person:monica marks

« WITH OR WITHOUT THE BROTHERS » un colloque à ne pas rater, aujourd’hui et demain à Sciences Po Paris.

▻http://www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/evenements/#/?lang=fr&id=4225

Organisé par Laurent Bonnefoy, François Burgat et Stéphane Lacroix, il réunit des chercheur-e-s français, arabes, etc dont les travaux sont des références.

WITH OR WITHOUT THE BROTHERS. DOMESTIC, REGIONAL, AND INTERNATIONAL TRENDS IN ISLAMISM (2013-2015)
du 29/10 | 09h30 au 30/10 | 18h00

Dans le cadre du projet ERC When Authoritarianism Fails in the Arab World

En partenariat avec l’IREMAM, l’IFPO, et l’Université d’Oslo


Thursday 29th of October, 2015

9:30-9:45 Opening address by Alain Dieckhoff, Sciences Po-CERI, CNRS

9:45-10:30 Keynote address by François Burgat, WAFAW, IREMAM
From Ghannouchi to al-Baghdadi: The ubiquitous diversity of the Islamic lexicon

Panel 1: Linking political exclusion to violence?

10:30-13:15

Chair: Loulouwa Al-Rachid, WAFAW, Sciences Po-CERI

Sari Hanafi, WAFAW, American University of Beirut
Transnational movement of Islamic reform: New configurations

Bjorn Olav Utvik, Oslo University
Myths of Ikhwan disaster: Anatomy of the 2011-1013 power struggle in Egypt

Amal-Fatiha Abbassi, IREMAM, Sciences Po Aix
The Muslim Brotherhood and political disengagement. The consequences of an authoritarian situation

11:45-12:00 Coffee break

Monica Marks, WAFAW, Oxford University
Survivalist club or dynamic movement? Generational politics in Ennahda today

Joas Wagemakers, Utrecht University
With or without the others: Consolidating divisions within the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood (2013-2015)

Amel Boubekeur, SWP, Berlin
Algerian Islamists and Salafis after the Arab Spring: Eroding or reloading the regime?

Panel 2: A Resilient Muslim Brotherhood?

14:30-16:45

Chair: Stéphane Lacroix, WAFAW, CERI-Sciences Po

Rory McCarthy, Oxford University
When Islamists lose an election

Marc Lynch, George Washington University
Evolving transnational networks and media strategies of the Muslim Brotherhood

Marie Vannetzel, WAFAW, CURAPP
#R4bia: The dynamics of the pro-Mursi mobilizations in Turkey

Dilek Yankaya, WAFAW, IREMAM
A “transnational Islamic business network”? Rethinking the connections between Turkish, Egyptian and Tunisian “Islamic businessmen” after the Arab Springs

16:45-17:00 Coffee break

17:00-17:45 Open discussion on contemporary Muslim Brotherhood dynamics

*

Friday 30th of October, 2015

Panel 3: The Iraqi/Syrian matrix of violence

9:30-11:30

Chair: Bjorn Olav Utvik, Oslo University

Loulouwa Al-Rachid, WAFAW, CERI-Sciences Po
The Disarray of Iraqi Sunnis

Truls Tonnesen, FFI, Oslo
The Iraqi origins of the “Islamic State”

Yahya Michot, Hartford Seminary
Ibn Taymiyya in ’Dabiq’

Thomas Pierret, Edinburgh University
Farewell to the vanguard: Syria’s Ahrar al-Sham Islamic movement and wartime de-radicalisation

Tine Gade, Oslo University
Sunnism in Lebanon after the Syrian war

11:30-11:45 Coffee break

Panel 4: Al-Qaeda vs. the Islamic State

11:45-13:30
Chair: François Burgat, WAFAW, IREMAM

Hasan Abu Hanieh, Independent researcher
New Jihadism: From harassment to empowerment (In Arabic)

Brynjar Lia, Oslo University
The jihadi movement and rebel governance: A reassertion of a patriarchal order?

Stéphane Lacroix, WAFAW, CERI-Sciences Po
Saudi Arabia, the Brothers and the others: the ambiguities of a complex relationship

Abdulsalam al-Rubaidi, Al-Baidha University
Ansar al-Sharia in South Yemen: configuration, expansion and discourse (In Arabic)

Ismail Alexandrani, Independent researcher
Sinai with and without the Brothers: did it matter?

Panel 5: Muslim Brothers and their Islamist competitors

14:30-16:45
Chair: Sari Hanafi, WAFAW, American University of Beirut

Muhammad Abu Rumman, Jordanian University
Dilemmas in Salafi dynamics in the wake of the Arab democratic revolutions (In Arabic)

Stéphane Lacroix, WAFAW, CERI-Sciences Po
Being Salafi under Sisi: Examining the post-coup strategy of the al-Nour party

Ahmed Zaghlul, CEDEJ, Cairo
The nationalization of the religious sphere in Egypt (In Arabic)

Myriam Benraad, IREMAM
Iraqi Muslim Brothers: Between the Islamic State and a hard place

Nicolas Dot-Pouillard, WAFAW, IFPO
Hizbullah and Muslims Brothers: A political rupture or a contract renegotiation?

Laurent Bonnefoy, WAFAW, Sciences Po-CERI, CNRS)
Islahis, Salafis, Huthis: reconfigurations of the Islamist field in war torn Yemen


16:45-17:00 Coffee break

17:00-18:00 Concluding remarks and discussion with François Burgat (WAFAW, IREMAM) and Bernard Rougier (Paris III University).

Conference in English and Arabic (with translation)

Responsables scientifiques: Laurent Bonnefoy (Sciences Po-CERI, CNRS), Stéphane Lacroix (Sciences Po-CERI),François Burgat (IREMAM), Bjorn Olav Utvik (Oslo University)

Sciences Po-CERI: 56, rue Jacob 75006 Paris (salle de conférences)

INSCRIPTION OBLIGATOIRE auprès de nathalie.tenenbaum@sciencespo.fr

langueAnglaislieuSalle des conférences, Bâtiment SorganisateurCERI

Why Aren’t Young People Voting in the Tunisian Elections ?

SUBMITTED BY CHRISTINE PETRÉ ON FRI, 11/21/2014
▻http://blogs.worldbank.org/arabvoices

As Tunisia approaches the country’s Presidential elections on November 23, the ‘Arab Spring’ birthplace has a lot to be proud of, having safely wrapped up its first Parliamentary elections since the new constitution was ratified. However, election observers indicate that, as expected, the youth, the revolution’s driving force, remain reluctant to cast their vote...

However, despite the fact that there are no official numbers yet for youth participation, it is widely acknowledged that relatively few of the country’s young cared to visit the polls.
 
Election observers such as International Republican Institute (IRI) concluded that the polling stations (organized by ID numbers) with the higher ID numbers, where younger voters would cast their ballots, had a lower voter turnout. It was in front of the polling stations with lower ID numbers, for older voters that lines formed in the early hours of that Sunday morning. “ It seems that the youth was the one group that voted in lower numbers,” concluded IRI’s Tunisia Resident Country Director, Djordje Todorovic.
 
Young voter and youth consultant, Hend Hassassi experienced this first hand. At her polling centre, few of her 20-something-old fellow citizens came to cast their vote. “ I feel like the [election] result is not representative of the youth,” said Hassassi.
 
That Tunisia’s younger generations would be reluctant to vote was one of the fears prior to the elections. But why is the revolution’s driving force boycotting the democratic right that they fought so hard for ?
 
“ I know many people who didn’t go vote because they feel excluded, they feel the revolution has been hijacked,” explained Hassassi. Many political parties claim they stand for youth empowerment but it is nothing but “empty words, empty promises.” She is also disappointed by The Independent High Authority for Elections (ISIE), arguing that they should have made more of an effort to make the election campaigns more appealing to younger voters. “ The slogan for 2014, “Vote for Tunisia because you love her” wasn’t creative,” argued Hassassi. “ It was better for the last election - more engaging.”
 
Hassassi described the mood in 2011, when Tunisia held its first democratic election since the ousting of former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, as one of excitement. “ Now, with the same opposition politicians, no new faces, it is ‘revolution fatigue’,” she sighed, adding that she could relate to her peers who refused to vote out of disappointment over the country’s post-revolutionary development.
 
After the revolution, Tunisians, especially the young, wanted rapid change. “ I think that especially for young people it is hard to recognise that change takes time and that no transition happens over night,” explained Tunis based Oxford University researcher Monica Marks. “ When you don’t see rapid change, it is easy to be disillusioned.”
 
One important aspect of the youth’s political detachment, apparent in the Presidential election round, is the aged political scene. “ It is Jurassic Park politicians,” commented Marks. “Many Tunisian politicians are old and I don’t know if they have been able to connect with the young.”
 
One of the candidates in Sunday’s Presidential race is 87-year-old Nidaa Tounes head, Beji Caid Essebsi, who served both former presidents of Tunisia. While some are drawn to Essebsi’s promise of strong leadership, others are concerned it could bring back authoritarian tendencies. “Essebsi is too old to govern,” said Jbeli Hella, a 21-year-old student who boycotted the elections. “All parties are the same,” she said with distrust.
 
One of Essebsi’s leading opponents is 69-year-old former human rights activist, Moncef Marzouki, a revolutionary leader. “ Marzouki has gotten higher numbers than any other politician among the youth,” explained Marks, arguing that it is because he is one of the few that continues to speak a revolutionary discourse. “ I will vote for Marzouki,” declared 21-year-old Hajer Ben Hamida, who was unhappy that Essebsi was still in politics. 
 
“ Some of my leftist friends didn’t vote,” said 26-year-old teacher, Sheyma Arfewi, explaining that they are against those involved with the former regime remaining on the political scene. “ They ask : what was then the point of the revolution?”
 With politicians they cannot relate to, and disappointed by the pace of change, it is an open question as to how many young people will show up to vote on Sunday.

The Tunisian election result isn’t simply a victory for secularism over Islamism | Monica Marks | Comment is free | theguardian.com
▻http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/oct/29/tunisian-election-result-secularism-islamism-nidaa-tounes-ennahda?CMP=t

A self-styled, secular, modernist party called Nidaa Tounes won against the Islamist Ennahda party in the Tunisian election this week. For many, the subsequent headline – “Secularist party wins Tunisia elections” – will seem more impressive than the fact Tunisia just completed its second genuinely competitive, peaceful elections since 2011.

Indeed, in a region wracked by extremism and civil war, the secularists’ victory will strike many as further proof that Tunisia is moving forward and is the sole bright spot in a gloomy region. Some may prematurely celebrate, yet again, the death of political Islam, arguing that Tunisians achieved through the ballot box what Egyptians achieved through a popular coup, rejecting the Brotherhood and its cousin-like movements once and for all. We should exercise caution, however, in labelling Nidaa Tounes’s victory part of a seamless sweep of democratic achievements, or seeing Sunday’s vote as a clear referendum against all varieties of political Islam.

Tunisia’s Student Salafis - By Monica Marks | The Middle East Channel
►http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/01/06/tunisias_student_salafis

The niqab dispute at Manouba has acquired a politically polarized and ideological tone. Ms. Grami, like many of the professors at yesterday’s demonstration, places much of the blame for the Salafis’ rise squarely on the shoulders of Ennahdha, the center-right Islamist party that won a plurality of the vote in October’s elections. “At the end of the day, this is Rachid Ghannouchi’s decision,” said Ms. Grami, pushing her black bangs away from her sunglasses. “Ennahdha has created an environment where these people feel comfortable imposing their will on us.”

Said Ferjani, an official spokesperson for Ennahdha Party, said that Manouba must find a solution to the niqab dispute “without infringing in any shape or form on a woman’s fundamental right to choose her own clothing.” The niqab debate and controversy over women wearing skimpy bikinis on Tunisian beaches, Mr. Ferjani said, “are two sides of the same issue. We live within the dynamics of a fledgling democracy, and we must respect democratic principles.”

For some students, the standoff at Manouba represents little more than a frustratingly alarmist tug of war over largely irrelevant issues of “Tunisian identity.” "We, the students, are the losers" said Houda, a head-scarved 21-year-old who attended yesterday’s anti-niqab demonstration purely out of curiosity. “We want to return to our studies without thinking of any ideology. These girls who wear niqab are just as Tunisian as all the people here.”