person:nez

  • Comment les pubs des militants anti-IVG sont favorisées par les règles de Facebook
    https://www.numerama.com/politique/527780-comment-les-pubs-des-militants-anti-igv-sont-favorisees-par-les-reg

    Les nouvelles règles de transparence de Facebook en matière de publicités politiques ont des conséquences étranges : le réseau social laisse tranquille la page faux-nez d’un site anti-avortement, mais suspend les publicités de militants pro-IVG. Un reportage de France Culture qui devient une « publicité politique », tandis que des témoignages d’une association anti-IVG passent entre les mailles du filets : l’application des nouvelles règles de Facebook à de quoi laisser dubitatifs. Et ce n’est pas pour (...)

    #Google #Facebook #publicité #discrimination #santé

    ##publicité ##santé
    //c2.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2019/06/ivt-net-pub-politiuqe.jpg

    • Facebook, c’est aussi l’apologie constante des armées du 3 ieme reich, d’eric zemour, et les vidéos les plus connes qui sont favorisées.
      La guerre de 100 ans en 57 s, aussi.

      Sur les vidéos pour enfants, les commentaires avec liens vidéos vers des sites pédophiles, c’est pas mal aussi.

  • The roundabout revolutions

    The history of these banal, utilitarian instruments of traffic management has become entangled with that of political uprising, #Eyal_Weizman argues in his latest book

    This project started with a photograph. It was one of the most arresting images depicting the May 1980 #Gwangju uprising, recognised now as the first step in the eventual overthrow of the military dictatorship in South Korea. The photograph (above) depicts a large crowd of people occupying a roundabout in the city center. Atop a disused fountain in the middle of the roundabout a few protestors have unfurled a South Korean flag. The roundabout organised the protest in concentric circles, a geometric order that exposed the crowd to itself, helping a political collective in becoming.

    It had an uncanny resonance with events that had just unfolded: in the previous year a series of popular uprisings spread through Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, #Oman, Yemen, Libya, and Syria. These events shared with Gwangju not only the historical circumstances – they too were popular protests against military dictatorships – but, remarkably, an urban-architectural setting: many of them similarly erupted on roundabouts in downtown areas. The history of these roundabouts is entangled with the revolutions that rose from them.

    The photograph of the roundabout—now the symbol of the “liberated republic” – was taken by #Na_Kyung-taek from the roof of the occupied Provincial Hall, looking toward Geumnam-ro, only a few hours before the fall of the “#Gwangju_Republic”. In the early morning hours of the following day, the Gwangju uprising was overwhelmed by military force employing tanks and other armed vehicles. The last stand took place at the roundabout.

    The scene immediately resonates with the well-known photographs of people gathering in #Tahrir_Square in early 2011. Taken from different high-rise buildings around the square, a distinct feature in these images is the traffic circle visible by the way it organises bodies and objects in space. These images became the symbol of the revolution that led to the overthrow of President Hosni Mubarak in February 2011 – an event described by urban historian Nezar AlSayyad as “Cairo’s roundabout revolution”. But the Gwangju photograph also connects to images of other roundabouts that erupted in dissent in fast succession throughout the Middle East. Before Tahrir, as Jonathan Liu noted in his essay Roundabouts and Revolutions, it was the main roundabout in the capital of Tunisia – subsequently renamed Place du 14 Janvier 2011 after the date on which President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali was forced to flee the country. Thousands of protesters gathered at the roundabout in Tunis and filled the city’s main boulevard.

    A main roundabout in Bahrain’s capital Manama erupted in protests shortly after the overthrow of Mubarak in Egypt. Its central traffic island became the site of popular protests against the government and the first decisive act of military repression: the protests were violently broken up and the roundabout itself destroyed and replaced with a traffic intersection. In solidarity with the Tahrir protests, the roundabouts in the small al-Manara Square in Ramallah and the immense Azadi Square in Tehran also filled with protesters. These events, too, were violently suppressed.

    The roundabouts in Tehran and Ramallah had also been the scenes of previous revolts. In 2009 the Azadi roundabout in Iran’s capital was the site of the main protests of the Green Movement contesting President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s reelection. Hamid Dabashi, a literature professor at Columbia University and one of the most outspoken public intellectuals on these revolutions, claims that the Green Movement was inspirational for the subsequent revolutionary wave in the Arab world. In Palestine, revolt was a permanent consequence of life under occupation, and the al-Manara roundabout was a frequent site of clashes between Palestinian youth and the Israeli military. The sequence of roundabout revolutions evolved as acts of imitation, each building on its predecessor, each helping propel the next.

    Roundabouts were of course not only exhilarating sites of protest and experiments in popular democracy, but moreover they were places where people gathered and risked their life. The Gwangju uprising is, thus, the first of the roundabout revolutions. Liu wrote: “In all these cases, the symbolism is almost jokingly obvious: what better place to stage a revolution, after all, then one built for turning around?” What better way to show solidarity across national borders than to stage protests in analogous places?

    Why roundabouts? After all, they are banal, utilitarian instruments of traffic management, certainly not prone to induce revolutionary feeling. Other kinds of sites – squares, boulevards, favelas, refugee camps – have served throughout history as the setting for political protest and revolt. Each alignment of a roundabout and a revolution has a specific context and diverse causes, but the curious repetition of this phenomenon might give rise to several speculations. Urban roundabouts are the intersection points of large axes, which also puts them at the start or end of processions.

    Occupying a roundabout demonstrates the power of tactical acupuncture: it blocks off all routes going in and out. Congestion moves outward like a wave, flowing down avenues and streets through large parts of the city. By pressuring a single pivotal point within a networked infrastructure, an entire city can be put under siege (a contemporary contradistinction to the medieval technique of surrounding the entire perimeter of a city wall). Unlike public squares, which are designed as sites for people to gather (therefore not interrupting the flow of vehicular traffic) and are usually monitored and policed, roundabout islands are designed to keep people away. The continuous flow of traffic around them creates a wall of speeding vehicles that prohibits access. While providing open spaces (in some cities the only available open spaces) these islands are meant to be seen but not used.

    Another possible explanation is their symbolic power: they often contain monuments that represent the existing regime. The roundabouts of recent revolutions had emblematic names – Place du 7 Novembre 1987, the date the previous regime took power in Tunisia; “Liberty” (Azadi), referring to the 1979 Iranian Revolution; or “Liberation” (Tahrir), referring to the 1952 revolutions in Egypt. Roundabout islands often had statues, both figurative and abstract, representing the symbolic order of regimes. Leaders might have wished to believe that circular movement around their monuments was akin to a form of worship or consent. While roundabouts exercise a centripetal force, pulling protestors into the city center, the police seek to generate movement in the opposite direction, out and away from the center, and to break a collective into controllable individuals that can be handled and dispersed.

    The most common of all centrifugal forces of urban disorganisation during protests is tear gas, a formless cloud that drifts through space to disperse crowds. From Gwangju to Cairo, Manama to Ramallah, hundreds of tear-gas canisters were used largely exceeding permitted levels in an attempt to evict protesters from public spaces. The bodily sensation of the gas forms part of the affective dimension of the roundabout revolution. When tear gas is inhaled, the pain is abrupt, sharp, and isolating. The eyes shut involuntary, generating a sense of disorientation and disempowerment.

    Protestors have found ways to mitigate the toxic effects of this weapon. Online advice is shared between activists from Palestine through Cairo to Ferguson. The best protection is offered by proper gas masks. Improvised masks made of mineral water bottles cut in half and equipped with a filter of wet towels also work, according to online manuals. Some activists wear swim goggles and place wet bandanas or kaffiyehs over their mouths. To mitigate some of the adverse effects, these improvised filters can be soaked in water, lemon juice, vinegar, toothpaste, or wrapped around an onion. When nothing else is at hand, breathe the air from inside your shirt and run upwind onto higher ground. When you have a chance, blow your nose, rinse your mouth, cough, and spit.


    https://www.iconeye.com/opinion/comment/item/12093-the-roundabout-revolutions
    #révolution #résistance #giratoire #carrefour #rond-point #routes #infrastructure_routière #soulèvement_politique #Corée_du_Sud #printemps_arabe #Egypte #Tunisie #Bahreïni #Yémen #Libye #Syrie #Tahrir

    Du coup : #gilets_jaunes ?

    @albertocampiphoto & @philippe_de_jonckheere

    This project started with a photograph. It was one of the most arresting images depicting the May 1980 #Gwangju uprising, recognised now as the first step in the eventual overthrow of the military dictatorship in South Korea. The photograph (above) depicts a large crowd of people occupying a roundabout in the city center. Atop a disused fountain in the middle of the roundabout a few protestors have unfurled a South Korean flag. The roundabout organised the protest in concentric circles, a geometric order that exposed the crowd to itself, helping a political collective in becoming.

    –-> le pouvoir d’une #photographie...

    signalé par @isskein

    ping @reka

  • Quand tu meurs et que tes proches n’ont pas les moyens de payer des funérailles décentes ...

    Le cercueil low-cost est arrivé, et il est anglais | Slate.fr
    http://www.slate.fr/story/166517/anglais-croque-mort-low-cost-funerailles-publicite

    De longs cheveux blonds agités par le vent, les lunettes de soleil tombant sur le nez, une jeune femme en maillot rouge sourit à son compagnon, courant dans l’eau. Sous leurs bras, on pense, au premier coup d’oeil, que le couple extatique tient des planches de surf. Au deuxième coup d’oeil, on comprend qu’il s’agit de cercueils de bois clairs.

    Ces publicités à l’humour noir décomplexé proposent un « aller simple pour la mort » à travers une crémation « low-cost, sans chichi », comme « l’occasion d’une vie ». À l’origine de cette campagne, on trouve la compagnie de services funéraires Beyond, et surtout un homme : son cofondateur, Ian Strang. Originaire du Surrey, le quadragénaire a d’abord lancé une application, « si quelqu’un avait besoin d’un enterrement tout de suite », explique-t-il. « J’ai toujours travaillé dans des start-ups et l’industrie de la mort était la dernière à ne pas avoir franchi la frontière du digital. Alors, je me suis dit pourquoi pas. » Au Royaume-Uni, le coût moyen pour un enterrement s’élève entre 4.000 et 5.000 livres (entre 4.400 et 5500 euros environ) et 3.000 livres pour (environ 3.300 euros) une crémation. Beyond propose des prix plus bas : 1.195 livres l’incinération. « Pour qu’on vienne chercher le corps, qu’on l’incinère et qu’un livreur le ramène chez vous après. »

    #low_cost

  • La fable du modèle allemand - AgoraVox le média citoyen
    http://www.agoravox.fr/actualites/international/article/la-fable-du-modele-allemand-141266

    La fable du modèle allemand
    C’est entendu l’Allemagne est championne toutes catégories : le chômage est y très bas, sa politique énergétique est parfaite, et Angela Merkel est déjà réélue…à se demander alors à quoi servait cette élection ?

    Pourtant, si l’on veut bien croire Hans Stark, professeur à la Sorbonne, et secrétaire général du CERFA, (Comité d’Etude des Relations Franco-Allemandes), il s’agit seulement d’une belle manipulation médiatique, car la situation ne serait pas si idyllique chez nos voisins germains.

    C’est sur l’antenne de France Culture, le 20 septembre 2013, à 6h45, dans l’émission « les enjeux internationaux » que l’on pouvait écouter les réflexions pertinentes de cet expert en politique germanique. lien

    Expliquant que la chancelière ne voulait pas faire campagne, estimant que son bilan suffisait à la faire réélire les doigts dans le nez, le secrétaire du CERFA s’est appliqué à démontrer que la situation n’était pas si bonne qu’on voulait bien nous le faire croire et a brossé un tableau plus objectif que celui que l’on nous propose habituellement.

    Le principal parti d’opposition à la chancelière, le SPD, avait fait 23% lors des précédentes élections, et il est estimé aujourd’hui à la hauteur des 28%, ce qui pourrait laisser qu’il ne pourrait l’emporter, laissant une probable victoire à Merkel, estimée à 40 %, mais c’est sur le jeu des alliances que tout devrait se jouer.

    Un sondage récent faisait apparaitre que 61% des allemands s’estiment peu (ou pas) représentés par les partis traditionnels, et que leurs préoccupations ne sont pas prises en compte.

    Un autre sondage nous apprend que 42 % des écologistes, et 20 % des socialistes sont décidés à voter pour les chrétiens démocrates, ce qui contrairement à ce qui est annoncé, aurait été de nature a faire chuter le CDU (union chrétiens démocrates), parti de la chancelière.

    De plus, à part le parti au pouvoir, tous les autres partis se retrouvent sur de mêmes préoccupations, portant sur le bas niveau à venir des retraites, la montée des prix de l’énergie, ainsi que celui des loyers, et la demande d’un salaire minimum.

    Rappelant qu’Angela Merkel n’a pas la possibilité d’agir sur le terrain économique, puisque en Allemagne, l’économie est pilotée par les grandes entreprises, Stark pose le problème différemment.

    Il explique que s’il est convenu de dire « l’Allemagne va bien », tous les allemands ne vont pas bien pour autant, puisqu’environ 15% de la population, soit tout de même plus de 12 millions de citoyens, travaillent dans un cadre très fragile, à coup de petits métiers, et s’en sortent très mal, voyant leur niveau de vie baisser dangereusement, d’autant que leurs salaires s’amenuisent. lien

    En effet, tout n’est pas si rose outre-Rhin....

    #Allemagne
    #Angela_Merkel
    Les lois « #Hartz »
    #Précarité
    #Woorking_poor
    #Défiscalisation #Charges

    #mini-jobs http://www.ifrap.org/Statistiques-des-emplois-mini-jobs-en-Allemagne,12927.html
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=Vb6pksOJSfs

    France, Allemagne : pauvreté des non-travailleurs | @scoopit http://sco.lt/8q06gD

  • Syria’s refugee brides: “My daughter is willing to sacrifice herself for her family”
    http://www.thestar.com/news/world/2013/03/22/young_brides_displaced_by_syria_conflict_sought_by_older_grooms.html

    Her daughter Aya is their best hope.

    “My daughter is willing to sacrifice herself for her family,” Nezar says. “If the war had not happened I would not marry my daughter to a Saudi. But the Syrians here are poor and have no money.”

    Nezar’s daughter is 17. The Saudi groom is 70.

    […]

    Grasping for the security of a husband and home, hundreds of girls are being sold into early marriage. […]

    “If you see how Syrians here live you will see why they marry their daughters to whoever will take them,” Um Majed says. “People are poor and they will do anything to pay the rent.”

    The surplus of desperate Syrian refugees means marriage has become a buyer’s market with some grooms offering as little as $100 cash for a bride.

    The legal age of marriage in Jordan is 18 but some religious clerics will marry underage girls for a small fee. This puts the girls at even greater risk for exploitation because some of Um Majed’s clients want a temporary union lasting a few weeks or months after which the girl is returned to her parents.

    In other words, it is religiously sanctioned prostitution.

    “One of my brides has been married three, four times,” Um Majed says. “She is 15.”

    […]

    She admits the marriage market is hazardous. Most of the potential grooms offer a few dollars to leer at her daughter.

    “You are already selling your daughter, you might as well sell her to someone decent,” she says.

    Nezar cuts the meeting short. Aya is having belly-dancing lessons to increase her appeal to the elderly groom.