person:gideon levy

  • Reminder: Israel is still holding a Palestinian lawmaker as political prisoner indefinitely
    Haaretz.com - Palestinian lawmaker Khalida Jarrar has been incarcerated in an Israeli jail without a trial for 20 months. Another period of ‘administrative detention’ will soon expire. Will she come home?
    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Feb 14, 2019 5:20 PM
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-reminder-israel-is-holding-palestinian-lawmaker-as-political-priso

    Ghassan Jarrar, the husband of Khalida Jarrar, holds a portrait of her on April 2, 2015 at their home in the West Bank city of Ramallah.AFP PHOTO / ABBAS MOMANI

    Ghassan Jarrar says his life is meaningless without Khalida. In his office at the children’s toys and furniture factory he owns in Beit Furik, east of Nablus, its chairs upholstered with red fake fur, the face of the grass widower lights up whenever he talks about his wife. She’s been incarcerated in an Israeli prison for 20 months, without trial, without being charged, without evidence, without anything. In two weeks, however, she could be released, at long last. Ghassan is already busy preparing himself: He knows he’s liable to be disappointed again, for the fourth successive time.

    Khalida Jarrar is Israel’s No. 1 female political prisoner, the leader of the inmates in Damon Prison, on Mt. Carmel, and the most senior Palestinian woman Israel has jailed, without her ever having been convicted of any offense.

    The public struggle for her release has been long and frustrating, with more resonance abroad than in Israel. Here it encounters the implacable walls of the occupation authorities and the startling indifference of Israeli public opinion: People here don’t care that they’re living under a regime in which there are political prisoners. There is also the silence of the female MKs and the muteness of the women’s organizations.

    Haaretz has devoted no fewer than five editorials demanding either that evidence against her be presented or that she be released immediately. To no avail: Jarrar is still in detention and she still hasn’t been charged.

    She’s been placed in administrative detention – that is, incarceration without charges or a trial – a number of times: She was arrested for the first time on April 15, 2015 and sentenced to 15 months in jail, which she served. Some 13 months after she was released from that term, she was again put under administrative detention, which kept getting extended, for 20 consecutive months, starting in mid-2017: two stints of six months each, and two of four months each.

    The latest arbitrary extension of her detention is set to end on February 28. As usual, until that day no one will know whether she is going to be freed or whether her imprisonment will be extended once again, without explanation. A military prosecutor promised at the time of the previous extension that it would be the last, but there’s no way to know. Typical of the occupation and its arbitrariness.

    In any event, Ghassan is repainting their house, replacing air conditioners and the water heater, hanging new curtains, planting flowers in window boxes, ordering food and sweets in commercial quantities, and organizing a reception at one checkpoint and cars to await her at two other checkpoints – you can never know where exactly she will be released. A big celebration will take place in the Catholic church of Ramallah, which Ghassan has rented for three days on the last weekend of the month. Still, it’s all very much a matter of if and when.

    Reminder: On April 2, 2015, troops of the Israel Defense Forces raided the Jarrar family’s home in El Bireh, adjacent to Ramallah, and abducted Khalida, a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council.

    She was placed in administrative detention. In the wake of international protests over Israel’s arrest without charges of a lawmaker who was elected democratically, the occupation authorities decided to try her. She was indicted on 12 counts, all of them utterly grotesque, including suspicion of visiting the homes of prisoners’ families, suspicion of attending a book fair and suspicion of calling for the release of Ahmad Saadat, a leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine who has been in prison for years.

    The charge sheet against Jarrar – an opponent of the occupation, a determined feminist and a member of the Palestine Liberation Organization’s executive committee – will one day serve as the crushing proof that there is not even the slightest connection between “military justice” and actual law and justice.

    We saw her in the military court at Ofer base in the summer of 2015, proud and impressive, as her two daughters, Yafa and Suha, who returned from their studies in Canada after their mother’s arrest, wept bitterly with their father on the back benches of the courtroom. No one remained indifferent when the guards allowed the two daughters to approach and embrace their mother, in a rare moment of grace and humanity, as their father continued to cry in the back. It was a scene not easily forgotten.

    Three months ago, she was transferred, along with the other 65 female Palestinian prisoners, from the Sharon detention facility where she’d been incarcerated to Damon, where the conditions are tougher: The authorities in Damon aren’t experienced in dealing with women and their special needs, Ghassan says. The showers are separate from the cells, and when a prisoner is menstruating, the red fluid flows into the yard and embarrasses the women. But at the same time, he says, the prison authorities are treating Khalida’s health situation well: She suffers from a blood-clotting problem and needs weekly medications and tests, which she receives regularly in her cell.

    “You are my sweetheart” is inscribed on some of the synthetic-fur toys in the production room in Beit Furik. There are dolls of Mickey Mouse and of other characters from the cartoon world, sporting bold colors, along with padded rocking chairs and lamps for children’s rooms, all designed by Ghassan and all bespeaking sweet innocence and creativity. He’s devoted much less time to his factory since his wife’s incarceration. Of the 19 employees he had, only seven remain, one of whom, a deaf woman, is his outstanding worker. It’s a carpentry shop, an upholstery center and a sewing workshop all under one roof. Ghassan sells most of his products to Israel, although he’s been denied entry to the country for years.

    Now his mind is focused on his wife’s release. The last time he visited her in prison was a month ago, 45 minutes on a phone through armor-plated glass. During her months in prison, Jarrar became an official examiner of matriculation exams for the Palestinian Education Ministry. The exam papers are brought to the prison by the International Red Cross. Among others that she has graded were Ahed Tamimi and her mother, Nariman. Ahed called Ghassan this week to ask when Khalida’s release was expected. She calls her “my aunt.”

    The clock on the wall of Ghassan’s office has stopped. “Everything is meaningless for me without Khalida,” he says. “Life has no meaning without Khalida. Time stopped when Khalida was arrested. Khalida is not only my wife. She is my father, my mother, my sister and my friend. I breathe Khalida instead of air. Twenty months without meaning. My work is also meaningless.”

    A business call interrupts this love poem, which is manifestly sincere and painful. What will happen if she’s not released, again? “I will wait another four months. Nothing will break me. I don’t let anything break me. That is my philosophy in life. It has always helped me.”

    Ghassan spent 10 years of his life in an Israeli prison, too. Like his wife, he was accused of being active in the PFLP.

    In the meantime, their older daughter, Yafa, 33, completed her Ph.D. in law at the University of Ottawa, and is clerking in a Canadian law firm. Suha, 28, returned from Canada, after completing, there and in Britain, undergraduate and master’s degrees in environmental studies. She’s working for the Ramallah-based human rights organization Al-Haq, and living with her father.

    Both daughters are mobilized in the public campaign to free their mother, particularly by means of the social networks. Khalida was in jail when Yafa married a Canadian lawyer; Ghassan invited the whole family and their friends to watch the wedding ceremony in Canada on a large screen live via the Internet. Ghassan himself is prohibited from going abroad.

    During Khalida’s last arrest, recalls her husband, IDF soldiers and Shin Bet security service agents burst into the house by force in the dead of night. They entered Suha’s room and woke her up. He remembers how she shouted, panic-stricken at the sight of the rifles being brandished by strange men in her bedroom wearing black masks, and how the soldiers handcuffed her from behind. As Ghassan replays the scene in his mind and remembers his daughter’s shouts, he grows distraught, as if it had happened this week.

    Not knowing know what the soldiers were doing to her there, and only hearing her shouts, he tried to come to his daughter’s rescue, he recalls. He says he was almost killed by the soldiers for trying to force his way into Suha’s bedroom.

    After the soldiers took Khalida, preventing Ghassan from even kissing her goodbye, despite his request – he discovered his daughter, bound by plastic handcuffs. After he released her, she wanted to rush into the street to follow the soldiers and her captive mother. He blocked her, and she went to the balcony of the house and screamed at them hysterically, cries of unfettered fury.

    Last Saturday was Khalida’s 56th birthday. It wasn’t the first birthday she’d spent in prison, maybe not the last, either. Ghassan’s face positively glows when he talks about his wife’s birthday. He belongs to a WhatsApp group called “Best Friends” that is devoted to Khalida, where they posted his favorite photograph of her, wearing a purple blouse and raising her arms high in the courtroom of the Ofer facility. The members of the group congratulated him. Umar quoted a poem about a prisoner who is sitting in his cell in complete darkness, unable even to see his own shadow. Hidaya wrote something about freedom. Khamis wrote a traditional birthday greeting, and Ghassan summed up, “You are the bride of Palestine, renewing yourself every year. You are the crown on my head, al-Khalida, eternal one.”

    #Khalida_Jarrar


  • Palestinian teen hiking with friends was killed in Israeli army ambush. He posed no danger
    Gideon Levy, Alex Levac | Feb. 1, 2019
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-palestinian-teen-hiking-with-friends-was-killed-in-idf-ambush-he-p

    The soldiers hid behind the tallest oak tree in the valley. That’s where the six teenagers were headed, as they descended from their town, Silwad, northeast of Ramallah, into the deep, steep valley to hang out together on that Friday afternoon. On the way, they bought potato chips, sunflower seeds and chocolate, and they planned to boil water for tea over a campfire. Suddenly, without warning, a gunshot rang out. The teens had no idea where it came from. Ayman collapsed, rolling over and landing on his back. A bullet had sliced through his chest from the left, below his neck, and exited from his hip. When Mohammed tried to approach, to pull him out of the line of fire, another shot rang out. Mohammed was hit in the arm and ran for his life.

    Ayman lay on the ground, dying.

    The firing grew more intense. The shooters emerged from the ambush site behind the oak tree. They were joined by two more soldiers who came out of an Isuzu jeep parked on the other side of Highway 60. Bursts of automatic gunfire, aimed at the teens who were fleeing for their lives, echoed through the valley. The group rushed up the hill on which Silwad – meaning “above the wadi” in Arabic – is perched.

    That evening, the Israel Defense Forces returned Ayman Hamad ’s body to his family. He was 17 years old and was buried the next day in the town.

    Not far away, on that same day, last Saturday, January 26, settlers from the outpost of Adei Ad, and/or soldiers who joined them – it is still not clear – killed Hamdi Na’asan , 38, as he was plowing his field next to his village, Al-Mughayyir. Last weekend was particularly lethal for the Palestinians. Four of them were killed by Israelis, in the Gaza Strip, Jerusalem and the West Bank.

    It was raining when we visited Silwad on Monday, and the killing field in the valley that separates the town from Highway 60 was draped in thick fog. Through the fog a stunning view could be made out – of olive trees, the towering oak and the verdant valley. The last house in town, on the wadi’s edge, belongs to Qadura Fares, head of the Palestinian Prisoners Club, a former cabinet minister and prisoner. Fares, fluent in Hebrew, is one of the more impressive leaders in the Palestinian Authority, an associate and good friend of the jailed Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti.

    The Silwad community center – above which looms the turret of the local mosque that locals say is the tallest in Palestine – had been turned into a venue of mourning and condolences. The dead teenager was a relative of Fares’, who, in an elegant wool coat, was among those welcoming the guests who had come to comfort the family. Next to him was the bereaved father, Ahmed Hamad, 44, a metalworker who once had four daughters and two sons. Now, he has four daughters and one son.

    According to the dead teen’s history teacher, Aouni Fares, Ayman, a high-school senior, was well-informed and knew a lot about the Nakba, the Palestinians’ suffering and the history of the occupation that began in 1967. Ahmed Hamad says his son promised him that he would always be proud of him. Ayman’s uncle Mohammed Othman was the first fatal casualty in Silwad during the first intifada; two other uncles, Akram Hamad and Rifat Hamad, are serving life sentences in Israeli prisons.

    Last Friday morning, Ayman had coffee with his father and then attended prayers in the mosque. At midday the family drove to its olive grove in the valley for a picnic, not far from the place where their firstborn would be killed a few hours later. The weather was ideal, under the winter sun, and Ayman was in high spirits, the mourners recall. The family ate stuffed vegetables prepared by the mother, Inas; Ayman cleared away the dishes.

    When they got home, around 2:30 P.M., Ayman asked his father, who was driving to the nearby village of Rammun to shop, for money to buy snacks; he was given 20 shekels ($5.60). At the end of the day, two shekels would be found in the teen’s cellphone case.

    Almost every Friday they would head out to the valley, Ayman and his buddies, all of them about the same age. There, amid the olive trees, about a kilometer or two from their homes, is the local gathering place.

    When they arrived, the group split up. Ayman and two friends went on ahead, the other three stayed behind for some reason. Later on some of the eyewitnesses, among them the wounded Mohammed Hamad, would say that the group did not throw any stones, although one authoritative source admitted that they had. Iyad Hadad, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, noted that Ayman was shot at around 4:30 that afternoon – almost Shabbat – so there were certainly no religious settlers’ cars on Highway 60 at the time. Candle-lighting time in the nearby settlements was 4:31 P.M. in Beit El, 4:40 P.M. in Shiloh and 4:49 P.M. in Ofra.

    Many questions remain about what happened this week, and they are very disturbing – even if stones were thrown. The Israel Defense Forces soldiers shot Ayman Hamad from a distance of between 50 and 100 meters, from which he could not have posed any threat. When he was shot, he was also more than 100 meters from the highway, again a distance from which no stone could have hurt anyone traveling on the road. The soldiers fired live ammunition from an ambush with no prior warning, hitting him directly in the chest. They shot to kill, of that there’s no doubt. A teenager, a high-school student, who maybe did throw stones (which hurt no one), or maybe didn’t throw stones, was executed. The soldiers went on shooting even after they had hit him. Fortunately, they didn’t kill anyone else.

    The IDF Spokesman’s Unit made do with a laconic, dry response to Haaretz’s query, one that only raises additional questions: “A Military Police investigation has been launched into the matter, and at its conclusion the findings will be conveyed for further examination to the office of the military advocate general.” We’re unlikely to hear any more about this incident – either about the conclusion of the “investigation” or about a trial of those deemed responsible for the killing of the teen from Silwad.

    After the incident, the wounded Mohammed Hamad made his way into town, where he was taken to the local clinic and from there by ambulance to the Government Hospital in Ramallah. Ayman was still on the ground, with the soldiers gathered around him. A Palestinian ambulance driver who happened to pass by and saw what was going on offered to evacuate Ayman, but the soldiers told him to leave. It’s not clear whether Ayman was still alive at that point. Mohammed said he saw him take a few heavy breaths before he himself fled the scene, as did the third one in their group. The other teens were far off and didn’t see what was going on.

    After almost an hour, after an Israeli ambulance evacuated Ayman, the soldiers left the site. The boy was taken to a military guard tower next to the nearby village of Ein Yabroud, where an intensive care ambulance arrived, lingered for about 10 minutes and then drove off, according to the testimonies. Ayman was apparently already dead.

    In the meantime, one of the friends phoned Ayman’s father to report that his son had been wounded and was with the soldiers. A few minutes later, he called back to say that Ayman had not been wounded, only arrested. Then Qadura Fares phoned to tell Ahmed to drop everything in Rammun and get back to Silwad fast. When Ahmed reached Fares’ house, he saw the crowd that had gathered there, among them his brother, Suheil, who was weeping bitterly, and he realized what had happened.

    Fares meanwhile contacted the District Coordination and Liaison unit in order to get Ayman’s body back; at about 7:30 that evening, the family were instructed to go to the military base at Beit El to retrieve the body. At the Government Hospital in Ramallah, where they brought the body, Ahmed saw the bullet’s entry hole in his son’s chest and the exit wound in the hip.

    While we are visiting, Mohammed Hamad, the survivor of the shooting, enters the community center. His entire arm is bandaged. This is his first encounter with Ahmed since the incident. The teenager had undergone surgery in the Government Hospital shortly after arriving there, but walked out the next day, against his doctors’ instructions, to attend Ayman’s funeral.

    Mohammed is clearly still in a state of shock. Ayman, he relates, walked about 30 meters ahead of the rest of the group toward his family’s olive grove. He denies that they threw stones. After Ayman collapsed on the ground, Mohammed says he saw that he was still moving his fingers, even as blood spilled out of his chest, but doesn’t remember anything else because he was then shot himself. At first, he didn’t feel anything as he was fleeing for his life, with bullets whistling around him. He didn’t feel any pain until a few minutes later. Now he tells us he’ll have to return to the hospital in a few days for additional surgery.

    https://seenthis.net/messages/755175
    #Palestine_assassinée


  • Expanding the limits of Jewish sovereignty: A brief history of Israeli settlements - Israel News
    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Jan 11, 2019 – Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-expanding-the-limits-of-jewish-sovereignty-a-brief-history-of-isra

    At the end of the day, we stood above the ditch that holds the road designated for Palestinians who want to travel from an enclave of three West Bank villages – Biddu, Beit Surik and Qatannah – to Ramallah. Above that road, Israeli vehicles sped smoothly along Highway 443, the high road to the capital, without the drivers even seeing the segregation road below, which is hemmed in by iron fencing and barbed wire. The Israelis on the expressway above, the Palestinians on the subterranean route below: a picture that’s worth a thousand words. Israel dubs these separation routes “fabric-of-life roads.” It sounds promising but in reality these byways are just another, monstrous product of the apartheid system.

    A few hundred meters away, in Givon Hahadasha (New Givon) – and like the settlement, enclosed on all sides by iron fencing and spiky wire, and complete with electronic cameras and an electric gate – is the home of the Agrayeb family. Here the occupation looms at its most grotesque: a Palestinian family cut off from its village (Beit Ijza) in the quasi-prison of the enclave and left to live in this house-cage in the heart of a settlement, a situation that the High Court of Justice of the region’s sole democracy has termed acceptably “proportional harm.” At the conclusion of an instructive tour, the tunnel and the cage, Highway 443 and New Givon, the “proportional harm” and the “fabric-of-life roads” all spark grim, utterly depressing thoughts here in the realm of apartheid. The thoughts that arose in late afternoon on a cold, stormy winter day will long haunt us.

    Since the anti-occupation organization Breaking the Silence was founded in 2004, it has led hundreds of study tours to Hebron and to the South Hebron Hills, in which tens of thousands of Israelis and others have taken part. The tours, which draw about 5,000 participants a year, are aimed at the gut, and no one returns indifferent from the ghostly population-transfer quarter in Hebron or from the land of the caves whose inhabitants have been dispossessed, in the South Hebron Hills. Now the NGO is launching a new tour, analytical and insightful, of the central West Bank, which focuses on the history of the occupation from its inception down to our time.

    Yehuda Shaul, 36, one of the founders of Breaking the Silence, a former Haredi and an ex-combat soldier, worked for about a year and a half planning the tour, writing the texts and preparing the maps, drawing on some 40 books about the settlements and other materials found while burrowing in archives. Shaul is a superb guide along the trails of the occupation – businesslike and brimming with knowledge, not given to sloganizing. He is committed and determined but also bound by the facts, and he is articulate in Hebrew and English. His tour is currently in the pilot stage, before its official launch in a few months.

    A day in the Ramallah subdistrict, from the Haredi settlement of Modi’in Ilit to the home of the young Palestinian activist Ahed Tamimi, in the village of Nabi Saleh, from the region of the Allon Plan to the fabric-of-life scheme – during this seven-hour journey, an unvarnished picture emerges: The goals of the occupation were determined immediately after the 1967 war. Every Israeli government since, without exception, has worked to realize them. The aim: to prevent the establishment of any Palestinian entity between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, by carving up the West Bank and shattering it into shards of territory. The methods have varied, but the goal remains unwavering: eternal Israeli rule.

    #apartheid


  • I feel no sympathy for the settlers
    Beneath the veil of sanctimonious and hypocritical unity, and the media’s fake show of national grief to advance its own commercial goals, the truth must be told: Their tragedy isn’t ours
    Gideon Levy

    Haaretz.Com
    https://archive.is/nSBK2#selection-65.0-81.445

    I do not sympathize with people who profiteer from tragedy. I have no sympathy for robbers. I have no sympathy for the settlers. I have no sympathy for the settlers not even when they are hit by tragedy. A pregnant woman was wounded and her newborn baby died of its wounds – what can be worse than that? Driving on their roads is frightening, the violent opposition to their presence is growing – and I feel no sympathy for their tragedy, nor do I feel any compassion or solidarity.
    They are to blame, not I, for the fact that I cannot feel the most humane sense of solidarity and pain. It’s not just that they’re settlers, violators of international law and universal justice; it’s not just because of the violence of some of them and the settling of all of them – it’s also the blackmail with which they respond to every tragedy, which prevents me from grieving with them. But beneath the veil of sanctimonious and hypocritical unity, and the media’s fake show of national grief to advance its own commercial goals, the truth must be told: Their tragedy isn’t ours.


  • Palestinian teen shot, killed by Israeli forces in al-Bireh
    Dec. 14, 2018 5:39 P.M. (Updated: Dec. 14, 2018 5:55 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782092

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — A 16-year-old Palestinian was shot and killed by Israeli forces during clashes that erupted in the al-Jalazun refugee camp north of al-Bireh in the central occupied West Bank, on Friday evening.

    The Palestinian Ministry of Health confirmed that a Palestinian from the al-Jalazun refugee camp arrived to the Palestine Medical Center in a critical condition.

    Sources added that the teen was injured with live bullets in the abdomen.

    The ministry identified the killed teen as Mahmoud Youssef Nakhleh.

    Israeli forces opened fire at the teen from a very close range; from less than 10 meters away.

    Israeli soldiers attempted to detain Nakhleh afterwards, however, Palestinian Red Crescent paramedics were able to take him and transfer him to the Palestine Medical Center after having to quarrel Israeli soldiers for more than 30 minutes.

    Nakhleh was later pronounced dead at the hospital.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • After Shooting a Palestinian Teen, Israeli Troops Dragged Him Around – and Chased an Ambulance Away

      A Palestinian from the Jalazun refugee camp was shot in the back and died after soldiers kept him from receiving medical care
      Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Dec 20, 2018
      https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium--1.6765800

      What goes through the head of soldiers, young Israelis, after they shoot an unarmed Palestinian teenager in the back with live ammunition, prevent him from getting medical treatment, move him around, putting him on the ground and then picking him up again – and chase away an ambulance at gunpoint? For 15 minutes, the Israel Defense Forces soldiers carried the dying Mahmoud Nakhle , pulling him by his hands and feet, it’s not clear why or where, before allowing him to be evacuated. They had already shot him and wounded him badly. He was dying. Why not let the Palestinian ambulance that arrived at the site rush him to the hospital and possibly save his life? Nakhle died from a bullet in his liver and loss of blood. He was two weeks after his 18th birthday, the only son of parents who are descendants of refugees, and he lived in the Jalazun refugee camp adjacent to Ramallah, in the West Bank.

      Nakhle was killed last Friday, December 14.

      Getting to Jalazun took a long time this week; it was a long and stressful trip. Overnight, terror attacks and other sights of the intifada had returned simultaneously: innumerable surprise checkpoints, such as we hadn’t seen for years; long lines of Palestinian vehicles, forced to wait for hours; drivers emerging from their cars and waiting in desperation by the side of the road, anger and frustration etched on their faces; roads blocked arbitrarily, with people signaling each other as to which was open and which was closed; some cars making their way cross-country via boulder-strewn areas and dirt paths to bypass the roadblocks, until those options, too, were sealed off by the army. And also aggressive, edgy, frightened soldiers, carrying weapons that threatened just about anyone who made a move near them.

      Welcome back to the days of the intifada, welcome to a trip into the past: Even if only for a moment, the West Bank this week regressed 15 years, to the start of the millennium.

      The wind blows cold at the Jalazun camp. A throng of thousands of children and teenagers is streaming down the road, heading home from their schools run by UNRWA, the United Nations refugee agency. The two schools, one for boys and one for girls, are situated at the camp’s entrance, on both sides of the main Ramallah-Nablus road. We were here a year and a half ago, after IDF soldiers shot up a car stolen from Israel when it stopped outside the settlement of Beit El, spraying it with at least 10 rounds, and killing two of its passengers. About half a year ago, we returned to the camp to meet Mohammed Nakhle, the bereaved father of 16-year-old Jassem, one of those fatalities. The father cried through our entire meeting, even though this was a year after he had lost Jassem.

      Mahmoud Nakhle, who was killed last week, was a relative of Jassem’s.

      Last Friday, there was stone throwing in the valley between Jalazun’s boys’ school and the first houses of Beit El, across the way. The soldiers fired tear-gas canisters and rubber-coated bullets at the young Palestinians. Quite a few of the camp’s residents have been killed at this spot, which has become a main arena of the struggle against the large, veteran settlement that looms through every window in poverty-stricken, overcrowded Jalazun, situated below.

      The stone throwing had slowed down in the afternoon and had just about stopped when an IDF force, arriving in two vehicles, began chasing after the youths, who were now on their way back to the camp, at about 4 P.M. The latter numbered about 15 teens, aged 14 to 18. Suddenly the soldiers started shooting, using live ammunition – even as calm was apparently about to be restored. A video clip, one of several that captured the event, shows the soldiers walking along the road and firing into the air.

      The wail of an ambulance slashes the air now, as we stand at the site of the incident with Iyad Hadad, a field investigator for the Israeli human-rights organization B’Tselem, who collected testimony from eyewitnesses. Nakhle chose to return home by way of a dirt path that passes above the camp. The soldiers ran after him and one of them shot him once, in the lower back. Nakhle fell to the ground, bleeding.

      The occupant of the first-floor apartment in the closest building in Jalazun, just meters from the site of the incident, heard the shot, the groans and a call for help. She assumed someone had been wounded, but wasn’t sure where or who he was. From her window she saw a group of soldiers standing in a circle, though she couldn’t see the wounded person who lay on the ground between them. A second eyewitness saw one soldier nudge Nakhle with his foot, apparently to see if the teen was still alive. They then pulled up his shirt and pulled down his pants, apparently to check whether the stone-throwing youth was a dangerous, booby-trapped terrorist. As the video accounts show, he was left lying like that, exposed in his blue underwear. The woman from the apartment rushed out to summon help, but the soldiers fired toward her to drive her off. One bullet struck her husband’s car.

      The soldiers lifted Nakhle up and carried him a few dozen meters from where he’d fallen, laying him down at the side of the road. One of the eyewitnesses related that they carried him “like you haul a slaughtered sheep.” The video clip shows them carrying him not in the prescribed way for moving someone who is seriously wounded, but by his hands and his feet, his back sagging.

      Before the soldiers shot at the first eyewitness – whose identity is known to the B’Tselem investigator – to scare her off, she shouted at them to let the wounded person be and to allow him to be taken to hospital in an ambulance. “Leave him alone, do you want to kill him… give him aid.” She also shouted at the soldiers that she was his mother – apparently hoping that the lie would stir pity in them – but to no avail. In the video shot by her daughter on her cell phone, the woman sounds overwrought, gasping for breath as she cries out, “In God’s name, call an ambulance!”

      After five to seven minutes, the soldiers again lifted Nakhle, once more by his extremities, and carried him a few dozen meters more, in the direction of the main road, and again laid him by the roadside. A Palestinian ambulance that had arrived at the scene was chased off by the soldiers, who threatened the driver with their rifles. As far as is known, the soldiers did not give Nakhle any sort of medical aid. The woman from the house again shouted, now from her window: “In God’s name, let the ambulance take him away.” But still to no avail.

      It was only after a quarter of an hour, during which Nakhle continued to bleed, that the soldiers allowed an ambulance to be summoned. A video clip shows Nakhle raising one hand limply to the back of his neck, proof that he was still alive. Half-naked, he’s placed on a stretcher and put in the ambulance, which speeds off, its siren wailing, to the Government Hospital in Ramallah.

      The teen apparently breathed his last en route, arriving at the hospital with no pulse. Attempts were made to resuscitate him in the ER and to perform emergency surgery, but after half an hour, he was pronounced dead. Dr. Muayad Bader, a physician in the hospital, wrote on the death certificate that Mahmoud Nakhle died from loss of blood after a bullet entered his lower back, struck his liver and hit a main artery, damaging other internal organs.

      A group of children is now standing at the site where Nakhle fell, practicing stone throwing on the way back from school. They hurl the stones to the ground in a demonstrative fit of anger. In the mourning tent that was erected in the courtyard of the camp, adorned with huge posters of the deceased, the men sit, grim-faced, with the bereaved father, Yusuf Nakhle, 41, in the center. Disabled from birth, he is partially paralyzed in his left arm and leg. We asked him to tell us about Mahmoud’s life.

      “What life? He hadn’t yet lived his life, they robbed him of his life,” he replies softly. Mahmoud attended school until the 10th grade and then studied electrical engineering at a professional college in Qalandiyah. He completed his studies and afterward a year of apprenticeship, and was waiting to find a job as an electrician. His father was waiting for him to help provide for the family. Yusuf is a technician at a pharmaceuticals company in Bir Zeit, near Ramallah. He and his wife, Ismahan, 45, have two more daughters, aged 14 and 4. Mahmoud was their only son.

      In response to an inquiry, the IDF Spokesman’s Office gave Haaretz the following statement this week: “On December 14, 2018, there was a violent disturbance adjacent to Jalazun, during which dozens of Palestinians threw rocks at IDF soldiers. The soldiers responded with demonstration-dispersal measures.

      “During the disturbance, a Palestinian holding a suspicious object approached one of the soldiers. The soldier fired at him. Later, it was reported that the Palestinian had been killed. The Military Police have launched an investigation into the incident. Upon its completion, the findings will be transferred to the military advocate general’s office.”

      The spokesman’s office did not respond to a question regarding the denial of medical assistance to Mahmoud Nahle.

      Last Friday, the hours passed normally in the home of Nakhle family in the Jalazun camp. Breakfast, a shower; the son asks his father if he needs anything before going out around midday. Never to return. At 4:30, Yusuf’s brother called to inform him that his son had been wounded and was in the Government Hospital. By the time his father arrived, Mahmoud had been pronounced dead.

      “We are human beings and it is our right to live and to look after our children. We too have feelings, like all people,” says Rabah, Mahmoud’s uncle, the brother of his father. Yusuf has watched the video clips that document the shooting and the hauling of his dying son dozens of times, over and over. Ismahan can’t bring herself to look at them.


  • En Israël, la culture est prise entre deux feux
    Pierre Sorgue, Le Monde, le 16 novembre 2018
    https://www.lemonde.fr/m-actu/article/2018/11/16/en-israel-la-culture-est-prise-entre-deux-feux_5384505_4497186.html

    Lana Del Rey, Brian Eno, Peter Gabriel ou Arcade Fire… L’appel au boycott d’Israël pour dénoncer le sort des Palestiniens rencontre de plus en plus d’écho chez les artistes. Un dilemme pour le monde de la culture israélien.

    A trois heures du matin, The Block est à bloc. Le plus célèbre club électro de Tel-Aviv, enfoui sous le béton de la gare routière centrale, reçoit Carl Craig, ponte de la techno de Detroit (Michigan) aux Etats-Unis.

    La foule ondule, saute, tressaute au rythme des basses, dans le brouillard bleu que découpent les faisceaux de projecteurs épileptiques.

    BDS pour Boycott, désinvestissement, sanctions

    Yaron Trax, le maître des lieux, s’est glissé entre les danseurs pour s’assurer des bons réglages de sa sono analogique, réputée l’une des meilleures du monde. Le quadragénaire aux airs adolescents est aux anges parmi ces jeunes gens dont beaucoup sont venus au club comme ils étaient à la plage, en short et tee-shirt. Celui que porte Yaron ce soir-là reproduit les briques et la typographie reconnaissable entre toutes : Pink Floyd, The Wall. Lorsqu’on lui fait remarquer, il sourit comme un enfant contrit : « C’est un tee-shirt formidable et l’album l’est aussi. Quel dommage que Roger Waters soit devenu aussi décevant… »

    Car le musicien britannique, ex-membre de Pink Floyd, est le spectre qui hante la scène israélienne et dérange l’intelligentsia de gauche, celui qui empêche la bulle libérale et hédoniste qu’est Tel-Aviv de flotter innocemment à cinquante kilomètres du mouroir à ciel ouvert qu’est la bande de Gaza.

    Depuis des années, Roger Waters offre sa voix aux militants internationaux du BDS (Boycott, désinvestissement, sanctions), mouvement né en 2005 de la société civile palestinienne, un an après que la Cour internationale de justice a jugé illégal le mur de séparation construit entre Israël et les territoires occupés.

    Il prône les pressions sur l’État d’Israël pour parvenir à ce que n’ont jamais obtenu des décennies de guerre, de résolutions de l’ONU et de vains processus de paix pendant lesquels le nombre des colons n’a cessé de croître (500 000 aujourd’hui) : la fin de l’occupation des territoires, la pleine égalité pour les citoyens palestiniens d’Israël, le droit au retour des réfugiés chassés de leurs terres.

    La scène musicale comme estrade politique

    Il suffit de voir les gratte-ciel bleutés qui poussent à Tel-Aviv pour s’en convaincre : le boycott économique n’a que peu d’effets. La « start-up nation » se porte bien, ses relations commerciales et diplomatiques n’ont cessé de se développer avec l’Afrique, l’Inde, la Chine, voire certains pays arabes. En ce mois d’octobre encore estival, les plages sont noires de monde, les ruelles de la vieille ville de Jérusalem, pleines de visiteurs : le pays aura accueilli plus de 4 millions de touristes à la fin de l’année, soit 46 % de plus qu’en 2016.

    Au-delà du portefeuille, le BDS s’attaque aussi aux cœurs et aux têtes. Il appelle au boycott culturel et académique, comme celui qui s’exerçait sur l’Afrique du Sud au temps de l’apartheid. Et celui-là trouve, ces derniers mois, un écho bien supérieur. Depuis longtemps, la scène musicale sert d’estrade politique. D’un côté, Roger Waters, Peter Gabriel, Brian Eno, Elvis Costello, Lauryn Hill (The Fugees), Arcade Fire et d’autres ont annoncé qu’ils ne joueront plus en Israël tant qu’ils ne pourront en accepter la politique.

    De l’autre, Nick Cave, Radiohead, Paul McCartney, Alicia Keys, parmi beaucoup, sont venus au nom du dialogue et du refus de se voir dicter leur conduite. Mais, récemment, deux chanteuses moins politisées et plus populaires parmi les adolescents ont suivi le mouvement : en décembre, Lorde, la jeune rockeuse néo-zélandaise, annulait son concert après avoir été « alertée » par une lettre ouverte signée de deux fans – l’une Juive, l’autre Palestinienne –, puis en septembre, après de nombreux appels dont celui de Roger Waters, Lana Del Rey faisait faux bond. Parce qu’elle ne pourrait pas se produire également dans les territoires palestiniens, dit-elle, elle renonçait à jouer au festival Meteor qui devait être une sorte de Coachella version kibboutznik, dans le nord d’Israël.

    Un « tsunami d’annulations »

    Après le refus, en avril, de l’actrice Natalie Portman de recevoir le Genesis Prize (considéré comme un « Nobel » israélien) pour exprimer son désaccord avec le gouvernement Nétanyahou et les violences commises à Gaza, après la défection de l’équipe d’Argentine de Lionel Messi qui, en juin, a annulé une rencontre amicale avec celle d’Israël à la suite de pressions internationales (de menaces, dit-on du côté israélien), le retrait de Lana Del Rey fut une autre secousse médiatique.

    « Une belle surprise qui aidera peut-être les jeunes à se poser des questions sur une politique insoutenable dans les territoires occupés, mais aussi en Israël, où les Palestiniens, qui représentent 20 % de la population, sont victimes d’une cinquantaine de lois discriminatoires, à commencer par le logement et la terre », explique Kobi Snitz, chercheur en neurobiologie au Weizmann Institute et cofondateur de Boycott from Within (« boycott de l’intérieur »), qui rassemble une poignée de militants suffisamment téméraires pour affronter les torrents de haine qu’ils suscitent au sein du pouvoir, des médias et sur les réseaux sociaux.

    Dans la foulée de Lana Del Rey, quatorze artistes, dont plusieurs DJ, ont décliné l’invitation du festival. Des dizaines d’autres ont exprimé leur soutien au boycott sur les réseaux sociaux. Yaron Trax commence à se faire du souci pour « la capitale du clubbing » qu’est Tel-Aviv. Idit Frenkel, qui officie souvent derrière les platines de The Block, a signé un long article dans le quotidien israélien Haaretz, pour évoquer le « tsunami d’annulations ». Le titre de la tribune était emprunté aux paroles d’une chanson de Don McLean, American Pie (1971) : « The day the music died » [« le jour où la musique est morte »].

    Le boycott la laisse amère : « On peut comprendre ceux qui veulent lutter de manière non violente contre les morts de Gaza, le développement des colonies ou la décision de Trump d’installer l’ambassade des Etats-Unis à Jérusalem. Mais ne pas venir, c’est punir ceux qui essaient de changer les choses, y compris dans la minuscule scène underground qu’abhorrent les nationalistes et les religieux du gouvernement. »

    Si certaines figures de l’électro, comme l’Américano-Chilien Nicolas Jaar ou les Français d’Acid Arab, viennent encore en Israël, ils ne jouent plus à Tel-Aviv mais à Haïfa, au Kabareet, tenu et animé par Jazar Crew, un collectif d’artistes palestiniens. Haïfa, la cité portuaire qui soigne sa réputation de tolérance et de coexistence entre Juifs et Arabes…

    Une forme d’apartheid ?

    Attablé dans un café du centre-ville, Ayez Fadel, 31 ans, l’un des fondateurs et DJ de Jazar Crew, connaît l’antienne par cœur : « Mais même ici, grandir en étant palestinien, c’est éprouver la discrimination. Les écoles publiques arabes moins dotées que les établissements juifs, les boîtes de nuit où l’on te demande ton “Hoger”, le livret militaire que tu n’as pas [la majorité des Arabes citoyens d’Israël n’effectuent pas leur service militaire], la langue… Une nouvelle loi fait de l’hébreu la seule langue officielle, elle dit aussi que le pays est “l’Etat-nation du peuple juif”, alors que je suis un Palestinien vivant ici par la force de l’histoire, que mes impôts servent à protéger les colonies juives et à financer une armée qui a tué 44 enfants palestiniens ces trois derniers mois… Parler d’apartheid ne me paraît pas exagéré. »

    Ayez Fadel comprend le boycott et revendique la dimension politique de Jazar Crew : « Une manière de sensibiliser les jeunes. Nous n’avons plus honte d’être palestiniens, nous sommes éduqués et confiants. Et nous ne cessons de répéter que nos positions ne sont pas contre les Juifs mais contre ce régime. » Le jeune homme se dit prêt à collaborer avec Yaron Trax, qui l’a appelé pour que The Block et Kabareet « organisent quelque chose ensemble ». Mais, précise-t-il, « à condition qu’il fasse une déclaration claire sur l’occupation des territoires et les droits des Palestiniens ».

    Les turbulences qui agitent le microcosme underground reflètent assez bien le désarroi du monde de la culture devant ces appels au boycott. « En ce moment, pas un dîner sans qu’on en parle », reconnaît la responsable d’une galerie d’art installée aux franges de Florentine, ancien quartier d’entrepôts et d’ateliers de Tel-Aviv devenu le préféré des artistes et des bobos. Comme beaucoup d’opposants à l’occupation, elle refuse d’acheter les produits des colonies – certaines se sont spécialisées dans l’agriculture et l’élevage bio – ou le vin venu du Golan. « Mais le BDS culturel, dit-elle, frappe ce qui reste de l’élite de gauche, celle que Nétanyahou et son gouvernement détestent. Si on la muselle, on n’entendra plus que les voix des plus réactionnaires… »

    C’est aussi ce que pense Avi Pitchon, écrivain, critique et commissaire d’expositions : « Le boycott culturel réduit le débat à une polarisation extrême entre les activistes et le gouvernement, il déshumanise et nourrit la paranoïa, ce “nous” contre “eux” dont joue un régime de moins en moins démocratique. Ce tout ou rien est un piège, quoi que disent les créateurs ils seront perdants. Alors, ils préfèrent laisser parler leur art… »

    C’est peut-être pour cela que chercher à les rencontrer pour évoquer la question relève de la chasse au dahu. Groupe pop connu pour ses textes radicaux, écrivain loué comme l’une des « grandes voix morales » du pays, cinéastes, producteurs de concerts, responsables de théâtre, de centre d’art contemporain… tous se disent trop occupés. D’autres se ravisent après avoir parlé et demandent à n’être plus cités.

    Pnina Blayer, la directrice artistique du Festival international du film de Haïfa qui s’est déroulé fin septembre sans les « grands noms » invités, exige les questions par courriel et adresse des réponses aussi sèches que le fleuve Jourdain surexploité : selon elle, la situation dans la bande Gaza et la guerre en Syrie sont les motifs des absences, dont aucune n’a été motivée par le BDS, qui n’aura découragé qu’un film marocain, et si Agnès Varda, à qui le festival rendait hommage, n’est pas venue, ce n’est pas pour des raisons politiques.

    Il faut comprendre sa prudence : pendant que le festival est soumis aux pressions de l’étranger, sa propre ministre de la culture, la très droitière Miri Regev, demande à celui des finances de lui couper les vivres pour avoir accueilli deux films israéliens qui « sapent les valeurs et symboles » de l’Etat (l’un d’eux raconte l’histoire d’un metteur en scène palestinien qui monte une pièce narrant un amour entre une Juive et un Arabe…).

    Le projet de loi « Loyauté dans la culture »

    La même ministre se démène pour l’adoption d’un projet de loi « Loyauté dans la culture » qui veut supprimer les fonds à toute organisation déniant « Israël comme un Etat juif et démocratique » ou qui ferait du jour de l’indépendance celui de la Nakba, la « catastrophe » que vécurent 700 000 Palestiniens expulsés en 1948.

    Le monde de la culture a manifesté le 27 octobre contre ce texte, de nombreux cinéastes israéliens, comme Amos Gitaï ou Ari Folman, sont parmi les signataires d’une tribune parue lundi 12 novembre dans Le Monde pour demander le retrait du texte. En attendant, des députés ont également proposé de punir de sept ans de prison tout appel au boycott et l’entrée du pays est déjà interdite à tout étranger qui soutient activement le BDS.

    Car, pour le gouvernement, c’est la guerre. Au vingt-neuvième étage d’une tour de Bnei Brak, dans la banlieue de Tel-Aviv, une trentaine de personnes travaillent au sein de la National Task Force for Countering Delegitimization (« force d’intervention contre la délégitimisation »), qui dépend du ministère des affaires étrangères.

    « Nous révélons les relations entre le BDS et des organisations terroristes comme le Hamas ou le Front populaire de libération de la Palestine ; comment, sous couvert de droits de l’homme, il s’attaque à la légitimité d’Israël ; comment il bombarde les artistes par des cyberattaques menées par des robots. Nous travaillons avec des centaines d’organisations pro-israéliennes en leur offrant articles, vidéos et autres outils pour affronter les arguments du BDS », résume Tzahi Gavrieli, le directeur.

    Le bureau a lancé la plate-forme 4il sur Internet, Facebook et Twitter : des images de jolies filles montrent la diversité du pays, des vidéos soulignent la réussite de certains « Arabes israéliens ». Des posts saluent la criminalisation du boycott en France (en 2015, la justice a confirmé la condamnation de militants ayant appelé au boycott des produits israéliens) ou en Allemagne (le BDS a été jugé antisémite par l’Office fédéral de la protection de la constitution de Berlin).

    Un post du 23 octobre relaie le rapport de Human Rights Watch sur la torture pratiquée par le Hamas et l’Autorité palestinienne en demandant si la communauté internationale va exercer sur eux les mêmes pressions que sur Israël… Des messages vantent le concours Eurovision de la chanson de mai prochain : avec ses 186 millions de téléspectateurs, la manifestation est une vitrine que le gouvernement ne veut pas voir entachée, malgré l’appel au boycott lancé par 140 artistes internationaux.

    L’« instrumentalisation » du monde de la culture ?

    La lutte contre le BDS est aussi l’affaire d’Adam Shay au sein du Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, un think tank niché dans un quartier tranquille de la ville sainte. Il « scrute » les militants locaux, conseille les promoteurs de spectacles, essaie de convaincre des artistes ciblés que ce qu’on leur raconte est un tissu de mensonges et qu’ils ne regretteront pas de venir.

    « David Guetta était là la semaine dernière », se réjouit le jeune homme avant de confier qu’il cherchait à faire venir Rachid Taha, peu avant sa mort, en septembre : « Cela aurait été un gros truc » (vu les relations qui liaient le rockeur français à Brian Eno, très impliqué dans le BDS, on imagine mal une réponse positive).

    C’est cette « instrumentalisation » du monde de la culture qui, aux yeux des militants du BDS, justifie les appels au boycott de ceux dont les travaux ou les voyages sont financés par le gouvernement. Ils aident, disent-ils, le pays à soigner son image de démocratie favorable à la liberté d’expression. Les artistes se retrouvent coincés entre le marteau du gouvernement, qui tient (et serre) les cordons de la bourse, et l’enclume des pressions internationales.

    « À l’étranger, nous sommes considérés par certains comme des collaborateurs ; ici, comme des traîtres. Mais l’argent du ministère est aussi celui de mes impôts. Si la solution est de dire non, où va-t-il aller et qui va dire ce que l’on dit ? », demande Hillel Kogan, danseur et chorégraphe de la célèbre compagnie Batsheva, qui dut affronter cet été quelques militants pro-BDS à Montpellier et à Toulouse alors que, invité de la très diplomatique saison « France-Israël », il s’apprêtait, avec le Palestinien d’Israël Adi Boutros, à interpréter sa pièce We Love Arabs.

    Certains dans le pays ont regretté que l’écrivain David Grossman, considéré comme une « conscience » par le camp de la paix, se laisse « enrôler » par le pouvoir en acceptant le prix Israël de littérature 2018 des mains du ministre de l’éducation ou, en 2017, lorsqu’il accompagne à New York une pièce tirée de l’un de ses romans et adaptée par deux troupes israéliennes qui s’étaient produites dans les colonies (ce que l’auteur désapprouve). Ce, sous les yeux de la ministre de la culture qui avait fait le voyage. « Une manière de résister au BDS qui est une nouvelle forme d’antisémitisme », avait dit Miri Regev ce jour-là.

    Car c’est l’argument massue des contempteurs du BDS. Le mouvement a beau condamner racisme et antisémitisme, le public hétéroclite qu’il mobilise laisse parfois suinter des attaques haineuses, voire négationnistes. Dans le petit théâtre de Jérusalem où il travaille avec de jeunes comédiens juifs et arabes, Arik Eshet se souvient du festival de théâtre d’Édimbourg de 2014, lorsque des militants « agressifs » avaient fait annuler son spectacle : « Tu entends des gens crier qu’Israël ne devrait pas exister. C’est traumatisant… »

    La nécessaire mobilisation de la société civile

    Roger Waters est systématiquement accusé d’infamie. Du coup, Gideon Levy, le journaliste de Haaretz qui se démène inlassablement pour évoquer le sort des Palestiniens, ne cesse de défendre le chanteur. « J’ai passé de longues nuits à discuter avec lui, rien ne lui est plus étranger que les sentiments antisémites, ces accusations sont intolérables », assène-t-il dans le salon de sa maison, dont un mur est orné d’une vieille publicité ensoleillée où est inscrit : « Visit Palestine ».

    Un BDS efficace, ajoute-t-il, serait le seul moyen d’en finir avec les bains de sang : « Le changement ne viendra pas de l’intérieur d’Israël, la vie est trop bonne ici. Or les Etats-Unis soutiennent le pays et l’Europe est une plaisanterie : le seul espoir est la mobilisation de la société civile. La gauche sioniste appelle depuis des lustres à deux Etats mais n’a rien fait pour ça, nous devons en payer le prix. La criminalisation du BDS est un scandale : pourquoi serait-il légitime de boycotter l’Iran et pas Israël ? »

    En les réduisant au rang de producteurs de « biens culturels » ou d’instruments du soft power d’un Etat dont ils n’approuvent pas la politique, le BDS interroge les artistes de manière inconfortable sur leurs responsabilités de créateurs et de citoyens au cœur d’une opinion publique au mieux indifférente, au pis de plus en plus xénophobe. Et dans les conversations un nom revient souvent, comme s’ils étaient orphelins d’une figure capable d’indignation, de « courage », disent certains.

    « Il nous manque un penseur comme Leibowitz », glisse le photographe Miki Kratsman, l’un des fondateurs de l’ONG Breaking the Silence qui recueille les témoignages des soldats sur les exactions auxquelles les contraint l’occupation. C’est aussi ce que dit Zeev Tene, un vieux rockeur dont Ari Folman utilisa une chanson pour son film Valse avec Bachir et qui, depuis deux ans, part, le 6 juin, date anniversaire de la guerre des Six-Jours, le long du mur de séparation avec quelques musiciens et un camion en guise d’estrade pour jouer devant une banderole qui proclame « Make Israel small again ».

    Yeshayahu Leibowitz, mort en 1994, grand penseur et moraliste, religieux convaincu et sioniste affirmé, fut un critique féroce de l’occupation qui « détruit la moralité du conquérant ». Outré par la torture, il alla jusqu’à employer le terme de « judéo-nazis »… Or, constate l’historien « post-sioniste » Shlomo Sand, qui fait lui aussi référence à Leibowitz, « je n’ai pas vu l’Université se mettre en grève lorsqu’une succursale a été ouverte dans la colonie d’Ariel. Je n’ai entendu aucune de nos voix de la gauche sioniste prôner l’objection de conscience dans les territoires ou soutenir les refuzniks [qui refusent de servir dans l’armée]. Le BDS les met devant leurs contradictions… »

    Mais le malaise, explique-t-il, vient aussi du fait que, « en posant le droit au retour des réfugiés, le BDS questionne les conditions mêmes de la naissance d’Israël dans un pays encore hanté par la Shoah. Ce droit au retour ne peut être ignoré, mais il faut être honnête : on ne pourra pas accueillir 5 millions de réfugiés. Je soutiens le BDS à condition qu’il ne mette pas en danger l’existence d’Israël. »

    Une situation parfois absurde

    L’historien déplore aussi la « stupidité » de certains appels au boycott culturel. Les musiciens d’Apo and the Apostles, un Arménien de Jérusalem et trois Palestiniens de Bethléem, partagent sûrement son avis. Lorsque ces talentueux garçons qui mêlent leur folk-rock à des nuances orientales doivent se produire dans un festival de musique alternative arabe à Tel-Aviv, le BDS décrète que ce n’est pas acceptable parce qu’ils ne sont pas des « Palestiniens de 48 », ceux restés en Israël…

    Shady Srour aussi a quelques remarques à faire sur les censeurs du BDS : cinéaste palestinien de Nazareth, il a tourné un très joli film dans sa ville natale, Holy Air, où comment un homme essaie de s’en sortir en vendant de l’« air saint » aux touristes venus sur les traces de Jésus. C’est drôle, féministe, sexy, acide, « beckettien », plus grave lorsque les rêves sont empêchés par le seul fait de n’être pas un citoyen comme les autres.

    Mais le BDS ne rit pas : il a demandé son retrait d’un festival du film israélien à Londres, puis du Festival des cinémas arabes de l’Institut du monde arabe, à Paris, qui a congédié le réalisateur d’un bref courrier. « Je suis palestinien, mon père fut l’un de ceux chassés vers le Liban. Me boycotter, c’est m’empêcher d’affirmer mon propre récit face à celui des Israéliens. Le BDS vient chez moi pour me couper la langue… Aucun financement arabe ne m’est accordé parce que j’ai un passeport israélien, où est-ce que je trouve l’argent ? » On comprend que son film soit teinté de tristesse et d’absurde.

    #Palestine #Culture #Apartheid #BDS #Boycott_culturel


  • En cette fête du Grand Pardon, l’occupation signifie ne jamais être forcé de s’excuser
    Middle East Eye | Gideon Levy | 19 septembre 2018
    https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/opinions/en-cette-f-te-du-grand-pardon-l-occupation-signifie-ne-jamais-tre-for

    Dans la tradition juive, Yom Kippour conclut les dix jours de pénitence.

    Le judaïsme considère que, au moment de la rédaction de cet article, Dieu examine qui vivra et qui mourra au cours de l’année à venir à la lumière de leurs actes au cours de l’année écoulé. Les juifs se repentent de leurs péchés qui transgressent leurs obligations envers Dieu et implorent Dieu de leur pardonner.

    Cependant, concernant leurs péchés contre leurs semblables, le chemin du pardon de Dieu est différent. La Mishna [Code de la loi juive dans le Talmud] dit que pour de tels péchés, Dieu ne pardonne pas à Yom Kippour, à moins que l’on ait d’abord cherché et obtenu le pardon de ceux contre qui on a péché.

    Ce sont des jours particulièrement sacrés en Israël, et l’atmosphère parmi les fidèles est imprégnée d’une sorte de crainte alors que le jugement de Dieu approche. Toutefois, presque personne en Israël ne s’arrête un instant pour demander le plus grand des pardons – pardon que leur pays aurait dû demander il y a 70 ans, le lendemain de la Nakba, la catastrophe infligée au peuple palestinien par Israël. Plus encore depuis 51 ans, jour après jour, heure par heure, pendant toute la période d’occupation après 1967.

    Israël n’a pas encore commencé le processus crucial d’ouverture d’un nouveau chapitre ; Israël n’a pas encore tourné la moindre page dans sa quête d’expiation – pas demandé le pardon des occupés envers l’occupant, des conquis envers le conquérant, des emprisonnés envers le geôlier, de la victime envers le voleur – et pourtant, sans cela, rien ne se passera. (...)


  • Here’s what I found out when I spent the day with Israel’s most controversial journalist, Gideon Levy
    Robert Fisk | The Independent | 27 septembre 2018
    https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/gideon-levy-robert-fisk-haaretz-israel-palestine-gaza-a8557691.html

    Gideon Levy is a bit of a philosopher king although, sitting in his postage stamp garden in a suburb of Tel Aviv, straw hat shading mischievous dark eyes, there’s a touch of a Graham Greene character about Haaretz’s most provocative and infamous writer. Brave, subversive, sorrowful – in a harsh, uncompromising way – he’s the kind of journalist you either worship or loathe. Philosopher kings of the Plato kind are necessary for our moral health, perhaps, but not good for our blood pressure. So Levy’s life has been threatened by his fellow Israelis for telling the truth; and that’s the best journalism award one can get.

    He loves journalism but is appalled by its decline. His English is flawless but it sometimes breaks up in fury. Here’s an angry Levy on the effect of newspaper stories: “In the year of ’86, I wrote about a Palestinian Bedouin woman who lost her baby after giving birth at a checkpoint. She tried at three different [Israeli] checkpoints, she couldn’t make it and she gave birth in the car. They [the Israelis] didn’t let her bring the baby to the hospital. She carried him by foot two kilometres to the Augusta Victoria [Hospital in east Jerusalem]. The baby died. When I published this story – I don’t want to say that Israel ‘held its breath’, but it was a huge scandal, the cabinet was dealing with it, two officers were brought to court…”

    Then Levy found ten more women who had lost babies at Israeli checkpoints. “And nobody could care less any more. Today, I can publish it and people will yawn if they read it at all. [It’s] totally normalised, totally justified. We have a justification now for everything. The dehumanisation of the Palestinians has reached a stage in which we really don’t care. I can tell you, really, without exaggeration, if an Israeli dog was killed by Palestinians, it will get more attention in the Israeli media than if 20 Palestinian youngsters would be shot dead by snipers on the fence – without doing anything – in Gaza. The life of Palestinians has become the cheapest thing. It’s a whole system of demonisation, of de-humanisation, a whole system of justification that ‘we’ are always right and we can never be wrong.” (...)


  • Thank you, Mother Russia, for imposing boundaries on Israel - For the first time in years another state is saying to Israel: Stop right there. At least in Syria, that’s the end of it. Thank you, Mother Russia.

    Gideon Levy SendSend me email alerts
    Sep 28, 2018
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/.premium-to-russia-with-love-1.6511224

    A ray of hope is breaking through: Someone is setting limits on Israel. For the first time in years another state is making it clear to Israel that there are restrictions to its power, that it’s not okay for it to do whatever it wants, that it’s not alone in the game, that America can’t always cover for it and that there’s a limit to the harm it can do.
    Israel needed someone to set these limits like it needed oxygen. The recent years’ hubris and geopolitical reality enabled it to run rampant. It could patrol Lebanon’s skies as if they were its own; bombard in Syria’s air space as if it were Gaza’s air space; destroy Gaza periodically, put it under endless siege and continue, of course, to occupy the West Bank. Suddenly someone stood up and said: Stop right there. At least in Syria: That’s the end of it. Thank you, Mother Russia, for setting limits on a child whom no one has restrained for a long time.
    >>What Russia and Turkey really want in Syria | Explained ■ Russia’s claims on downed plane over Syria are dubious, but will usher in new reality for Israel | Analysis ■ Russia vs. Israel: The contradicting accounts of the downing of a plane over Syria

    The Israeli stupefaction at the Russian response and the paralysis that gripped it only showed how much Israel needed a responsible adult to rein it in. Does anyone dare prevent Israel’s freedom of movement in another country? Is anyone hindering it from flying in skies not its own? Is anyone keeping it from bombing as much as it pleases? For decades Israel hasn’t encountered such a strange phenomenon. Israel Hayom reported, of course, that anti-Semitism is growing in Russia. Israel is getting ready to play the next victim card, but its arrogance has suddenly gone missing.
    In April the Bloomberg News agency cited threats from retired Military Intelligence chief Amos Yadlin and other officers that if Russia gives Syria S-300 anti-aircraft missiles, Israel’s air force would bombard them. Now the voice of bluster from Zion has been muted, at least for the moment.
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    Every state is entitled to have weapons for defense against jet bombers, including Syria, and no state is permitted to prevent that forcibly. This basic truth already sounds bizarre to Israeli ears. The idea that other countries’ sovereignty is meaningless, that it can always be disrupted by force, and that Israeli sovereignty alone is sacred, and supreme; that Israel can mix in the affairs of the region to its heart’s content – including by military intervention, whose true extent is yet to be clarified in the war in Syria – without paying a price, in the name of its real or imagined security, which sanctifies anything and everything – all this has suddenly run into a Russian “nyet.” Oh, how we needed that nyet, to restore Israel to its real dimensions.
    It arrived with excellent timing. Just when there’s a president in the White House who runs his Middle East policy at the instructions of his sponsor in Las Vegas and mentor on Balfour Street; when Israel feels itself in seventh heaven, with an American embassy in Jerusalem and no UNRWA, soon without the Palestinians – came the flashing red light from Moscow. Perhaps it will balance out, just a bit, the intoxication with power that has overtaken Israel in recent years, maybe it will start to wise up and recover.
    Russia, without meaning to, may yet turn out to be better for Israel than all the insane, corrupting support it receives from the current American administration, and from its predecessors, too.
    Russia has outlined for the world the way to treat Israel, using the only language Israel understands. Let those who truly care for Israel’s welfare, and for justice, learn how it’s done: Only by force. Only when Israel gets punished or is forced to pay a price does it do the right thing. The air force will think twice now and perhaps many times more before its next bombardment in Syria, whose importance, if indeed it has any, is unknown.
    Had such a Russian “nyet” hovered above Gaza’s skies, too, so much futile death and destruction would have been spared. Had an international force faced the Israeli occupation, it would have ended long ago. Instead, we have Donald Trump in Washington and the European Union’s pathetic denunciations of the evictions at Khan al-Ahmar.


  • A l’instar de Gideon Levy, Emmanuel Riondé revient sur les succès récents de BDS qui, au delà des quelques victoires spectaculaires, rendent compte d’une lame de fond dont israel ne se débarrassera pas facilement :

    Le boycott d’Israël prend de l’ampleur
    Emmanuel Riondé, Regards, le 19 septembre 2018
    http://www.regards.fr/monde/article/quand-bds-prends-du-poids-strategique

    Lancée il y a treize ans, la campagne prônant des mesures de boycott désinvestissement et sanction (BDS) contre Israël n’a guère affaibli l’économie du pays. Mais elle joue aujourd’hui un rôle majeur dans la déconstruction de son image... donnant du fil à retordre à Tel-Aviv.

    Il y cite, entre autres :

    Eyal Sivan : « Israël ne veut plus convaincre, mais devenir attractif »
    Emmanuel Riondé, Regards, le 1er février 2017
    https://seenthis.net/messages/569632

    Lobby israélien, le documentaire interdit
    Alain Gresh, Le Monde Diplomatique, septembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/718011

    Boycotter Israël est-il de la « haine » ?
    Joseph Levine, The New-York Times, le 4 septembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/720220

    Itay Tiran, le comédien et metteur en scène de théâtre n°1 d’Israël : BDS est une forme légitime de résistance
    Ravit Hecht, Haaretz, le 5 septembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/720187

    Les réussites de BDS
    Gideon Levy, Haaretz, le 5 septembre
    https://seenthis.net/messages/720326

    Eurovision, ne blanchissez pas l’occupation militaire et les violations des droits humains par Israël
    The Guardian, le 7 septembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/720386

    #Palestine #BDS


  • 79 percent of right-wingers believe Jews are the chosen people. Are you for real ?
    Whereas belief in God is a private matter, the belief in a chosen people provides the outlines of policy that explains a great deal about Israel’s actions. When they say that they are the chosen people, it reveals their psychosis
    Gideon Levy - Sep 15, 2018 11:28 PM
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-79-percent-of-right-wingers-believe-jews-are-the-chosen-people-are

    File Photo: An Ultra-Orthodox man looks at the Western Wall in Jerusalem. Credit : RONEN ZVULUN/Reuters

    I would like to meet representatives of that absolute, decisive, arrogant and patronizing majority reflected in a recent Haaretz poll and ask them: Are you guys for real? How did you come up with that? On whose say-so? Are you, the absolute majority, so sure that we are the chosen, the very best, that we are the champions, head and shoulders above the rest?

    How did you come to this conclusion? I’d like to ask you, dear majority: On what basis are you convinced that we are the chosen people, that we know everything better than all the other nations; that we deserve more than everyone else; that what applies to them does not apply to us, because we are superior.

    This is how a majority of Israeli Jews responded in the Haaretz-Dialog poll published last week: We are a chosen people. A majority, 56 percent, are sure of this. The figure rises to 79 percent, an overwhelming majority, among self-identified right-wingers. In a country where 76 percent of people believe in God or another higher power, perhaps that is obvious. But whereas belief in God is a private matter, the belief in a chosen people provides the outlines of policy that explains a great deal about Israel’s actions.

    Credit : Haaretz

    Let’s turn from theology to pathology. The Israeli Jews who think they belong to a chosen and select people owe an accounting to themselves and to others. It’s easy to declare that God does or doesn’t exist. No one is expecting evidence, but when the majority of a nation is convinced that it is superior to all other nations, some evidence is necessary. In Israel’s case, it’s easy to prove that it’s a case of detachment from reality, a dangerous delusion. In any event, a people that is convinced that it is chosen poses a danger to itself and its surroundings.

    The Jewish people is indeed special, with a glorious and bloody history. Israeli Jews, too, have cause for pride. But when they say that they are the chosen people, it reveals their psychosis. It’s doubtful that any other nation thinks that of itself today. Israeli Jews have no grounds to think this either. In what way are we chosen? In what way are we better? And what is the Swede, the French person, the American, the Briton or the Arab supposed to think about this insufferable arrogance?

    There’s no need to elaborate on Israel’s questionable morality as an occupier. Any Israeli with even a modicum of self-awareness recognizes that an occupying nation cannot be the chosen people. Nor would a bit of humility hurt when it comes to a few other characteristics of the people of Israel, before it crowns itself a light unto the nations. I recommend, for example, reading the comprehensive, horrifying analysis in Haaretz by Dan Ben-David of the country’s education system, which did not prompt the necessary outcry. Half of Israel’s children receive a Third World education.

    A little modesty would also become the citizens of a state that ranks 87th in the 2018 World Press Freedom Index, below Togo and the Ivory Coast. Nor is No. 32 on Transparency International’s 2017 Corruption Perceptions Index something to celebrate. Health care is yet another area where Israel’s self-esteem should be curbed: The country ranks 28th in health-care spending, of the 36 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development member states, and 30th in the number of hospital beds.

    The behavior of Israeli tourists abroad is also not always befitting a chosen people. Perhaps Israel ranks high on an index of German submarine purchases, and maybe that’s the key to understanding the sense of superiority.

    Basking in self-glorification has recently become a salient characteristic of Israel’s national character. Just regularly read the Israel Hayom daily or listen to the prime minister: How lovely we are from morning to night.

    The right spreads this lie, for its own purposes. Sycophantic populism thrives not only in Israel, but it is only here that the disparity between dream and reality is so great. A chosen people? If only it were finally like all the other nations.


  • Itay Tiran, Israel’s No. 1 theater actor-director: #BDS is a legitimate form of #resistance - Israel News - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-itay-tiran-israel-s-no-1-theater-actor-director-endorses-bds-1.645

    “BDS is a perfectly legitimate form of resistance. And if we want to preach for a certain kind of political discussion that isn’t violent, we must strengthen these voices, even if it’s difficult,” said Itay Tiran, widely considered Israel’s leading theatrical actor-director, in an interview with Haaretz on the eve of his departure to Germany.

    “I think a normal political left should support BDS,” he says. “After all, it doesn’t matter what the Palestinian will do. When he commits an act of terror he is called a violent, bloodthirsty terrorist. And when he supports BDS he’s a political
    terrorist."

    “If what finally leads to a solution here will be non-violent pressure, conducted as political discourse, then why not support it? It’s a humanist approach, and it’s also practical, and I think it will prevent the next wars,” he said.

    #Palestine


  • BDS success stories - Opinion - Israel News | Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-bds-success-stories-1.6455621

    More than the achievements of the economic, academic and cultural boycott, BDS has succeeded in undermining the greatest asset of Israeli public diplomacy: Israel’s liberal and democratic image in the world.

    Gideon Levy SendSend me email alerts
    Sep 05, 2018

    Gilad Erdan is a great success story of the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement, as is the Strategic Affairs Ministry that he heads. So is the anti-boycott law. Every human rights activist who is expelled from Israel or questioned at Ben-Gurion International Airport is a BDS success story. The European Broadcasting Union’s letter is another success of the global movement to boycott Israel.
    More than Lana Del Rey canceling her visit, more than SodaStream moving its factory from the West Bank to the Negev and more than the achievements of the economic, academic and cultural boycott, BDS has succeeded in a different area, effortlessly and perhaps unintentionally. It has undermined the greatest asset of Israeli public diplomacy: Israel’s liberal and democratic image in the world. It was the European Broadcasting Union, of all things, a nonpolitical organization, very far from BDS, that best described the extent of the damage to Israel: The organization compared Israel to Ukraine and Azerbaijan in the conditions it set for these countries to host the Eurovision Song Contest.
    To really understand Israel and the Middle East - subscribe to Haaretz
    Ukraine and Azerbaijan, which no one seriously considers to be democracies, in the same breath as Israel. This is how the Eurovision organizers see Israel.
    The song contest was held in Jerusalem twice before, and no one thought to set conditions to guarantee the civil liberties of participants. Now it is necessary to guarantee, in advance and in writing, what is self-evident in a democracy: freedom of entry and freedom of movement to everyone who comes for the competition.
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    In Israel, as in Ukraine and Azerbaijan, this is no longer self-evident. In the 13 years since it was founded, the BDS movement couldn’t have dreamed of a greater triumph.
    The main credit, of course, goes to the Israeli government, which in declaring war on BDS and made a great contributions to the movement. With a commander like Erdan, who is outraged over the interference with the “laws of a democratic state” and doesn’t understand how grotesque his words are, and with a ministry that is nothing but an international thought police, the government is telling the world: Israel isn’t what you thought. Did you think for years that Israel was a liberal democracy? Did you close your eyes to the goings-on in its backyard? Did you think the occupation was separate from the state, that it could be maintained in a democracy, that it was surely temporary and would be over momentarily? That at least sovereign Israel is part of the West? Well, you were wrong.


  • Boycotter Israël est-il de la « haine » ?
    6 septembre | Joseph Levine pour New York Times |Traduction CG pour l’AURDIP
    https://www.aurdip.org/boycotter-israel-est-il-de-la.html

    Le débat sur le mouvement Boycott, désinvestissement et sanctions (B.D.S.) contre Israël a été l’un des plus conflictuel de la culture politique américaine depuis plus d’une décennie. Et maintenant, étant donné les événements tumultueux et mortels des derniers mois, il va probablement s’enflammer encore davantage.

    Les victimes des manifestations en cours à Gaza, qui ont commencé en mars, continuent à s’accumuler ; près de 180 manifestants palestiniens, pour la plupart non armés, ont été tués par les forces israéliennes, et plus de 18000 blessés, selon les Nations Unies. Des dizaines de morts ont eu lieu à la mi-mai, lorsque les Etats-Unis ont pris la mesure provocatrice de déplacer leur ambassade à Jérusalem. Les tensions vont surement monter encore après la décision prise la semaine dernière par les Etats-Unis de mettre un terme aux subventions de plusieurs millions versées à l’agence des Nations Unies qui fournit de l’aide aux réfugiés palestiniens.

    B.D.S. a commencé en 2005 en réponse à un appel de plus de 100 organisations de la société civile palestinienne, avec à l’esprit le mouvement fructueux contre l’apartheid d’Afrique du Sud. Le raisonnement était qu’Israël, par son occupation d’un demi-siècle des territoires palestiniens, méritait autant la condamnation internationale, jusqu’à ce que change sa politique vis-à-vis des droits politiques et civils palestiniens. B.D.S. appelle à ce que sa position de protestation non violente reste en vigueur jusqu’à ce que trois conditions soient remplies : qu’Israël mette fin à son occupation et à sa colonisation dans tous les pays arabes et démantèle le mur ; qu’Israël reconnaisse les droits fondamentaux de tous les citoyens arabo-palestiniens d’Israël en pleine égalité ; et qu’Israël respecte, protège et promeuve les droits des réfugiés palestiniens à retourner dans leurs foyers et dans leurs propriétés ainsi qu’il est stipulé dans la Résolution 194 des Nations Unies.

    traduction de cet article : https://seenthis.net/messages/719821


  • Itay Tiran, le comédien et metteur en scène de théâtre n°1 d’Israël : BDS est une forme légitime de résistance
    Ravit Hecht, Haaretz, le 5 septembre 2018
    https://www.bdsfrance.org/itay-tiran-le-comedien-et-metteur-en-scene-de-theatre-n1-disrael-bds-est-

    « BDS est une forme tout à fait légitime de résistance. Et si nous voulons prôner un certain type de débat politique qui ne soit pas violent, nous devons renforcer ces voix, même si c’est difficile », dit Itay Tiran, largement considéré comme le comédien et metteur en scène de théâtre-phare d’Israël, dans une interview à Haaretz à la veille de son départ pour l’Allemagne.

    (...)

    « La Déclaration d’Indépendance et le discours sur l’égalité et les valeurs, tout ça c’était l’auto-lissage d’une fanfaronnade colonialiste d’un libéralisme éclairé. Il y a des gens qui se caractérisent encore par « centre-gauche » et qui pensent toujours que s’ils mettent le mot égalité dans la loi, tout ira bien. Ce n’est pas mon avis. Et vraiment, le contre-argument justifié par la droite était : Attendez, il y la Loi du Retour. Qu’est ce qui fait que c’est seulement la loi de l’État-nation qui vous rend fous ? » remarque-t-il.

    #Palestine #BDS #Boycott_culturel

    • Pour autant, Tiran a insisté sur le fait que la situation politique n’est pas la raison principale pour laquelle il quitte le pays, et qu’il ne se considère pas comme un « exilé politique ».

      « Si la loi de l’État-Nation est une référence à partir de laquelle vous calculez où en est la société israélienne, alors la loi est clairement raciste, inégalitaire ; c’est une nouvelle étape dans le tournant nationaliste pris ici. D’un autre côté, je dis qu’elle n’est pas seulement mauvaise. Pourquoi ? Parce qu’elle extirpe une sorte d’inconscient collectif qui a toujours existé ici » a-t-il dit.

      « La Déclaration d’Indépendance et le discours sur l’égalité et les valeurs, tout ça c’était l’auto-lissage d’une fanfaronnade colonialiste d’un libéralisme éclairé. Il y a des gens qui se caractérisent encore par « centre-gauche » et qui pensent toujours que s’ils mettent le mot égalité dans la loi, tout ira bien. Ce n’est pas mon avis. Et vraiment, le contre-argument justifié par la droite était : Attendez, il y la Loi du Retour. Qu’est ce qui fait que c’est seulement la loi de l’État-nation qui vous rend fous ? » remarque-t-il.

      Donc vous dites que le sionisme est un racisme, de toute façon ?

      Oui

      Que le sionisme est un racisme ?

      Oui, exactement, le sionisme est un racisme. Donc il nous faut à tous regarder la vérité et choisir son camp.

    • Des arrêts de bus de Londres vandalisés avec des affiches anti-Israël
      Par Times of Israel Staff 6 septembre 2018
      https://fr.timesofisrael.com/des-arrets-de-bus-de-londres-vandalises-avec-des-affiches-anti-isr

      Un groupe pro-palestinien a placardé des affiches où l’on lit qu’Israël est une entreprise raciste, pour protester contre l’adoption, par le Labour, de la définition de l’IIRHA
      Au moins six arrêts de bus londoniens ont été vandalisés avec des affiches sur lesquelles on peut lire “Israel is a racist endeavor” (Israël est une entreprise raciste) jeudi matin. Il s’agit d’une forme de protestation contre l’adoption, par le parti travailliste britannique, de la définition de l’antisémitisme internationale, qui considère cette phrase comme antisémite.
      Les affiches ont été installées par le groupe London Palestine Action, qui a publié des images de ces affiches jeudi sur ses comptes Twitter et Facebook, assorties d’explications sur l’affirmation du groupe, selon lequel Israël est profondément raciste.
      (...)
      La phrase choisie pour les posters est une citation de la définition élaborée par l’Alliance internationale pour la mémoire de l’Holocauste, qui spécifie que déclarer qu’Israël est « une entreprise raciste » est antisémite.


  • Opinion | Is Boycotting Israel ‘Hate’? - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/04/opinion/is-boycotting-israel-hate.html

    Opponents of the nonviolent Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement are involved in a dishonest branding campaign.

    By Joseph Levine
    Mr. Levine is a philosophy professor and a member of the Jewish Voice for Peace Academic Advisory Council.

    The debate over the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (B.D.S.) movement against Israel has been one of the most contentious in American political culture for more than a decade. Now, given the tumultuous and deadly events of the past several months, it is likely to heat up further.

    Casualties in the ongoing protests in Gaza, which began in March, continue to mount; nearly 180 mostly unarmed Palestinian protesters have been killed by Israeli forces, with more than 18,000 injured, according to the United Nations. Dozens of those deaths came in mid-May, as the United States took the provocative step of moving its embassy to Jerusalem. Tensions will surely spike again following last week’s decision by the United States to stop billions in funding to the United Nations agency that delivers aid to Palestinian refugees.

    B.D.S. began in 2005 in response to a call by more than 100 Palestinian civil society organizations, with the successful movement against apartheid South Africa in mind. The reasoning was that Israel, with its half-century occupation of Palestinian territories, would be equally deserving of the world’s condemnation until its policies changed to respect Palestinian political and civil rights. B.D.S. calls for its stance of nonviolent protest to remain in effect until three conditions are met: that Israel ends its occupation and colonization of all Arab lands and dismantles the wall; that Israel recognizes the fundamental rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; and that Israel respects, protects and promotes the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in United Nations Resolution 194.

    • The debate over the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (B.D.S.) movement against Israel has been one of the most contentious in American political culture for more than a decade. Now, given the tumultuous and deadly events of the past several months, it is likely to heat up further.

      Casualties in the ongoing protests in Gaza, which began in March, continue to mount; nearly 180 mostly unarmed Palestinian protesters have been killed by Israeli forces, with more than 18,000 injured, according to the United Nations. Dozens of those deaths came in mid-May, as the United States took the provocative step of moving its embassy to Jerusalem. Tensions will surely spike again following last week’s decision by the United States to stop billions in funding to the United Nations agency that delivers aid to Palestinian refugees.

      B.D.S. began in 2005 in response to a call by more than 100 Palestinian civil society organizations, with the successful movement against apartheid South Africa in mind. The reasoning was that Israel, with its half-century occupation of Palestinian territories, would be equally deserving of the world’s condemnation until its policies changed to respect Palestinian political and civil rights. B.D.S. calls for its stance of nonviolent protest to remain in effect until three conditions are met: that Israel ends its occupation and colonization of all Arab lands and dismantles the wall; that Israel recognizes the fundamental rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; and that Israel respects, protects and promotes the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in United Nations Resolution 194.

      Opposition to B.D.S. is widespread and strong. Alarmingly, in the United States, support for the movement is in the process of being outlawed. As of now, 24 states have enacted legislation that in some way allows the state to punish those who openly engage in or advocate B.D.S., and similar legislation is pending in 12 more states. At the federal level, a bill called the Israel Anti-Boycott Act would criminalize adherence to any boycott of Israel called for by an international agency (like the United Nations). The bill has garnered 57 Senate co-sponsors and 290 House co-sponsors, and may very well come up for a vote soon.

      While these bills certainly constitute threats to free speech — (a view shared by the ACLU) — I am interested in a more subtle effect of a fairly widespread anti-B.D.S. strategy: co-opting rhetoric of the anti-Trump resistance, which opposes the growing influence of racist hate groups, in order to brand B.D.S. as a hate group itself.

      In my home state of Massachusetts, for example, where a hearing for one of the many state bills aimed at punishing B.D.S. activity took place in July 2017, those who testified in favor of the bill, along with their supporters in the gallery, wore signs saying “No Hate in the Bay State.” They took every opportunity to compare B.D.S. supporters to the alt-right activists recently empowered by the election of Donald Trump. (Full disclosure: I am a strong supporter of B.D.S. and was among those testifying against the bill.)

      The aim of this activity is to relegate the B.D.S. movement, and the Palestine solidarity movement more generally, to the nether region of public discourse occupied by all the intolerant worldviews associated with the alt-right. This is an area the philosopher John Rawls would call “unreasonable.” But to my mind, it is the anti-B.D.S. movement itself that belongs there.

      There are two dimensions of reasonableness that are relevant to this particular issue: the one that allegedly applies to the B.D.S. campaign and the one I claim actually applies to the anti-B.D.S. campaign. Rawls starts his account of the reasonable from the premise of what he calls “reasonable pluralism,” an inevitable concomitant of modern-day democratic government. Large democratic societies contain a multitude of groups that differ in what Rawls calls their “comprehensive doctrines” — moral, religious or philosophical outlooks in accord with which people structure their lives. What makes a comprehensive doctrine “reasonable” is the willingness of those living in accord with it to recognize the legitimate claims of differing, often conflicting doctrines, to accord to the people that hold them full participation as citizens and to regard them as deserving of respect and equal treatment. We can label this dimension of reasonableness a matter of tolerance.

      The second dimension of reasonableness is associated with the notion of “public reason.” When arguing for one’s position as part of the process of democratic deliberation in a society characterized by reasonable pluralism, what kinds of considerations are legitimate to present? The constraint of public reason demands that the considerations in question should look reasonable to all holders of reasonable comprehensive doctrines, not merely one’s own.

      For example, when arguing over possible legal restrictions on abortion, it isn’t legitimate within a democracy to appeal to religious principles that are not shared by all legitimate parties to the dispute. So, while the personhood of the fetus is in dispute among reasonable doctrines, the status of African-Americans, women, gays and Jews is not. To reject their status as fully equal members of the society would be “unreasonable.”

      One of the essential principles of democratic government is freedom of thought and expression, and this extends to the unreasonable/intolerant as well as to the reasonable, so long as certain strict limits on incitement to violence, libel and the like are observed. Still, doctrines within the “tent of the reasonable” are accorded a different status within public institutions and civil society from those deemed outside the tent. This is reflected in the kinds of public support or reprobation representatives of the state and other civil society institutions (e.g., universities) display toward the doctrines or values in question.

      To put it simply, we expect what’s reasonable to get a fair hearing within the public sphere, even if many don’t agree with it.

      On the other hand, though we do not suppress the unreasonable, we don’t believe, in general, that it has the right to a genuinely fair hearing in that same sphere. For instance, after the white supremacist rallies in Charlottesville, Va., in August last year, students at my campus, the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, were greeted in the fall with signs plastered everywhere that said “Hate Has No Home at UMass.” This was intended to let the Richard Spencers of this world know that even if it may not be right or legal to bar them from speaking on campus, their message was not going to be given the respectful hearing that those within the tent of the reasonable receive.

      The alleged basis for claiming that B.D.S. advocates are anti-Semitic, and thus worthy only of denunciation or punishment, not argument, is that through their three goals listed in their manifesto they express their rejection of Jews’ right to self-determination in their homeland. This idea was put succinctly by Senator Chuck Schumer at the policy conference of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (Aipac) in March, where he said, “Let us call out the B.D.S. movement for what it is. Let us delegitimize the delegitimizers by letting the world know when there is a double standard, whether they know it or not, they are actively participating in an anti-Semitic movement.”

      B.D.S. supporters are “delegitimizers,” according to Schumer, because they do not grant legitimacy to the Zionist project. Some might quibble with this claim about the B.D.S. goals, but I think it’s fair to say that rejection of the legitimacy of the Zionist project is fairly widespread within the movement. But does this constitute anti-Semitism? Does this put them outside the tent of the reasonable?

      To justify this condemnation of the B.D.S. movement requires accepting two extremely controversial claims: first, that the right to self-determination for any ethnic, religious or racial group entails the right to live in a state that confers special status on members of that group — that it is “their state” in the requisite sense; and second, that Palestine counts for these purposes as the rightful homeland of modern-day Jews, as opposed to the ancient Judeans. (I have argued explicitly against the first claim, here.)

      With regard to the second claim, it seems obvious to me, and I bet many others when they bother to think about it, that claims to land stemming from a connection to people who lived there 2,000 years ago is extremely weak when opposed by the claims of those who currently live there and whose people have been living there for perhaps a millennium or more.

      Remember, one needn’t agree with me in my rejection of these two principal claims for my point to stand. All one must acknowledge is that the right at issue isn’t obvious and is at least open to question. If a reasonable person can see that this right of the Jews to establish a state in Palestine is at least open to question, then it can’t be a sign of anti-Semitism to question it! But once you admit the B.D.S. position within the tent of the reasonable, the proper response is not, as Senator Schumer claims, “delegitimizing,” but rather disputing — engaging in argument, carried out in the public sphere according to the rules of public reason.

      But now we get to my second main point — that it’s the anti-B.D.S. camp that violates reasonableness; not because it is an expression of intolerance (though often it flirts with Islamophobia), but because it violates the constraints on public reason. Just how far the positive argument for the legitimacy of the Zionist project often veers from the rules of public reason is perfectly captured by another quote from Mr. Schumer’s speech to Aipac.

      “Now, let me tell you why — my view, why we don’t have peace. Because the fact of the matter is that too many Palestinians and too many Arabs do not want any Jewish state in the Middle East,” he said. “The view of Palestinians is simple: The Europeans treated the Jews badly, culminating in the Holocaust, and they gave them our land as compensation. Of course, we say it’s our land, the Torah says it, but they don’t believe in the Torah. So that’s the reason there is not peace. They invent other reasons, but they do not believe in a Jewish state, and that is why we, in America, must stand strong with Israel through thick and thin …”

      This quote is really quite remarkable, coming from one of the most powerful legislators in our democracy. After fairly well characterizing a perfectly reasonable attitude Palestinians have about who is responsible for the Holocaust and who should pay any reparations for it, Mr. Schumer then appeals to the Torah to justify the Jewish claim against them. But this is a totally illegitimate appeal as a form of public reason, no different from appealing to religious doctrine when opposing abortion. In fact, I claim you can’t find any genuine argument that isn’t guilty of breaching the limits of the reasonable in this way for the alleged right to establish the Jewish state in Palestine.

      This almost certainly explains why opponents of B.D.S. are now turning to the heavy hand of the state to criminalize support for it. In a “fair fight” within the domain of public reason, they would indeed find themselves “delegitimized.”

      Joseph Levine is a professor of philosophy at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and the author of “Quality and Content: Essays on Consciousness, Representation and Modality.” He is a member of the Jewish Voice for Peace Academic Advisory Council.

      #Palestine #USA #BDS #criminalisation_des_militants #liberté_d'expression #censure

      Et aussi à ajouter à la longue liste d’articles sur la confusion entretenue entre #Antisionisme et #Antisémitisme :

      https://seenthis.net/messages/337856
      https://seenthis.net/messages/580647
      https://seenthis.net/messages/603396
      https://seenthis.net/messages/604402
      https://seenthis.net/messages/606801
      https://seenthis.net/messages/690067
      https://seenthis.net/messages/700966
      https://seenthis.net/messages/716567
      https://seenthis.net/messages/718335
      https://seenthis.net/messages/719714


  • Just look at Ben-Gurion Airport - Opinion
    Haaretz.com | Gideon Levy | Aug 16, 2018 1:07 AM
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-just-look-at-ben-gurion-airport-1.6384896

    Look at Ben-Gurion Airport, and see us. Nothing reflects Israel 2018 better than that entrance gate, the place Israelis hold most sacred.

    Elaborately designed, efficient, modern, with a semblance of the epitome of freedom – here the “open sky” is the limit – while under the magnificent columns and moving walkways the injustices fester, well hidden, as usual, behind screens. The Ben-Gurion we love so much is an airport of segregation, an airdrome partially in the Shin Bet’s control, including a thought-police station. Welcome arrivals and departures: Peter Beinart is not alone.

    It begins long before the entrance. About two million residents, some of them living on the very outskirts of the airport, see it from their window but cannot go near it, not to mention use its services. Their Jewish neighbors are allowed, but they themselves are prohibited. They’re Palestinians. Have you heard of any other international airport that is closed to some of the state’s residents solely because of their origin? If this isn’t the port of apartheid, what is?

    As the permitted ones drive up to the checkpoint at the entrance, the ceremony of opening the window and greeting the security guard, armed with a machine gun – the most racist procedure there is – takes place. Everyone cooperates with this sickening act, intended to hear the passengers’ accent and ascertain whether they are Jews or Arabs.

    The security guards know what they’re doing. They also know what they’re doing at the security examinations in the airport. Invasive, intrusive questions that have no place in a free country, that have nothing to do with flight security. Not everyone is subjected to this, of course. Profiling is the name of the game, intended to make it easy for us, the privileged Israeli Jews, and deprive and degrade all the rest. Security, hush-hush, don’t ask questions.

    And then the numbers with the different endings on the sticker attached to your passport, separating one traveler from another, on the basis of his origin, or the extent of suspicion he raises. There are numbers whose digital endings mean complete nudity in front of the male or female examiner. This does not apply to the Jewish Israelis.

    Most of the suspicions in Ben-Gurion Airport arise because of origin or ideological affiliation. An American of Palestinian origin – suspicious. A Jew is not, of course, unless he’s a leftist. There are no suspicions of right-wingers. There’s no chance that an racist evangelist from Alabama, an “Israel lover” and believer in Armageddon, could endanger anything. Only the Norwegian tourist who took part, bad girl, in a tour of Breaking the Silence, is jeopardizing the flight’s safety or the public’s security. Only the activist of the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel is a potential plane hijacker, or a possible terrorist.

    No rightist supporter of the settlers, Jewish or Christian, has ever been held up at Ben-Gurion Airport and interrogated about his activity on behalf of the settlements, which are far more criminal than any demonstration, protest or act of solidarity with the Palestinians. Such a person, it seems, has yet to be born. In Israel, the fascist, even anti-Semitic, right is patriotic, and so it is in Ben-Gurion Airport too, the mirror of our homeland’s landscape.

    It will end only on the day Israelis are humiliated like that at the gateways to other countries. Until then the security excuse will be upheld and used for everything. And we haven’t yet said a word about the Palestinian citizens of Israel. Try once to think of the one standing in front of you or behind you in line, an Israeli Arab, director of a hospital ward or a construction worker. He has the same passport, the same citizenship as yours, in the nation-state of equality for all. Try to imagine the feeling of exclusion, the affront of deprivation. What does he say to the child who asks why we are here and they are there, how does he overcome the suspicious looks.

    On top of all this came the ridiculous, outrageous war on BDS, which turned Ben-Gurion border officials into duty officers of the thought-police. Beinart was its victim, but he’s a Jew and quite famous, so his interrogation was declared an “administrative error.” But this is no error: This is Ben-Gurion Airport. This is Israel. And now, to the duty-free shops.

    #BenGourion #expulsions #frontières


  • Imaginez les réactions si le Hamas avait tué une Israélienne enceinte et son nourrisson. Mais Inas et Bayan n’étaient que des Palestiniennes de Dir al-Balah… –
    Gideon Levy traduction : Pour la Palestine - Publié le 12 août 2018
    http://www.pourlapalestine.be/imaginez-les-reactions-si-le-hamas-avait-tue-une-israelienne-enceint

    Alors que la soif de sang a submergé les médias sociaux [israéliens] ; tandis que le commentateur Shimon Riklin a tweeté : « Nous voulons que vous tuiez des terroristes, et autant que possible, jusqu’à ce que les cris de leurs familles couvrent leurs appétits criminels » ; tandis que le ministre Yoav Galant 1, un homme aux mains couvertes du sang de Gaza, déclarait avec un lyrisme biblique : « je poursuivrai mes ennemis et les attraperai, je ne reviendrai pas avant d’avoir fini » ; alors que Yair Lapid 2 écrivait, « Les FDI doivent les frapper de toutes leurs forces, sans hésiter, sans réfléchir » – alors que tout cela se passait, Inas et Bayan Khammash ont été tués. (...)

    traduction de l’article signalé ici : https://seenthis.net/messages/714487


  • The late Inas and Bayan Khammash
    Haaretz.com - Gideon Levy - Aug 12, 2018 2:50 AM
    Imagine the reaction if Hamas had killed a pregnant Israeli woman and her baby daughter. But Inas and Bayan were Palestinians from Dir al-Balah

    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-the-late-inas-and-bayan-khammash-1.6365468

    For Uri Avnery

    While the thirst for blood overtook social media; while commentator Shimon Riklin tweeted, “We want you to kill terrorists, and as many as possible, until the cries of their families overcome their sick murderousness”; while Minister Yoav Galant, a man whose hands are stained with a great deal of Gazan blood, declared with Biblical lyricism, “I’ll pursue my enemies and catch them, I won’t come back until they’re finished”; while Yair Lapid was writing, “The IDF must hit them with all its force, without hesitating, without thinking” – while all this was happening, Inas and Bayan Khammash were killed.

    They were mother and daughter. Inas was 23, in her ninth month of pregnancy; Bayan was an 18-month-old baby. They were killed when a missile hit their home, a rented apartment in a one-story building in Dir al-Balah in the Gaza Strip. The father of the family, Mohammed, was seriously wounded.

    Their killing didn’t slake the thirst for blood on social media in the slightest. It barely earned a mention in the mainstream Israeli media, which were far more concerned by the cancellation of a wedding in Sderot. That’s always Israel’s order of priorities.

    It’s not that the suffering of residents of Israeli communities near Gaza shouldn’t be given abundant coverage, but the complete disregard for the victims on the other side, even the killing of a pregnant mother and her daughter, is an act of collaboration with wartime propaganda. The complete public indifference to every killing, coupled with the thirst for blood that has become politically correct, is also evidence of an unparalleled nadir.

    It’s not hard to imagine what would have happened, both in Israel and abroad, if Hamas had killed a pregnant Israeli woman and her baby daughter. But Inas and Bayan were Palestinians from Dir al-Balah.

    Are there still any Israelis who glanced for a moment at their own loved ones and imagined the atrocity of killing a pregnant mother with her baby in her arms? Does the thought still pass through anyone’s mind here that Inas and Bayan were a pregnant mother and her baby daughter, like the neighbors across the way? Like your daughter and granddaughter. Like your wife and daughter.

    Can thoughts like these still arise even for a moment, given the onslaught of dehumanization, propaganda and brainwashing, which justifies any killing and blames the entire world, with the sole exception of those who committed it? Given the media, most of which just wants to see more and more blood being spilled in Gaza, and even does everything in its power so that blood will actually be spilled? Given the usual excuses that the Israel Defense Forces never intend to hit a pregnant woman and her daughter, they merely happen to do so, again and again and again and again?

    Given all this, is there still any chance that the killing of a mother and daughter will shock anyone here? That it will touch anyone?

    For almost 12 years, Gaza has been closed to Israeli journalists on Israel’s orders, and Israel’s fighting media accepts this submissively, even gladly. How badly I wish I could go to Inas and Bayan’s house right now, to tell their story and, above all, to remind the reader that they were human beings, people – a very difficult thing to do in the atmosphere of today’s Israel.

    On one of our last trips to Gaza, in September 2006, photographer Miki Kratsman and I went to the Hammad family’s house in the Brazil refugee camp in Rafah. A huge crater had opened up a few hundred meters from the miserable tin shack we entered. In the dim room, we saw nothing but a crushed wheelchair and a crippled woman lying on the sofa.

    A few nights earlier, the family heard airplanes overhead. Basma, then 42 and completely paralyzed, was lying in her iron bed. She quickly told her only daughter, 14-year-old Dam al-Iz, to rush to her so she could protect the girl with her own body. A concrete roof crashed down on them and killed Dam, her only daughter, who was lying curled up in her mother’s arms.

    Ever since Inas and Bayan were killed, I’ve been thinking about Dam al-Iz and her mother again.


  • Now Israel has a revolution of the pampered, in stages

    Like the LGBT community, the Druze are fighting an erosion of their favored status – and just might help the country achieve a state based on justice

    Gideon Levy - Aug 05, 2018 12:34 AM

    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-now-it-s-a-revolution-of-the-pampered-in-stages-1.6341321

    Israel is making progress. It’s ashamed and is even beginning to protest. Only part of it, probably a minority, remains in its comfort zone; a new light seems to be breaking through the darkness.

    All of a sudden they’re saying apartheid. They dare ask questions about Zionism. Now the term “Jewish-democratic” doesn’t seem so natural anymore. Something creaks when you utter these words. There’s some hesitation when you say “the only democracy.” The protest of the pampered marches on.

    The rally Saturday night in Rabin Square was still within the confines of relative comfort and indulgence, but much less so than previous such events. It was two weeks after the LGBT community demonstrated in the same spot for equal surrogacy rights – under the sponsorship of Meitav Dash Investments. Then came the Druze community, the most privileged of Arabs but Arabs nevertheless, demonstrating for more meaningful equality, this time under the auspices of former heads of the Shin Bet security service, the Mossad and the army.

    This is a hopeful development. It’s true that a demonstration for freedom, equality and fraternity under the helm of former defense chiefs is problematic, almost grotesque.

    When a former Shin Bet head like Yuval Diskin, a person responsible for despicable actions toward millions of people who have no rights, writes a pompous manifesto extolling “the value of equality,” “democratic protest” and “mutual respect,” reminding everyone that he’s the son of Holocaust survivors while talking about racism, it turns your stomach. The fact that most speakers at the rally were generals, both Jews and Druze, who during their service often brutally oppressed another nation, is also problematic.

    It’s true that most of the Druze participants were demonstrating for their own interests, for the equality they believe is their due in return for their military service, without trying to serve as a bridgehead for a campaign championing equality for all, including Palestinians.

    But we can’t ignore their contribution to the growing protest. Largely due to them the nation-state law has become possibly the most exciting civics lesson in Israel in recent years. Questions that were never asked are being raised, maybe only for a short time – yet this is really a shake-up. Maybe in response to the most ultra-nationalist government, a little opposition will finally make an appearance.

    The elephant still stands silently in the middle of the room, with only a few daring to mention him, but some are throwing furtive glances at him. An establishment commentator on defense matters, Channel 10’s Alon Ben-David, has written that underlying the nation-state law is a strategic objective: “It paves the way for the annexation of millions of Palestinians and the loss of a Jewish majority. Will the law mark the beginning of the laying to rest of the Zionist dream?”

    So we may be at the brink of an earthquake, more severe than the earthquake expected in Tiberias. The first signs on the seismograph have been noted. The road is still long, the agents of denial and propaganda are still well in control, but hope has been ignited.

    Israel needs this shake-up so badly. We’ve had so many years mired in the muck amid the brainwashing, the lack of critical thinking and the civic indifference. We’ve had years of intoxication with power, moral arrogance, smugness and confidence that what was will continue, that everything is being done as it should be done and will continue forever. There has been a certainty that we’re right and the whole world is wrong. But maybe the time of doubts has arrived. There can be no better news.

    Seventy years after the establishment of the state, the time has come for questions, for a real lesson in civics and democracy. Did we really deserve all this? Only we deserved it? Is it only ours? Is it only for Jews? By what right? Did all the non-Jewish people deeply connected to this land and who deserve the same rights, deserve everything we’ve done to them? Above all, hasn’t the time come to repair things?

    This repair is still a long way off, but maybe it’s becoming clear that if it doesn’t arrive there won’t be a state here based on justice. Who knows, maybe Brig. Gen. Amal Assad, an occupation officer in Jenin and Lebanon and a Likud member, will herald the message: It’s apartheid or democracy.
    Gideon Levy

    Haaretz Correspondent


  • Tiens bon, Ahed Tamimi !
    Gideon Levy
    http://www.chroniquepalestine.com/tiens-bon-ahed-tamimi

    – A la veille de sa libération, après huit mois de prison, voici ce qu’il faut dire à Ahed Tamimi : « Cela en valait la peine. Continue à résister à l’occupation israélienne. »

    Le dimanche, tu es censée sortir de prison, enfin, en même temps que ta mère. Mais peut-être vaut-il mieux ne pas faire de pronostic : le Shin Bet pourrait très bien émettre une ordonnance d’arrestation administrative contre toi. Après tout, il y a quelques semaines seulement, le Shin Bet a estimé que tu étais toujours « potentiellement dangereuse » – mais nous pouvons espérer que dans trois jours, toi et ta mère serez à nouveau libres et chez vous.

    Nous pouvons aussi espérer que le danger potentiel que tu as présenté n’a pas diminué pendant tes mois de prison, depuis cet hiver, que tu es toujours dangereuse pour l’occupation, que tu n’arrêteras pas de résister à ta manière. Pour autant que je connaisse ta famille, que la propagande israélienne appelle une « famille de terroristes » et une « famille d’assassins », je sais qu’il n’y a aucune chance que cela se produise. Ton esprit ne faiblira pas. Ton « danger » ne se dissipera pas.

    Toi et ta mère êtes restées en prison pendant huit mois, même si tu n’avais rien fait de mal sauf manifester une résistance naturelle et justifiée à l’occupation, qui avait envahi ta cour devant ta maison. Tu as frappé un soldat armé et disposant d’un gilet pare-balles à mains nues, tout comme une jeune fille de 16 ans peut frapper un soldat armé et protégé, et ta mère l’a filmé. C’était ton crime. Dans l’occupation, seuls les soldats sont autorisés à frapper. Tu as fait ce que toute personne courageuse vivant sous une occupation ferait – tu l’as giflé. Et l’occupation n’a encore rien vu.

    Cela s’est passé après que des soldats aient tiré sur ton cousin, Mohammed Tamimi âgé de 15 ans, dans la tête, dans la rue devant ta maison, le laissant avec seulement un demi-crâne. Tu dois savoir qu’ils l’ont arrêté à nouveau depuis lors, malgré son handicap, puis l’ont relâché. Ton frère a également été arrêté depuis et libéré.

    Nabi Saleh attend ses filles. Bassem attend Nariman et Ahed. Il y a aussi des Israéliens qui attendent leur libération. La semaine dernière, un autre cas de résistance aux forces d’occupation a été révélé : des jeunes gens ont lancé des pierres sur la police des frontières et blessé une femme policière qui a été hospitalisée.

    Une pierre peut tuer et il y a une nouvelle politique encore plus dure contre les lanceurs de pierres. Trois jeunes hommes ont été arrêtés, mais ils ont été libérés dans la seconde. C’étaient des colons d’Yitzhar. Tandis qu’Ahed qui n’a blessé personne a passé huit mois en prison. Non, il n’y a pas d’apartheid dans les territoires… (...)

    traduction en français de cet article :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/710770
    Keep it up, Ahed Tamimi
    Now it must be said to her, days before her scheduled release after eight months in prison: It was worth it. Keep up the resistance to the Israeli occupation
    Gideon Levy - Jul 25, 2018 10:19 PM
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-keep-it-up-ahed-tamim


  • We should be saluting the Gaza Strip
    The spirit of Gaza is unbroken by any siege and breathing life into the desperate and lost cause of the Palestinian struggle
    Gideon Levy | Jul 15, 2018 2:28 AM Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-we-should-be-saluting-the-gaza-strip-1.6270636

    Were it not for the Gaza Strip, the occupation would have been long forgotten. Were it not for the Gaza Strip, Israel would have erased the Palestinian problem from its agenda and continued on blithely with its crimes and annexations, with its routine, as if 4 million people were not living under its heel. Were it not for the Gaza Strip, the world would also have forgotten. Most of it already has. This is why we must now salute the Gaza Strip — mainly the spirit of the Gaza Strip, the only one that is still breathing life into the desperate and lost cause of the Palestinian struggle for liberty.

    The resolute struggle of the Gaza Strip should also spark admiration in Israel. The handful of people with a conscience who still remain here should give thanks to the unbroken spirit of the Gaza Strip. The spirit of the West Bank crumpled after the failure of the second intifada, as did the spirit of the Israeli peace camp — most of which shattered long ago. Only the spirit of the Gaza Strip stands steadfast in its struggle.

    And so, anyone who does not want to forever live in an evil country must respect the embers that the young people of the Gaza Strip are still trying to stoke. Were it not for the kites, the fires, the Qassam rockets, the Palestinians would have entirely exited the awareness of everyone in Israel. Only the World Cup and the Eurovision Song Contest would hold any interest. Were it not for the blackened fields in the south, there would be a huge white flag fluttering not only over the Gaza Strip but over the entire Palestinian people. Seekers of justice, including in Israel, cannot wish for this kind of submission.

    It’s difficult, even insolent, to write these words from tranquil and secure Tel Aviv, following one more sleepless and nightmarish night in the south, but all days and nights in the Gaza Strip are much more difficult due to Israel’s inhumane policy, supported by most of its citizens, including people who live in the south. They don’t deserve to shoulder the burden but every struggle exacts a price from innocent victims, who we wish do not become casualties. One should remember that only Palestinians are being killed. On Saturday, the 139th victim of Israeli fire along the border died. He was 20. On Friday a 15-year-old boy was killed. The Gaza Strip is paying the full price in blood. This doesn’t cause it to desist. That is its spirit. One cannot but admire it.

    The spirit of the Gaza Strip is unbroken by any siege. The evil ones in Jerusalem shut down the Kerem Shalom border crossing, and Gaza shoots. The malicious ones in the Kirya government complex in Tel Aviv prevent young people from receiving medical treatment in the West Bank in order to save their legs from being amputated.

    For years they have been preventing cancer patients, including women and children, from receiving lifesaving treatment. Only 54 percent of requests to leave the Gaza Strip for medical reasons were approved last year, compared to 93 percent in 2012. That is wicked. One should read the letter written in June by 31 Israeli oncologists who called for a cessation of the abuse of Gaza women with cancer whose applications for exit permits take months to process, sealing their fates.

    The 31 rockets fired into Israel from the Gaza Strip Friday night are a restrained response to this malice. They are no more than a muted reminder of the fate of the Gaza Strip, addressed to those who think that 2 million people can be treated like this for over 10 years while continuing as if nothing was happening.

    The Gaza Strip has no choice. Nor does Hamas. Any attempt to pin the blame on the organization — which I only wish was more secular, more feminist and more democratic — is an evasion of responsibility. It wasn’t not Hamas that closed the Gaza Strip. Nor did the Gaza Strip’s inhabitants close themselves off. Israel (and Egypt) did it. Every hesitant attempt by Hamas to make some progress with Israel is immediately answered by automatic Israeli refusal. Nor is the world willing to talk with them, who knows why.

    All that’s left are the kites, which might lead to another round of merciless bombing and shelling by Israel, that Israel of course does not want. But what choice does the Gaza Strip have? A white flag of surrender over its fences, like the one the Palestinians in the West bank raised? A dream of a green island off the coast of the Mediterranean, which Israeli Transportation Minister Yisrael Katz will build for them? The struggle is the only path remaining, a path that should be respected, even if you are an Israeli who might be its victim.

    #GAZA


  • A law that tells the truth about Israel
    The nation-state law makes it plain. Israel is for Jews only, on the books. It’s easier this way for everyone
    Gideon Levy Jul 12, 2018 5:01 AM - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-a-law-that-tells-the-truth-about-israel-1.6267705

    The Knesset is about to legislate one of its most important laws ever, and the one most in keeping with reality. The nation-state law will put an end to Israel’s vague nationalism and present Zionism as it is. The law will also put an end to the farce about Israel being “Jewish and democratic,” a combination that never existed and could never exist because of the inherent contradiction between the two values that cannot be reconciled, except by deception.

    If the state is Jewish, it cannot be democratic, because of the lack of equality; if it’s democratic, it cannot be Jewish, because a democracy does not bestow privilege based on ethnicity. So now the Knesset has decided: Israel is Jewish. Israel is declaring that it is the nation-state of the Jewish people, not a state of its citizens, not a state of the two peoples that live within it, and has therefore ceased to be an egalitarian democracy, not just in practice but also in theory. That’s why this law is so important. It is a truthful law.

    The uproar over the bill was intended mainly as an effort to continue the policy of national ambiguity. The president and the attorney general, the ostensible guardians of decency, protested and received compliments from the liberal camp. The president shouted that the law would be “a weapon in the hands of Israel’s enemies,” and the attorney general warned about the “international ramifications.”

    The prospect of Israel’s veil being removed before the world prompted them to act. Reuven Rivlin, it must be said, cried out with great vigor and courage against the clause allowing community-acceptance committees to screen residents and its implications for the regime, but most liberals were simply horrified to read the reality when it was worded as a law.

    Mordechai Kremnitzer, in Tuesday’s Haaretz, also cried out in vain when he said the bill would “foment a revolution, no less. It will spell the end of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state ...” He added that the bill would make Israel “a leader among nationalist countries like Poland and Hungary,” as if it isn’t already and hasn’t been for a long time. In Poland and Hungary there is no tyranny over another people lacking rights, which has become a permanent reality and an inseparable part of how this state and its regime operate, with no end in sight.

    All those years of hypocrisy were pleasant. It was nice to say that apartheid was only in South Africa, because there everything was rooted in racial laws, and we had no such laws. To say that Hebron is not apartheid, the Jordan Valley is not apartheid, and that the occupation really isn’t part of the regime. To say that we were the only democracy in the region, even with the occupation.

    It was nice to claim that since Israeli Arabs can vote, we are an egalitarian democracy. To point out that there’s an Arab party, even if it’s excluded from any influence. To point out that Arabs can be admitted to the Jews’ hospitals; that they can study in the Jews’ universities and live anywhere they choose. (You bet.)

    How enlightened we are; our Supreme Court ruled in the Kaadan case that an Arab family could buy a home in Katzir, after years of litigation and endless evasion. How tolerant we are that the Arabs are permitted to speak Arabic, an official language. The latter was certainly a fiction; Arabic never was remotely treated as an official language, the way Swedish is in Finland, where the minority is far smaller than the Arab minority here.

    It was comfortable to ignore that the lands owned by the Jewish National Fund, which include most of the state’s lands, were for Jews only – with the progressive Supreme Court backing that stance – and claim we’re a democracy. It was much more pleasant to think of ourselves as egalitarian.

    Now there will be a law that tells the truth. Israel is for Jews only, on the books. The nation-state of the Jewish people, not of its residents. Its Arabs are second-class citizens and its Palestinian subjects are hollow, nonexistent. Their fate is determined in Jerusalem, but they aren’t part of the state. It’s easier this way for everyone.

    There remains a small problem with the rest of the world, and with Israel’s image, which this law will tarnish somewhat. It’s no big deal. Israel’s new friends will be proud of this law. For them it will be a light unto the nations. And people of conscience all over the world already know the truth and have long been struggling against it. A weapon for the BDS movement? Certainly. Israel has earned it, and will now legislate it.


  • Holocaust survivor and Palestinians’ rights lawyer Felicia Langer dies in exile at 87
    Felicia Langer fought, first in Israel and then from Germany, for the enforcement of international law from which Israel excepted itself
    Haaretz.com - Gideon Levy - Jun 24, 2018 2:42 AM
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-the-death-of-an-exiled-conscience-1.6200232

    I never met her, only called her two or three times in her place of exile, but I well remember what she was for me and most of my generation in our brainwashed youth: a symbol of hatred for Israel, a public enemy, a reviled, outcast traitor. That’s how we were taught to regard her and a few other early dissidents, and we neither questioned nor cared why.

    Now, at 87, she has died in exile; her image glows brightly in my eyes through the distance of time and space. Felicia Langer, who died in Germany Thursday, was a hero, a pioneer and a woman of conscience. She and a few of her allies never got the recognition here that they deserved; it’s not clear they ever will.

    In a place where “alumni” of a murderous Jewish terror organization are welcomed — one a newspaper editor, another an expert on religious law — and where self-declared racists are accepted as legitimate participants in the arena of public debate as they are nowhere else, there is no room for courageous justice warriors who paid a high personal price for trying to lead a camp that never followed.

    Langer was a Holocaust survivor from Poland who studied law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. After the occupation, was the first to open a law office dedicated to defending its Palestinian victims. In this, she followed an illustrious tradition of Jews who fought injustice in South Africa, Latin America, Europe and the United States.

    Here, her sense of justice brought her into conflict with her state. Occasionally she even succeeded: In 1979, in the wake of her petition, the High Court of Justice blocked an expulsion order against Nablus Mayor Bassam Shakaa. A year later, the Jewish underground attached a bomb to his car that destroyed his legs, and Israeli justice came to light.

    Langer was a pioneer among Israeli lawyers of conscience who came out for the defense of the rights of the occupied population, but she was also the first to throw in the towel, closing her law office in 1990 and going into exile. In a 2012 interview with documentary filmmaker Eran Torbiner, she explained: “I left Israel because I could no longer help the Palestinian victims with the existing legal system and the disregard for international law that was supposed to protect the people whom I was defending. I couldn’t act. I was facing a hopeless situation.” She told The Washington Post she “couldn’t be a fig leaf for this system anymore.”

    She said she didn’t switch battlefronts, only her place on the front, but the front is currently at its lowest point. The occupation is entrenched as never before and nearly all of its crimes have been legitimized.

    Langer came to the conclusion that things were hopeless. Apparently she was right. The fight in the military courts was doomed to failure. It has no prospect of success because the military courts are only subject to the laws of the occupation and not to the laws of justice. The proceedings involve nothing more than hollow and false legal ritual.

    Even the civil legal system, headed by the vaunted High Court of Justice, has never come down on the side of the victims and against the crimes of the occupation. Here and there restraining orders have been issued, here and there actions have been delayed. But in the annals of the occupation, Israel’s Supreme Court will be remembered as the primary legitimizer of the occupation and as an abject collaborator with the military. In such a state of affairs, perhaps there really was nothing for Langer to do here. That is a singularly depressing conclusion.

    What did this brave and courageous woman fight against? Against torture by the Shin Bet security service at a time when we didn’t believe that such torture existed, yet it was at the peak of its cruelty. She fought against the expulsion of political activists, against false arrests, against home demolitions. Above all, she fought for the enforcement of international law from which Israel decided to except itself on unbelievable grounds. That’s what she fought and that is why she was considered a public enemy.

    In her old age, her grandson told her that ultimately the Palestinians will win and will get a state of their own. “You won’t see it, but I will,” he promised his grandmother. In the end, the grandson will be disappointed, just as his distinguished grandmother was.

    • Felicia Langer
      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Felicia_Langer

      (...) Elle adhère au Parti communiste d’Israël, elle sera membre de son Comité Central, et, quand elle obtient une licence de droit en 1965, elle se rend compte qu’elle est sur une liste noire et que personne ne l’embauche après enquête.

      Elle devient l’avocate des Arabes palestiniens, dénonçant dans plusieurs ouvrages l’usage de la torture par l’État d’Israël. Elle déclare en 1978 : « Je peux dire que j’ai ici dans mon bureau toute une encyclopédie sur les violations des droits de l’Homme : j’ai dans mes dossiers de quoi écrire de nombreux livres » (...)

    • Langer came to the conclusion that things were hopeless.

      […]

      Here, her sense of justice brought her into conflict with her state. Occasionally she even succeeded: In 1979, in the wake of her petition, the High Court of Justice blocked an expulsion order against Nablus Mayor Bassam Shakaa. A year later, the Jewish underground attached a bomb to his car that destroyed his legs, and Israeli justice came to light.

      Bassam Shakaa - Wikipedia
      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bassam_Shakaa

      On June 2, 1980 he became the victim of a bomb placed in his car by members of the Jewish Underground. They also planted bombs in the cars of Ibrahim Tawil, the mayor of El-Bireh, and Karim Khalaf, the mayor of Ramallah. Khalaf lost one leg, while Shakaa had to have both legs amputated. Moshe Zer, one of the first Israeli settlers in the northern West Bank, was the person who led the Jewish underground “hit team” that tried to assassinate Shakaa. Zer was convicted for causing serious injury and belonging to a terror group, but was sentenced to only four months in prison, the time he was in jail waiting for his trial, because of the state of his health and the fact that he was badly injured in an attempt of a Palestinian to murder him.

      (pas de version française, apparemment)

    • Un extrait de son site www.felicia-langer.de

      Felicia Langer
      http://www.felicia-langer.de/person.html

      Richtigstellung zu dem Wikipedia-Eintrag „Felicia Langer“

      Auf Wikipedia wird die Behauptung aufgestellt, dass ich die Rede des iranischen Präsidenten zur Antirassismuskonferenz der UNO am 21. April 2009 als „Wahrheit“ bezeichnet haben soll. Diesen Vorwurf lehne ich entschieden ab: Ich habe niemals und nirgendwo den iranischen Präsidenten gerechtfertigt oder seine Reden als gut befunden. Dies ist eine Erfindung, um mich zu diskreditieren und zu diffamieren. Der Quellenverweis für diese Anschuldigung erscheint mir jedenfalls sehr zweifelhaft. Eine weitere Richtigstellung: Ich nahm im Jahr 2008 und nicht 2009 die deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit an.

      Laut Wikipedia hat das israelische Verteidigungsministerium mir 1977 die Lizenz zum Verteidigen vor Militärgerichten in Israel entzogen, so dass ich die Palästinenser nur noch in deren Gebieten vertreten konnte. Dies ist nicht richtig. Mir wurde die Lizenz im Falle von Kriegsdienstverweigerern oder in besonderen Fällen ( „aus Sicherheitsgründen“) entzogen. Aber nicht in Militärgerichten, wo man die Palästinenser (auch in Israel) gerichtet hat. Ich konnte und hatte weiterhin sehr viele Palästinenser in allen Gerichten vertreten. In meinem Buch „Zorn und Hoffnung“, das auch in Israel verlegt wurde, schildere ich Gerichtsverfahren, wo Fälle von Palästinensern behandelt werden (s. Seite 371, Jahr 1981, Mohammad al Arda, oder siehe S. 390, Auad Hamdan.) Außerdem bin ich zu Anträgen beim höchsten Gerichtshof in Israel (High Court of Justice) in Jerusalem aufgetreten und war für diese Auftritte in Israel bekannt.

      Zudem habe ich die israelische Palästinenserpolitik nie mit dem Holocaust verglichen, sonder als Apartheitspolitik bezeichnet.

      Felicia Langer
      05.04.2011 (Ergänzt am 04.06.2012)

    • In memory of Felicia Langer, the first lawyer to bring the occupation to court
      https://972mag.com/in-memory-of-felicia-langer-the-first-lawyer-to-bring-the-occupation-to-court/136393

      Felicia Langer was a Holocaust survivor, a communist, and one of the first Israeli lawyers to defend Palestinian residents of the occupied territories in the Israeli Supreme Court. She died in Germany last week.

      By Michael Sfard

      “““““““““““““““““““““““““
      traduction en français
      À la mémoire de Felicia Langer, premier avocat à amener l’occupation devant les tribunaux
      30 06 2018
      http://www.agencemediapalestine.fr/blog/2018/06/30/a-la-memoire-de-felicia-langer-premier-avocat-a-amener-loccupat

    • C’était la première avocate juive à défendre les Palestiniens, mais pas la seule, puisque elle a aussi travaillé avec #Lea_Tsemel qui a continué après le départ de Felicia Langer, qui continue encore et qui est plus indépendante puisqu’elle n’est pas liée au Parti Communiste.

      En revanche Lea n’a pas de page wikipedia en français, juste en anglais :
      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leah_Tsemel

      Voir aussi :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/171835
      https://seenthis.net/messages/344801
      https://seenthis.net/messages/676993
      https://seenthis.net/messages/678658


  • In a democracy, Palestinian lawmaker Khalida Jarrar would be free - Haaretz.com | Gideon Levy | Jun 21, 2018 1:13 AM

    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-in-a-democracy-palestinian-lawmaker-khalida-jarrar-would-be-free-1

    The continued detention of Palestinian parliament member Khalida Jarrar can no longer be presented as a worrisome exception on Israel’s democratic landscape. Nor can the incredible public apathy and almost total absence of media coverage of her plight be dismissed any longer as a general lack of interest in what Israel does to the Palestinians. The usual repression and denial cannot explain it either.

    Jarrar’s detention doesn’t only define what is happening in Israel’s dark backyard, it is part of its glittering display window. Jarrar defines democracy and the rule of law in Israel. Her imprisonment is an inseparable part of the Israeli regime and it is the face of Israeli democracy, no less than its free elections (for some of its subjects) or the pride parades that wind through its streets.

    Jarrar is the Israeli regime no less than the Basic Law on Human Dignity and Liberty. Jarrar is Israeli democracy without makeup and adornments. The lack of interest in her fate is also characteristic of the regime. A legislator in prison through no fault of her own is a political prisoner in every way, and political prisoners defined by the regime. There can be no political prisoners in a democracy, nor detention without trial in a state of law. Thus Jarrar’s imprisonment is not only a black stain on the Israeli regime; it’s an inseparable part of it.

    A Palestinian legislator has been imprisoned for nothing for months and years, and no one in Israel cares about her fate; only a very few protest. None of her Israeli counterparts in the Knesset say anything, not even those from the hypocritical Zionist left; no jurist groups or even the enlightened High Court of Justice are working to get her freed.

    There’s no point in reporting on the trivialities that the Shin Bet security service attributes to her, or to explain that she is innocent until proven guilty. There is no point in writing again and again about parliamentary immunity, lest this be considered delusional – how can a Palestinian have immunity? – nor is there any point in wasting words to describe her courage, though she is perhaps the bravest woman living today under Israeli control.

    All these things fall on deaf ears. There are no charges and no guilt, just a freedom fighter in jail. The Shin Bet is the investigator, the prosecutor and the judge, three positions in one in the land of unlimited possibilities, in which a state can define itself as a democracy, even the only one in the Middle East, and most Israelis are convinced that this is the case, while the world accepts it.

    Jarrar could end up spending the rest of her life in prison; there is no legal impediment to this since all the pathetic arguments used to justify her continued detention could be deemed valid indefinitely. If she’s dangerous today, she’s dangerous forever. Political prisoners, detention without trial and unlimited imprisonment define tyranny.

    Of course, Jarrar is not an exceptional case; she isn’t even the only Palestinian MP in an Israeli prison. So the pretentious talk about Israeli democracy must be halted, given her imprisonment. Israel with Jarrar in prison is at most a half-democracy.

    Therefore, the resistance should no longer be directed solely against the occupation. The resistance is to the regime in place in Israel. Her imprisonment is the regime and she opposes the regime under whose boots she lives. Many of the Palestinian resistance organizations, which are always defined as “terror organizations,” solely because of their means, rather than their goals, are opponents of the regime under which they were forced to live. Their goals are similar to those of others who resisted tyranny, from the Soviet Union to South Africa to Argentina. Just like the handful of Israelis who want to support Jarrar. They are not expressing only human solidarity or opposition to the occupation; they are opponents of the regime.

    All those who support her continued detention, anyone who is silent while she remains in jail, and all those who make her detention possible are saying: Forget democracy. That’s not what we are. Get used to it.

    #Khalida_Jarrar