestinien de défense des animaux dénonce Israël comme le premier pays du monde à faire du vegan-washing (blanchiment de l’image par le véganisme comme d’autres font du green-washing alors qu’ils bousillent la planète). On peut lire sur le site de Palestinian Animal League la mise en garde suivante : « Israël utilise le vegan washing pour couvrir les dégâts causés aux vies palestiniennes et au véganisme en Palestine, et obtient maintenant le soutien international de végétaliens bien connus, qui sont intentionnellement ou involontairement des outils dans le jeu de vegan washing du « paradis végétarien ». Les Palestiniens dénoncent ainsi le rôle d’institutions de propagande comme Vibe Israël qui invite d’éminents blogueurs végétaliens à visiter « l’empire végan appelé Israël ». Le mouvement palestinien accuse aussi Binthnight Israël, une association de défense d’Israël auprès des juifs du monde entier, d’avoir ajouté à son programme « Israël pour les végans »… Les palestiniens rappellent que la plus grande partie des productions véganes est réalisée dans les colonies israéliennes illégales à l’intérieur des territoires palestiniens.
    
Le gouvernement israélien, et notamment, son armée communique sur « Tsahal, l’armée la plus vegane au monde… », de là à soutenir qu’elle fait une guerre propre, le passage est souvent étroit).

    Cette propagande consistant à utiliser le véganisme pour légitimer la politique d’Israël fonctionne à plein au sein des multiples relais communautaires. Le JForum.fr (portail juif francophone) a ouvert un Forum sur « Israël, terre promise des végans ». Infos-Israël.News ajoute qu’Israël, paradis pour les végétariens mérite le détour et le soutien actif… L’association végétarienne de France titre « Ici, il fait bon être végé ! » et intègre Tel-Aviv « nation végane selon le Ministère du tourisme » dans les lieux de vacances de tout bon végan. Tribune Juive se fait l’écho cependant du débat qui secoue la communauté.

    Israël champion du vegan-washing ?
    Jérôme Segal nous aide à comprendre les raisons du véganisme israélien. Il y voit déjà une idéologie de substitution pour une gauche orpheline de victoires. Il cite le rôle des juifs, comme Peter Singer et Henry Spira, dans la naissance du véganisme. Il prolonge, également l’analyse de Jean Stern, selon lequel le pinkwashing était une stratégie politique visant à promouvoir Tel-Aviv comme capitale mondiale de la tolérance envers les minorités sexuelles dans le seul but de présenter le pays autrement que comme un Etat épinglé par des associations humanitaires pour ses manquements aux droits humains. Jérôme Segal parle donc du vegan-washing comme d’une stratégie délibérée servant les intérêts militaristes, colonialistes, économiques de l’Etat israélien. Le journaliste Gidéon Levy (éditorialiste au quotidien Haaretz) explique que le véganisme permet de mieux camoufler ce qui se passe en Cisjordanie. La gauche israélienne a tenté naturellement de surfer sur ce courant végan (comme certains dirigeants politiques de la gauche française le font encore). Conséquence : la gauche est de plus en plus marginalisée en Israël, au point que le seul parti qui ose encore se dire de gauche aujourd’hui, Meretz, n’a obtenu que 3,6 % des suffrages en avril 2019. Ce n’est pas pourtant faute d’avoir fait des efforts, puisque Tamar Zandberg, député du Meretz, est l’organisateur de la journée végane, au sein même de la Knesset, réunissant tous les députés…

    La gauche et les milieux écologistes israéliens ne parviendront à retrouver une parole forte qu’en se portant à la défense de l’élevage paysan israélien et palestinien.

    Paul Ariès

    #végan #biotechnologies #véganisation de la droite #antispécisme #vegan-washing #SuperMeat #vibe_israël #végétalisme #tsahal
    #sharren_haskel https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sharren_Haskel
    #gary_yourofsky https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gary_Yourofsky
    # Tzipi_Livni https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tzipi_Livni
    . . . . . . . . .

  • Why I don’t give lectures in Israel about the occupation -
    Gideon Levy
    Opinion -
    Israel News | Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-why-i-don-t-give-lectures-in-israel-about-the-occupation-1.7170563

    What will the tiny handful of Israelis for whom fighting the occupation is paramount do now? What will they do, the people who will not consent to living in an apartheid state? The election results left no room for doubt: Israel lacks a critical mass of opponents to the occupation. The pro-annexation camp beat the camp that’s in favor of perpetuating the occupation. That’s the story, in a nutshell.

    Some of the people who voted for Kahol Lavan or other parties would like to be rid of the albatross around their necks, but it’s not their No. 1 priority. Loathing for Benjamin Netanyahu, the corruption in government and the Eurovision Song Contest are much higher up on their agenda. And what do these people think could possibly end the occupation anyway? Nothing. It’s no biggie.

    The minority that refuses to give up on opposing the occupation can throw in the towel now when it comes to trying to win over Israelis. There’s no one to talk to, and nothing to talk about. There is no partner in Israel, no buyers. Only a handful of warriors remain, the few and the brave.

    One can wait for a miracle — or a disaster — or one can shift to the only arena where hope is still possible: overseas.

    That’s where the fate of the regime in South Africa was decided, at the end of the day, and that’s where the fate of the regime in Israel-Palestine might possibly be decided one day. For now, it’s the only option.

    The argument that this is an undemocratic action aimed at bypassing the will of the people obviously sets a new standard of chutzpah. It’s akin to the claim that the international sanctions against South Africa constituted interference in the country’s domestic affairs.

    There, too, there were democratic elections, for whites only, and a majority of the whites had their say and supported apartheid. So what? Did that have anything to do with democracy? Could the international community sit by idly?

    The occupation is not an internal Israeli matter, and it has nothing to do with democracy. Israeli Jews who control Palestinians using brutal military force are an international matter.

    This is exactly why international institutions were established and why foreign policy exists, and this is exactly why there are judges in The Hague. For 52 years, millions of Palestinians were never asked for their opinion, and for that reason there are few issues that require the intervention of the international community more urgently. It is not only a legitimate sphere of action, it is mandatory — including for Israelis.

    Contradictory messages are emanating from this arena. There are signs of loss of interest and fatigue over a conflict that refuses to be resolved. Ultranationalism, xenophobia and Islamophobia bolster support for Israeli colonialism.

    But at the same time, there are reinforcements in the form of new, almost revolutionary voices, that will not accept this. In Europe and in the United States there arose a generation that did not know the Holocaust and was unwilling to accept the occupation.
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    There is today no greater source of hope than the astonishing changes in the U.S. Democratic Party and the U.K. Labour Party. The rise of these parties to power could herald a new international language toward Israel. There are countries where people are only waiting for the signal to join in.

    The fall of the occupation is likely to be dramatic, not gradual, and the house of cards that seems today to be at the height of its powers, with greater international support than ever before, could collapse in an instant. That’s what happened in South Africa.

    The formula is a simple one: the dissolution of the existing formula, according to which it benefits Israel and the Israelis to continue the occupation. As long as it exists — and it does exist — there is no possibility of change. The moment one of the components is removed, the Israelis will begin asking themselves, for the first time in their history, whether it’s all worth it and whether they are willing to pay the price.

    The answer is clear. There are few Israelis who will be willing to sacrifice their quality of life for the settlement of Ofra, which they have never been to and will never go to.

    It’s necessary to take action in the international arena without any guilt feelings, because it is the only hope. It needs additional Israeli voices. I am occasionally asked, “Snob, have you ever given a lecture in Israel?” but in Israel no one cares about the occupation. Occasionally the word “treason” is mentioned, too. It’s the silent ones who are the real traitors, in Israel and, even more so, abroad.
    Gideon Levy

    Gideon Levy
    Haaretz Correspondent

  • Israël vote pour l’apartheid (Gidéon Levy)
    Gideon Levy 7 avril 2019 | Haaretz | Traduction SM pour l’Agence Média Palestine
    http://www.agencemediapalestine.fr/blog/2019/04/09/gideon-levy-israel-vote-pour-lapartheid

    L’élection de mardi entraînera à coup sûr un résultat : une centaine de membres de la prochaine Knesset seront des partisans de l’apartheid. Ce fait est sans précédent dans les États démocratiques. Cent législateurs sur 120, une majorité archi-absolue qui soutient la continuation de la situation actuelle, à savoir l’apartheid.

    Avec une majorité pareille, il sera possible pour la prochaine Knesset de déclarer officiellement Israël comme État d’apartheid. Face à un tel soutien à l’apartheid et compte tenu du caractère durable de l’occupation, aucune propagande ne pourra réfuter cette vérité toute simple : presque tous les Israéliens souhaitent que l’apartheid continue. Leur culot – ce qu’on appelle chutzpahen yiddish – atteignant des sommets, ils qualifient cela de démocratie, alors même que plus de 4 millions de personnes qui vivent près d’eux et sous leur domination n’ont pas le droit de voter pour cette élection. (...)

  • Cent des cent vingt députés élus mardi en Israël seront les partisans de l’apartheid. Une tribune de Gideon Levy

    Israel is voting apartheid - Opinion - Israel News | Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-israel-is-voting-apartheid-1.7089338

    There will be one certain result from Tuesday’s election: Around 100 members of the next Knesset will be supporters of apartheid. This has no precedent in any democracy. A hundred out of 120 legislators, an absolute of absolute majorities, one that supports maintaining the current situation, which is apartheid.

    With such a majority, it will be possible in the next Knesset to officially declare Israel an apartheid state. With such support for apartheid and considering the durability of the occupation, no propaganda will be able to refute the simple truth: Nearly all Israelis want the apartheid to continue. In the height of chutzpah, they call this democracy, even though more than 4 million people who live alongside them and under their control have no right to vote in the election.

    Of course, no one is talking about this, but in no other regime around the world is there one community next to another where the residents of one, referred to as a West Bank settlement, have the right to vote, while the residents of the other, a Palestinian village, don’t. This is apartheid in all its splendor, whose existence nearly all the country’s Jewish citizens want to continue.

    >> Even for the wild West Bank, this is a shocking story

    A hundred Knesset members will be elected from slates referred to as either right-wing, left-wing or centrist, but what they have in common surpasses any difference: None intend to end the occupation. The right wing proudly says so, while the center-left resorts to futile illusions to obscure the picture, listing proposals for a “regional conference” or “secure separation.” The difference between the two groupings is negligible. In unison, the right and left are singing “say yes to apartheid.”

    As a result, this election is so unimportant, so far from crucial. So let’s cut the hysteria and the pathos over the outcome. Neither civil war nor even a rift is in the offing. The people are more united than ever, casting their vote for apartheid. Whatever Tuesday’s results may be, the country of the occupier will remain the country of the occupier. Nothing defines it better than all the other marginal issues, including the Zehut party’s campaign to legalize marijuana.

    So there’s no reason to hold our breath over Tuesday’s results. The election is lost in advance. For the country’s Jews, it will shape the tone, the level of democracy, the rule of law, the corruption in which they live, but it won’t do a thing to change Israel’s basic essence as a colonialist country.
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    The far right wants the annexation of the West Bank, a step that would make permanent in law a situation that has long been permanent in practice. Such a step would present a tempting advantage. It would finally rip off Israel’s mask of democracy and might finally generate opposition both in the country and abroad.

    But no person of conscience can vote for the fascist right wing, which includes people who advocate the expulsion of the Palestinians or the construction of a Third Temple on the Temple Mount, the destruction of the mosques there, or who even dream about extermination. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s allegedly more moderate Likud party wishes only to maintain the current situation, meaning undeclared apartheid.

    The center-left seeks to engage in deception, with not a word about an end to the occupation from either Kahol Lavan or Labor, or even about lifting the blockade on the Gaza Strip. Benny Gantz’s party has ambitious plans for a regional conference, making history, and “deepening the process of separation from the Palestinians along with uncompromisingly maintaining … the Israeli army’s freedom of action everywhere.”

    It has been a long time since such a document whitewashing the occupation has been written in all its disgrace. And the Labor Party isn’t lagging behind. The most daring step it’s proposing is a referendum on the refugee camps around Jerusalem in which only Israel’s would vote, of course.

    And that comes on top of well-worn declarations about settlement blocs, Jerusalem, the Jordan Valley and a halt to settlement construction outside the blocs, meaning continuing settlement construction with full force. “Paths toward separation,” this party, the self-righteous founder of the settlement enterprise, calls it. Paths toward deception.

    Peace? Withdrawal? Dismantling settlements? Don’t make the Zionist left laugh. Not much is left, two and a half tickets, the fringe: Meretz and Hadash-Ta’al, which support a two-state solution — that faltering train that has already left the station — and Balad-United Arab List, which is closest to advocating a one-state solution, the only solution left.

    Vote apartheid.

  • Palestinian youth killed by Israeli forces near Bethlehem
    March 21, 2019 11:15 A.M.
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782937

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — A 22-year-old Palestinian succumbed to wounds he had sustained after Israeli forces opened heavy fire towards a vehicle that he was riding in, near the al-Nashash checkpoint in the southern occupied West Bank district of Bethlehem, on late Wednesday.

    The Palestinian Ministry of Health confirmed that Ahmad Jamal Mahmoud Munasra, 22, a resident from Wadi Fukin village, in the Bethlehem district, was shot with Israeli live fire in the chest, shoulder, and hand.

    The ministry said that Munasra was transferred to the Beit Jala Governmental Hospital, where he succumbed to his wounds.

    The ministry mentioned that another Palestinian was shot and injured in the stomach.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Gideon Levy // Even for the Wild West Bank, This Is a Shocking Story

      A young Palestinian’s attempt to help a stranger shot by Israeli troops costs him his life
      Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Mar 28, 2019
      https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-even-for-the-wild-west-bank-this-is-a-shocking-story-1.7066087

      Jamal, Ahmad Manasra’s father. A mourning poster for Ahmad is in the background. Credit : Alex Levac

      It was appallingly cold, rainy and foggy on Monday of this week at the southern entrance to Bethlehem. A group of young people stood on the side of the road, gazing at something. Gloomy and toughened, they formed a circle around the concrete cube in which are sunken the spikes of a large billboard – an ad for Kia cars that stretches across the road. They were looking for signs of blood, as though they were volunteers in Zaka, the Israeli emergency response organization. They were looking for bloodstains of their friend, who was killed there five days earlier. Behind the concrete cube they found what they were looking for, a large bloodstain, now congealed. The stain held fast despite the heavy rain, as though refusing to be washed away, determined to remain there, a silent monument.

      This is where their friend tried, in his last moments, to find protection from the soldiers who were shooting at him, probably from the armored concrete tower that looms over the intersection a few dozen meters away. It was to here that he fled, already wounded, attempting to take cover behind the concrete cube. But it was too late. His fate was sealed by the soldiers. Six bullets slashed into his body and killed him. He collapsed and died next to the concrete cube by the side of the road.

      Even in a situation in which anything is possible, this is an unbelievable story. It’s 9 P.M. Wednesday March 20. A family is returning from an outing. Their car breaks down. The father of the family, Ala Raida, 38, from the village of Nahalin, who is legally employed paving roads in Israel, steps out of his Volkswagen Golf to see what has happened. His wife, Maisa, 34, and their two daughters, Sirin, 8, and Lin, 5, wait in the car. Suddenly the mother hears a single shot and sees her husband lean back onto the car. Emerging from the car, she discovers to her astonishment that he’s wounded in the stomach. She shouts hysterically for help, the girls in the car are crying and screaming.

      Another car, a Kia Sportage, arrives at the intersection. Its occupants are four young people from the nearby village of Wadi Fukin. They’re on the way home from the wedding of their friend Mahmoud Lahruv, held that evening in the Hall of Dreams in Bethlehem. At the sight of the woman next to the traffic light appealing for help, they stop the car and get out to see what they can do. Three of them quickly carry the wounded man to their car and rush him to the nearest hospital, Al-Yamamah, in the town of Al-Khader. The fourth young man, Ahmad Manasra, 23, stays behind to calm the woman and the frightened girls. Manasra tries to start the stalled car in order to move it away from the dangerous intersection, but the vehicle doesn’t respond. He then gets back out of the car. The soldiers start firing at him. He tries to get to the concrete cube but is struck by the bullets as he runs. Three rounds hit him in the back and chest, the others slam into his lower body. He dies on the spot.

      The army says that stones were thrown. All the eyewitnesses deny that outright. Nor is it clear what the target of the stones might have been. The armored concrete tower? And even if stones were thrown at cars heading for the settlement of Efrat, is that a reason to open fire with live ammunition on a driver whose car broke down, with his wife and young daughters on board? Or on a young man who tried to get the car moving and to calm the mother and her daughters? Shooting with no restraint? With no pity? With no law?

      We visit the skeleton of an unfinished apartment on the second floor of a house in Wadi Fukin. It’s an impoverished West Bank village just over the Green Line, whose residents fled in 1949 and were allowed to return in 1972, and which is now imprisoned between the giant ultra-Orthodox settlement of Betar Ilit and the town of Tzur Hadassah, which is just inside the Green Line. A wood stove tries to rebuff the bitter cold in the broad space between the unplastered walls and the untiled floor. A grim-looking group of men are sitting around the fire, trying to warm themselves. They are the mourners for Manasra; this was going to be his apartment one day, when he got married. That will never happen now.

      Only the memorial posters remain in the unbuilt space. A relative and fellow villager, Adel Atiyah, an ambassador in the Palestinian delegation to the European Union, calls from Brussels to offer his shocked condolences. One of the mourners, Fahmi Manasra, lives in Toronto and is here on a visit to his native land. The atmosphere is dark and pained.

      The bereaved father, Jamal, 50, is resting in his apartment on the ground floor. When he comes upstairs, it’s clear he’s a person deeply immersed in his grief though impressive in his restraint. He’s a tiler who works in Israel with a permit. He last saw his son as he drove along the main street in Bethlehem as his son was going to his friend’s wedding. Jamal was driving his wife, Wafa, home from another wedding. That was about two hours before Ahmad was killed. In the last two days of his life they worked together, Jamal and his son, in the family vineyard, clearing away cuttings and spraying. Now he wistfully remembers those precious moments. Ahmad asked to borrow his father’s car to drive to the wedding, but Jamal needed it to visit the doctor, and Ahmad joined the group in Wahib Manasra’s SUV.

      Wahib Manasra, who witnessed the gunfire. Credit: Alex Levac

      Quiet prevails in the shell of the unfinished apartment. Someone says that Manasra was already planning the layout of his future home – the living room would be here, the kitchen there. Maisa Raida, the wife of the wounded driver, is at her husband’s bedside at Hadassah Medical Center, Ein Karem, Jerusalem, where he’s recovering from his severe stomach wound. He was brought there from Al-Khader because of the seriousness of his condition. Major damage was done to internal organs in his abdomen and he needed complicated surgery, but he seems to be on the mend.

      Maisa told a local field investigator from a human rights group that at first she didn’t realize that her husband was wounded. Only after she stepped out of the car did she see that he was leaning on the vehicle because of the wound. She yelled for help, and after the young men stopped and took her husband to the hospital, she got back into the car with Manasra, whom she didn’t know. While they were in the car with her daughters, and he was trying get it started, she heard another burst of gunfire aimed at their car from the side, but which didn’t hit them.

      She had no idea that Manasra was shot and killed when he got out of the car, moments later. She stayed inside, trying to calm the girls. It wasn’t until she called her father and her brother-in-law and they arrived and took her to Al-Yamamah Hospital that she heard that someone had been killed. Appalled, she thought they meant her husband but was told that the dead person had been taken to Al-Hussein Hospital in Beit Jala.

      Eventually, she realized that the man who was killed was the same young man who tried to help her and her daughters; he was dead on arrival. Before Maisa and her daughters were taken from the scene, an officer and soldiers from the Israel Defense Forces came to the stalled car and tried to calm them.

      Manasra was dead by then, sprawled next to the concrete cube. He was a Real Madrid fan and liked cars. Until recently he worked in the settlement of Hadar Betar, inside Betar Ilit. His little brother, 8-year-old Abdel Rahman, wanders among the mourners in a daze.

      After Jamal Manasra returned home, his phone began ringing nonstop. He decided not to answer. He says he was afraid to answer, he had forebodings from God. He and his wife drove to the hospital in Beit Jala. He has no rational explanation for why they went to the hospital. From God. “I was the last to know,” he says in Hebrew. At the hospital, he was asked whether he was Ahmad’s father. Then he understood. He and his wife have two more sons and a daughter. Ahmad was their firstborn.

      We asked the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit a number of questions. Why did the soldiers shoot Ala Raida and Ahmad Manasra with live ammunition? Why did they go on shooting at Manasra even after he tried to flee? Did the soldiers fire from the armored watchtower? Do the security cameras show that stones were indeed thrown? Were the soldiers in mortal danger?

      This was the IDF’s response to all these questions: “On March 21, a debriefing was held headed by the commander of the Judea and Samaria Division, Brig. Gen. Eran Niv, and the commander of the Etzion territorial brigade, Col. David Shapira, in the area of the event that took place on Thursday [actually, it was a Wednesday] at the Efrat junction and at the entrance to Bethlehem. From the debriefing it emerges that an IDF fighter who was on guard at a military position near the intersection spotted a suspect who was throwing stones at vehicles in the area and carried out the procedure for arresting a suspect, which ended in shooting. As a result of the shooting, the suspect was killed and another Palestinian was wounded.

      T he West Bank settlement of Betar Ilit is seen from the rooftop of Wadi Fukin, a Palestinian village. Credit : \ Alex Levac

      “The possibility is being examined that there was friction between Palestinians, which included stone-throwing.

      “The inquiry into the event continues, parallel to the opening of an investigation by the Military Police.”

      After the group of young people found what they were looking for – bloodstains of their friend, Ahmad – they reconstructed for us the events of that horrific evening. It was important for them to talk to an Israeli journalist. They’re the three who came out alive from the drive home after the wedding. One of them, Ahmad Manasra – he has the same name as the young man who was killed – wouldn’t get out of the car when we were there. He’s still traumatized. Wahib Manasra, the driver of the SUV, showed us where the stalled VW had been, and where they stopped when they saw a woman shouting for help.

      Soldiers and security cameras viewed us even now, from the watchtower, which is no more than 30 meters from the site. Wahib says that if there was stone-throwing, or if they had noticed soldiers, they wouldn’t have stopped and gotten out of the car. Raida, the wounded man, kept mumbling, “My daughters, my daughters,” when they approached him. He leaned on them and they put him in their car. By the time they reached the gas station down the road, he had lost consciousness. Before that, he again mumbled, “My daughters.”

      Wahib and the other Ahmad, the one who was alive, returned quickly from the hospital, which is just a few minutes from the site. But they could no longer get close to the scene, as a great many cars were congregated there. They got out of the car and proceeded on foot. A Palestinian ambulance went by. Looking through the window, Wahib saw to his horror his friend, Ahmad Manasra, whom they had left on the road with the woman and her girls, lying inside. He saw at once that Ahmad was dead.

  • Debate over Ilhan Omar Highlights New Willingness in U.S. to Question Power of Pro-Israeli Lobby
    Democracy Now! - March 08, 2019
    https://www.democracynow.org/2019/3/8/debate_over_ilhan_omar_highlights_new

    Following a week of debate surrounding Democratic Congressmember Ilhan Omar’s comments about U.S. foreign policy in Israel, the House of Representatives overwhelmingly passed a resolution Thursday condemning anti-Semitism, anti-Muslim discrimination, white supremacy and other forms of hate. We host a discussion with Gideon Levy, Haaretz columnist and member of the newspaper’s editorial board; Phyllis Bennis, a fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies who serves on the national board of Jewish Voice for Peace; and Remi Kanazi, a Palestinian-American poet, writer and organizer based in New York City. (...)

  • Keep it up, Ilhan Omar - Opinion

    Neither Hamas nor a black day, but a glimmer of hope on Capitol Hill
    Gideon Levy
    Mar 07, 2019

    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-keep-it-up-ilhan-omar-1.6999623

    Maybe Mogadishu will turn out to be the source of hope. This war-torn city was the birthplace of the most promising U.S. congresswoman today.

    Ilhan Omar is not only one of the first two female Muslim members of the House of Representatives, she may herald a dramatic change in that body. “Hamas has entered the House,” Roseanne Barr was quick to cry out; “A black day for Israel,” tweeted Donald Trump. Neither Hamas nor a black day, but a glimmer of hope on Capitol Hill.

    Maybe, for the first time in history, someone will dare tell the truth to the American people, absorbing scathing accusations of anti-Semitism, without bowing her head. The chances of this happening aren’t great; the savage engine of the Jewish lobby and of Israel’s “friends” is already doing everything it can to trample her.

    The president mentioned removing her from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and Congress was set to pass a resolution, the second in one month, against uttering “anti-Semitic expressions,” specifically aimed at Omar’s statements.

    >> We support you, Ilhan the heroine | Opinion

    When will Americans and Europeans stop running scared every time someone screams “anti-Semitism”? Until when will Israel and the Jewish establishment succeed in exploiting (the existing) anti-Semitism as a shield against criticism? When will the world dare to distinguish between legitimate criticism of an illegitimate reality and anti-Semitism?

    The gap between these two is great. There is anti-Semitism one must fight, and there is criticism of Israel and the Jewish establishment it is imperative to support. Manipulations exercised by the Israeli propaganda machine and the Jewish establishment have managed to make the two issues identical.

    This is the greatest success of the Israeli government’s hasbara: Say one critical word about Israel and you’re labeled an anti-Semite. And labeled an anti-Semite, your fate is obvious. Omar has to break this cursed cycle. Is the young representative from Minnesota up for it? Can she withstand the power centers that have already mobilized against her in full force?

    Maybe it’s important that she knows there are people in Israel crossing fingers for her?

    Her success and that of her congressional colleagues, Rashida Tlaib from Michigan and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez from New York, could be the first swallows that herald the coming of spring. This is the spring of freely expressing opinions about Israel in America. Cortez already asked this week why isn’t bigotry aimed at other groups condemned just like statements against Israel are.

    >> As an American-Israeli, I am thrilled for the Palestinians and for Rashida Tlaib | Opinion

    What, after all, has Omar said? That pro-Israel activists demand “allegiance to a foreign country”; that U.S. politicians support Israel because of money they receive from the pro-Israel lobby group AIPAC, and that “Israel hypnotized the world.” What is incorrect in these statements? Why is describing reality considered anti-Semitic?

    Jews have immense power in the U.S., far beyond the relative size of their community, and the blind support given by their establishment to Israel raises legitimate questions regarding dual loyalty. Their power derives from their economic success, their organizational skills and the political pressure they exert. Omar dared to speak about this.
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    Just imagine what Israelis and Jews would feel if Muslim Americans had the same political, economic and cultural power Jews have. Such power, above all the intoxication with power that has seized hold of the Jewish establishment, comes with a price. Omar and her colleagues are trying to collect on it.

    Due to the Israel lobby, the U.S. does not know the truth about what is happening here. Congress members, senators and shapers of public opinion who are flown here ad nauseam see only Israeli victimhood and Palestinian terror, which apparently emerged out of nowhere. Islamists, Qassam rockets and incendiary balloons – not a word about occupation, expropriation, refugees and military tyranny. Questions such as where the money goes and whether it serves American interests are considered heresy. When talking about Israel one must not ask questions or raise doubts.

    This cycle has to be broken as well. It’s not right and it’s not good for the Jews. Omar is now trying to introduce a new discourse to Congress and to public opinion. Thanks to her and her colleagues there is a chance for a change in America. From Israel we send her our wishes for success.

    When will the world dare to distinguish between legitimate criticism of an illegitimate Israeli reality and anti-Semitism?

    • We Support You, Ilhan the Heroine

      Congresswoman Ilhan Omar thought she was living in a democratic country, and that she could report to the public about what she sees: how naive!
      Odeh Bisharat Feb 18, 2019 5:12 AM
      https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-we-support-you-ilhan-the-heroine-1.6941386

      Why attack Congresswoman Ilhan Omar, who said that Congressional support for Israel has been bought by money from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, at a time when someone who is very familiar with the lobby attests to its tremendous power. On the online news publication The Intercept, journalist Mehdi Hassan describes a meeting between Steven Rosen, a former president of AIPAC, and journalist Jeffrey Goldberg in 2005. “You see this napkin?” asked Rosen. “In 24 hours, we could have the signatures of 70 senators on this napkin.”

      That’s corrupting power, which should cause any decent Jew to lose sleep. After all, we’re not talking about a poor country, to which policy can be dictated, whether by force or with money. We’re talking about the world’s biggest superpower. We’re also talking about 70 senators out of 100 – 70 percent of the Senate is in AIPAC’s pocket.

      So what would happen if the situation were reversed, and neo-Nazism, which according to U.S. President Donald Trump also includes good people, were to assume senior positions? Would the Jews then be blamed for all the ills of the United States?

      At the moment I feel for Congresswoman Ilhan, who thought she was living in a democratic country, and that she could report to the public about what she sees. We can assume that a few years ago Omar was able to observe Republican candidates knocking on the door of far-right mogul Sheldon Adelson, asking for his support – his monetary support, of course.

      I assume that Omar also noticed the strange phenomenon which, with the exception of Gideon Levy, almost nobody in Israel noticed: that all the senior members of the White House Middle East team are Jews, and not leftist, Peace Now Jews, God forbid, but right-wing, Habayit Hayehudi Jews. The poor Palestinians were unable to comment on that for fear of AIPAC, which is responsible for putting “anti-Semite” stickers on anyone who dares criticize Israel.

      Now President Trump is angry at Omar. “I think she should be ashamed of herself. I think it was a terrible statement,” he said. But Trump has apparently forgotten that on the eve of his election in 2015 he told the participants at a convention of the Republican Jewish Coalition: “You’re not going to support me because I don’t want your money.”

      Trump’s statement included the two most benighted elements that anti-Semites have attributed to Jews for hundreds of years: money and control. That statement, about which Chemi Shalev wrote at the time: “As though the Jews are incapable of supporting a candidate whom they can’t buy,” was met here by almost total silence. How do they say it in Arabic: “The blows of the beloved are like raisins.”

      Now Omar, after the witch hunt surrounding her, has retreated from her tweet. She will have to work hard to prove that she’s not anti-Semitic, and that what she sees is actually an illusion. The truth must be told: Her retreat is a mark of Cain on the forehead of reasonable Jews, both in Israel and the United States. After all, cleaning the stables of the ills of the Israeli right is mainly the job of reasonable Jews.

      Why impose that job on Omar? Why outsource the dirty work to the gentiles, instead of buckling down and taking action. And starting, for example, by sending tens of thousands of signatures on postcards saying: We support you, Ilhan the heroine.

      And if not, Ilhan will yet say to herself: Why do I need another headache? And retreat to her home. Whereas you, Jewish democrats, will continue to obey the orders of the insane alliance of the Israeli and American right, and continue to send your sons on terrible missions in the occupied territories. And if TV news anchor Oshrat Kotler says that it’s because of the occupation – you’ll stone her, instead of stoning the occupation. Only the occupation could produce such genius.

  • Reminder: Israel is still holding a Palestinian lawmaker as political prisoner indefinitely
    Haaretz.com - Palestinian lawmaker Khalida Jarrar has been incarcerated in an Israeli jail without a trial for 20 months. Another period of ‘administrative detention’ will soon expire. Will she come home?
    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Feb 14, 2019 5:20 PM
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-reminder-israel-is-holding-palestinian-lawmaker-as-political-priso

    Ghassan Jarrar, the husband of Khalida Jarrar, holds a portrait of her on April 2, 2015 at their home in the West Bank city of Ramallah.AFP PHOTO / ABBAS MOMANI

    Ghassan Jarrar says his life is meaningless without Khalida. In his office at the children’s toys and furniture factory he owns in Beit Furik, east of Nablus, its chairs upholstered with red fake fur, the face of the grass widower lights up whenever he talks about his wife. She’s been incarcerated in an Israeli prison for 20 months, without trial, without being charged, without evidence, without anything. In two weeks, however, she could be released, at long last. Ghassan is already busy preparing himself: He knows he’s liable to be disappointed again, for the fourth successive time.

    Khalida Jarrar is Israel’s No. 1 female political prisoner, the leader of the inmates in Damon Prison, on Mt. Carmel, and the most senior Palestinian woman Israel has jailed, without her ever having been convicted of any offense.

    The public struggle for her release has been long and frustrating, with more resonance abroad than in Israel. Here it encounters the implacable walls of the occupation authorities and the startling indifference of Israeli public opinion: People here don’t care that they’re living under a regime in which there are political prisoners. There is also the silence of the female MKs and the muteness of the women’s organizations.

    Haaretz has devoted no fewer than five editorials demanding either that evidence against her be presented or that she be released immediately. To no avail: Jarrar is still in detention and she still hasn’t been charged.

    She’s been placed in administrative detention – that is, incarceration without charges or a trial – a number of times: She was arrested for the first time on April 15, 2015 and sentenced to 15 months in jail, which she served. Some 13 months after she was released from that term, she was again put under administrative detention, which kept getting extended, for 20 consecutive months, starting in mid-2017: two stints of six months each, and two of four months each.

    The latest arbitrary extension of her detention is set to end on February 28. As usual, until that day no one will know whether she is going to be freed or whether her imprisonment will be extended once again, without explanation. A military prosecutor promised at the time of the previous extension that it would be the last, but there’s no way to know. Typical of the occupation and its arbitrariness.

    In any event, Ghassan is repainting their house, replacing air conditioners and the water heater, hanging new curtains, planting flowers in window boxes, ordering food and sweets in commercial quantities, and organizing a reception at one checkpoint and cars to await her at two other checkpoints – you can never know where exactly she will be released. A big celebration will take place in the Catholic church of Ramallah, which Ghassan has rented for three days on the last weekend of the month. Still, it’s all very much a matter of if and when.

    Reminder: On April 2, 2015, troops of the Israel Defense Forces raided the Jarrar family’s home in El Bireh, adjacent to Ramallah, and abducted Khalida, a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council.

    She was placed in administrative detention. In the wake of international protests over Israel’s arrest without charges of a lawmaker who was elected democratically, the occupation authorities decided to try her. She was indicted on 12 counts, all of them utterly grotesque, including suspicion of visiting the homes of prisoners’ families, suspicion of attending a book fair and suspicion of calling for the release of Ahmad Saadat, a leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine who has been in prison for years.

    The charge sheet against Jarrar – an opponent of the occupation, a determined feminist and a member of the Palestine Liberation Organization’s executive committee – will one day serve as the crushing proof that there is not even the slightest connection between “military justice” and actual law and justice.

    We saw her in the military court at Ofer base in the summer of 2015, proud and impressive, as her two daughters, Yafa and Suha, who returned from their studies in Canada after their mother’s arrest, wept bitterly with their father on the back benches of the courtroom. No one remained indifferent when the guards allowed the two daughters to approach and embrace their mother, in a rare moment of grace and humanity, as their father continued to cry in the back. It was a scene not easily forgotten.

    Three months ago, she was transferred, along with the other 65 female Palestinian prisoners, from the Sharon detention facility where she’d been incarcerated to Damon, where the conditions are tougher: The authorities in Damon aren’t experienced in dealing with women and their special needs, Ghassan says. The showers are separate from the cells, and when a prisoner is menstruating, the red fluid flows into the yard and embarrasses the women. But at the same time, he says, the prison authorities are treating Khalida’s health situation well: She suffers from a blood-clotting problem and needs weekly medications and tests, which she receives regularly in her cell.

    “You are my sweetheart” is inscribed on some of the synthetic-fur toys in the production room in Beit Furik. There are dolls of Mickey Mouse and of other characters from the cartoon world, sporting bold colors, along with padded rocking chairs and lamps for children’s rooms, all designed by Ghassan and all bespeaking sweet innocence and creativity. He’s devoted much less time to his factory since his wife’s incarceration. Of the 19 employees he had, only seven remain, one of whom, a deaf woman, is his outstanding worker. It’s a carpentry shop, an upholstery center and a sewing workshop all under one roof. Ghassan sells most of his products to Israel, although he’s been denied entry to the country for years.

    Now his mind is focused on his wife’s release. The last time he visited her in prison was a month ago, 45 minutes on a phone through armor-plated glass. During her months in prison, Jarrar became an official examiner of matriculation exams for the Palestinian Education Ministry. The exam papers are brought to the prison by the International Red Cross. Among others that she has graded were Ahed Tamimi and her mother, Nariman. Ahed called Ghassan this week to ask when Khalida’s release was expected. She calls her “my aunt.”

    The clock on the wall of Ghassan’s office has stopped. “Everything is meaningless for me without Khalida,” he says. “Life has no meaning without Khalida. Time stopped when Khalida was arrested. Khalida is not only my wife. She is my father, my mother, my sister and my friend. I breathe Khalida instead of air. Twenty months without meaning. My work is also meaningless.”

    A business call interrupts this love poem, which is manifestly sincere and painful. What will happen if she’s not released, again? “I will wait another four months. Nothing will break me. I don’t let anything break me. That is my philosophy in life. It has always helped me.”

    Ghassan spent 10 years of his life in an Israeli prison, too. Like his wife, he was accused of being active in the PFLP.

    In the meantime, their older daughter, Yafa, 33, completed her Ph.D. in law at the University of Ottawa, and is clerking in a Canadian law firm. Suha, 28, returned from Canada, after completing, there and in Britain, undergraduate and master’s degrees in environmental studies. She’s working for the Ramallah-based human rights organization Al-Haq, and living with her father.

    Both daughters are mobilized in the public campaign to free their mother, particularly by means of the social networks. Khalida was in jail when Yafa married a Canadian lawyer; Ghassan invited the whole family and their friends to watch the wedding ceremony in Canada on a large screen live via the Internet. Ghassan himself is prohibited from going abroad.

    During Khalida’s last arrest, recalls her husband, IDF soldiers and Shin Bet security service agents burst into the house by force in the dead of night. They entered Suha’s room and woke her up. He remembers how she shouted, panic-stricken at the sight of the rifles being brandished by strange men in her bedroom wearing black masks, and how the soldiers handcuffed her from behind. As Ghassan replays the scene in his mind and remembers his daughter’s shouts, he grows distraught, as if it had happened this week.

    Not knowing know what the soldiers were doing to her there, and only hearing her shouts, he tried to come to his daughter’s rescue, he recalls. He says he was almost killed by the soldiers for trying to force his way into Suha’s bedroom.

    After the soldiers took Khalida, preventing Ghassan from even kissing her goodbye, despite his request – he discovered his daughter, bound by plastic handcuffs. After he released her, she wanted to rush into the street to follow the soldiers and her captive mother. He blocked her, and she went to the balcony of the house and screamed at them hysterically, cries of unfettered fury.

    Last Saturday was Khalida’s 56th birthday. It wasn’t the first birthday she’d spent in prison, maybe not the last, either. Ghassan’s face positively glows when he talks about his wife’s birthday. He belongs to a WhatsApp group called “Best Friends” that is devoted to Khalida, where they posted his favorite photograph of her, wearing a purple blouse and raising her arms high in the courtroom of the Ofer facility. The members of the group congratulated him. Umar quoted a poem about a prisoner who is sitting in his cell in complete darkness, unable even to see his own shadow. Hidaya wrote something about freedom. Khamis wrote a traditional birthday greeting, and Ghassan summed up, “You are the bride of Palestine, renewing yourself every year. You are the crown on my head, al-Khalida, eternal one.”

    #Khalida_Jarrar

  • Palestinian teen hiking with friends was killed in Israeli army ambush. He posed no danger
    Gideon Levy, Alex Levac | Feb. 1, 2019
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-palestinian-teen-hiking-with-friends-was-killed-in-idf-ambush-he-p

    The soldiers hid behind the tallest oak tree in the valley. That’s where the six teenagers were headed, as they descended from their town, Silwad, northeast of Ramallah, into the deep, steep valley to hang out together on that Friday afternoon. On the way, they bought potato chips, sunflower seeds and chocolate, and they planned to boil water for tea over a campfire. Suddenly, without warning, a gunshot rang out. The teens had no idea where it came from. Ayman collapsed, rolling over and landing on his back. A bullet had sliced through his chest from the left, below his neck, and exited from his hip. When Mohammed tried to approach, to pull him out of the line of fire, another shot rang out. Mohammed was hit in the arm and ran for his life.

    Ayman lay on the ground, dying.

    The firing grew more intense. The shooters emerged from the ambush site behind the oak tree. They were joined by two more soldiers who came out of an Isuzu jeep parked on the other side of Highway 60. Bursts of automatic gunfire, aimed at the teens who were fleeing for their lives, echoed through the valley. The group rushed up the hill on which Silwad – meaning “above the wadi” in Arabic – is perched.

    That evening, the Israel Defense Forces returned Ayman Hamad ’s body to his family. He was 17 years old and was buried the next day in the town.

    Not far away, on that same day, last Saturday, January 26, settlers from the outpost of Adei Ad, and/or soldiers who joined them – it is still not clear – killed Hamdi Na’asan , 38, as he was plowing his field next to his village, Al-Mughayyir. Last weekend was particularly lethal for the Palestinians. Four of them were killed by Israelis, in the Gaza Strip, Jerusalem and the West Bank.

    It was raining when we visited Silwad on Monday, and the killing field in the valley that separates the town from Highway 60 was draped in thick fog. Through the fog a stunning view could be made out – of olive trees, the towering oak and the verdant valley. The last house in town, on the wadi’s edge, belongs to Qadura Fares, head of the Palestinian Prisoners Club, a former cabinet minister and prisoner. Fares, fluent in Hebrew, is one of the more impressive leaders in the Palestinian Authority, an associate and good friend of the jailed Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti.

    The Silwad community center – above which looms the turret of the local mosque that locals say is the tallest in Palestine – had been turned into a venue of mourning and condolences. The dead teenager was a relative of Fares’, who, in an elegant wool coat, was among those welcoming the guests who had come to comfort the family. Next to him was the bereaved father, Ahmed Hamad, 44, a metalworker who once had four daughters and two sons. Now, he has four daughters and one son.

    According to the dead teen’s history teacher, Aouni Fares, Ayman, a high-school senior, was well-informed and knew a lot about the Nakba, the Palestinians’ suffering and the history of the occupation that began in 1967. Ahmed Hamad says his son promised him that he would always be proud of him. Ayman’s uncle Mohammed Othman was the first fatal casualty in Silwad during the first intifada; two other uncles, Akram Hamad and Rifat Hamad, are serving life sentences in Israeli prisons.

    Last Friday morning, Ayman had coffee with his father and then attended prayers in the mosque. At midday the family drove to its olive grove in the valley for a picnic, not far from the place where their firstborn would be killed a few hours later. The weather was ideal, under the winter sun, and Ayman was in high spirits, the mourners recall. The family ate stuffed vegetables prepared by the mother, Inas; Ayman cleared away the dishes.

    When they got home, around 2:30 P.M., Ayman asked his father, who was driving to the nearby village of Rammun to shop, for money to buy snacks; he was given 20 shekels ($5.60). At the end of the day, two shekels would be found in the teen’s cellphone case.

    Almost every Friday they would head out to the valley, Ayman and his buddies, all of them about the same age. There, amid the olive trees, about a kilometer or two from their homes, is the local gathering place.

    When they arrived, the group split up. Ayman and two friends went on ahead, the other three stayed behind for some reason. Later on some of the eyewitnesses, among them the wounded Mohammed Hamad, would say that the group did not throw any stones, although one authoritative source admitted that they had. Iyad Hadad, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, noted that Ayman was shot at around 4:30 that afternoon – almost Shabbat – so there were certainly no religious settlers’ cars on Highway 60 at the time. Candle-lighting time in the nearby settlements was 4:31 P.M. in Beit El, 4:40 P.M. in Shiloh and 4:49 P.M. in Ofra.

    Many questions remain about what happened this week, and they are very disturbing – even if stones were thrown. The Israel Defense Forces soldiers shot Ayman Hamad from a distance of between 50 and 100 meters, from which he could not have posed any threat. When he was shot, he was also more than 100 meters from the highway, again a distance from which no stone could have hurt anyone traveling on the road. The soldiers fired live ammunition from an ambush with no prior warning, hitting him directly in the chest. They shot to kill, of that there’s no doubt. A teenager, a high-school student, who maybe did throw stones (which hurt no one), or maybe didn’t throw stones, was executed. The soldiers went on shooting even after they had hit him. Fortunately, they didn’t kill anyone else.

    The IDF Spokesman’s Unit made do with a laconic, dry response to Haaretz’s query, one that only raises additional questions: “A Military Police investigation has been launched into the matter, and at its conclusion the findings will be conveyed for further examination to the office of the military advocate general.” We’re unlikely to hear any more about this incident – either about the conclusion of the “investigation” or about a trial of those deemed responsible for the killing of the teen from Silwad.

    After the incident, the wounded Mohammed Hamad made his way into town, where he was taken to the local clinic and from there by ambulance to the Government Hospital in Ramallah. Ayman was still on the ground, with the soldiers gathered around him. A Palestinian ambulance driver who happened to pass by and saw what was going on offered to evacuate Ayman, but the soldiers told him to leave. It’s not clear whether Ayman was still alive at that point. Mohammed said he saw him take a few heavy breaths before he himself fled the scene, as did the third one in their group. The other teens were far off and didn’t see what was going on.

    After almost an hour, after an Israeli ambulance evacuated Ayman, the soldiers left the site. The boy was taken to a military guard tower next to the nearby village of Ein Yabroud, where an intensive care ambulance arrived, lingered for about 10 minutes and then drove off, according to the testimonies. Ayman was apparently already dead.

    In the meantime, one of the friends phoned Ayman’s father to report that his son had been wounded and was with the soldiers. A few minutes later, he called back to say that Ayman had not been wounded, only arrested. Then Qadura Fares phoned to tell Ahmed to drop everything in Rammun and get back to Silwad fast. When Ahmed reached Fares’ house, he saw the crowd that had gathered there, among them his brother, Suheil, who was weeping bitterly, and he realized what had happened.

    Fares meanwhile contacted the District Coordination and Liaison unit in order to get Ayman’s body back; at about 7:30 that evening, the family were instructed to go to the military base at Beit El to retrieve the body. At the Government Hospital in Ramallah, where they brought the body, Ahmed saw the bullet’s entry hole in his son’s chest and the exit wound in the hip.

    While we are visiting, Mohammed Hamad, the survivor of the shooting, enters the community center. His entire arm is bandaged. This is his first encounter with Ahmed since the incident. The teenager had undergone surgery in the Government Hospital shortly after arriving there, but walked out the next day, against his doctors’ instructions, to attend Ayman’s funeral.

    Mohammed is clearly still in a state of shock. Ayman, he relates, walked about 30 meters ahead of the rest of the group toward his family’s olive grove. He denies that they threw stones. After Ayman collapsed on the ground, Mohammed says he saw that he was still moving his fingers, even as blood spilled out of his chest, but doesn’t remember anything else because he was then shot himself. At first, he didn’t feel anything as he was fleeing for his life, with bullets whistling around him. He didn’t feel any pain until a few minutes later. Now he tells us he’ll have to return to the hospital in a few days for additional surgery.

    https://seenthis.net/messages/755175
    #Palestine_assassinée

  • Expanding the limits of Jewish sovereignty: A brief history of Israeli settlements - Israel News
    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Jan 11, 2019 – Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-expanding-the-limits-of-jewish-sovereignty-a-brief-history-of-isra

    At the end of the day, we stood above the ditch that holds the road designated for Palestinians who want to travel from an enclave of three West Bank villages – Biddu, Beit Surik and Qatannah – to Ramallah. Above that road, Israeli vehicles sped smoothly along Highway 443, the high road to the capital, without the drivers even seeing the segregation road below, which is hemmed in by iron fencing and barbed wire. The Israelis on the expressway above, the Palestinians on the subterranean route below: a picture that’s worth a thousand words. Israel dubs these separation routes “fabric-of-life roads.” It sounds promising but in reality these byways are just another, monstrous product of the apartheid system.

    A few hundred meters away, in Givon Hahadasha (New Givon) – and like the settlement, enclosed on all sides by iron fencing and spiky wire, and complete with electronic cameras and an electric gate – is the home of the Agrayeb family. Here the occupation looms at its most grotesque: a Palestinian family cut off from its village (Beit Ijza) in the quasi-prison of the enclave and left to live in this house-cage in the heart of a settlement, a situation that the High Court of Justice of the region’s sole democracy has termed acceptably “proportional harm.” At the conclusion of an instructive tour, the tunnel and the cage, Highway 443 and New Givon, the “proportional harm” and the “fabric-of-life roads” all spark grim, utterly depressing thoughts here in the realm of apartheid. The thoughts that arose in late afternoon on a cold, stormy winter day will long haunt us.

    Since the anti-occupation organization Breaking the Silence was founded in 2004, it has led hundreds of study tours to Hebron and to the South Hebron Hills, in which tens of thousands of Israelis and others have taken part. The tours, which draw about 5,000 participants a year, are aimed at the gut, and no one returns indifferent from the ghostly population-transfer quarter in Hebron or from the land of the caves whose inhabitants have been dispossessed, in the South Hebron Hills. Now the NGO is launching a new tour, analytical and insightful, of the central West Bank, which focuses on the history of the occupation from its inception down to our time.

    Yehuda Shaul, 36, one of the founders of Breaking the Silence, a former Haredi and an ex-combat soldier, worked for about a year and a half planning the tour, writing the texts and preparing the maps, drawing on some 40 books about the settlements and other materials found while burrowing in archives. Shaul is a superb guide along the trails of the occupation – businesslike and brimming with knowledge, not given to sloganizing. He is committed and determined but also bound by the facts, and he is articulate in Hebrew and English. His tour is currently in the pilot stage, before its official launch in a few months.

    A day in the Ramallah subdistrict, from the Haredi settlement of Modi’in Ilit to the home of the young Palestinian activist Ahed Tamimi, in the village of Nabi Saleh, from the region of the Allon Plan to the fabric-of-life scheme – during this seven-hour journey, an unvarnished picture emerges: The goals of the occupation were determined immediately after the 1967 war. Every Israeli government since, without exception, has worked to realize them. The aim: to prevent the establishment of any Palestinian entity between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, by carving up the West Bank and shattering it into shards of territory. The methods have varied, but the goal remains unwavering: eternal Israeli rule.

    #apartheid

  • I feel no sympathy for the settlers
    Beneath the veil of sanctimonious and hypocritical unity, and the media’s fake show of national grief to advance its own commercial goals, the truth must be told: Their tragedy isn’t ours
    Gideon Levy

    Haaretz.Com
    https://archive.is/nSBK2#selection-65.0-81.445

    I do not sympathize with people who profiteer from tragedy. I have no sympathy for robbers. I have no sympathy for the settlers. I have no sympathy for the settlers not even when they are hit by tragedy. A pregnant woman was wounded and her newborn baby died of its wounds – what can be worse than that? Driving on their roads is frightening, the violent opposition to their presence is growing – and I feel no sympathy for their tragedy, nor do I feel any compassion or solidarity.
    They are to blame, not I, for the fact that I cannot feel the most humane sense of solidarity and pain. It’s not just that they’re settlers, violators of international law and universal justice; it’s not just because of the violence of some of them and the settling of all of them – it’s also the blackmail with which they respond to every tragedy, which prevents me from grieving with them. But beneath the veil of sanctimonious and hypocritical unity, and the media’s fake show of national grief to advance its own commercial goals, the truth must be told: Their tragedy isn’t ours.

  • Palestinian teen shot, killed by Israeli forces in al-Bireh
    Dec. 14, 2018 5:39 P.M. (Updated: Dec. 14, 2018 5:55 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782092

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — A 16-year-old Palestinian was shot and killed by Israeli forces during clashes that erupted in the al-Jalazun refugee camp north of al-Bireh in the central occupied West Bank, on Friday evening.

    The Palestinian Ministry of Health confirmed that a Palestinian from the al-Jalazun refugee camp arrived to the Palestine Medical Center in a critical condition.

    Sources added that the teen was injured with live bullets in the abdomen.

    The ministry identified the killed teen as Mahmoud Youssef Nakhleh.

    Israeli forces opened fire at the teen from a very close range; from less than 10 meters away.

    Israeli soldiers attempted to detain Nakhleh afterwards, however, Palestinian Red Crescent paramedics were able to take him and transfer him to the Palestine Medical Center after having to quarrel Israeli soldiers for more than 30 minutes.

    Nakhleh was later pronounced dead at the hospital.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • After Shooting a Palestinian Teen, Israeli Troops Dragged Him Around – and Chased an Ambulance Away

      A Palestinian from the Jalazun refugee camp was shot in the back and died after soldiers kept him from receiving medical care
      Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Dec 20, 2018
      https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium--1.6765800

      What goes through the head of soldiers, young Israelis, after they shoot an unarmed Palestinian teenager in the back with live ammunition, prevent him from getting medical treatment, move him around, putting him on the ground and then picking him up again – and chase away an ambulance at gunpoint? For 15 minutes, the Israel Defense Forces soldiers carried the dying Mahmoud Nakhle , pulling him by his hands and feet, it’s not clear why or where, before allowing him to be evacuated. They had already shot him and wounded him badly. He was dying. Why not let the Palestinian ambulance that arrived at the site rush him to the hospital and possibly save his life? Nakhle died from a bullet in his liver and loss of blood. He was two weeks after his 18th birthday, the only son of parents who are descendants of refugees, and he lived in the Jalazun refugee camp adjacent to Ramallah, in the West Bank.

      Nakhle was killed last Friday, December 14.

      Getting to Jalazun took a long time this week; it was a long and stressful trip. Overnight, terror attacks and other sights of the intifada had returned simultaneously: innumerable surprise checkpoints, such as we hadn’t seen for years; long lines of Palestinian vehicles, forced to wait for hours; drivers emerging from their cars and waiting in desperation by the side of the road, anger and frustration etched on their faces; roads blocked arbitrarily, with people signaling each other as to which was open and which was closed; some cars making their way cross-country via boulder-strewn areas and dirt paths to bypass the roadblocks, until those options, too, were sealed off by the army. And also aggressive, edgy, frightened soldiers, carrying weapons that threatened just about anyone who made a move near them.

      Welcome back to the days of the intifada, welcome to a trip into the past: Even if only for a moment, the West Bank this week regressed 15 years, to the start of the millennium.

      The wind blows cold at the Jalazun camp. A throng of thousands of children and teenagers is streaming down the road, heading home from their schools run by UNRWA, the United Nations refugee agency. The two schools, one for boys and one for girls, are situated at the camp’s entrance, on both sides of the main Ramallah-Nablus road. We were here a year and a half ago, after IDF soldiers shot up a car stolen from Israel when it stopped outside the settlement of Beit El, spraying it with at least 10 rounds, and killing two of its passengers. About half a year ago, we returned to the camp to meet Mohammed Nakhle, the bereaved father of 16-year-old Jassem, one of those fatalities. The father cried through our entire meeting, even though this was a year after he had lost Jassem.

      Mahmoud Nakhle, who was killed last week, was a relative of Jassem’s.

      Last Friday, there was stone throwing in the valley between Jalazun’s boys’ school and the first houses of Beit El, across the way. The soldiers fired tear-gas canisters and rubber-coated bullets at the young Palestinians. Quite a few of the camp’s residents have been killed at this spot, which has become a main arena of the struggle against the large, veteran settlement that looms through every window in poverty-stricken, overcrowded Jalazun, situated below.

      The stone throwing had slowed down in the afternoon and had just about stopped when an IDF force, arriving in two vehicles, began chasing after the youths, who were now on their way back to the camp, at about 4 P.M. The latter numbered about 15 teens, aged 14 to 18. Suddenly the soldiers started shooting, using live ammunition – even as calm was apparently about to be restored. A video clip, one of several that captured the event, shows the soldiers walking along the road and firing into the air.

      The wail of an ambulance slashes the air now, as we stand at the site of the incident with Iyad Hadad, a field investigator for the Israeli human-rights organization B’Tselem, who collected testimony from eyewitnesses. Nakhle chose to return home by way of a dirt path that passes above the camp. The soldiers ran after him and one of them shot him once, in the lower back. Nakhle fell to the ground, bleeding.

      The occupant of the first-floor apartment in the closest building in Jalazun, just meters from the site of the incident, heard the shot, the groans and a call for help. She assumed someone had been wounded, but wasn’t sure where or who he was. From her window she saw a group of soldiers standing in a circle, though she couldn’t see the wounded person who lay on the ground between them. A second eyewitness saw one soldier nudge Nakhle with his foot, apparently to see if the teen was still alive. They then pulled up his shirt and pulled down his pants, apparently to check whether the stone-throwing youth was a dangerous, booby-trapped terrorist. As the video accounts show, he was left lying like that, exposed in his blue underwear. The woman from the apartment rushed out to summon help, but the soldiers fired toward her to drive her off. One bullet struck her husband’s car.

      The soldiers lifted Nakhle up and carried him a few dozen meters from where he’d fallen, laying him down at the side of the road. One of the eyewitnesses related that they carried him “like you haul a slaughtered sheep.” The video clip shows them carrying him not in the prescribed way for moving someone who is seriously wounded, but by his hands and his feet, his back sagging.

      Before the soldiers shot at the first eyewitness – whose identity is known to the B’Tselem investigator – to scare her off, she shouted at them to let the wounded person be and to allow him to be taken to hospital in an ambulance. “Leave him alone, do you want to kill him… give him aid.” She also shouted at the soldiers that she was his mother – apparently hoping that the lie would stir pity in them – but to no avail. In the video shot by her daughter on her cell phone, the woman sounds overwrought, gasping for breath as she cries out, “In God’s name, call an ambulance!”

      After five to seven minutes, the soldiers again lifted Nakhle, once more by his extremities, and carried him a few dozen meters more, in the direction of the main road, and again laid him by the roadside. A Palestinian ambulance that had arrived at the scene was chased off by the soldiers, who threatened the driver with their rifles. As far as is known, the soldiers did not give Nakhle any sort of medical aid. The woman from the house again shouted, now from her window: “In God’s name, let the ambulance take him away.” But still to no avail.

      It was only after a quarter of an hour, during which Nakhle continued to bleed, that the soldiers allowed an ambulance to be summoned. A video clip shows Nakhle raising one hand limply to the back of his neck, proof that he was still alive. Half-naked, he’s placed on a stretcher and put in the ambulance, which speeds off, its siren wailing, to the Government Hospital in Ramallah.

      The teen apparently breathed his last en route, arriving at the hospital with no pulse. Attempts were made to resuscitate him in the ER and to perform emergency surgery, but after half an hour, he was pronounced dead. Dr. Muayad Bader, a physician in the hospital, wrote on the death certificate that Mahmoud Nakhle died from loss of blood after a bullet entered his lower back, struck his liver and hit a main artery, damaging other internal organs.

      A group of children is now standing at the site where Nakhle fell, practicing stone throwing on the way back from school. They hurl the stones to the ground in a demonstrative fit of anger. In the mourning tent that was erected in the courtyard of the camp, adorned with huge posters of the deceased, the men sit, grim-faced, with the bereaved father, Yusuf Nakhle, 41, in the center. Disabled from birth, he is partially paralyzed in his left arm and leg. We asked him to tell us about Mahmoud’s life.

      “What life? He hadn’t yet lived his life, they robbed him of his life,” he replies softly. Mahmoud attended school until the 10th grade and then studied electrical engineering at a professional college in Qalandiyah. He completed his studies and afterward a year of apprenticeship, and was waiting to find a job as an electrician. His father was waiting for him to help provide for the family. Yusuf is a technician at a pharmaceuticals company in Bir Zeit, near Ramallah. He and his wife, Ismahan, 45, have two more daughters, aged 14 and 4. Mahmoud was their only son.

      In response to an inquiry, the IDF Spokesman’s Office gave Haaretz the following statement this week: “On December 14, 2018, there was a violent disturbance adjacent to Jalazun, during which dozens of Palestinians threw rocks at IDF soldiers. The soldiers responded with demonstration-dispersal measures.

      “During the disturbance, a Palestinian holding a suspicious object approached one of the soldiers. The soldier fired at him. Later, it was reported that the Palestinian had been killed. The Military Police have launched an investigation into the incident. Upon its completion, the findings will be transferred to the military advocate general’s office.”

      The spokesman’s office did not respond to a question regarding the denial of medical assistance to Mahmoud Nahle.

      Last Friday, the hours passed normally in the home of Nakhle family in the Jalazun camp. Breakfast, a shower; the son asks his father if he needs anything before going out around midday. Never to return. At 4:30, Yusuf’s brother called to inform him that his son had been wounded and was in the Government Hospital. By the time his father arrived, Mahmoud had been pronounced dead.

      “We are human beings and it is our right to live and to look after our children. We too have feelings, like all people,” says Rabah, Mahmoud’s uncle, the brother of his father. Yusuf has watched the video clips that document the shooting and the hauling of his dying son dozens of times, over and over. Ismahan can’t bring herself to look at them.

  • En Israël, la culture est prise entre deux feux
    Pierre Sorgue, Le Monde, le 16 novembre 2018
    https://www.lemonde.fr/m-actu/article/2018/11/16/en-israel-la-culture-est-prise-entre-deux-feux_5384505_4497186.html

    Lana Del Rey, Brian Eno, Peter Gabriel ou Arcade Fire… L’appel au boycott d’Israël pour dénoncer le sort des Palestiniens rencontre de plus en plus d’écho chez les artistes. Un dilemme pour le monde de la culture israélien.

    A trois heures du matin, The Block est à bloc. Le plus célèbre club électro de Tel-Aviv, enfoui sous le béton de la gare routière centrale, reçoit Carl Craig, ponte de la techno de Detroit (Michigan) aux Etats-Unis.

    La foule ondule, saute, tressaute au rythme des basses, dans le brouillard bleu que découpent les faisceaux de projecteurs épileptiques.

    BDS pour Boycott, désinvestissement, sanctions

    Yaron Trax, le maître des lieux, s’est glissé entre les danseurs pour s’assurer des bons réglages de sa sono analogique, réputée l’une des meilleures du monde. Le quadragénaire aux airs adolescents est aux anges parmi ces jeunes gens dont beaucoup sont venus au club comme ils étaient à la plage, en short et tee-shirt. Celui que porte Yaron ce soir-là reproduit les briques et la typographie reconnaissable entre toutes : Pink Floyd, The Wall. Lorsqu’on lui fait remarquer, il sourit comme un enfant contrit : « C’est un tee-shirt formidable et l’album l’est aussi. Quel dommage que Roger Waters soit devenu aussi décevant… »

    Car le musicien britannique, ex-membre de Pink Floyd, est le spectre qui hante la scène israélienne et dérange l’intelligentsia de gauche, celui qui empêche la bulle libérale et hédoniste qu’est Tel-Aviv de flotter innocemment à cinquante kilomètres du mouroir à ciel ouvert qu’est la bande de Gaza.

    Depuis des années, Roger Waters offre sa voix aux militants internationaux du BDS (Boycott, désinvestissement, sanctions), mouvement né en 2005 de la société civile palestinienne, un an après que la Cour internationale de justice a jugé illégal le mur de séparation construit entre Israël et les territoires occupés.

    Il prône les pressions sur l’État d’Israël pour parvenir à ce que n’ont jamais obtenu des décennies de guerre, de résolutions de l’ONU et de vains processus de paix pendant lesquels le nombre des colons n’a cessé de croître (500 000 aujourd’hui) : la fin de l’occupation des territoires, la pleine égalité pour les citoyens palestiniens d’Israël, le droit au retour des réfugiés chassés de leurs terres.

    La scène musicale comme estrade politique

    Il suffit de voir les gratte-ciel bleutés qui poussent à Tel-Aviv pour s’en convaincre : le boycott économique n’a que peu d’effets. La « start-up nation » se porte bien, ses relations commerciales et diplomatiques n’ont cessé de se développer avec l’Afrique, l’Inde, la Chine, voire certains pays arabes. En ce mois d’octobre encore estival, les plages sont noires de monde, les ruelles de la vieille ville de Jérusalem, pleines de visiteurs : le pays aura accueilli plus de 4 millions de touristes à la fin de l’année, soit 46 % de plus qu’en 2016.

    Au-delà du portefeuille, le BDS s’attaque aussi aux cœurs et aux têtes. Il appelle au boycott culturel et académique, comme celui qui s’exerçait sur l’Afrique du Sud au temps de l’apartheid. Et celui-là trouve, ces derniers mois, un écho bien supérieur. Depuis longtemps, la scène musicale sert d’estrade politique. D’un côté, Roger Waters, Peter Gabriel, Brian Eno, Elvis Costello, Lauryn Hill (The Fugees), Arcade Fire et d’autres ont annoncé qu’ils ne joueront plus en Israël tant qu’ils ne pourront en accepter la politique.

    De l’autre, Nick Cave, Radiohead, Paul McCartney, Alicia Keys, parmi beaucoup, sont venus au nom du dialogue et du refus de se voir dicter leur conduite. Mais, récemment, deux chanteuses moins politisées et plus populaires parmi les adolescents ont suivi le mouvement : en décembre, Lorde, la jeune rockeuse néo-zélandaise, annulait son concert après avoir été « alertée » par une lettre ouverte signée de deux fans – l’une Juive, l’autre Palestinienne –, puis en septembre, après de nombreux appels dont celui de Roger Waters, Lana Del Rey faisait faux bond. Parce qu’elle ne pourrait pas se produire également dans les territoires palestiniens, dit-elle, elle renonçait à jouer au festival Meteor qui devait être une sorte de Coachella version kibboutznik, dans le nord d’Israël.

    Un « tsunami d’annulations »

    Après le refus, en avril, de l’actrice Natalie Portman de recevoir le Genesis Prize (considéré comme un « Nobel » israélien) pour exprimer son désaccord avec le gouvernement Nétanyahou et les violences commises à Gaza, après la défection de l’équipe d’Argentine de Lionel Messi qui, en juin, a annulé une rencontre amicale avec celle d’Israël à la suite de pressions internationales (de menaces, dit-on du côté israélien), le retrait de Lana Del Rey fut une autre secousse médiatique.

    « Une belle surprise qui aidera peut-être les jeunes à se poser des questions sur une politique insoutenable dans les territoires occupés, mais aussi en Israël, où les Palestiniens, qui représentent 20 % de la population, sont victimes d’une cinquantaine de lois discriminatoires, à commencer par le logement et la terre », explique Kobi Snitz, chercheur en neurobiologie au Weizmann Institute et cofondateur de Boycott from Within (« boycott de l’intérieur »), qui rassemble une poignée de militants suffisamment téméraires pour affronter les torrents de haine qu’ils suscitent au sein du pouvoir, des médias et sur les réseaux sociaux.

    Dans la foulée de Lana Del Rey, quatorze artistes, dont plusieurs DJ, ont décliné l’invitation du festival. Des dizaines d’autres ont exprimé leur soutien au boycott sur les réseaux sociaux. Yaron Trax commence à se faire du souci pour « la capitale du clubbing » qu’est Tel-Aviv. Idit Frenkel, qui officie souvent derrière les platines de The Block, a signé un long article dans le quotidien israélien Haaretz, pour évoquer le « tsunami d’annulations ». Le titre de la tribune était emprunté aux paroles d’une chanson de Don McLean, American Pie (1971) : « The day the music died » [« le jour où la musique est morte »].

    Le boycott la laisse amère : « On peut comprendre ceux qui veulent lutter de manière non violente contre les morts de Gaza, le développement des colonies ou la décision de Trump d’installer l’ambassade des Etats-Unis à Jérusalem. Mais ne pas venir, c’est punir ceux qui essaient de changer les choses, y compris dans la minuscule scène underground qu’abhorrent les nationalistes et les religieux du gouvernement. »

    Si certaines figures de l’électro, comme l’Américano-Chilien Nicolas Jaar ou les Français d’Acid Arab, viennent encore en Israël, ils ne jouent plus à Tel-Aviv mais à Haïfa, au Kabareet, tenu et animé par Jazar Crew, un collectif d’artistes palestiniens. Haïfa, la cité portuaire qui soigne sa réputation de tolérance et de coexistence entre Juifs et Arabes…

    Une forme d’apartheid ?

    Attablé dans un café du centre-ville, Ayez Fadel, 31 ans, l’un des fondateurs et DJ de Jazar Crew, connaît l’antienne par cœur : « Mais même ici, grandir en étant palestinien, c’est éprouver la discrimination. Les écoles publiques arabes moins dotées que les établissements juifs, les boîtes de nuit où l’on te demande ton “Hoger”, le livret militaire que tu n’as pas [la majorité des Arabes citoyens d’Israël n’effectuent pas leur service militaire], la langue… Une nouvelle loi fait de l’hébreu la seule langue officielle, elle dit aussi que le pays est “l’Etat-nation du peuple juif”, alors que je suis un Palestinien vivant ici par la force de l’histoire, que mes impôts servent à protéger les colonies juives et à financer une armée qui a tué 44 enfants palestiniens ces trois derniers mois… Parler d’apartheid ne me paraît pas exagéré. »

    Ayez Fadel comprend le boycott et revendique la dimension politique de Jazar Crew : « Une manière de sensibiliser les jeunes. Nous n’avons plus honte d’être palestiniens, nous sommes éduqués et confiants. Et nous ne cessons de répéter que nos positions ne sont pas contre les Juifs mais contre ce régime. » Le jeune homme se dit prêt à collaborer avec Yaron Trax, qui l’a appelé pour que The Block et Kabareet « organisent quelque chose ensemble ». Mais, précise-t-il, « à condition qu’il fasse une déclaration claire sur l’occupation des territoires et les droits des Palestiniens ».

    Les turbulences qui agitent le microcosme underground reflètent assez bien le désarroi du monde de la culture devant ces appels au boycott. « En ce moment, pas un dîner sans qu’on en parle », reconnaît la responsable d’une galerie d’art installée aux franges de Florentine, ancien quartier d’entrepôts et d’ateliers de Tel-Aviv devenu le préféré des artistes et des bobos. Comme beaucoup d’opposants à l’occupation, elle refuse d’acheter les produits des colonies – certaines se sont spécialisées dans l’agriculture et l’élevage bio – ou le vin venu du Golan. « Mais le BDS culturel, dit-elle, frappe ce qui reste de l’élite de gauche, celle que Nétanyahou et son gouvernement détestent. Si on la muselle, on n’entendra plus que les voix des plus réactionnaires… »

    C’est aussi ce que pense Avi Pitchon, écrivain, critique et commissaire d’expositions : « Le boycott culturel réduit le débat à une polarisation extrême entre les activistes et le gouvernement, il déshumanise et nourrit la paranoïa, ce “nous” contre “eux” dont joue un régime de moins en moins démocratique. Ce tout ou rien est un piège, quoi que disent les créateurs ils seront perdants. Alors, ils préfèrent laisser parler leur art… »

    C’est peut-être pour cela que chercher à les rencontrer pour évoquer la question relève de la chasse au dahu. Groupe pop connu pour ses textes radicaux, écrivain loué comme l’une des « grandes voix morales » du pays, cinéastes, producteurs de concerts, responsables de théâtre, de centre d’art contemporain… tous se disent trop occupés. D’autres se ravisent après avoir parlé et demandent à n’être plus cités.

    Pnina Blayer, la directrice artistique du Festival international du film de Haïfa qui s’est déroulé fin septembre sans les « grands noms » invités, exige les questions par courriel et adresse des réponses aussi sèches que le fleuve Jourdain surexploité : selon elle, la situation dans la bande Gaza et la guerre en Syrie sont les motifs des absences, dont aucune n’a été motivée par le BDS, qui n’aura découragé qu’un film marocain, et si Agnès Varda, à qui le festival rendait hommage, n’est pas venue, ce n’est pas pour des raisons politiques.

    Il faut comprendre sa prudence : pendant que le festival est soumis aux pressions de l’étranger, sa propre ministre de la culture, la très droitière Miri Regev, demande à celui des finances de lui couper les vivres pour avoir accueilli deux films israéliens qui « sapent les valeurs et symboles » de l’Etat (l’un d’eux raconte l’histoire d’un metteur en scène palestinien qui monte une pièce narrant un amour entre une Juive et un Arabe…).

    Le projet de loi « Loyauté dans la culture »

    La même ministre se démène pour l’adoption d’un projet de loi « Loyauté dans la culture » qui veut supprimer les fonds à toute organisation déniant « Israël comme un Etat juif et démocratique » ou qui ferait du jour de l’indépendance celui de la Nakba, la « catastrophe » que vécurent 700 000 Palestiniens expulsés en 1948.

    Le monde de la culture a manifesté le 27 octobre contre ce texte, de nombreux cinéastes israéliens, comme Amos Gitaï ou Ari Folman, sont parmi les signataires d’une tribune parue lundi 12 novembre dans Le Monde pour demander le retrait du texte. En attendant, des députés ont également proposé de punir de sept ans de prison tout appel au boycott et l’entrée du pays est déjà interdite à tout étranger qui soutient activement le BDS.

    Car, pour le gouvernement, c’est la guerre. Au vingt-neuvième étage d’une tour de Bnei Brak, dans la banlieue de Tel-Aviv, une trentaine de personnes travaillent au sein de la National Task Force for Countering Delegitimization (« force d’intervention contre la délégitimisation »), qui dépend du ministère des affaires étrangères.

    « Nous révélons les relations entre le BDS et des organisations terroristes comme le Hamas ou le Front populaire de libération de la Palestine ; comment, sous couvert de droits de l’homme, il s’attaque à la légitimité d’Israël ; comment il bombarde les artistes par des cyberattaques menées par des robots. Nous travaillons avec des centaines d’organisations pro-israéliennes en leur offrant articles, vidéos et autres outils pour affronter les arguments du BDS », résume Tzahi Gavrieli, le directeur.

    Le bureau a lancé la plate-forme 4il sur Internet, Facebook et Twitter : des images de jolies filles montrent la diversité du pays, des vidéos soulignent la réussite de certains « Arabes israéliens ». Des posts saluent la criminalisation du boycott en France (en 2015, la justice a confirmé la condamnation de militants ayant appelé au boycott des produits israéliens) ou en Allemagne (le BDS a été jugé antisémite par l’Office fédéral de la protection de la constitution de Berlin).

    Un post du 23 octobre relaie le rapport de Human Rights Watch sur la torture pratiquée par le Hamas et l’Autorité palestinienne en demandant si la communauté internationale va exercer sur eux les mêmes pressions que sur Israël… Des messages vantent le concours Eurovision de la chanson de mai prochain : avec ses 186 millions de téléspectateurs, la manifestation est une vitrine que le gouvernement ne veut pas voir entachée, malgré l’appel au boycott lancé par 140 artistes internationaux.

    L’« instrumentalisation » du monde de la culture ?

    La lutte contre le BDS est aussi l’affaire d’Adam Shay au sein du Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, un think tank niché dans un quartier tranquille de la ville sainte. Il « scrute » les militants locaux, conseille les promoteurs de spectacles, essaie de convaincre des artistes ciblés que ce qu’on leur raconte est un tissu de mensonges et qu’ils ne regretteront pas de venir.

    « David Guetta était là la semaine dernière », se réjouit le jeune homme avant de confier qu’il cherchait à faire venir Rachid Taha, peu avant sa mort, en septembre : « Cela aurait été un gros truc » (vu les relations qui liaient le rockeur français à Brian Eno, très impliqué dans le BDS, on imagine mal une réponse positive).

    C’est cette « instrumentalisation » du monde de la culture qui, aux yeux des militants du BDS, justifie les appels au boycott de ceux dont les travaux ou les voyages sont financés par le gouvernement. Ils aident, disent-ils, le pays à soigner son image de démocratie favorable à la liberté d’expression. Les artistes se retrouvent coincés entre le marteau du gouvernement, qui tient (et serre) les cordons de la bourse, et l’enclume des pressions internationales.

    « À l’étranger, nous sommes considérés par certains comme des collaborateurs ; ici, comme des traîtres. Mais l’argent du ministère est aussi celui de mes impôts. Si la solution est de dire non, où va-t-il aller et qui va dire ce que l’on dit ? », demande Hillel Kogan, danseur et chorégraphe de la célèbre compagnie Batsheva, qui dut affronter cet été quelques militants pro-BDS à Montpellier et à Toulouse alors que, invité de la très diplomatique saison « France-Israël », il s’apprêtait, avec le Palestinien d’Israël Adi Boutros, à interpréter sa pièce We Love Arabs.

    Certains dans le pays ont regretté que l’écrivain David Grossman, considéré comme une « conscience » par le camp de la paix, se laisse « enrôler » par le pouvoir en acceptant le prix Israël de littérature 2018 des mains du ministre de l’éducation ou, en 2017, lorsqu’il accompagne à New York une pièce tirée de l’un de ses romans et adaptée par deux troupes israéliennes qui s’étaient produites dans les colonies (ce que l’auteur désapprouve). Ce, sous les yeux de la ministre de la culture qui avait fait le voyage. « Une manière de résister au BDS qui est une nouvelle forme d’antisémitisme », avait dit Miri Regev ce jour-là.

    Car c’est l’argument massue des contempteurs du BDS. Le mouvement a beau condamner racisme et antisémitisme, le public hétéroclite qu’il mobilise laisse parfois suinter des attaques haineuses, voire négationnistes. Dans le petit théâtre de Jérusalem où il travaille avec de jeunes comédiens juifs et arabes, Arik Eshet se souvient du festival de théâtre d’Édimbourg de 2014, lorsque des militants « agressifs » avaient fait annuler son spectacle : « Tu entends des gens crier qu’Israël ne devrait pas exister. C’est traumatisant… »

    La nécessaire mobilisation de la société civile

    Roger Waters est systématiquement accusé d’infamie. Du coup, Gideon Levy, le journaliste de Haaretz qui se démène inlassablement pour évoquer le sort des Palestiniens, ne cesse de défendre le chanteur. « J’ai passé de longues nuits à discuter avec lui, rien ne lui est plus étranger que les sentiments antisémites, ces accusations sont intolérables », assène-t-il dans le salon de sa maison, dont un mur est orné d’une vieille publicité ensoleillée où est inscrit : « Visit Palestine ».

    Un BDS efficace, ajoute-t-il, serait le seul moyen d’en finir avec les bains de sang : « Le changement ne viendra pas de l’intérieur d’Israël, la vie est trop bonne ici. Or les Etats-Unis soutiennent le pays et l’Europe est une plaisanterie : le seul espoir est la mobilisation de la société civile. La gauche sioniste appelle depuis des lustres à deux Etats mais n’a rien fait pour ça, nous devons en payer le prix. La criminalisation du BDS est un scandale : pourquoi serait-il légitime de boycotter l’Iran et pas Israël ? »

    En les réduisant au rang de producteurs de « biens culturels » ou d’instruments du soft power d’un Etat dont ils n’approuvent pas la politique, le BDS interroge les artistes de manière inconfortable sur leurs responsabilités de créateurs et de citoyens au cœur d’une opinion publique au mieux indifférente, au pis de plus en plus xénophobe. Et dans les conversations un nom revient souvent, comme s’ils étaient orphelins d’une figure capable d’indignation, de « courage », disent certains.

    « Il nous manque un penseur comme Leibowitz », glisse le photographe Miki Kratsman, l’un des fondateurs de l’ONG Breaking the Silence qui recueille les témoignages des soldats sur les exactions auxquelles les contraint l’occupation. C’est aussi ce que dit Zeev Tene, un vieux rockeur dont Ari Folman utilisa une chanson pour son film Valse avec Bachir et qui, depuis deux ans, part, le 6 juin, date anniversaire de la guerre des Six-Jours, le long du mur de séparation avec quelques musiciens et un camion en guise d’estrade pour jouer devant une banderole qui proclame « Make Israel small again ».

    Yeshayahu Leibowitz, mort en 1994, grand penseur et moraliste, religieux convaincu et sioniste affirmé, fut un critique féroce de l’occupation qui « détruit la moralité du conquérant ». Outré par la torture, il alla jusqu’à employer le terme de « judéo-nazis »… Or, constate l’historien « post-sioniste » Shlomo Sand, qui fait lui aussi référence à Leibowitz, « je n’ai pas vu l’Université se mettre en grève lorsqu’une succursale a été ouverte dans la colonie d’Ariel. Je n’ai entendu aucune de nos voix de la gauche sioniste prôner l’objection de conscience dans les territoires ou soutenir les refuzniks [qui refusent de servir dans l’armée]. Le BDS les met devant leurs contradictions… »

    Mais le malaise, explique-t-il, vient aussi du fait que, « en posant le droit au retour des réfugiés, le BDS questionne les conditions mêmes de la naissance d’Israël dans un pays encore hanté par la Shoah. Ce droit au retour ne peut être ignoré, mais il faut être honnête : on ne pourra pas accueillir 5 millions de réfugiés. Je soutiens le BDS à condition qu’il ne mette pas en danger l’existence d’Israël. »

    Une situation parfois absurde

    L’historien déplore aussi la « stupidité » de certains appels au boycott culturel. Les musiciens d’Apo and the Apostles, un Arménien de Jérusalem et trois Palestiniens de Bethléem, partagent sûrement son avis. Lorsque ces talentueux garçons qui mêlent leur folk-rock à des nuances orientales doivent se produire dans un festival de musique alternative arabe à Tel-Aviv, le BDS décrète que ce n’est pas acceptable parce qu’ils ne sont pas des « Palestiniens de 48 », ceux restés en Israël…

    Shady Srour aussi a quelques remarques à faire sur les censeurs du BDS : cinéaste palestinien de Nazareth, il a tourné un très joli film dans sa ville natale, Holy Air, où comment un homme essaie de s’en sortir en vendant de l’« air saint » aux touristes venus sur les traces de Jésus. C’est drôle, féministe, sexy, acide, « beckettien », plus grave lorsque les rêves sont empêchés par le seul fait de n’être pas un citoyen comme les autres.

    Mais le BDS ne rit pas : il a demandé son retrait d’un festival du film israélien à Londres, puis du Festival des cinémas arabes de l’Institut du monde arabe, à Paris, qui a congédié le réalisateur d’un bref courrier. « Je suis palestinien, mon père fut l’un de ceux chassés vers le Liban. Me boycotter, c’est m’empêcher d’affirmer mon propre récit face à celui des Israéliens. Le BDS vient chez moi pour me couper la langue… Aucun financement arabe ne m’est accordé parce que j’ai un passeport israélien, où est-ce que je trouve l’argent ? » On comprend que son film soit teinté de tristesse et d’absurde.

    #Palestine #Culture #Apartheid #BDS #Boycott_culturel

  • En cette fête du Grand Pardon, l’occupation signifie ne jamais être forcé de s’excuser
    Middle East Eye | Gideon Levy | 19 septembre 2018
    https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/opinions/en-cette-f-te-du-grand-pardon-l-occupation-signifie-ne-jamais-tre-for

    Dans la tradition juive, Yom Kippour conclut les dix jours de pénitence.

    Le judaïsme considère que, au moment de la rédaction de cet article, Dieu examine qui vivra et qui mourra au cours de l’année à venir à la lumière de leurs actes au cours de l’année écoulé. Les juifs se repentent de leurs péchés qui transgressent leurs obligations envers Dieu et implorent Dieu de leur pardonner.

    Cependant, concernant leurs péchés contre leurs semblables, le chemin du pardon de Dieu est différent. La Mishna [Code de la loi juive dans le Talmud] dit que pour de tels péchés, Dieu ne pardonne pas à Yom Kippour, à moins que l’on ait d’abord cherché et obtenu le pardon de ceux contre qui on a péché.

    Ce sont des jours particulièrement sacrés en Israël, et l’atmosphère parmi les fidèles est imprégnée d’une sorte de crainte alors que le jugement de Dieu approche. Toutefois, presque personne en Israël ne s’arrête un instant pour demander le plus grand des pardons – pardon que leur pays aurait dû demander il y a 70 ans, le lendemain de la Nakba, la catastrophe infligée au peuple palestinien par Israël. Plus encore depuis 51 ans, jour après jour, heure par heure, pendant toute la période d’occupation après 1967.

    Israël n’a pas encore commencé le processus crucial d’ouverture d’un nouveau chapitre ; Israël n’a pas encore tourné la moindre page dans sa quête d’expiation – pas demandé le pardon des occupés envers l’occupant, des conquis envers le conquérant, des emprisonnés envers le geôlier, de la victime envers le voleur – et pourtant, sans cela, rien ne se passera. (...)

  • Here’s what I found out when I spent the day with Israel’s most controversial journalist, Gideon Levy
    Robert Fisk | The Independent | 27 septembre 2018
    https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/gideon-levy-robert-fisk-haaretz-israel-palestine-gaza-a8557691.html

    Gideon Levy is a bit of a philosopher king although, sitting in his postage stamp garden in a suburb of Tel Aviv, straw hat shading mischievous dark eyes, there’s a touch of a Graham Greene character about Haaretz’s most provocative and infamous writer. Brave, subversive, sorrowful – in a harsh, uncompromising way – he’s the kind of journalist you either worship or loathe. Philosopher kings of the Plato kind are necessary for our moral health, perhaps, but not good for our blood pressure. So Levy’s life has been threatened by his fellow Israelis for telling the truth; and that’s the best journalism award one can get.

    He loves journalism but is appalled by its decline. His English is flawless but it sometimes breaks up in fury. Here’s an angry Levy on the effect of newspaper stories: “In the year of ’86, I wrote about a Palestinian Bedouin woman who lost her baby after giving birth at a checkpoint. She tried at three different [Israeli] checkpoints, she couldn’t make it and she gave birth in the car. They [the Israelis] didn’t let her bring the baby to the hospital. She carried him by foot two kilometres to the Augusta Victoria [Hospital in east Jerusalem]. The baby died. When I published this story – I don’t want to say that Israel ‘held its breath’, but it was a huge scandal, the cabinet was dealing with it, two officers were brought to court…”

    Then Levy found ten more women who had lost babies at Israeli checkpoints. “And nobody could care less any more. Today, I can publish it and people will yawn if they read it at all. [It’s] totally normalised, totally justified. We have a justification now for everything. The dehumanisation of the Palestinians has reached a stage in which we really don’t care. I can tell you, really, without exaggeration, if an Israeli dog was killed by Palestinians, it will get more attention in the Israeli media than if 20 Palestinian youngsters would be shot dead by snipers on the fence – without doing anything – in Gaza. The life of Palestinians has become the cheapest thing. It’s a whole system of demonisation, of de-humanisation, a whole system of justification that ‘we’ are always right and we can never be wrong.” (...)

  • Thank you, Mother Russia, for imposing boundaries on Israel - For the first time in years another state is saying to Israel: Stop right there. At least in Syria, that’s the end of it. Thank you, Mother Russia.

    Gideon Levy SendSend me email alerts
    Sep 28, 2018
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/.premium-to-russia-with-love-1.6511224

    A ray of hope is breaking through: Someone is setting limits on Israel. For the first time in years another state is making it clear to Israel that there are restrictions to its power, that it’s not okay for it to do whatever it wants, that it’s not alone in the game, that America can’t always cover for it and that there’s a limit to the harm it can do.
    Israel needed someone to set these limits like it needed oxygen. The recent years’ hubris and geopolitical reality enabled it to run rampant. It could patrol Lebanon’s skies as if they were its own; bombard in Syria’s air space as if it were Gaza’s air space; destroy Gaza periodically, put it under endless siege and continue, of course, to occupy the West Bank. Suddenly someone stood up and said: Stop right there. At least in Syria: That’s the end of it. Thank you, Mother Russia, for setting limits on a child whom no one has restrained for a long time.
    >>What Russia and Turkey really want in Syria | Explained ■ Russia’s claims on downed plane over Syria are dubious, but will usher in new reality for Israel | Analysis ■ Russia vs. Israel: The contradicting accounts of the downing of a plane over Syria

    The Israeli stupefaction at the Russian response and the paralysis that gripped it only showed how much Israel needed a responsible adult to rein it in. Does anyone dare prevent Israel’s freedom of movement in another country? Is anyone hindering it from flying in skies not its own? Is anyone keeping it from bombing as much as it pleases? For decades Israel hasn’t encountered such a strange phenomenon. Israel Hayom reported, of course, that anti-Semitism is growing in Russia. Israel is getting ready to play the next victim card, but its arrogance has suddenly gone missing.
    In April the Bloomberg News agency cited threats from retired Military Intelligence chief Amos Yadlin and other officers that if Russia gives Syria S-300 anti-aircraft missiles, Israel’s air force would bombard them. Now the voice of bluster from Zion has been muted, at least for the moment.
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    Every state is entitled to have weapons for defense against jet bombers, including Syria, and no state is permitted to prevent that forcibly. This basic truth already sounds bizarre to Israeli ears. The idea that other countries’ sovereignty is meaningless, that it can always be disrupted by force, and that Israeli sovereignty alone is sacred, and supreme; that Israel can mix in the affairs of the region to its heart’s content – including by military intervention, whose true extent is yet to be clarified in the war in Syria – without paying a price, in the name of its real or imagined security, which sanctifies anything and everything – all this has suddenly run into a Russian “nyet.” Oh, how we needed that nyet, to restore Israel to its real dimensions.
    It arrived with excellent timing. Just when there’s a president in the White House who runs his Middle East policy at the instructions of his sponsor in Las Vegas and mentor on Balfour Street; when Israel feels itself in seventh heaven, with an American embassy in Jerusalem and no UNRWA, soon without the Palestinians – came the flashing red light from Moscow. Perhaps it will balance out, just a bit, the intoxication with power that has overtaken Israel in recent years, maybe it will start to wise up and recover.
    Russia, without meaning to, may yet turn out to be better for Israel than all the insane, corrupting support it receives from the current American administration, and from its predecessors, too.
    Russia has outlined for the world the way to treat Israel, using the only language Israel understands. Let those who truly care for Israel’s welfare, and for justice, learn how it’s done: Only by force. Only when Israel gets punished or is forced to pay a price does it do the right thing. The air force will think twice now and perhaps many times more before its next bombardment in Syria, whose importance, if indeed it has any, is unknown.
    Had such a Russian “nyet” hovered above Gaza’s skies, too, so much futile death and destruction would have been spared. Had an international force faced the Israeli occupation, it would have ended long ago. Instead, we have Donald Trump in Washington and the European Union’s pathetic denunciations of the evictions at Khan al-Ahmar.

  • A l’instar de Gideon Levy, Emmanuel Riondé revient sur les succès récents de BDS qui, au delà des quelques victoires spectaculaires, rendent compte d’une lame de fond dont israel ne se débarrassera pas facilement :

    Le boycott d’Israël prend de l’ampleur
    Emmanuel Riondé, Regards, le 19 septembre 2018
    http://www.regards.fr/monde/article/quand-bds-prends-du-poids-strategique

    Lancée il y a treize ans, la campagne prônant des mesures de boycott désinvestissement et sanction (BDS) contre Israël n’a guère affaibli l’économie du pays. Mais elle joue aujourd’hui un rôle majeur dans la déconstruction de son image... donnant du fil à retordre à Tel-Aviv.

    Il y cite, entre autres :

    Eyal Sivan : « Israël ne veut plus convaincre, mais devenir attractif »
    Emmanuel Riondé, Regards, le 1er février 2017
    https://seenthis.net/messages/569632

    Lobby israélien, le documentaire interdit
    Alain Gresh, Le Monde Diplomatique, septembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/718011

    Boycotter Israël est-il de la « haine » ?
    Joseph Levine, The New-York Times, le 4 septembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/720220

    Itay Tiran, le comédien et metteur en scène de théâtre n°1 d’Israël : BDS est une forme légitime de résistance
    Ravit Hecht, Haaretz, le 5 septembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/720187

    Les réussites de BDS
    Gideon Levy, Haaretz, le 5 septembre
    https://seenthis.net/messages/720326

    Eurovision, ne blanchissez pas l’occupation militaire et les violations des droits humains par Israël
    The Guardian, le 7 septembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/720386

    #Palestine #BDS

  • 79 percent of right-wingers believe Jews are the chosen people. Are you for real ?
    Whereas belief in God is a private matter, the belief in a chosen people provides the outlines of policy that explains a great deal about Israel’s actions. When they say that they are the chosen people, it reveals their psychosis
    Gideon Levy - Sep 15, 2018 11:28 PM
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-79-percent-of-right-wingers-believe-jews-are-the-chosen-people-are

    File Photo: An Ultra-Orthodox man looks at the Western Wall in Jerusalem. Credit : RONEN ZVULUN/Reuters

    I would like to meet representatives of that absolute, decisive, arrogant and patronizing majority reflected in a recent Haaretz poll and ask them: Are you guys for real? How did you come up with that? On whose say-so? Are you, the absolute majority, so sure that we are the chosen, the very best, that we are the champions, head and shoulders above the rest?

    How did you come to this conclusion? I’d like to ask you, dear majority: On what basis are you convinced that we are the chosen people, that we know everything better than all the other nations; that we deserve more than everyone else; that what applies to them does not apply to us, because we are superior.

    This is how a majority of Israeli Jews responded in the Haaretz-Dialog poll published last week: We are a chosen people. A majority, 56 percent, are sure of this. The figure rises to 79 percent, an overwhelming majority, among self-identified right-wingers. In a country where 76 percent of people believe in God or another higher power, perhaps that is obvious. But whereas belief in God is a private matter, the belief in a chosen people provides the outlines of policy that explains a great deal about Israel’s actions.

    Credit : Haaretz

    Let’s turn from theology to pathology. The Israeli Jews who think they belong to a chosen and select people owe an accounting to themselves and to others. It’s easy to declare that God does or doesn’t exist. No one is expecting evidence, but when the majority of a nation is convinced that it is superior to all other nations, some evidence is necessary. In Israel’s case, it’s easy to prove that it’s a case of detachment from reality, a dangerous delusion. In any event, a people that is convinced that it is chosen poses a danger to itself and its surroundings.

    The Jewish people is indeed special, with a glorious and bloody history. Israeli Jews, too, have cause for pride. But when they say that they are the chosen people, it reveals their psychosis. It’s doubtful that any other nation thinks that of itself today. Israeli Jews have no grounds to think this either. In what way are we chosen? In what way are we better? And what is the Swede, the French person, the American, the Briton or the Arab supposed to think about this insufferable arrogance?

    There’s no need to elaborate on Israel’s questionable morality as an occupier. Any Israeli with even a modicum of self-awareness recognizes that an occupying nation cannot be the chosen people. Nor would a bit of humility hurt when it comes to a few other characteristics of the people of Israel, before it crowns itself a light unto the nations. I recommend, for example, reading the comprehensive, horrifying analysis in Haaretz by Dan Ben-David of the country’s education system, which did not prompt the necessary outcry. Half of Israel’s children receive a Third World education.

    A little modesty would also become the citizens of a state that ranks 87th in the 2018 World Press Freedom Index, below Togo and the Ivory Coast. Nor is No. 32 on Transparency International’s 2017 Corruption Perceptions Index something to celebrate. Health care is yet another area where Israel’s self-esteem should be curbed: The country ranks 28th in health-care spending, of the 36 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development member states, and 30th in the number of hospital beds.

    The behavior of Israeli tourists abroad is also not always befitting a chosen people. Perhaps Israel ranks high on an index of German submarine purchases, and maybe that’s the key to understanding the sense of superiority.

    Basking in self-glorification has recently become a salient characteristic of Israel’s national character. Just regularly read the Israel Hayom daily or listen to the prime minister: How lovely we are from morning to night.

    The right spreads this lie, for its own purposes. Sycophantic populism thrives not only in Israel, but it is only here that the disparity between dream and reality is so great. A chosen people? If only it were finally like all the other nations.

  • Itay Tiran, Israel’s No. 1 theater actor-director: #BDS is a legitimate form of #resistance - Israel News - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-itay-tiran-israel-s-no-1-theater-actor-director-endorses-bds-1.645

    “BDS is a perfectly legitimate form of resistance. And if we want to preach for a certain kind of political discussion that isn’t violent, we must strengthen these voices, even if it’s difficult,” said Itay Tiran, widely considered Israel’s leading theatrical actor-director, in an interview with Haaretz on the eve of his departure to Germany.

    “I think a normal political left should support BDS,” he says. “After all, it doesn’t matter what the Palestinian will do. When he commits an act of terror he is called a violent, bloodthirsty terrorist. And when he supports BDS he’s a political
    terrorist."

    “If what finally leads to a solution here will be non-violent pressure, conducted as political discourse, then why not support it? It’s a humanist approach, and it’s also practical, and I think it will prevent the next wars,” he said.

    #Palestine

  • BDS success stories - Opinion - Israel News | Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-bds-success-stories-1.6455621

    More than the achievements of the economic, academic and cultural boycott, BDS has succeeded in undermining the greatest asset of Israeli public diplomacy: Israel’s liberal and democratic image in the world.

    Gideon Levy SendSend me email alerts
    Sep 05, 2018

    Gilad Erdan is a great success story of the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement, as is the Strategic Affairs Ministry that he heads. So is the anti-boycott law. Every human rights activist who is expelled from Israel or questioned at Ben-Gurion International Airport is a BDS success story. The European Broadcasting Union’s letter is another success of the global movement to boycott Israel.
    More than Lana Del Rey canceling her visit, more than SodaStream moving its factory from the West Bank to the Negev and more than the achievements of the economic, academic and cultural boycott, BDS has succeeded in a different area, effortlessly and perhaps unintentionally. It has undermined the greatest asset of Israeli public diplomacy: Israel’s liberal and democratic image in the world. It was the European Broadcasting Union, of all things, a nonpolitical organization, very far from BDS, that best described the extent of the damage to Israel: The organization compared Israel to Ukraine and Azerbaijan in the conditions it set for these countries to host the Eurovision Song Contest.
    To really understand Israel and the Middle East - subscribe to Haaretz
    Ukraine and Azerbaijan, which no one seriously considers to be democracies, in the same breath as Israel. This is how the Eurovision organizers see Israel.
    The song contest was held in Jerusalem twice before, and no one thought to set conditions to guarantee the civil liberties of participants. Now it is necessary to guarantee, in advance and in writing, what is self-evident in a democracy: freedom of entry and freedom of movement to everyone who comes for the competition.
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    In Israel, as in Ukraine and Azerbaijan, this is no longer self-evident. In the 13 years since it was founded, the BDS movement couldn’t have dreamed of a greater triumph.
    The main credit, of course, goes to the Israeli government, which in declaring war on BDS and made a great contributions to the movement. With a commander like Erdan, who is outraged over the interference with the “laws of a democratic state” and doesn’t understand how grotesque his words are, and with a ministry that is nothing but an international thought police, the government is telling the world: Israel isn’t what you thought. Did you think for years that Israel was a liberal democracy? Did you close your eyes to the goings-on in its backyard? Did you think the occupation was separate from the state, that it could be maintained in a democracy, that it was surely temporary and would be over momentarily? That at least sovereign Israel is part of the West? Well, you were wrong.

  • Boycotter Israël est-il de la « haine » ?
    6 septembre | Joseph Levine pour New York Times |Traduction CG pour l’AURDIP
    https://www.aurdip.org/boycotter-israel-est-il-de-la.html

    Le débat sur le mouvement Boycott, désinvestissement et sanctions (B.D.S.) contre Israël a été l’un des plus conflictuel de la culture politique américaine depuis plus d’une décennie. Et maintenant, étant donné les événements tumultueux et mortels des derniers mois, il va probablement s’enflammer encore davantage.

    Les victimes des manifestations en cours à Gaza, qui ont commencé en mars, continuent à s’accumuler ; près de 180 manifestants palestiniens, pour la plupart non armés, ont été tués par les forces israéliennes, et plus de 18000 blessés, selon les Nations Unies. Des dizaines de morts ont eu lieu à la mi-mai, lorsque les Etats-Unis ont pris la mesure provocatrice de déplacer leur ambassade à Jérusalem. Les tensions vont surement monter encore après la décision prise la semaine dernière par les Etats-Unis de mettre un terme aux subventions de plusieurs millions versées à l’agence des Nations Unies qui fournit de l’aide aux réfugiés palestiniens.

    B.D.S. a commencé en 2005 en réponse à un appel de plus de 100 organisations de la société civile palestinienne, avec à l’esprit le mouvement fructueux contre l’apartheid d’Afrique du Sud. Le raisonnement était qu’Israël, par son occupation d’un demi-siècle des territoires palestiniens, méritait autant la condamnation internationale, jusqu’à ce que change sa politique vis-à-vis des droits politiques et civils palestiniens. B.D.S. appelle à ce que sa position de protestation non violente reste en vigueur jusqu’à ce que trois conditions soient remplies : qu’Israël mette fin à son occupation et à sa colonisation dans tous les pays arabes et démantèle le mur ; qu’Israël reconnaisse les droits fondamentaux de tous les citoyens arabo-palestiniens d’Israël en pleine égalité ; et qu’Israël respecte, protège et promeuve les droits des réfugiés palestiniens à retourner dans leurs foyers et dans leurs propriétés ainsi qu’il est stipulé dans la Résolution 194 des Nations Unies.

    traduction de cet article : https://seenthis.net/messages/719821

  • Itay Tiran, le comédien et metteur en scène de théâtre n°1 d’Israël : BDS est une forme légitime de résistance
    Ravit Hecht, Haaretz, le 5 septembre 2018
    https://www.bdsfrance.org/itay-tiran-le-comedien-et-metteur-en-scene-de-theatre-n1-disrael-bds-est-

    « BDS est une forme tout à fait légitime de résistance. Et si nous voulons prôner un certain type de débat politique qui ne soit pas violent, nous devons renforcer ces voix, même si c’est difficile », dit Itay Tiran, largement considéré comme le comédien et metteur en scène de théâtre-phare d’Israël, dans une interview à Haaretz à la veille de son départ pour l’Allemagne.

    (...)

    « La Déclaration d’Indépendance et le discours sur l’égalité et les valeurs, tout ça c’était l’auto-lissage d’une fanfaronnade colonialiste d’un libéralisme éclairé. Il y a des gens qui se caractérisent encore par « centre-gauche » et qui pensent toujours que s’ils mettent le mot égalité dans la loi, tout ira bien. Ce n’est pas mon avis. Et vraiment, le contre-argument justifié par la droite était : Attendez, il y la Loi du Retour. Qu’est ce qui fait que c’est seulement la loi de l’État-nation qui vous rend fous ? » remarque-t-il.

    #Palestine #BDS #Boycott_culturel

    • Pour autant, Tiran a insisté sur le fait que la situation politique n’est pas la raison principale pour laquelle il quitte le pays, et qu’il ne se considère pas comme un « exilé politique ».

      « Si la loi de l’État-Nation est une référence à partir de laquelle vous calculez où en est la société israélienne, alors la loi est clairement raciste, inégalitaire ; c’est une nouvelle étape dans le tournant nationaliste pris ici. D’un autre côté, je dis qu’elle n’est pas seulement mauvaise. Pourquoi ? Parce qu’elle extirpe une sorte d’inconscient collectif qui a toujours existé ici » a-t-il dit.

      « La Déclaration d’Indépendance et le discours sur l’égalité et les valeurs, tout ça c’était l’auto-lissage d’une fanfaronnade colonialiste d’un libéralisme éclairé. Il y a des gens qui se caractérisent encore par « centre-gauche » et qui pensent toujours que s’ils mettent le mot égalité dans la loi, tout ira bien. Ce n’est pas mon avis. Et vraiment, le contre-argument justifié par la droite était : Attendez, il y la Loi du Retour. Qu’est ce qui fait que c’est seulement la loi de l’État-nation qui vous rend fous ? » remarque-t-il.

      Donc vous dites que le sionisme est un racisme, de toute façon ?

      Oui

      Que le sionisme est un racisme ?

      Oui, exactement, le sionisme est un racisme. Donc il nous faut à tous regarder la vérité et choisir son camp.

    • Des arrêts de bus de Londres vandalisés avec des affiches anti-Israël
      Par Times of Israel Staff 6 septembre 2018
      https://fr.timesofisrael.com/des-arrets-de-bus-de-londres-vandalises-avec-des-affiches-anti-isr

      Un groupe pro-palestinien a placardé des affiches où l’on lit qu’Israël est une entreprise raciste, pour protester contre l’adoption, par le Labour, de la définition de l’IIRHA
      Au moins six arrêts de bus londoniens ont été vandalisés avec des affiches sur lesquelles on peut lire “Israel is a racist endeavor” (Israël est une entreprise raciste) jeudi matin. Il s’agit d’une forme de protestation contre l’adoption, par le parti travailliste britannique, de la définition de l’antisémitisme internationale, qui considère cette phrase comme antisémite.
      Les affiches ont été installées par le groupe London Palestine Action, qui a publié des images de ces affiches jeudi sur ses comptes Twitter et Facebook, assorties d’explications sur l’affirmation du groupe, selon lequel Israël est profondément raciste.
      (...)
      La phrase choisie pour les posters est une citation de la définition élaborée par l’Alliance internationale pour la mémoire de l’Holocauste, qui spécifie que déclarer qu’Israël est « une entreprise raciste » est antisémite.

  • Opinion | Is Boycotting Israel ‘Hate’? - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/04/opinion/is-boycotting-israel-hate.html

    Opponents of the nonviolent Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement are involved in a dishonest branding campaign.

    By Joseph Levine
    Mr. Levine is a philosophy professor and a member of the Jewish Voice for Peace Academic Advisory Council.

    The debate over the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (B.D.S.) movement against Israel has been one of the most contentious in American political culture for more than a decade. Now, given the tumultuous and deadly events of the past several months, it is likely to heat up further.

    Casualties in the ongoing protests in Gaza, which began in March, continue to mount; nearly 180 mostly unarmed Palestinian protesters have been killed by Israeli forces, with more than 18,000 injured, according to the United Nations. Dozens of those deaths came in mid-May, as the United States took the provocative step of moving its embassy to Jerusalem. Tensions will surely spike again following last week’s decision by the United States to stop billions in funding to the United Nations agency that delivers aid to Palestinian refugees.

    B.D.S. began in 2005 in response to a call by more than 100 Palestinian civil society organizations, with the successful movement against apartheid South Africa in mind. The reasoning was that Israel, with its half-century occupation of Palestinian territories, would be equally deserving of the world’s condemnation until its policies changed to respect Palestinian political and civil rights. B.D.S. calls for its stance of nonviolent protest to remain in effect until three conditions are met: that Israel ends its occupation and colonization of all Arab lands and dismantles the wall; that Israel recognizes the fundamental rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; and that Israel respects, protects and promotes the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in United Nations Resolution 194.

    • The debate over the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (B.D.S.) movement against Israel has been one of the most contentious in American political culture for more than a decade. Now, given the tumultuous and deadly events of the past several months, it is likely to heat up further.

      Casualties in the ongoing protests in Gaza, which began in March, continue to mount; nearly 180 mostly unarmed Palestinian protesters have been killed by Israeli forces, with more than 18,000 injured, according to the United Nations. Dozens of those deaths came in mid-May, as the United States took the provocative step of moving its embassy to Jerusalem. Tensions will surely spike again following last week’s decision by the United States to stop billions in funding to the United Nations agency that delivers aid to Palestinian refugees.

      B.D.S. began in 2005 in response to a call by more than 100 Palestinian civil society organizations, with the successful movement against apartheid South Africa in mind. The reasoning was that Israel, with its half-century occupation of Palestinian territories, would be equally deserving of the world’s condemnation until its policies changed to respect Palestinian political and civil rights. B.D.S. calls for its stance of nonviolent protest to remain in effect until three conditions are met: that Israel ends its occupation and colonization of all Arab lands and dismantles the wall; that Israel recognizes the fundamental rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; and that Israel respects, protects and promotes the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in United Nations Resolution 194.

      Opposition to B.D.S. is widespread and strong. Alarmingly, in the United States, support for the movement is in the process of being outlawed. As of now, 24 states have enacted legislation that in some way allows the state to punish those who openly engage in or advocate B.D.S., and similar legislation is pending in 12 more states. At the federal level, a bill called the Israel Anti-Boycott Act would criminalize adherence to any boycott of Israel called for by an international agency (like the United Nations). The bill has garnered 57 Senate co-sponsors and 290 House co-sponsors, and may very well come up for a vote soon.

      While these bills certainly constitute threats to free speech — (a view shared by the ACLU) — I am interested in a more subtle effect of a fairly widespread anti-B.D.S. strategy: co-opting rhetoric of the anti-Trump resistance, which opposes the growing influence of racist hate groups, in order to brand B.D.S. as a hate group itself.

      In my home state of Massachusetts, for example, where a hearing for one of the many state bills aimed at punishing B.D.S. activity took place in July 2017, those who testified in favor of the bill, along with their supporters in the gallery, wore signs saying “No Hate in the Bay State.” They took every opportunity to compare B.D.S. supporters to the alt-right activists recently empowered by the election of Donald Trump. (Full disclosure: I am a strong supporter of B.D.S. and was among those testifying against the bill.)

      The aim of this activity is to relegate the B.D.S. movement, and the Palestine solidarity movement more generally, to the nether region of public discourse occupied by all the intolerant worldviews associated with the alt-right. This is an area the philosopher John Rawls would call “unreasonable.” But to my mind, it is the anti-B.D.S. movement itself that belongs there.

      There are two dimensions of reasonableness that are relevant to this particular issue: the one that allegedly applies to the B.D.S. campaign and the one I claim actually applies to the anti-B.D.S. campaign. Rawls starts his account of the reasonable from the premise of what he calls “reasonable pluralism,” an inevitable concomitant of modern-day democratic government. Large democratic societies contain a multitude of groups that differ in what Rawls calls their “comprehensive doctrines” — moral, religious or philosophical outlooks in accord with which people structure their lives. What makes a comprehensive doctrine “reasonable” is the willingness of those living in accord with it to recognize the legitimate claims of differing, often conflicting doctrines, to accord to the people that hold them full participation as citizens and to regard them as deserving of respect and equal treatment. We can label this dimension of reasonableness a matter of tolerance.

      The second dimension of reasonableness is associated with the notion of “public reason.” When arguing for one’s position as part of the process of democratic deliberation in a society characterized by reasonable pluralism, what kinds of considerations are legitimate to present? The constraint of public reason demands that the considerations in question should look reasonable to all holders of reasonable comprehensive doctrines, not merely one’s own.

      For example, when arguing over possible legal restrictions on abortion, it isn’t legitimate within a democracy to appeal to religious principles that are not shared by all legitimate parties to the dispute. So, while the personhood of the fetus is in dispute among reasonable doctrines, the status of African-Americans, women, gays and Jews is not. To reject their status as fully equal members of the society would be “unreasonable.”

      One of the essential principles of democratic government is freedom of thought and expression, and this extends to the unreasonable/intolerant as well as to the reasonable, so long as certain strict limits on incitement to violence, libel and the like are observed. Still, doctrines within the “tent of the reasonable” are accorded a different status within public institutions and civil society from those deemed outside the tent. This is reflected in the kinds of public support or reprobation representatives of the state and other civil society institutions (e.g., universities) display toward the doctrines or values in question.

      To put it simply, we expect what’s reasonable to get a fair hearing within the public sphere, even if many don’t agree with it.

      On the other hand, though we do not suppress the unreasonable, we don’t believe, in general, that it has the right to a genuinely fair hearing in that same sphere. For instance, after the white supremacist rallies in Charlottesville, Va., in August last year, students at my campus, the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, were greeted in the fall with signs plastered everywhere that said “Hate Has No Home at UMass.” This was intended to let the Richard Spencers of this world know that even if it may not be right or legal to bar them from speaking on campus, their message was not going to be given the respectful hearing that those within the tent of the reasonable receive.

      The alleged basis for claiming that B.D.S. advocates are anti-Semitic, and thus worthy only of denunciation or punishment, not argument, is that through their three goals listed in their manifesto they express their rejection of Jews’ right to self-determination in their homeland. This idea was put succinctly by Senator Chuck Schumer at the policy conference of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (Aipac) in March, where he said, “Let us call out the B.D.S. movement for what it is. Let us delegitimize the delegitimizers by letting the world know when there is a double standard, whether they know it or not, they are actively participating in an anti-Semitic movement.”

      B.D.S. supporters are “delegitimizers,” according to Schumer, because they do not grant legitimacy to the Zionist project. Some might quibble with this claim about the B.D.S. goals, but I think it’s fair to say that rejection of the legitimacy of the Zionist project is fairly widespread within the movement. But does this constitute anti-Semitism? Does this put them outside the tent of the reasonable?

      To justify this condemnation of the B.D.S. movement requires accepting two extremely controversial claims: first, that the right to self-determination for any ethnic, religious or racial group entails the right to live in a state that confers special status on members of that group — that it is “their state” in the requisite sense; and second, that Palestine counts for these purposes as the rightful homeland of modern-day Jews, as opposed to the ancient Judeans. (I have argued explicitly against the first claim, here.)

      With regard to the second claim, it seems obvious to me, and I bet many others when they bother to think about it, that claims to land stemming from a connection to people who lived there 2,000 years ago is extremely weak when opposed by the claims of those who currently live there and whose people have been living there for perhaps a millennium or more.

      Remember, one needn’t agree with me in my rejection of these two principal claims for my point to stand. All one must acknowledge is that the right at issue isn’t obvious and is at least open to question. If a reasonable person can see that this right of the Jews to establish a state in Palestine is at least open to question, then it can’t be a sign of anti-Semitism to question it! But once you admit the B.D.S. position within the tent of the reasonable, the proper response is not, as Senator Schumer claims, “delegitimizing,” but rather disputing — engaging in argument, carried out in the public sphere according to the rules of public reason.

      But now we get to my second main point — that it’s the anti-B.D.S. camp that violates reasonableness; not because it is an expression of intolerance (though often it flirts with Islamophobia), but because it violates the constraints on public reason. Just how far the positive argument for the legitimacy of the Zionist project often veers from the rules of public reason is perfectly captured by another quote from Mr. Schumer’s speech to Aipac.

      “Now, let me tell you why — my view, why we don’t have peace. Because the fact of the matter is that too many Palestinians and too many Arabs do not want any Jewish state in the Middle East,” he said. “The view of Palestinians is simple: The Europeans treated the Jews badly, culminating in the Holocaust, and they gave them our land as compensation. Of course, we say it’s our land, the Torah says it, but they don’t believe in the Torah. So that’s the reason there is not peace. They invent other reasons, but they do not believe in a Jewish state, and that is why we, in America, must stand strong with Israel through thick and thin …”

      This quote is really quite remarkable, coming from one of the most powerful legislators in our democracy. After fairly well characterizing a perfectly reasonable attitude Palestinians have about who is responsible for the Holocaust and who should pay any reparations for it, Mr. Schumer then appeals to the Torah to justify the Jewish claim against them. But this is a totally illegitimate appeal as a form of public reason, no different from appealing to religious doctrine when opposing abortion. In fact, I claim you can’t find any genuine argument that isn’t guilty of breaching the limits of the reasonable in this way for the alleged right to establish the Jewish state in Palestine.

      This almost certainly explains why opponents of B.D.S. are now turning to the heavy hand of the state to criminalize support for it. In a “fair fight” within the domain of public reason, they would indeed find themselves “delegitimized.”

      Joseph Levine is a professor of philosophy at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and the author of “Quality and Content: Essays on Consciousness, Representation and Modality.” He is a member of the Jewish Voice for Peace Academic Advisory Council.

      #Palestine #USA #BDS #criminalisation_des_militants #liberté_d'expression #censure

      Et aussi à ajouter à la longue liste d’articles sur la confusion entretenue entre #Antisionisme et #Antisémitisme :

      https://seenthis.net/messages/337856
      https://seenthis.net/messages/580647
      https://seenthis.net/messages/603396
      https://seenthis.net/messages/604402
      https://seenthis.net/messages/606801
      https://seenthis.net/messages/690067
      https://seenthis.net/messages/700966
      https://seenthis.net/messages/716567
      https://seenthis.net/messages/718335
      https://seenthis.net/messages/719714

  • Just look at Ben-Gurion Airport - Opinion
    Haaretz.com | Gideon Levy | Aug 16, 2018 1:07 AM
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-just-look-at-ben-gurion-airport-1.6384896

    Look at Ben-Gurion Airport, and see us. Nothing reflects Israel 2018 better than that entrance gate, the place Israelis hold most sacred.

    Elaborately designed, efficient, modern, with a semblance of the epitome of freedom – here the “open sky” is the limit – while under the magnificent columns and moving walkways the injustices fester, well hidden, as usual, behind screens. The Ben-Gurion we love so much is an airport of segregation, an airdrome partially in the Shin Bet’s control, including a thought-police station. Welcome arrivals and departures: Peter Beinart is not alone.

    It begins long before the entrance. About two million residents, some of them living on the very outskirts of the airport, see it from their window but cannot go near it, not to mention use its services. Their Jewish neighbors are allowed, but they themselves are prohibited. They’re Palestinians. Have you heard of any other international airport that is closed to some of the state’s residents solely because of their origin? If this isn’t the port of apartheid, what is?

    As the permitted ones drive up to the checkpoint at the entrance, the ceremony of opening the window and greeting the security guard, armed with a machine gun – the most racist procedure there is – takes place. Everyone cooperates with this sickening act, intended to hear the passengers’ accent and ascertain whether they are Jews or Arabs.

    The security guards know what they’re doing. They also know what they’re doing at the security examinations in the airport. Invasive, intrusive questions that have no place in a free country, that have nothing to do with flight security. Not everyone is subjected to this, of course. Profiling is the name of the game, intended to make it easy for us, the privileged Israeli Jews, and deprive and degrade all the rest. Security, hush-hush, don’t ask questions.

    And then the numbers with the different endings on the sticker attached to your passport, separating one traveler from another, on the basis of his origin, or the extent of suspicion he raises. There are numbers whose digital endings mean complete nudity in front of the male or female examiner. This does not apply to the Jewish Israelis.

    Most of the suspicions in Ben-Gurion Airport arise because of origin or ideological affiliation. An American of Palestinian origin – suspicious. A Jew is not, of course, unless he’s a leftist. There are no suspicions of right-wingers. There’s no chance that an racist evangelist from Alabama, an “Israel lover” and believer in Armageddon, could endanger anything. Only the Norwegian tourist who took part, bad girl, in a tour of Breaking the Silence, is jeopardizing the flight’s safety or the public’s security. Only the activist of the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel is a potential plane hijacker, or a possible terrorist.

    No rightist supporter of the settlers, Jewish or Christian, has ever been held up at Ben-Gurion Airport and interrogated about his activity on behalf of the settlements, which are far more criminal than any demonstration, protest or act of solidarity with the Palestinians. Such a person, it seems, has yet to be born. In Israel, the fascist, even anti-Semitic, right is patriotic, and so it is in Ben-Gurion Airport too, the mirror of our homeland’s landscape.

    It will end only on the day Israelis are humiliated like that at the gateways to other countries. Until then the security excuse will be upheld and used for everything. And we haven’t yet said a word about the Palestinian citizens of Israel. Try once to think of the one standing in front of you or behind you in line, an Israeli Arab, director of a hospital ward or a construction worker. He has the same passport, the same citizenship as yours, in the nation-state of equality for all. Try to imagine the feeling of exclusion, the affront of deprivation. What does he say to the child who asks why we are here and they are there, how does he overcome the suspicious looks.

    On top of all this came the ridiculous, outrageous war on BDS, which turned Ben-Gurion border officials into duty officers of the thought-police. Beinart was its victim, but he’s a Jew and quite famous, so his interrogation was declared an “administrative error.” But this is no error: This is Ben-Gurion Airport. This is Israel. And now, to the duty-free shops.

    #BenGourion #expulsions #frontières