person:nasser

En sponsorisant le « Polisario », l’Iran aspire à étendre son pouvoir hégémonique en Afrique du nord et de l’Ouest (Nasser Bourita)
▻https://www.emouaten.com/En-sponsorisant-le-Polisario--l-Iran-aspire-a-etendre-son-pouvoir-hegemoni

New York...

#Sahara

Cisjordanie : échauffourées près d’un village de bédouins promis à la démolition
L’Express - Par AFP , mis à jour le 15/09/2018 à 08:44

▻https://www.lexpress.fr/actualites/1/monde/cisjordanie-echauffourees-pres-d-un-village-de-bedouins-promis-a-la-demolit

https://static.lexpress.fr/medias_11926/w_605,h_350,c_fill,g_north/v1536932342/des-militants-pro-palestiniens-et-des-bedouins-protestent-contre-la-tentative-de-l-armee-israelienne-de-barrer-la-route-menant-au-village-de-khan-al-ahmar-en-cisjordanie-occupee-promis-a-la-demolition-le-14-septembre-2018_6106492.jpg

Un bulldozer israélien a tenté de barrer la route menant au village de Khan al-Ahmar en y déversant des pierres et de la terre, ce qui a provoqué des heurts.

Trois manifestants ont été arrêtés, a précisé un porte-parole de la police.

Parmi eux figure un professeur français de droit, Frank Romano, ont indiqué des manifestants, mais la police n’a pas confirmé.

Après des années de bataille judiciaire, la Cour suprême israélienne a donné la semaine dernière son feu vert à la démolition de Khan al-Ahmar, village de tôle et de toile où vivent environ 200 bédouins à l’est de Jérusalem, près de colonies israéliennes.

#Khan_al-Ahmar

L’Ambassadeur de Cuba au Maroc remet une copie figurée de ses lettres de créance à M. Nasser Bourita
▻https://www.emouaten.com/L-Ambassadeur-de-Cuba-au-Maroc-remet-une-copie-figuree-de-ses-lettres-de-c
#Le_Fil

Le Ministre des affaires étrangères espagnol :
• il n’y a pas d’immigration massive en Europe,
• les flux se reportent sur l’Espagne du fait de la fermeture de la route libyenne
• l’Europe a besoin de sève nouvelle si elle ne veut pas devenir un continent de vieux

Borrell dice, tras hablar con su colega marroquí, que la actitud de Rabat sobre la migración no ha cambiado
▻https://www.lavanguardia.com/vida/20180730/451169272192/borrell-dice-tras-hablar-con-su-colega-marroqui-que-la-actitud-de-raba

El ministro de Asuntos Exteriores, UE y Cooperación, Josep Borrell, ha desvelado este lunes que el domingo habló con su homólogo marroquí, Nasser Bourita, y ha asegurado que por parte de Marruecos «no hay ningún cambio de actitud» sobre la inmigración, «ninguna intención deliberada de dejar que aumente el flujo por descuido o inadvertencia».

Borrell ha atribuido el aumento de llegadas de migrantes a las costas españolas al «cierre de la ruta libia», que ha hecho que aumente «de manera natural» la presión sobre el Mediterráneo occidental, ya que «circulan más seres humanos por circuitos que hasta ahora estaban menos transitados».

En todo caso, ha llamado a «medir las cosas en sus justos términos» porque cree que se está «banalizando» el término «inmigración masiva». El ministro estaba compareciendo junto a su homólogo de Jordania, Ayman al Safadi, que ha explicado que, de los 10 millones de habitantes que tiene su país, 3,5 son inmigrantes y refugiados.

«Compárenlo con las peores cifras de Europa», ha dicho Borrell, aludiendo a los 180.000 migrantes que recibió Italia en 2016 o a los alrededor de 20.000 en lo que va de 2018 en España, un país de más de 40 millones de habitantes y con una renta per capita mucho más alta que la jordana.

Así, aunque admite que hay que tener en cuenta las cifras y que España está «con todos los efectivos desplegados y todas las capacidades en alerta», Borrell cree que las llegadas de inmigrantes «se mantienen en unos límites controlables». Según ha dicho, los mensajes «más o menos oficiosos de supuestos documentos de la UE» no dicen nada que las autoridades no supieran ya.

Además, el ministro español ha insistido en que cualquier demógrafo defenderá que Europa necesita la inmigración porque necesita «savia nueva» si no quiere convertirse en un «continente de ancianos» y ha apuntado que muchos inmigrantes que llegan a las costas españolas en realidad no quieren quedarse en España, sino continuar a países del centro de Europa.

(Habrá ampliación)

(suite annoncée), mais intégralité de cet article.

L’unanimité contre l’injustice
▻http://www.dedefensa.org/article/lunanimite-contre-linjustice

L’unanimité contre l’injustice

Le peuple marocain est unanime. Les peines prononcées le mardi 26 juin au soir par la Chambre criminelle de la Cour d’Appel de Casablanca contre les 54 prisonniers politiques jugés dans le cadre des émeutes d’Al Hoceima et du Rif sont excessives. Elles ont été vécues comme une blessure et perçues comme une véritable provocation. Les condamnations vont de 20 ans de prison ferme à un an avec sursis. Nasser Zefzafi, le jeune homme qui s’est distingué comme un leader du mouvement, figure parmi les cinq prisonniers à écoper du maximum de vingt ans de réclusion. Les jeunes gens, accusés d’avoir porté atteinte à la sûreté de l’État, vont tous faire appel du jugement.

Le mouvement était parti d’un accident, volontaire ou non, survenu à Al Hoceima fin octobre 2016. Un marchand de (...)

#Sahara : Nasser Bourita fait le point sur sa rencontre avec Horst Kohler
▻https://www.emouaten.com/Sahara-Nasser-Bourita-fait-le-point-sur-sa-rencontre-avec-Horst-Kohler_a12

De 20 ans de prison ferme pour Nasser Zafzafi à 1 an pour les autres détenus
▻https://www.emouaten.com/De-20-ans-de-prison-ferme-pour-Nasser-Zafzafi-a-1-an-pour_a123850.html

L...

#Le_Fil

La politique du feuilleton (2/2) : l’Arabie saoudite refait le passé – Culture et politique arabes
▻https://cpa.hypotheses.org/6626

Il n’en reste pas moins que rares sont les occasions, en Arabie saoudite, de rappeler le passé arabiste d’une partie importante de la population (surtout dans les classes intellectuelles) à cette époque. À ce titre au moins, le feuilleton dans lequel Nasser al-Qasabi se met une nouvelle fois en vedette prouve toute sa singularité. Pour autant, la lecture qu’il propose de l’histoire de son pays reste assez discutable car les spécialistes de l’Arabie saoudite s’accordent tous pour souligner le caractère pérenne, voir fondateur dans la construction de cette entité politique, de l’alliance passée entre la famille Al Saoud et les leaders du courant wahhabite. Par ailleurs, et même si c’est bien moins évident dans le feuilleton que dans le discours médiatique tenu à son sujet, il est également très discutable, d’un point de vue historique, d’associer étroitement le virage conservateur de la fin des années 1970 à la révolution islamique en Iran. Mais il est vrai que, pour la propagande du courant libéral que s’efforce de diriger MBS, cette association présente le double avantage de dédouaner la famille qui a imposé son nom à ce pays tout en diabolisant, une fois de plus, l’adversaire du moment, à savoir l’Iran.

#cpa

Jewish extremists taunt ’Ali’s on the grill’ at slain toddler’s relatives | The Times of Israel
▻https://www.timesofisrael.com/jewish-extremists-taunt-alis-on-the-grill-at-slain-toddlers-relatives

https://static.timesofisrael.com/www/uploads/2018/06/000_1683LH-1024x640.jpg

Des terroristes sionistes se réjouissent publiquement, bruyamment et impunément de la mort d’un enfant palestinien (tué par leurs pairs), et les juges sionistes chargés de juger deux participants au crime se préparent à rendre un verdict encourageant des meurtres similaires,

Inside in a dramatic ruling moments prior, the court’s three-judge panel threw out a confession given by the teenage accomplice accused of involvement in the deadly Duma attack, saying that the statement had been given under duress.

However, a confession given by primary suspect Amiram Ben-Uliel was cleared for use after judges determined that enough time had passed between when he was tortured and when he admitted to the crime.

The decision creates a major hurdle for the prosecution, which may now need to throw out the case against the unnamed minor accused of helping plan the firebombing of the Dawabsha family home on July 31, 2015.

The minor and Amiram Ben-Uliel, charged last year with carrying out the attack, have claimed innocence, insisting they only confessed to the crime after being subjected to torture at the hands of Shin Bet interrogators.

#impunité #vitrine_de_la_jungle #Israel #sionisme #crimes

Au Maroc, le long procès des leaders du #Hirak du #Rif - La Croix
▻https://www.la-croix.com/Monde/Afrique/Au-Maroc-long-proces-leaders-Hirak-Rif-2018-05-28-1200942422

https://img.aws.la-croix.com/2018/05/28/1200942422/000-vq222_0_1399_908.jpg

Nasser Zefzafi et une cinquantaine d’autres détenus ont été transférés à Casablanca pour y être jugés. Leur procès dure depuis huit mois. Maintenu à l’isolement, le leader du Hirak a annoncé mercredi 23 mai une grève de la faim – « de non-retour » – pour protester contre les conditions de sa détention.

Il en est aujourd’hui à son 11ème jour.
La Croix à peu près le seul journal qui suit l’affaire.

» Palestinian Dies From Serious Wounds Suffered In Gaza
IMEMC News - May 28, 2018 3:54 PM
▻http://imemc.org/article/palestinian-dies-from-serious-wounds-suffered-in-gaza

The Palestinian Health Ministry in Gaza has reported, Monday, that a young man died from serious wounds he suffered several days earlier, after Israeli soldiers shot him, during the ongoing Great Return March, in northern Gaza.

Dr. Ashraf al-Qedra, the spokesperson of the Health Ministry, said the Palestinian has been identified as Nasser Abdul-Rauf al-‘Ereini , 28.

Dr. al-Qedra added that the Palestinian suffered very serious wounds by Israeli army fire, on Palestinian lands, east of Jabalia, in the northern part of the Gaza Strip.

The Palestinian was rushed to the Indonesian hospital, in Beit Lahia, also in northern Gaza, where he succumbed to his serious wounds.

#Palestine_assassinée #marcheduretour

Names and ages of Palestinians killed by Israeli troops in Gaza

https://cdn-images-1.medium.com/max/2000/1*ehwx2d7vPGS7sj2W7BmsHg.jpeg

These are the names of the unarmed Palestinians shot dead by Israeli troops since Friday 30 March, 2018. They were protesting at the Gaza border for the right of return to their ancestral lands and homes, from which they were driven out in 1948. The list does not include the many thousands wounded by live fire.

Name and age of victims :
01. Omar Wahid Samour, 31 years old
02. Mohammed Kamal al-Najjar, 25 years old
03. Jihad Zuhair Abu Jamous, 30 years old
04. Amin Mansour Abu Muammar, 22 years old
05. Ibrahim Salah Abu Sha’er, 17 years old
06. Nagy Abdullah Abu Hjeir, 25 years old
07. Musab Zuhair Al-Soloul, 23 years old
08. Abd al-Qader Mardi al-Hawajri, 42 years old
09. Mahmoud Saadi Rahmi, 23 years old
10. Mohammed Naeem Abu Amro, 26.
11. Ahmed Ibrahim Ashour Odeh, 19.
12. Jihad Ahmed Farina, 34 years old
13. Abdel-Fattah Abdel-Nabi, 18 years old
14. Bader Fayiq al-Sabbagh, 22 years old
15. Sari Walid Abu Odeh, 27 years old
16. Hamdan Isma’il Abu Amsha, 23 years old
17. Fares Al-Ruqab, 29 years old
18. Ahmad Omar Arafah, 25 years old
19. Osama Khamis Qdeih, 38 years old
20. Majdi Ramadan Shabat, 38 years old
21. Hussein Muhammad Adnan Madi, 13 years old
22. Subhi Abu Atawi, 20 years old
23. Mohammad Said al-Haj-Saleh, 33 years old
24. Sedqi Faraj Abu Atawi, 45 years old
25. Alaa al-Din Yahya Ismail al-Zamli, 15 years old
26. Hamza Abd al-Al, 20 years old
27. Yaser Murtaja, 30 years old
28. Ibrahim Al-‘ur, 19 years old
29. Mujahed Nabil Al-Khudari, 25 years old
30. Marwan Odeh Qdeih, 45 years old
31. Mohammed Hjeila, 30 years old
32. Abdallah Al-Shahri, 28 years old
33. Tahrir Wahba, 17 years old
34. Saad Abu Taha, 29 years old
35. Mohammed Ayoub, 15 years old
36. Ahmed Abu Hussein, 25 years old
37. Abdullah Shamali, 20 years old
38. Ahmad Rashad Al Athamna, 23 years old
39. Ahmed Nabil Aqel, 25 years old
40. Mahmoud Wahba, 18 years old
41. Ahmed Dabour, 23 years old
42. Ayed Hamaydeh, 23 years old
43, Amjad Qartous, 18 years old
44. Hesham Abdul-Al, 22 years old
45. Abd al-Salam Bakr, 29 years old
46. Mohammed Amin al-Maqeer, 21 years old
47. Khalil Na’im Mustafa Atallah, 22 years old
48. Azzam Oweida, 15 years old
49. Anas Shawqi, 19 years old
50. Jaber Salem Abu Mustafa, 40 years old
51. Amin Mahmoud Muammar, 26 years old
52. Hani Fayez al-Ardarba, 23 years old
53. Mohammed Khaled Abu Reida, 20 years old
54. Jamal Abu Arahman Afaneh, 15 years old
55. Laila Anwar Al-Ghandoor, 8 months old
56. Ezz el-din Musa Mohamed Alsamaak, 14 years old
57. Wisaal Fadl Ezzat Alsheikh Khalil, 15 years old
58. Ahmed Adel Musa Alshaer, 16 years old
59. Saeed Mohamed Abu Alkheir, 16 years old
60. Ibrahim Ahmed Alzarqa, 18 years old
61. Eman Ali Sadiq Alsheikh, 19 years old
62. Zayid Mohamed Hasan Omar, 19 years old
63. Motassem Fawzy Abu Louley, 20 years old
64. Anas Hamdan Salim Qadeeh, 21 years old
65. Mohamed Abd Alsalam Harz, 21 years old
66. Yehia Ismail Rajab Aldaqoor, 22 years old
67. Mustafa Mohamed Samir Mahmoud Almasry, 22 years old
68. Ezz Eldeen Nahid Aloyutey, 23 years old
69. Mahmoud Mustafa Ahmed Assaf, 23 years old
70. Ahmed Fayez Harb Shahadah, 23 years old
71. Ahmed Awad Allah, 24 years old
72. Khalil Ismail Khalil Mansor, 25 years old
73. Mohamed Ashraf Abu Sitta, 26 years old
74. Bilal Ahmed Abu Diqah, 26 years old
75. Ahmed Majed Qaasim Ata Allah, 27 years old
76. Mahmoud Rabah Abu Maamar, 28 years old
77. Musab Yousef Abu Leilah, 28 years old
78. Ahmed Fawzy Altetr, 28 years old
79. Mohamed Abdelrahman Meqdad, 28 years old
80. Obaidah Salim Farhan, 30 years old
81. Jihad Mufid Al-Farra, 30 years old
82. Fadi Hassan Abu Salah, 30 years old
83. Motaz Bassam Kamil Al-Nunu, 31 years old
84. Mohammed Riyad Abdulrahman Alamudi, 31 years old
85. Jihad Mohammed Othman Mousa, 31 years old
86. Shahir Mahmoud Mohammed Almadhoon, 32 years old
87. Mousa Jabr Abdulsalam Abu Hasnayn, 35 years old
88. Mohammed Mahmoud Abdulmoti Abdal’al, 39 years old
89. Ahmed Mohammed Ibrahim Hamdan, 27 years old
90. Ismail Khalil Ramadhan Aldaahuk, 30 years old
91. Ahmed Mahmoud Mohammed Alrantisi, 27 years old
92. Alaa Alnoor Ahmed Alkhatib, 28 years old
93. Mahmoud Yahya Abdawahab Hussain, 24 years old
94. Ahmed Abdullah Aladini, 30 years old
95. Saadi Said Fahmi Abu Salah, 16 years old
96. Ahmed Zahir Hamid Alshawa, 24 years old
97. Mohammed Hani Hosni Alnajjar, 33 years old
98. Fadl Mohamed Ata Habshy, 34 years old
99. Mokhtar Kaamil Salim Abu Khamash, 23 years old
100. Mahmoud Wael Mahmoud Jundeyah, 21 years old
101. Abdulrahman Sami Abu Mattar, 18 years old
102. Ahmed Salim Alyaan Aljarf, 26 years old
103. Mahmoud Sulayman Ibrahim Aql, 32 years old
104. Mohamed Hasan Mustafa Alabadilah, 25 years old
105. Kamil Jihad Kamil Mihna, 19 years old
106. Mahmoud Saber Hamad Abu Taeemah, 23 years old
107. Ali Mohamed Ahmed Khafajah, 21 years old
108. Abdelsalam Yousef Abdelwahab, 39 years old
109. Mohamed Samir Duwedar, 27 years old
110. Talal Adel Ibrahim Mattar, 16 years old
111. Omar Jomaa Abu Ful, 30 years old
112. Nasser Ahmed Mahmoud Ghrab, 51 years old
113. Bilal Badeer Hussein Al-Ashram, 18 years old
114. Unidentified
115. Unidentified
116. Unidentified

–-> ▻https://medium.com/@thepalestineproject/names-and-ages-of-palestinians-killed-by-israeli-troops-in-gaza-29bad3a12db6

#Nasser_Bourita sur la migration : « Les pays africains ne sont pas des gardes-frontières »

Le ministre des Affaires étrangères et de la coopération internationale, Nasser Bourita, a estimé, mercredi 2 mai à Marrakech, que les pays africains “ne sont pas des gardes-frontières”.

“La coopération avec le Sud ne doit pas être exclusivement liée au contrôle des frontières. Les pays africains ne sont pas des gardes-frontières, ils sont des partenaires à part entière dont les priorités ne sont pas secondaires”, a indiqué le ministre en ouverture de la 5e conférence ministérielle du dialogue euro-africain sur la migration et le développement.

▻https://www.huffpostmaghreb.com/entry/nasser-bourita-sur-la-migration-les-pays-africains-ne-sont-pas-des-

#Conférence_ministérielle_du_dialogue_euro-africain_sur_la_migration_et_le_développement

#frontières #migrations #asile #réfugiés #développement #externalisation #Afrique #coopération_au_développement #aide_au_développement

The biography of the founder of the Palestinian Popular Front makes it clear: The leftist leader was right -

Israelis considered George Habash a cruel airline hijacker, but Eli Galia’s new Hebrew-language book shows that the PFLP chief’s views would have been better for the Palestinians than Arafat’s compromises

Gideon Levy Apr 13, 2018

▻https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-biography-makes-it-clear-this-palestinian-leftist-leader-was-right

George Habash was Israel’s absolute enemy for decades, the embodiment of evil, the devil incarnate. Even the title “Dr.” before his name — he was a pediatrician — was considered blasphemous.
Habash was plane hijackings, Habash was terror and terror alone. In a country that doesn’t recognize the existence of Palestinian political parties (have you ever heard of a Palestinian political party? — there are only terror groups) knowledge about the man who headed the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine was close to zero.
What’s there to know about him? A terrorist. Subhuman. Should be killed. Enemy. The fact that he was an ideologue and a revolutionary, that his life was shaped by the expulsion from Lod, changed nothing. He remains the plane hijacker from Damascus, the man from the Rejectionist Front who was no different from all the rest of the “terrorists” from Yasser Arafat to Wadie Haddad to Nayef Hawatmeh.
Now along comes Eli Galia’s Hebrew-language book “George Habash: A Political Biography." It outlines the reality, far from the noise of propaganda, ignorance and brainwashing, for the Israeli reader who agrees to read a biography of the enemy.
Presumably only few will read it, but this work by Galia, a Middle East affairs expert, is very deserving of praise. It’s a political biography, as noted in its subtitle, so it almost entirely lacks the personal, spiritual and psychological dimension; there’s not even any gossip. So reading it requires a lot of stamina and specialized tastes. Still, it’s fascinating.
Keep updated: Sign up to our newsletter
Email* Sign up

Galia has written a nonjudgmental and certainly non-propagandistic biography. Taking into consideration the Israeli mind today, this isn’t to be taken for granted.
Galia presents a wealth of information, with nearly a thousand footnotes, about the political path of Habash, a man who was considered dogmatic even though he underwent a number of ideological reversals in his life. If that’s dogmatism, what’s pragmatism? The dogmatic Habash went through more ideological changes than any Israeli who sticks to the Zionist narrative and doesn’t budge an inch — and who of course isn’t considered dogmatic.

The exodus from Lod following an operation by the Palmach, 1948.Palmach Archive / Yitzhak Sadeh Estate
In the book, Habash is revealed as a person of many contradictions: a member of the Christian minority who was active in the midst of a large Muslim majority, a bourgeois who became a Marxist, a tough and inflexible leader who was once seen weeping in his room as he wrote an article about Israel’s crimes against his people. He had to wander and flee for his life from place to place, sometimes more for fear of Arab regimes than of Israel.

He was imprisoned in Syria and fled Jordan, he devoted his life to a revolution that never happened. It’s impossible not to admire a person who devoted his life to his ideas, just as you have to admire the scholar who has devoted so much research for so few readers who will take an interest in the dead Habash, in an Israel that has lost any interest in the occupation and the Palestinian struggle.
The book gives rise to the bleak conclusion that Habash was right. For most of his life he was a bitter enemy of compromises, and Arafat, the man of compromise, won the fascinating historical struggle between the two. They had a love-hate relationship, alternately admiring and scorning each other, and never completely breaking off their connection until Arafat won his Pyrrhic victory.
What good have all of Arafat’s compromises done for the Palestinian people? What came out of the recognition of Israel, of the settling for a Palestinian state on 22 percent of the territory, of the negotiations with Zionism and the United States? Nothing but the entrenchment of the Israeli occupation and the strengthening and massive development of the settlement project.
In retrospect, it makes sense to think that if that’s how things were, maybe it would have been better to follow the uncompromising path taken by Habash, who for most of his life didn’t agree to any negotiations with Israel, who believed that with Israel it was only possible to negotiate by force, who thought Israel would only change its positions if it paid a price, who dreamed of a single, democratic and secular state of equal rights and refused to discuss anything but that.
Unfortunately, Habash was right. It’s hard to know what would have happened had the Palestinians followed his path, but it’s impossible not to admit that the alternative has been a resounding failure.

Members of the Palestinian National Council in Algiers, 1987, including Yasser Arafat, left, and George Habash, second from right. Mike Nelson-Nabil Ismail / AFP
The Palestinian Che Guevara
Habash, who was born in 1926, wrote about his childhood: “Our enemies are not the Jews but rather the British .... The Jews’ relations with the Palestinians were natural and sometimes even good” (p. 16). He went to study medicine at the American University in Beirut; his worried mother and father wrote him that he should stay there; a war was on.
But Habash returned to volunteer at a clinic in Lod; he returned and he saw. The sight of the Israeli soldiers who invaded the clinic in 1948 ignited in him the flame of violent resistance: “I was gripped by an urge to shoot them with a pistol and kill them, and in the situation of having no weapons I used mute words. I watched them from the sidelines and said to myself: This is our land, you dogs, this is our land and not your land. We will stay here to kill you. You will not win this battle” (p.22).
On July 14 he was expelled from his home with the rest of his family. He never returned to the city he loved. He never forgot the scenes of Lod in 1948, nor did he forget the idea of violent resistance. Can the Israeli reader understand how he felt?
Now based in Beirut, he took part in terror operations against Jewish and Western targets in Beirut, Amman and Damascus: “I personally lobbed grenades and I participated in assassination attempts. I had endless enthusiasm when I was doing that. At the time, I considered my life worthless relative to what was happening in Palestine.”
“The Palestinian Che Guevara” — both of them were doctors — made up his mind to wreak vengeance for the Nakba upon the West and the leaders of the Arab regimes that had abandoned his people, even before taking vengeance on the Jews. He even planned to assassinate King Abdullah of Jordan. He founded a new student organization in Beirut called the Commune, completed his specialization in pediatrics and wrote: “I took the diploma and said: Congratulations, Mother, your son is a doctor, so now let me do what I really want to do. And indeed, that’s what happened” (p. 41).
Habash was once asked whether he was the Che Guevara of the Middle East and he replied that he would prefer to be the Mao Zedong of the Arab masses. He was the first to raise the banner of return and in the meantime he opened clinics for Palestinian refugees in Amman. For him, the road back to Lod passed through Amman, Beirut and Damascus. The idea of Pan-Arabism stayed with him for many years, until he despaired of that as well.
He also had to leave medicine: “I am a pediatrician, I have enjoyed this greatly. I believed that I had the best job in the world but I had to make the decision I have taken and I don’t regret it .... A person cannot split his emotions in that way: to heal on the one hand and kill on the other. This is the time when he must say to himself: one or the other.”

Militants from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Jordan, 1969.1969Thomas R. Koeniges / Look Magazine Photograph Collection / Library of Congress
The only remaining weapon
This book isn’t arrogant and it isn’t Orientalist; it is respectful of the Palestinian national ideology and those who articulated and lived it, even if the author doesn’t necessarily agree with that ideology or identify with it. This is something quite rare in the Israeli landscape when it comes to Arabs in general and Palestinians in particular. Nor does the author venerate what’s not worthy of veneration, and he doesn’t have any erroneous romantic or other illusions. Galia presents a bitter, tough, uncompromising, very much failed and sometimes exceedingly cruel struggle for freedom, self-respect and liberation.
And this is what is said in the founding document of the PFLP, which Habash established in December 1967 after having despaired of Palestinian unity: “The only weapon left to the masses in order to restore history and progress and truly defeat enemies and potential enemies in the long run is revolutionary violence .... The only language that the enemy understands is the language of revolutionary violence” (p.125).
But this path too met with failure. “The essential aim of hijacking airplanes,” wrote Habash, “was to bring the Palestinian question out of anonymity and expose it to Western public opinion, because at that time it was unknown in Europe and in the United States. We wanted to undertake actions that would make an impression on the senses of the entire world .... There was international ignorance regarding our suffering, in part due to the Zionist movement’s monopoly on the mass media in the West” (p. 151).
The PFLP plane hijackings in the early 1970s indeed achieved international recognition of the existence of the Palestinian problem, but so far this recognition hasn’t led anywhere. The only practical outcome has been the security screenings at airports everywhere around the world — and thank you, George Habash. I read Galia’s book on a number of flights, even though this isn’t an airplane book, and I kept thinking that were it not for Habash my wanderings at airports would have been a lot shorter. In my heart I forgave him for that, for what other path was open to him and his defeated, humiliated and bleeding people?
Not much is left of his ideas. What has come of the scientific idealism and the politicization of the masses, the class struggle and the anti-imperialism, the Maoism and of course the transformation of the struggle against Israel into an armed struggle, which according to the plans was supposed to develop from guerrilla warfare into a national war of liberation? Fifty years after the founding of the PFLP and 10 years after the death of its founder, what remains?
Habash’s successor, Abu Ali Mustafa, was assassinated by Israel in 2001; his successor’s successor, Ahmad Saadat, has been in an Israeli prison since 2006 and very little remains of the PFLP.
During all my decades covering the Israeli occupation, the most impressive figures I met belonged to the PFLP, but now not much remains except fragments of dreams. The PFLP is a negligible minority in intra-Palestinian politics, a movement that once thought to demand equal power with Fatah and its leader, Arafat. And the occupation? It’s strong and thriving and its end looks further off than ever. If that isn’t failure, what is?

A mourning procession for George Habash, Nablus, January 2008. Nasser Ishtayeh / AP
To where is Israel galloping?
Yet Habash always knew how to draw lessons from failure after failure. How resonant today is his conclusion following the Naksa, the defeat in 1967 that broke his spirit, to the effect that “the enemy of the Palestinians is colonialism, capitalism and the global monopolies .... This is the enemy that gave rise to the Zionist movement, made a covenant with it, nurtured it, protected it and accompanied it until it brought about the establishment of the aggressive and fascistic State of Israel” (p. 179).
From the Palestinian perspective, not much has changed. It used to be that this was read in Israel as hostile and shallow propaganda. Today it could be read otherwise.
After the failure of 1967, Habash redefined the goal: the establishment of a democratic state in Palestine in which Arabs and Jews would live as citizens with equal rights. Today this idea, too, sounds a bit less strange and threatening than it did when Habash articulated it.
On the 40th anniversary of Israel’s founding, Habash wrote that Israel was galloping toward the Greater Land of Israel and that the differences between the right and left in the country were becoming meaningless. How right he was about that, too. At the same time, he acknowledged Israel’s success and the failure of the Palestinian national movement. And he was right about that, too.
And one last correct prophecy, though a bitter one, that he made in 1981: “The combination of a loss of lives and economic damage has considerable influence on Israeli society, and when that happens there will be a political, social and ideological schism on the Israeli street and in the Zionist establishment between the moderate side that demands withdrawal from the occupied territories and the extremist side that continues to cling to Talmudic ideas and dreams. Given the hostility between these two sides, the Zionist entity will experience a real internal split” (p. 329).
This has yet to happen.
Imad Saba, a dear friend who was active in the PFLP and is in exile in Europe, urged me for years to try to meet with Habash and interview him for Haaretz. As far as is known, Habash never met with Israelis, except during the days of the Nakba.
Many years ago in Amman I interviewed Hawatmeh, Habash’s partner at the start and the leader of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which split off from the PFLP in 1969. At the time of the interview, Habash was also living in Amman and was old and sick. I kept postponing my approach — until he died. When reading the book, I felt very sorry that I had not met this man.

Our Africa - Visions du Réel

▻https://www.visionsdureel.ch/en/film/our-africa

https://www.visionsdureel.ch/typo3temp/_processed_/f/3/csm_9850f04b0fd0fc88cd86d28e8809e9b7_413d11a12c.jpg

Synopsis

Sub-Saharan Africa was long ignored by the USSR but, with the independences of the 1960s, entered the daily lives of the Soviets, who left in their thousands to help Africans “construct socialism” in Bamako, Accra or Conakry. Alexander Markov collected photographic fragments of this epoch in around a hundred films shot by Soviet camera operators to bear witness to the generosity of the humanitarian aid programmes intended for the black continent. Cut into chapters, Our Africa narrates this saga between 1960 and the end of the USSR (1991). Following each other on screen are the magnified simple soldiers of the cooperation and the round of more illustrious personalities: Nkrumah, Lumumba, Nasser, Khrushchev, Brezhnev... Markov is no fool and he re-edits this fine material in order to flush out its propagandist motives. The repetition of certain scenes calls for irony, daughter of distance and time: this collective “Great Utopia” was the work of a handful of irrevocable rulers, whose symbolic figureheads were nonetheless supposed to have been unbolted too, like the statues of the reviled ex-colonisers.

Emmanuel Chicon

#afrique #union_soviétique

Maroc : à la barre, le leader du mouvement #Hirak dénonce un « procès politique »
▻http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2018/04/10/maroc-a-la-barre-le-leader-du-mouvement-hirak-denonce-un-proces-politique_52

http://img.lemde.fr/2018/04/10/56/0/4748/2371/600/315/60/0/eeaca96_11814-1ula1ku.kr61.jpg

Le leader du mouvement de protestation qui a agité en 2017 la ville marocaine d’#Al-Hoceima, Nasser #Zefzafi, a fustigé lors de sa première audience publique, lundi 9 avril, un « procès politique par excellence », et rejeté toute intention séparatiste.

Nasser Zefzafi, 39 ans, a été emprisonné en mai 2017 après avoir interrompu le prêche d’un imam hostile au mouvement social du Hirak, qui secouait alors une partie du nord du pays. Poursuivi notamment pour « atteinte à la sûreté intérieure de l’Etat », il risque en théorie la peine capitale.

Il est l’un des derniers des 54 militants ou sympathisants du mouvement appelés à la barre pour un procès-fleuve qui s’est ouvert mi-septembre devant la chambre criminelle près la cour d’appel de Casablanca.
[…]
Pour sa défense, le meneur du mouvement s’est référé à la Constitution marocaine, qui « autorise les manifestations pacifiques », mais a également eu recours à des discours prononcés en 2017 par le roi et dans lesquels celui-ci s’était montré sévère par rapport à la classe politique. « [Son] message est le même que celui du Hirak […] et ce procès va à contre-courant des discours du roi », a déclaré avec satisfaction M. Zefzafi, rarement interrompu par le président de la cour.

#Rif

L’immigration au cœur de l’accord #post-Cotonou

L’accord actuel prévoit que les pays africains réintègrent les immigrants illégaux. Pourtant, un seul accord de retour est opérationnel, celui entre l’UE et le Cap-Vert. Nombre de groupements de la société civile s’inquiètent de l’accent récemment mis par l’UE sur l’immigration.
« Au départ, le #développement était le pilier principal de l’accord de Cotonou. Aujourd’hui, ce n’est plus qu’un des piliers. Pour l’UE, la priorité est la migration et la sécurité, puis la croissance économique, et après seulement le développement », regrette un représentant de la société civile à Euractiv.

▻https://www.euractiv.fr/section/aide-au-developpement/news/migration-control-must-be-at-heart-of-next-eu-africa-pact-says-eu
#accord_de_Cotonou #réintégration #renvois #expulsions #aide_du_développement #externalisation

Nasser Atta 21 h · Instagram ·

https://scontent.fbru2-1.fna.fbcdn.net/v/t31.0-8/28424450_1626451707438324_2507357422540223255_o.jpg?oh=a27e6361764e21469834e4854ac60562&oe=5B3FC960

Au Maroc, l’interminable procès de la révolte du Rif
▻http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2018/02/09/au-maroc-le-hirak-en-proces_5254234_3212.html

http://img.lemde.fr/2018/02/08/124/0/4928/2461/600/315/60/0/61e5435_8327-m0ecep.d2vfi.jpg

Après plusieurs mois de discussions sur la forme, les audiences sur le fond ont débuté vendredi 26 janvier. L’ambiance est électrique. Aux trois accusés – en liberté provisoire – qui comparaissent ce matin-là, on reproche leurs liens avec Nasser Zefzafi. Pour preuves, des photos sont diffusées sur les rétroprojecteurs. On y voit les jeunes Rifains, tout sourire, aux côtés de Zefzafi ou dans les manifestations. Le ton monte entre une des avocates de la défense et le président du tribunal. Les échanges fusent – et prêtent parfois à sourire : « Ça se voit qu’ils sont proches », « Evidemment, ce sont des amis d’enfance ». Ou encore : « Pourquoi ne pas brandir le drapeau du Maroc ? », « Je n’en avais pas à la maison »…

#hirak #Rif

After weeks-long manhunt, Israeli forces kill Palestinian fighter suspected of killing settler
Feb. 6, 2018 2:23 P.M. (Updated : Feb. 6, 2018 2:28 P.M.)
▻http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=779822

http://www.maannews.com/Photos/461565C.jpg

JENIN (Ma’an) — Israeli forces assassinated Palestinian fighter Ahmad Nasser Jarrar during a wide scale military operation in the al-Yamoun town in the northern occupied West Bank district of Jenin on Tuesday at dawn.

Since an Israeli settler was shot and killed last month while driving near Nablus, Israeli forces have embarked on a manhunt for Jarrar — the alleged main suspect in the shooting — who had managed to evade capture for weeks.

In January, during a raid searching for Jarrar, Israeli forces shot and killed his cousin Ahmad Ismail Jarrar near the Jarrar family’s home in the Wadi Bruqin neighborhood of Jenin city.

On Saturday, Israeli forces shot and killed Ahmed Samir Abu Obeid, 19, during another raid on Wadi Bruqin.

The governor of the Jenin district, Ibrahim Ramadan, said in a statement on Tuesday that he was informed by the Palestinian liaison of the killing of Ahmad Jarrar, adding that his body was being held by Israel.

Ramadan added that the Israeli military operation in Jenin began around 12 a.m. across three villages of the district and ended up in the al-Yamoun town before dawn.

Israeli news website Ynet reported that around 3 a.m., the Shin Bet, Israel’s internal intelligence agency, received intelligence that Jarrar was hiding in building complex in al-Yamoun.

Israeli forces reportedly called for Jarrar to exit the building complex, and when he did not, forces launched at least one missile at the building. Shortly after the missile was fired, forces then began demolishing the building with a bulldozer.

“When Jarrar finally came out of one building, he was armed with an M-16 assault rifle and a bag full of explosives, prompting the Israeli forces to open fire and kill him,” Ynet said.

Ynet added that Israeli forces also arrested several Palestinians hwo they accused of helping Jarrar hide.

Clashes between young Palestinian men and armed Israeli forces erupted in al-Yamoun following the assassination of Jarrar.

A Red Crescent official, Mahmoud al-Saadi, told Ma’an that seven Palestinians suffered from severe tear-gas inhalation during clashes. (...)

#Palestine_assassinée
“““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““
Après des semaines de chasse à l’homme, les forces israéliennes tuent le combattant palestinien soupçonné du meurtre d’un colon. Jenin en grève, les écoles fermées en signe de deuil
Par Maan News | Cisjordanie occupée - 6 février 2018 | Traduction : MR pour ISM
▻http://www.ism-france.org/temoignages/Apres-des-semaines-de-chasse-a-l-homme-les-forces-israeliennes-tuent-le-

Les forces israéliennes ont assassiné le combattant palestinien Ahmad Jarrar pendant une opération militaire de grande envergure dans la ville de al-Yamoun, dans le district de Jenin (au nord de la Cisjordanie occupée) mardi à l’aube. Depuis qu’un colon israélien a été abattu le mois dernier alors qu’il circulait en voiture sur une route près de Naplouse, les forces israéliennes se sont lancées dans une chasse à l’homme à la recherche de Jarrar, le principal suspect présumé du tir – qui a réussi à leur échapper pendant plusieurs semaines.

En janvier, pendant un raid de recherche de Jarrar, les forces israéliennes ont tué son cousin Ahmad Ismail Jarrar près de la maison de la famille Jarrar, dans le quartier Wadi Bruqin de Jenin.

Samedi dernier, les forces israéliennes ont tué Ahmed Samir Abu Obeid, 19 ans, au cours d’un autre assaut donné au quartier Wadi Bruqin.

Le gouverneur du distict de Jenin, Ibrahim Ramadan, a déclaré ce mardi qu’il avait été informé par le bureau de liaison palestinien de l’assassinat d’Ahmad Jarrar, ajoutant qu’Israël n’avait pas rendu son corps.

Ramadan a ajouté que l’opération militaire israélienne à Jenin a commencé vers minuit dans trois villages du district et s’est terminée à al-Yamoun avant l’aube.

Le site israélien d’information Ynet a rapporté que vers 3h du matin, le Shin Bet, le service du renseignement intérieur d’Israël, a reçu l’information que Jarrar se cachait dans un immeuble à al-Yamoun.

Les forces israéliennes auraient crié à Jarrar de sortir du bâtiment, puis ne le voyant pas se soumettre à leur injonction, elles ont lancé au moins un missile sur la structure. Peu de temps après le tir du missile, les forces ont commencé à démolir l’immeuble avec un bulldozer.

« Quand Jarrar a fini par sortir de l’immeuble, il était armé d’un fusil d’assaut M-16 et d’un sac d’explosifs, ce qui a poussé les forces israéliennes à ouvrir le feu sur lui et à l’abattre, » a dit Ynet.

Ynet a ajouté que les forces israéliennes ont également arrêté plusieurs Palestiniens accusés d’avoir aidé Jarrar à se cacher.

Des affrontements entre de jeunes palestiniens et les forces armées ont éclaté à al-Yamoun après l’assassinat de Jarrar.

Un responsable du Croissant Rouge, Mahmoud al-Saadi, a dit à Ma’an que 7 Palestiniens ont souffert de l’inhalation de gaz lacrymogènes pendant les clashes.

Les condoléances pour Jarrar et sa famille ont été présentées par les haut-parleurs des mosquées de Jenin, pendant que les écoles et les magasins fermaient leurs portes en signe de deuil et qu’une grève générale était annoncée dans la ville.

Le mouvement du Jihad islamique a dit dans un communiqué que Jarrar « représentait la méthode réelle de résistance que vivent les Palestiniens et que la victoire de Jarrar ne serait complète que par le déracinement et l’expulsion de l’occupation. »

Les Brigades al-Qassam, la branche militaire du Hamas, a présenté ses condoléances, présentant Jarrar comme « le leader de la cellule al-Qassam qui a mené l’attaque héroïque à Naplouse il y a quelques semaines. »

Le mouvement Hamas a dit également qu’il présentait ses condoléances pour Jarrar qui « a dérouté la sécurité de l’occupation. »

Le Hamas a appelé les combattants de la résistance en Cisjordanie à « répondre au crime israélien d’assassinat du héros de la résistance Ahmad Nasr Jarrar. »

Jarrar, 24 ans, est le 10ème Palestinien a avoir été tué par les forces israéliennes cette année. Il est le fils de Nasser Jarrar, lui aussi un combattant Hamas, qui a été tué par Israël en 2002, pendant le Seconde Intifada.

» Israeli Soldiers Kill One Palestinian, Injure Eight And Abduct Four, Near Jenin
IMEMC News - February 4, 2018
▻http://imemc.org/article/israeli-soldiers-kill-one-palestinian-injure-eight-and-abduct-four-near-jenin

Israeli soldiers killed, Saturday, one Palestinian, injured at least eight others, and abducted four, in addition to demolishing a room and a barn, during a massive invasion into Burqin town, west of the northern West Bank city of Jenin.

The Palestinian Health Ministry has confirmed that, on Saturday evening, the soldiers shot Ahmad Samir Abu ‘Obeid , 19, with a live round in his head, in Wadi Burqin, west of Jenin city.

The young man suffered a very serious injury, before medics rushed him to Jenin Governmental Hospital, where he died from his wounds.

The Ministry added that the soldiers also shot two young Palestinian men with live rounds in their legs, and six others with rubber-coated steel bullets, in addition to causing dozens to suffer the severe effects of teargas inhalation, after the army attacked locals, who protested the invasion.

The army also abducted four young Palestinian men, and demolished a room and a barn, in addition to causing damage to several structures and cars, before withdrawing from the town.

The WAFA Palestinian News Agency reported that the invasion was carried out by twenty-two armored military vehicles, and two bulldozers, and added that the soldiers invaded and ransacked many homes, and used K9 units in searching the properties, causing anxiety attacks among many Palestinians, especially children.

After the army withdrew from the town, hundreds of Palestinians marched in Ahmad’s funeral procession, while chanting against the ongoing Israeli military occupation and escalation and for ongoing struggle until liberation and independence.

#Palestine_assassinée

▻http://www.liberation.fr/debats/2017/10/12/nous-musulmans-laiques_1602710

Les médias ne donnent pas assez la parole aux progressistes, estime Nasser Ramdane Ferradj. A gauche notamment, des journalistes relaient trop souvent les messages de l’islam politique et de ses associations communautaristes. Au risque de faire taire l’antiracisme et le féminisme.

Sur un arc droite-gauche, l’intégrisme des Frères musulmans se situe à l’extrême droite. Il fait pendant à Sens commun, voire à la Fraternité Saint-Pie-X de Saint-Nicolas-du-Chardonnet. Même dogmatisme religieux, même obsession des rituels autoritaires et même antiféminisme camouflé. Nous enfermer dans cet islam-là, c’est creuser nos tombes. Car, comme à chaque fois que les islamistes règnent sur un mètre carré de la surface du monde, ce sont nos libertés et notre pluralisme qui sont anéantis.

» Army Kills A Young Palestinian Man, Injures Several Others, In Jenin
January 18, 2018 4:18 AM IMEMC News
▻http://imemc.org/article/army-kills-a-young-palestinian-man-injures-several-others-in-jenin

Israeli soldiers killed, on Thursday at dawn, a young Palestinian man, after shooting him with live fire, and a shell, in his home, in Wad Burqin area, west of Jenin, as he exchanged fire with them when they surrounded his home.

Israel claims that the Palestinian, identified as Ahmad Nasr Jarrar , 22, participated in the fatal shooting last week, when an Israeli colonist, identified as Rabbi Raziel Shevach, was killed in a drive-by shooting.

It is worth mentioning that Ahmad is the son of Nasr Jarrar, who was killed by Israeli army fire in Jenin, in 2002.

Hours after killing Nasr, the soldiers detonated his home, by firing shells and heavy fire at it, then a military bulldozer leveled it, after using loud speakers, ordering the Palestinians in the building to surrender, and abducted them.

#Palestine_assassinée

In Photos: Daily struggle of Palestinian workers at Checkpoint 300
Nov. 24, 2017 8:00 P.M.
▻http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=779520

http://www.maannews.com/Photos/454426C.jpg

BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — In the early hours of the morning, typically before dawn, hundreds of Palestinians in the southern occupied West Bank must endure long waits at the 300 checkpoint, one of the only access points Palestinians from the southern West Bank have to Jerusalem and Israel.

Palestinians crowd into the cement- and metal-barred walkways, push through turnstiles, pass a metal detector, and show their IDs and permits to Israeli soldiers in order to travel to Israel for work . The process can at times take hours and cold winter temperatures coupled with hours of waiting time means frustrations are high.

Checkpoint 300 was built in 2005 two kilometers inside of the green line, despite rulings by the International Court of Justice that the separation wall was deemed illegal in 2004.

High numbers of Palestinians, especially construction laborers, cross through the checkpoint every day, facing frequent overcrowding and often waiting for hours in line due to Israeli security measures.

Israel maintains severe restrictions on Palestinians’ freedom of movement through a complex combination of fixed checkpoints, flying checkpoints, roads forbidden to Palestinians but open exclusively to Jewish settlers, and various other physical obstructions.

At any given time there are about 100 permanent Israeli checkpoints in the West Bank, while surprise flying checkpoints often number into the hundreds.

http://www.maannews.com/Photos/454422C.jpg

« Al-Ittihad », le nouveau-né de la presse libanaise - O. A. - L’Orient-Le Jour
►https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1080073/-al-ittihad-le-nouveau-ne-de-la-presse-libanaise.html

Quant au rédacteur en chef, il était propriétaire d’une agence de presse dans les années 80. M. Nasser a également collaboré par moments, et à travers quelques articles, au quotidien as-Safir. En dehors du journalisme, il était le conseiller de l’ancien Premier ministre Rafic Hariri pour les relations avec les partis chiites. Il entretenait d’excellentes relations avec le Hezbollah et organisait la majorité des réunions entre M. Hariri et le secrétaire général du parti chiite Hassan Nasrallah ainsi que d’autres cadres du Hezbollah. Pendant presque un an, il a continué à jouer ce rôle auprès du Premier ministre Saad Hariri, à la suite de l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri.

Selon une source bien informée, le journal serait financé par un groupe d’hommes d’affaires et de politiciens proches du Hezbollah, ce qui explique sa ligne éditoriale affichée dès son premier numéro. « Aucune information ne peut confirmer l’hypothèse selon laquelle c’est le parti chiite lui-même qui finance al-Ittihad », ajoute la source.