person:ofer aderet

  • Une page oubliée de l’histoire : comment 12 000 volontaires palestiniens se sont battus aux côtés des Britanniques durant la seconde guerre mondiale.

    12,000 Palestinians fought for U.K. in WWII alongside Jewish volunteers, historian finds - Israel News - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-historian-12-000-palestinians-fought-for-u-k-in-wwii-alongside-jew

    In 2015, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sparked an uproar when he claimed that Mufti Haj Amin al-Husseini was the one who’d urged Hitler to annihilate the Jews. In the wake of the criticism this elicited, Netanyahu said his intention was not to absolve Hitler of responsibility for the Holocaust, but to note that “the Mufti played an important role in the Final Solution.”

    But it turns out that there was another side to the story that also escaped mention by Netanyahu, the historian’s son: the forgotten role played by thousands of Palestinians who did not heed the Mufti of Jerusalem’s call to support the Axis countries, and went so far as to take up arms to fight the Nazis, often shoulder to shoulder with young Jews from Mandatory Palestine.

    Professor Mustafa Abbasi, a historian at Tel Hai Academic College, has spent years tracing their story. Having recently published an academic article on the subject, this week he suggested an opposite narrative to the one that Netanyahu put forward. The prime minister had sought to paint the Palestinians as supporters of the Third Reich, but Abbasi says, “The Mufti did not find a receptive audience among the Palestinians for his call to aid the Nazis. Not at all.”

    >> Read more: Moments before their fatal mission, Jewish WWII soldiers took these incredible photos of Egypt ■ 76 years later, stories of Jewish soldiers killed in Nazi bombing can finally be told

    The subject of Abbasi’s research is unusual. Many studies have been published about Jewish volunteerism in the war against the Nazis, which reached a peak with the formation of the Jewish Brigade. But “the thousands of Arab volunteers are hardly mentioned and sometimes the record is often distorted,” Abbasi says.

    In an article in the latest issue of the periodical Cathedra (“Palestinians Fighting the Nazis: The Story of Palestinian Volunteers in World War II”), he explains why these Palestinian fighters have been left out of the history books.

    On the one hand, Zionist historians naturally placed an emphasis on the role played by Jewish volunteers in the fight against the Nazis. On the other hand, their Palestinian counterparts were focusing on the struggle against British rule and were not eager to glorify the names of those who cooperated with Britain not so many years after the British put down the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939, and thereby indirectly helped the Jews establish a state.
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    “Neither side wished to highlight this subject,” says Professor Abbasi. “But I think it’s the historian’s job to be faithful to the sources and to try to describe history as it was, without being hostage to any national narrative that would limit him and prevent him from writing history freely.”
    Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem
    Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, greeting Muslim Waffen-SS volunteers with a Nazi salute, November 1943. Bundesarchiv / Wikimedia Commons

    One has to wonder why no organization was ever established to commemorate the actions of these Palestinian volunteers. “Many of them were killed and many others are still listed as missing. But no memorial has ever been established for them,” says Abbasi. In fact, the records of the Palestinian volunteers, along with much of their personal archives and papers, have disappeared, much of it lost in the War of Independence.

    Over the last few years, Abbasi was able to learn of their story in Palestinian newspapers from the Mandate era, in memoirs and personal journals, and through interviews he conducted with a few of the last remaining volunteers who are still alive. He also collected material from various British archives, from the Zionist Archive, and the archives of the Haganah and the IDF.

    Abbasi estimates that about 12,000 young Palestinians enlisted in the British Army in World War II. Hundreds became POWs, many others (the exact figure is unknown) were killed. “Compared to other peoples, this is not an insignificant number,” he says, and also points out that, unlike other groups, the Palestinians volunteered for the British Army from the first stage of the war.

    Initially, the Palestinian and Jewish volunteers served in mixed units. “They received training and drilled at the same bases and in many instances fought shoulder to shoulder, and were also taken prisoner together,” says Abbasi. And as reported here two years ago, the proximity of the Jewish and Palestinian fighters sometimes led to unusual outcomes, as in the case of Shehab Hadjaj, a Palestinian who enlisted in the British Army, was taken prisoner in Germany and died in 1943. To this day, he is listed at Mount Herzl as “a casualty of Israel’s wars” because someone mistakenly thought his surname indicated that he was Jewish.

    “Relations among the fighters were generally good, and if there was any friction it was mainly over service conditions, like mail and food,” Abbasi says. However, there were certain key differences between the two groups, too. For example, while the Jews were united in their goal of fighting the Nazis to promote the establishment of the Jewish state, the Palestinians “had no clear national agenda,” Abbasi writes. For this reason, unlike the Jews, they did not seek to form separate Palestinian units and there was no “Palestinian Brigade” parallel to the Jewish Brigade, in which thousands of Jews from Mandatory Palestine served.

    So who were the Palestinians who volunteered for the British Army to fight the Nazis? Abbasi says they mostly came from the Palestinian elite and that, contrary to what many think, represented “an important and central part of the Palestinian public.” A part of the public that believed it was necessary to stand by Britain at this time, and to temporarily put aside the Palestinian national aspirations – akin to the Jewish idea to “fight Hitler as if there were no White Paper, and fight the White Paper as if there were no Hitler.”

    They did this at a time when the Mufti of Jerusalem had left Palestine for exile in the Arab countries and Europe, where he met with Hitler and congratulated the Muslim volunteers of the Free Arab Legion – an Arab unit established in the army of Nazi Germany. “He left Palestine for a decade in 1937. What kind of leader abandons his people at such a time?” Abbasi wonders. “He had no influence on the public. He was detached and the public was already tired of him and his methods. They didn’t see him as a leader,” he says. “Anyone who says differently is distorting history,” he adds in a not so subtle dig at certain politicians.

    In his research, he documented pro-British propaganda conferences that were held from 1940 on in Abu Dis (next to Jerusalem), in Jenin, in villages in the Nablus area, in Tul Karm and in Lod. Among the supporters of Britain’s fight against the Nazis were the mayors of Nablus and Gaza. Radio Palestine broadcast the comments of an Egyptian writer who said, “The war is between the lofty and humane values represented by England and the forces of darkness represented by the Nazis.”
    Britain’s then-Home Secretary Winston Churchill, right, escorted by High Commissioner Herbert Samuel in Jerusalem during the British Mandate era, March 1921.
    Britain’s then-Home Secretary Winston Churchill, right, escorted by High Commissioner Herbert Samuel in Jerusalem during the British Mandate era, March 1921.GPO

    Motivations for volunteering were varied. “Some did it for ideological reasons, out of opposition to the Nazi ideology and loyalty to the British and the values that they represented,” says Abbasi. This motivation was common among upper middle class and highly educated Palestinian volunteers from urban backgrounds. Rural Palestinians were motivated largely by financial reasons. “And there were also those who were seeking adventure and wanted a chance to travel abroad,” he says.

    Abbasi found that some Palestinian women also volunteered to fight the Nazis. Almost 120 young women did so as part of the

    Auxiliary Territorial Service, the women’s branch of the British Army, alongside Jewish women. A British recruiting poster in Arabic, published in the Falastin newspaper in January 1942, read: “She couldn’t stop thinking about contribution and sacrifice, she felt ongoing pride and exaltation of spirit – when she did what she saw as her sacred duty for her nation and its sons. When your country is crying out to you and asking for your service, when your country makes it plain that our Arab men need your love and support, and when your country reminds you of how cruel the enemy is – when your country is calling you, can you stand by and do nothing?”

    Abbasi is one of the only researchers in Palestinian society who is studying this area, which was also the subject of a 2015 article by Dalia Karpel in Haaretz Magazine. He came to it thanks to his maternal grandfather, Sa’id Abbasi, who was one of the volunteers in the British Army during the war. “The family didn’t talk about it, until one day when I asked my grandmother why there was such a big age difference between her children,” he says. “Her answer was: ‘Don’t remind me of the time your grandfather left me for so many years.’” Abbasi decided to find out more about that time, and came to see that his family story was part of his people’s history.

    In the future, he hopes, the original material he has collected will be developed into a book that, for the first time, will tell the optimistic story of a rare moment in history in which Jews and Palestinians joined forces for a lofty shared goal.
    Ofer Aderet

    Ofer Aderet

    Haaretz Correspondent

  • Il est temps pour moi de faire une #recension sur #appropriation_culturelle et #Palestine, qui recouvre des sujets aussi larges que : #Houmous #Hummus #rrroumous #Chakchouka #falafel #couscous #Shawarma #zaatar #Nourriture #Cuisine #Danse #dabke #vêtements #langage #arabe #Art #Cinéma #Photos #Littérature #Poésie #Photographie #Documentaire ...

    Le Rrrizbollah aime le rrroumous
    @nidal, Loubnan ya Loubnan, le 10 octobre 2008
    https://seenthis.net/messages/97763

    Israel’s cuisine not always kosher but travelling well
    Stephen Cauchi, The Age, le 22 mai 2011
    http://seenthis.net/messages/493046

    Make Hummus Not War
    Trevor Graham, 2012
    https://seenthis.net/messages/718124

    NYC Dabke Dancers respond to ZviDance "Israeli Dabke"
    Dabke Stomp, Youtube, le 3 août 2013
    http://seenthis.net/messages/493046
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JM9-2Vmq524

    La Chakchouka, nouveau plat tendance (PHOTOS)
    Rebecca Chaouch, HuffPost Maghreb, le 15 avril 2014
    http://seenthis.net/messages/493046

    Exploring Israel’s ‘ethnic’ cuisine
    Amy Klein, JTA, le 28 janvier 2015
    http://seenthis.net/messages/493046

    International Hummus Day : Israeli Entrepreneur’s Middle Eastern Food Celebration Is Still Political For Some
    Lora Moftah, IB Times, le 13 mai 2015
    http://seenthis.net/messages/493046

    Israel’s obsession with hummus is about more than stealing Palestine’s food
    Ben White, The National, le 23 mai 2015
    http://seenthis.net/messages/493046

    Palestine : étude d’un vol historique et culturel
    Roger Sheety, Middle East Eye, le 15 juillet 2015
    https://seenthis.net/messages/646413

    La « guerre du houmous »
    Akram Belkaïd, Le Monde Diplomatique, septembre 2015
    https://seenthis.net/messages/718124

    L’appropriation culturelle : y voir plus clair
    LAETITIA KOMBO, Le Journal En Couleur, le 31 août 2016
    https://seenthis.net/messages/527510

    Hummus restaurant
    The Angry Arab News Service, le 5 novembre 2016
    https://seenthis.net/messages/539732

    Le Houmous israélien est un vol et non une appropriation
    Steven Salaita, Al Araby, 4 September 2017
    https://seenthis.net/messages/632441

    Looted and Hidden – Palestinian Archives in Israel (46 minutes)
    Rona Sela, 2017
    https://seenthis.net/messages/702565
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0tBP-63unME


    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KVTlLsXQ5mk

    Avec Cyril Lignac, Israël fait découvrir son patrimoine et sa gastronomie
    Myriam Abergel, Le Quotidien du Tourisme, le 27 janvier 2018
    http://seenthis.net/messages/493046

    Why does Virgin find “Palestinian couscous” offensive ?
    Gawan Mac Greigair, The Electronic Intifada, le 10 février 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/668039

    Maghreb : une labellisation du couscous moins anodine qu’il n’y paraît
    Le Point, le 13 février 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/764021

    Medieval Arabic recipes and the history of hummus
    Anny Gaul, Recipes, le 27 mars 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/744327

    Que font de vieilles photos et de vieux films de Palestiniens dans les archives de l’armée israélienne ?
    Ofer Aderet, Haaretz, le 2 juillet 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/612498

    En Israël, une exposition montre des œuvres arabes sans le consentement des artistes
    Mustafa Abu Sneineh, Middle East Eye, le 17 juillet 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/708368

    Yalla
    https://seenthis.net/messages/716429

    Houmous, cuisine et diplomatie
    Zazie Tavitian, France Inter, le 21 août 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/718124

    Pourquoi un éditeur israélien a-t-il publié sans agrément un livre traduit d’essais en arabe ?
    Hakim Bishara, Hyperallergic, le 13 septembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/723466

    La nouvelle cuisine israélienne fait un carton à Paris
    Alice Boslo, Colette Monsat, Hugo de Saint-Phalle, Le Figaro, le 26 septembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/725555

    Cuisine, art et littérature : comment Israël vole la culture arabe
    Nada Elia, Middle East Eye, le 3 octobre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/726570

    Pins Daddy - Israel Costume
    https://seenthis.net/messages/726570

    Shawarma, the Iconic Israeli Street Food, Is Slowly Making a Comeback in Tel Aviv
    Eran Laor, Haaretz, le 8 janvier 2019
    https://seenthis.net/messages/493046

    What is Za’atar, the Israeli Spice You Will Want to Sprinkle on Everything
    Shannon Sarna, My Jewish Learning, le 7 mars 2019
    https://seenthis.net/messages/767162

    #Vol #appropriation_culinaire #racisme #colonialisme #Invisibilisation #Histoire #Falsification #Mythologie #Musique #Musique_et_Politique #Boycott_Culturel #BDS

    ========================================

    En parallèle, un peu de pub pour la vraie cuisine palestinienne ou moyen-orientale :

    Rudolf el-Kareh - Le Mezzé libanais : l’art de la table festive
    https://seenthis.net/messages/41187

    Marlène Matar - Ma’idat Marlene min Halab
    https://seenthis.net/messages/537468

    La cuisine palestinienne, c’est plus que ce qu’on a dans l’assiette
    Laila El-Haddad, Electronic Intifada, le 15 Juin 2017
    https://seenthis.net/messages/612651

    Palestine : la cuisine de Jerusalem et de la diaspora
    Alain Kruger, France Culture, le 25 février 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/671981

    La Palestine, ce n’est pas seulement de la géographie, c’est notre façon à nous de faire la cuisine, de manger, de bavarder
    Shira Rubin, Eater, le 9 novembre 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/737305

    Une écrivaine décrit la cuisine palestinienne et le monde qui l’entoure
    Mayukh Sen, The New-York Times, le 4 février 2019
    https://seenthis.net/messages/760255

    La Troika Libanaise
    https://www.facebook.com/LaTroikaLibanaise

    Les Ptits Plats Palestiniens de Rania
    https://lesptitsplatspalestiniensderania.wordpress.com

    Une Palestinienne à Paris
    https://unepalestinienneaparis.wordpress.com

    Hind Tahboub - Bandora
    https://www.bandoracuisine.com/bandora-cuisine

    Askini
    Karim Haidar, 195 rur Saint Maur, Paris 10eme
    https://askiniparis.business.site

    #Livres_de_recettes #Restaurants #Traiteurs #Cheffes

  • The secret letter detailing Israel’s plan to expel Arabs, ’without unnecessary brutality’ - Israel News - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-the-secret-letter-detailing-israel-s-plan-to-expel-arabs-1.6766389

    Contrary to its obligations, the archives does not explain in the file why documents have been removed from it and makes do instead with leaving a blank page on which is written only the word “classified.” Sheetrit’s censored letter mentions the Riftin report, which was the subject of an article by Ofer Aderet in Haaretz earlier this year (“Why is Israel still covering up extrajudicial executions committed by a Jewish militia in ‘48?”). Sheetrit’s letter, headed “Minorities in the State of Israel,” signals its theme. The writer warns, among other points, about “ theft and plunder [of Arab property] both by the army and by civilians […] violation of surrender agreements about preserving property [and adds that] the lust for robbery has turned the heads of army personnel .”

    Why were two documents suddenly censored after having been available to the public for years? Answers are not forthcoming. A few months ago, I wrote in these pages (“What is Israel hiding about its nuclear program in the ’50s?”) that in a great many cases, the state’s representatives who are in charge of releasing historical documentation (in this case, the chief press and media censor) do not distinguish between documents that may adversely affect state security and foreign policy, and those that may simply embarrass the state.

    The fact that, half a year after the end of the 1948 war, Ben-Gurion considered expelling thousands of Arabs from their homes is not very flattering (the more so because they were Christian Arabs, whose welfare would probably carry more weight in world public opinion). However, whereas the study of history is amenable (to a certain degree) to an individual’s choice, the uncovering of historical documentation should not be amenable to political considerations, must not become a privilege in a democracy and must never be susceptible to considerations that are not directly related to security.

  • Yad Vashem teaches the Holocaust like totalitarian countries teach history

    Yad Vashem is now paying the price of the many years in which it nurtured a one-dimensional, simplistic message that there’s only one way to explain the Holocaust

    Daniel Blatman SendSend me email alerts
    Dec 18, 2018
    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-what-happened-to-yad-vashem-1.6759139

    The Warsaw Ghetto Museum, which the Polish government decided to establish eight months ago, is now at the center of a debate.
    This debate has political elements, but it’s mainly a clash between two views of what should be stressed when researching and remembering the Holocaust, and above all of what educational messages should be sent – what Israelis like to call “the lessons of the Holocaust.”
    Haaretz’s Ofer Aderet, in his article about the Warsaw museum, mainly discussed the political perspective, giving considerable space to the criticisms by Prof. Hava Dreifuss, a Yad Vashem historian. Dreifuss assailed the Warsaw museum and those who decided, despite all the problems, to take on a project whose importance is hard to overstate. This criticism deserves a response.

    First, the political context. There’s no more appropriate response to Dreifuss’ criticism than the old saying that people who live in glass houses shouldn’t throw stones.
    >> Budapest Holocaust museum: Orban’s grand gesture or a whitewashing of Hungarian history?
    Dreifuss works for an institution that in recent years has functioned as a hard-working laundromat, striving to bleach out the sins of every anti-Semitic, fascist, racist or simply murderously thuggish leader or politician like Hungary’s Viktor Orban, the Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte and Italy’s Matteo Salvini.
    My heart breaks when I see my colleagues, honest and faithful researchers of the Holocaust, giving tours of this historic museum, apparently under compulsion, to the evildoers the Israeli government sends to Yad Vashem to receive absolution in the name of Holocaust victims in exchange for adding a pro-Israel vote at international institutions. For some reason, Dreifuss has no criticism about this.
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    But for the Polish government (every Polish government, both the current one headed by the nationalist Law and Justice party and the previous one headed by a liberal centrist coalition), which is spending tens of millions of zlotys every year to preserve historical Jewish sites, Jewish graveyards and countless memorials, she has scathing criticism.
    Fear and demoralization
    A week and a half ago, Matti Friedman published an opinion piece in The New York Times about what’s happening at Yad Vashem, and it made for difficult reading. When you read his conclusions, your hair stands on end. He doesn’t quote a single Yad Vashem employee by name, because no one wanted to be identified. After all, they have to earn a living.
    Friedman described a mood of frustration, fear and demoralization among the employees because the current extremist, nationalist government has turned Yad Vashem into a political tool reminiscent of history museums in totalitarian countries.
    But the most astonishing thing Friedman reported is that the institution’s chairman, Avner Shalev – who turned the museum into an international remembrance empire, and who for years has viciously fought every attempt to present a different conceptual or research approach than that of Yad Vashem – is reluctant to retire, despite having reached the age of 80.
    >> How a Nazi sympathizer helped found one of Sweden’s most powerful parties
    The reason for his reluctance is that many people at the institute fear that when he leaves, his place will be taken by someone nominated by the relevant minister, Education Minister Naftali Bennett, who will turn Yad Vashem into a remembrance institute in the spirit of Bennett’s Habayit Hayehudi party. It would be interesting to know what Dreifuss thinks about that.
    Yad Vashem is now paying the price of the many years in which it nurtured a one-dimensional, simplistic message that there’s only one way to explain the Holocaust. Today, the institution is apparently willing to place its reputation for Holocaust research, which it has built over many years, at the service of a government that has recruited it to accuse anyone who criticizes Israel of anti-Semitism. So it’s no wonder that its researchers have become partisan explainers of the Holocaust.
    It’s one thing when, at dubious conferences with political leaders whose governments include former neo-Nazis, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu tries to pass resolutions calling criticism of Israel the new anti-Semitism. It’s another when a research and remembrance institute doesn’t stand courageously against all such attempts.
    Thus Yad Vashem would do better not to look for evidence that other governments are attempting to distort history and dictate nationalist content – not to mention engaging in Holocaust denial, as Dreifuss charges.
    The Polish angle
    Does any of the above justify the current Polish government’s position on the Holocaust? Obviously not. The Polish government has a problematic agenda in explaining the past, which we aren’t obligated to accept and in fact should even criticize.
    But Poland’s government hasn’t interfered with the work of the museum’s employees, who have now started working, and certainly not with the development of the museum’s narrative. Had Dreifuss and her colleagues gotten involved in this effort, as they were invited to do, they would have been welcomed. Had Yad Vashem offered its help and support instead of giving the project the cold shoulder, nobody would have been happier than we at the museum.
    >> Opening Italy’s ‘closet of shame’
    And now we come to the historical issue. To take part in the effort to establish the Warsaw Ghetto Museum, one has to agree that the Holocaust can be presented and explained from perspectives other than an ethnocentric Jewish, Zionist and nationalist one.
    One has to accept that the Holocaust can be studied in a way that sees Jewish history during this period as an integral part of Poland’s history under the Nazi occupation. One has to agree that the horrific Jewish tragedy that occurred during World War II can and should be understood in part by simultaneously examining – while noting both the differences and the common elements – what befell Poles, Roma, Soviet prisoners of war and others who were murdered alongside Jews in the vast genocidal expanse that occupied Poland became.
    To set up a museum with a humanist, universal and inclusive message about the Holocaust, one has to accept an approach that sees the Warsaw Ghetto – a horrific terror zone that caused the deaths and physical and spiritual collapse of hundreds of thousands of Jews – as one element of a much bigger terror zone in which hundreds of thousands of other people suffered and fought for their existence: the Poles who lived on the other side of the wall.
    The obvious differences between the fates of these two peoples don’t absolve the research historian, or a museum depicting the history of this period, from presenting this complex message and demanding that visitors to the museum grapple with its lessons.
    Therefore, the new Warsaw Ghetto Museum won’t be Yad Vashem. It will be a Holocaust museum in the heart of the Polish capital that remembers the fate of the 450,000 Jews, Warsaw residents and refugees brought to the ghetto.
    After all, the vast majority of them were Jewish citizens of Poland. That’s how they lived, that’s how they suffered, and that’s how they should be remembered after being murdered by the Nazis.
    Prof. Daniel Blatman is a historian at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the chief historian for the Warsaw Ghetto Museum.

  • Des universitaires et des artistes israéliens mettent en garde contre une mise en équation de l’antisionisme et de l’antisémitisme
    22 novembre | Ofer Aderet pour Haaretz |Traduction J.Ch. pour l’AURDIP
    https://www.aurdip.org/des-universitaires-et-des-artistes.html

    Une lettre ouverte de 34 éminents Israéliens, dont des chercheurs en histoire juive et des lauréats du Prix Israël, a été publiée mardi dans les média autrichiens appelant à faire une différence entre critique légitime d’Israël, « aussi dure puisse-t-elle être », et antisémitisme.

    Cette lettre a été émise avant un rassemblement international à Vienne sur antisémitisme et antisionisme en Europe.

    L’ événement de cette semaine, « L’Europe par delà l’antisémitisme et l’antisionisme », se tient sous les auspices du Chancelier autrichien Sebastian Kurz. Son homologue israélien, Benjamin Netanyahu, devait y prendre part, mais est resté en Israël pour s’occuper de la crise dans sa coalition gouvernementale.

    « Nous adoptons et soutenons totalement le combat intransigeant [de l’Union Européenne] contre l’antisémitisme. La montée de l’antisémitisme nous inquiète. Comme nous l’a enseigné l’histoire, elle a souvent été l’annonce de désastres ultérieurs pour toute l’humanité », déclare la lettre.

    « Cependant, l’UE défend les droits de l’Homme et doit les protéger avec autant de force qu’elle combat l’antisémitisme. Il ne faudrait pas instrumentaliser ce combat contre l’antisémitisme pour réprimer la critique légitime de l’occupation par Israël et ses graves violations des droits fondamentaux des Palestiniens. » (...)

    #antisionisme #antisémitisme

    • La liste des signataires:
      Moshe Zimmerman, an emeritus professor at Hebrew University and a former director of the university’s Koebner Center for German History; Moshe Zukermann, emeritus professor of history and philosophy of science at Tel Aviv University; Zeev Sternhell, a Hebrew University emeritus professor in political science and a current Haaretz columnist; Israel Prize laureate, sculptor Dani Karavan; Israel Prize laureate, photographer Alex Levac; Israel Prize laureate, artist Michal Naaman; Gadi Algazi, a history professor at Tel Aviv University; Eva Illouz, a professor of Sociology at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and former President of Bezalel Academy of Art and Design; Gideon Freudenthal, a professor in the Cohn Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Ideas at Tel Aviv University; Rachel Elior, an Israeli professor of Jewish philosophy at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Anat Matar, philosophy professor at Tel Aviv University; Yael Barda, a professor of Sociology at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem; Miki Kratsman, a former chairman of the photography department at the Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design; Jose Brunner, an emeritus professor at Tel Aviv University and a former director of the Minerva Institute for German History; Alon Confino, a professor of Holocaust Studies at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst; Israel Prize laureate, graphic designer David Tartakover; Arie M. Dubnov, Chair of Israel Studies at George Washington University; David Enoch, history, philosophy and Judaic Studies professor at Israel’s Open University; Amos Goldberg, Jewish History and Contemporary Jewry professor at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Israel Prize laureate and vice-president of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities David Harel; Hannan Hever, comparative literature and Judaic Studies professor at Yale University; Hannah Kasher, professor emerita in Jewish Thought at Bar-Ilan University; Michael Keren, emeritus professor of economics at Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Israel Prize laureate, Yehoshua Kolodny, professor emeritus in the Institute of Earth Sciences at Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Nitzan Lebovic, professor of Holocaust studies at Lehigh University; Idith Zertal, Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Dmitry Shumsky, professor of Jewish History at Hebrew University; Israel Prize laureate David Shulman, professor emeritus of Asian studies at Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Ishay Rosen-Zvi, Jewish philosophy professor at Tel Aviv University; Dalia Ofer, professor emerita in Jewry and Holocaust Studies at Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Paul Mendes-Flohr, professor emeritus for Jewish thoughts at the Hebrew University; Jacob Metzer, former president of Israel’s Open University; and Israel Prize laureate Yehuda Judd Ne’eman, professor emeritus at Tel Aviv University arts faculty

      #Palestine

  • Israeli academics and artists warn against equating anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism
    Their open letter ahead of a conference in Vienna advises against giving Israel immunity for ‘grave and widespread violations of human rights and international law’

    Ofer Aderet
    Nov 20, 2018

    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-israeli-professors-warn-against-equating-anti-zionism-with-anti-se

    An open letter from 35 prominent Israelis, including Jewish-history scholars and Israel Prize laureates, was published Tuesday in the Austrian media calling for a distinction between legitimate criticism of Israel, “harsh as it may be,” and anti-Semitism.
    To really understand Israel and the Middle East - subscribe to Haaretz
    The letter was released before an international gathering in Vienna on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Europe.
    The event this week, “Europe beyond anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism: Securing Jewish life in Europe,” is being held under the auspices of Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz. His Israeli counterpart, Benjamin Netanyahu, had been due to take part but stayed in Israel to deal with the crisis in his coalition government. 
    “We fully embrace and support the [European Union’s] uncompromising fight against anti-Semitism. The rise of anti-Semitism worries us. As we know from history, it has often signaled future disasters to all mankind,” the letter states. 
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    “However, the EU also stands for human rights and has to protect them as forcefully as it fights anti-Semitism. This fight against anti-Semitism should not be instrumentalized to suppress legitimate criticism of Israel’s occupation and severe violations of Palestinian human rights.” 

    The signatories accuse Netanyahu of suggesting an equivalence between anti-Israel criticism and anti-Semitism. The official declaration by the conference also notes that anti-Semitism is often expressed through disproportionate criticism of Israel, but the letter warns that such an approach could “afford Israel immunity against criticism for grave and widespread violations of human rights and international law.”
    The signatories object to the declaration’s alleged “identifying” of anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism. “Zionism, like all other modern Jewish movements in the 20th century, was harshly opposed by many Jews, as well as by non-Jews who were not anti-Semitic,” they write. “Many victims of the Holocaust opposed Zionism. On the other hand, many anti-Semites supported Zionism. It is nonsensical and inappropriate to identify anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism.”
    Among the signatories are Moshe Zimmerman, an emeritus professor at Hebrew University and a former director of the university’s Koebner Center for German History; Zeev Sternhell, a Hebrew University emeritus professor in political science and a current Haaretz columnist; sculptor Dani Karavan; Miki Kratsman, a former chairman of the photography department at the Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design; Jose Brunner, an emeritus professor at Tel Aviv University and a former director of the Minerva Institute for German History; Alon Confino, a professor of Holocaust Studies at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst; and graphic designer David Tartakover.

    Ofer Aderet
    Haaretz Correspondent

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    • La liste des signataires:
      Moshe Zimmerman, an emeritus professor at Hebrew University and a former director of the university’s Koebner Center for German History; Moshe Zukermann, emeritus professor of history and philosophy of science at Tel Aviv University; Zeev Sternhell, a Hebrew University emeritus professor in political science and a current Haaretz columnist; Israel Prize laureate, sculptor Dani Karavan; Israel Prize laureate, photographer Alex Levac; Israel Prize laureate, artist Michal Naaman; Gadi Algazi, a history professor at Tel Aviv University; Eva Illouz, a professor of Sociology at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and former President of Bezalel Academy of Art and Design; Gideon Freudenthal, a professor in the Cohn Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Ideas at Tel Aviv University; Rachel Elior, an Israeli professor of Jewish philosophy at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Anat Matar, philosophy professor at Tel Aviv University; Yael Barda, a professor of Sociology at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem; Miki Kratsman, a former chairman of the photography department at the Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design; Jose Brunner, an emeritus professor at Tel Aviv University and a former director of the Minerva Institute for German History; Alon Confino, a professor of Holocaust Studies at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst; Israel Prize laureate, graphic designer David Tartakover; Arie M. Dubnov, Chair of Israel Studies at George Washington University; David Enoch, history, philosophy and Judaic Studies professor at Israel’s Open University; Amos Goldberg, Jewish History and Contemporary Jewry professor at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Israel Prize laureate and vice-president of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities David Harel; Hannan Hever, comparative literature and Judaic Studies professor at Yale University; Hannah Kasher, professor emerita in Jewish Thought at Bar-Ilan University; Michael Keren, emeritus professor of economics at Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Israel Prize laureate, Yehoshua Kolodny, professor emeritus in the Institute of Earth Sciences at Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Nitzan Lebovic, professor of Holocaust studies at Lehigh University; Idith Zertal, Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Dmitry Shumsky, professor of Jewish History at Hebrew University; Israel Prize laureate David Shulman, professor emeritus of Asian studies at Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Ishay Rosen-Zvi, Jewish philosophy professor at Tel Aviv University; Dalia Ofer, professor emerita in Jewry and Holocaust Studies at Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Paul Mendes-Flohr, professor emeritus for Jewish thoughts at the Hebrew University; Jacob Metzer, former president of Israel’s Open University; and Israel Prize laureate Yehuda Judd Ne’eman, professor emeritus at Tel Aviv University arts faculty

  • Felicia Langer. Remembering Israel’s human rights law trailblazer, a Holocaust survivor who called to boycott Israeli products

    A communist labeled ’the terrorists’ attorney,’ Felicia Langer called her clients ‘resistance fighters.’ In 1990 she gave up and left for Germany, where she died over the summer

    Ofer Aderet SendSend me email alerts
    Nov 06, 2018

    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-remembering-israel-s-human-rights-law-trailblazer-1.6632132

    After the Six-Day War, attorney Felicia Langer opened an office near the Old City in Jerusalem and began representing Arabs. Langer was a strange type in the local topography: a Jewish Holocaust survivor with a Polish accent who adhered to European manners and believed in the ideology of communism.
    “Her engagement with Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip was perhaps the strangest thing in the Middle East,” wrote attorney Michael Sfard. Her acquaintances saw in her a pathfinder in legal battles that advanced the human rights of Palestinians. Her enemies saw in her a traitor and accessory of terrorists.
    >> Holocaust survivor and Palestinians’ rights lawyer Felicia Langer dies in exile at 87
    She was born in the city of Tarnov, Poland in 1930 as Felicia Amalia White. In World War II she fled with her family to the Soviet Union, where her father died. After the war, she returned to the land of her birth and married Holocaust survivor Moshe Langer. In 1950 they immigrated to Israel – “not because of Zionist ideology,” according to her, but to live near her mother.
    Archival documents attest to the tense relationships between her and the Israeli establishment. In 1968 an intelligence officer in the military government in Hebron testified before the Legal Attaché of the West Bank that she “held extreme left-wing opinions.” In 1975, the Foreign Ministry reported that the Shin Bet security service viewed her legal activities as being guided by political motivations to harm “the state and the image of the state.” She faced threats to her life throughout her career. Occasionally, she felt compelled to hire a bodyguard.
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    Langer fought the expulsion of Palestinian leaders, housing demolitions of terror suspects, administrative detentions (imprisonment without charges), and torture. “She never hesitated to accuse the establishment of crimes and to represent her clients as victims of an evil regime,” wrote Sfard.

    When they called her “the defense attorney of terrorists,” she replied that her clients were not terrorists, but “resistance fighters.” “A people under occupation has the right to wage violent struggle,” she said. Among her famous clients was the mayor of Nablus, Bassam Shakaa, one of the leaders of resistance to the occupation, whose expulsion Langer succeeded in preventing. Other clients included the parents of the attackers of Bus 300, who sought to sue the state for killing their sons, and a young Dutch woman who was detained at Ben-Gurion International Airport after she gathered intelligence for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Langer maintained that she was just a “small cog.”
    In 1990, she immigrated to Germany, after handling what she estimated to have been 3,000 cases. “I could no longer help the Palestinian victims in the framework of the existing legal system and its flouting of international law, which is supposed to protect the people that I defended,” she said in an interview with Eran Torbiner. “It is forbidden to be silent; silence also can kill,” she said, in explaining her call for the boycott of Israeli goods. As a German citizen, she called on Germany to fight the occupation.
    Langer lived in Tübingen, teaching and writing books. Critics were angered by her comparison of Israel to the Nazis, and accused her of hypocrisy for ignoring the crimes of communist regimes. When she was asked once to describe her “love of homeland,” she answered: “Hatred of occupation.” In June, Langer died of cancer at age 87.

    Ofer Aderet
    Haaretz Correspondent

  • Netanyahu likely to extend secrecy of some 1948 war documents 20 more years

    Defense establishment asked to lengthen classification period to 90 years, from 70, for material on Deir Yassin massacre, among other events

    Jonathan Lis and Ofer Aderet Oct 04, 2018

    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-netanyahu-likely-to-extend-secrecy-of-some-1948-war-documents-20-m

    Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is expected to sign regulations extending the period of confidentiality for information in the defense archives from 70 years to 90 years. The Defense Ministry and other organization requested the extension to prevent the release this year of some materials relating to the period of the War of Independence in 1948.
    The extension is intended to prevent the exposure of intelligence sources and methods that are still in use today by security forces. The archives also include information that was received from foreign sources under the condition that it would not be released, say defense officials. The draft regulations state that even after 70 years have passed, exposure of some of the archival materials could harm national security. In 2010, Netanyahu extended the period of confidentiality for security archives from 50 years to 70 years.
    To really understand Israel and the Middle East - subscribe to Haaretz
    The legal adviser to the Israel State Archives, Naomi Aldubi, circulated a draft of the new regulations to the relevant government ministries Wednesday. The document states that the new regulations will apply to materials held by the Shin Bet security service, the Mossad and the archives of the Israel Atomic Energy Commission, nuclear research centers and the Israel Institute for Biological Research. The new rules would also prevent the publication of raw intelligence from Military Intelligence as well as information concerning intelligence gathering for materials classified as secret and higher, along with materials concerning certain Israel Defense Forces and Defense Ministry units.
    The decision is expected to make life much more difficult for historians, other researchers and journalists and would also limit the public’s access to valuable historical information of public interest. For example, the new regulations would prevent the release of certain materials concerning the massacre at Deir Yassin in 1948.
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    In practice, the government will be able to prevent the release of any document related to the War of Independence that it wishes to keep secret. The new rules also contradict the recommendations of the supreme advisory council overseeing the Israel State Archives, which recommended extending the confidentiality of only some of the documents for five years.

    The Archives Law states that any person has the right to examine documents stored in the state archives, but also grants the government authority to restrict access according to the level of classification — for example, materials classified as “secret” — and according to the amount of time that has passed since the materials were created. This period ranges between 15 and 75 years, in accordance with the materials’ source and contents. For example, the classification period for the minutes of classified sessions of Knesset committees is limited to 20 years; for foreign policy documents the period is 25 years; for police archives, 30 years and for minutes of the security cabinet 50 years. Intelligence materials, including those of the Shin Bet, Mossad, Atomic Energy Commission and Biological Institute, remain classified for 70 years.
    Even after this period expires, the state archives and other archives, such as the IDF Archives, have not acted on their own initiative to release the materials. In practice, the end of the classification period alone is not sufficient for automatic declassification of the material. First, the chief archivist must examine the materials. After that, a special ministerial committee, headed by the justice minister, has the right to apply additional restrictions on access to them.
    The committee used its power to prohibit access to the so-called Riftin report on extrajudicial executions carried out by the Haganah pre-independence army. In 1998, half a century after the report was written, its confidentiality period expired, after which it should have been unsealed. In the 20 years that have passed since then, two state archivists requested, and received, extensions of the classification period from the ministerial committee.
    The draft proposal does stipulate that the relevant organizations must draw up new protocols that would enable the unsealing of classified materials after 50 years, on their own initiative. In addition, they would be instructed to conduct an annual review of their classified documents in order to determine whether they can be declassified.

  • Pourquoi un éditeur israélien a-t-il publié sans agrément un livre traduit d’essais en arabe ?
    AURDIP | 17 septembre | Hakim Bishara pour Hyperallergic |Traduction J.Ch. pour l’AURDIP
    https://www.aurdip.org/pourquoi-un-editeur-israelien-a-t.html

    TEL AVIV – Un nouveau livre issu par l’éditeur israélien Resling Books est sous le feu des critiques pour avoir publié, sans leur permission, une série d’histoires d’écrivaines arabes majeures. Directeur et traducteur de cette anthologie, Dr. Alon Fragman, coordinateur des Etudes de Langue Arabe à l’université Ben Gurion du Negev, écrit dans son introduction que le projet de ce livre est de faire émerger les textes d’écrivains « dont les voix ont été réduites au silence depuis des années ». Maintenant, ces mêmes écrivains dénoncent la violation de leur propriété littéraire à cause de l’introduction de leurs œuvres dans ce livre, sans leur consentement.

    Intitulé Huriya (transcription du mot arabe pour Liberté), le livre rassemble des histoires écrites par 45 écrivaines de 20 pays très principalement de langue arabe, qui vont du Golfe Persique jusqu’à travers l’Afrique du Nord. Parmi elles se trouvent des écrivaines renommées comme Farah El-Tunisi (Tunisie), Ahlam Mosteghanemi (Algérie), Fatma El-Zahra’a Ahmad (Somalie), et Nabahat Zine (Algérie). L’anthologie traite du sujet de la liberté en révélant des œuvres écrites dans la foulée des révolutions du Printemps Arabe qui, d’après Fragman, a fait également émerger un « printemps littéraire ».

    Khulud Khamis, écrivaine qui vit dans la ville de Haïfa au nord d’Israël, a été invitée par l’éditeur pour participer au lancement du livre prévu pour octobre. « En feuilletant le livre, j’ai remarqué le grand nombre d’écrivains venant du monde arabe et j’ai soupçonné le fait qu’on n’ait pas demandé leur permission aux écrivaines pour traduire et publier leurs oeuvres », dit Khamis au magazine Fusha en ligne. Son soupçon a été validé après qu’elle ait contacté quelques unes des écrivaines. Khamis a annulé sa participation à l’événement et a posté la nouvelle sur les réseaux sociaux, demandant à ses suiveurs d’alerter les autres écrivaines sur la publication non autorisée de leurs œuvres. Un torrent de condamnations par les écrivaines s’en est suivi.

  • Le militant pacifiste israélien Avnery, intervieweur d’Arafat, est décédé
    AFP, publié le lundi 20 août 2018 à 09h37
    https://actu.orange.fr/societe/culture/le-militant-pacifiste-israelien-avnery-intervieweur-d-arafat-est-decede-

    Le journaliste et militant pacifiste israélien Uri Avnery, durement attaqué dans son pays dans les années 1980 pour avoir rencontré le leader palestinien Yasser Arafat, est décédé dans la nuit à Tel-Aviv à 94 ans, a-t-on appris lundi de source hospitalière.

    Figure centrale du mouvement pacifiste israélien, Uri Avnery avait causé une tempête en recueillant en juillet 1982 ce qui est présenté comme la première interview de M. Arafat avec un journal israélien, Haolam Haze, qu’il dirigeait.

    Il était l’un des premiers Israéliens à rencontrer M. Arafat, alors considéré comme l’ennemi numéro un d’Israël.

    L’entretien avait eu lieu à Beyrouth, assiégée par l’armée israélienne.

    Avocat de la création d’un Etat palestinien, Uri Avnery avait été soldat et avait même appartenu à une milice de droite avant de devenir une voix éminente de la paix, en laquelle il a cru jusqu’au bout.

    De son vrai nom Helmut Ostermann, Uri Avnery est né en Allemagne en 1923, d’où il émigre vers la Palestine mandataire en 1933 après l’accession au pouvoir d’Adolf Hitler.

    Brièvement membre de l’Irgoun, le groupe clandestin armé de droite qui combat le mandat britannique, il s’engage dans l’armée israélienne après la création de l’Etat d’Israël en 1948. Il est blessé lors de la guerre israélo-arabe.

    En 1950, après sa démobilisation, il fonde Haolam Haze (Ce monde), hebdomadaire critique des institutions israéliennes. Il est la cible de la censure et d’attaques personnelles. Une bombe est placée au siège du journal en 1955, le seul de l’époque à ne pas être sous la coupe d’un parti.

    Il restera pendant 40 ans à la tête de Haolam Haze, publiant des enquêtes et des faits divers souvent sensationnels dans un style inconnu alors en Israël, tout en militant pour la coexistence avec la population arabe et en faveur de la création d’un Etat palestinien. Haolam Haze exercera une influence considérable sur la presse israélienne.

    Engagé tout à la gauche de l’échiquier politique israélien, il est élu au Parlement en 1965. Il y passera 10 ans en tout.

    En 1994, il fonde une ONG pacifiste, Gush Shalom (Bloc de la paix), en marge des autres mouvements pacifistes car plaidant pour le droit au retour des Palestiniens et de leurs descendants sur les terres dont ils ont été chassés ou qu’ils ont fuies à la création d’Israël en 1948.

    Ecrivain prolifique, il écrit une dizaine de livres, dont, en 2014, son autobiographie intitulée « optimiste ».

    Il a reçu de nombreux prix internationaux, dont le Prix de la paix Erich-Maria Remarque en 1995.

    Il avait été admis il y a plusieurs jours à l’hôpital Ichilov de Tel-Aviv à la suite d’un accident vasculaire cérébral.

    ““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““
    Uri Avnery, Veteran Peace Activist and Among First Israelis to Meet Arafat, Dies at 94
    Ofer Aderet - Aug 20, 2018 7:21 AM
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-uri-avenry-veteran-peace-activist-dies-at-94-1.6364250

    The Gush Shalom founder was one of the first Israelis to actively seek a Palestinian state as a peaceful solution to the conflict: ‘The difference between a freedom fighter and a terrorist depends on your perspective’

  • 70 ans de photographie pour la Palestine :

    Depuis l’invention de la photographie, l’impérialisme a fait des films pour empêcher ceux qu’il opprimait d’en faire
    Jean-Luc Godard, El Fatah, juillet 1970
    https://seenthis.net/messages/700867

    Robert Capa au service des mythes fondateurs de l’état d’Israël
    Lunettes Rouges, Le Monde, le 13 octobre 2015
    https://seenthis.net/messages/699822

    Looted and Hidden – Palestinian Archives in Israel (46 minutes)
    Rona Sela, 2017
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0tBP-63unME

    Que font de vieilles photos et de vieux films de Palestiniens dans les archives de l’armée israélienne ?
    Ofer Aderet, Haaretz, le 1er juillet 2017
    https://seenthis.net/messages/612498

    « Saison France Israël »
    Lunettes Rouges, Le Monde, le 4 juin 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/699822

    Retrait de Bernard Plossu de la « Saison France Israël »
    Lunettes Rouges, Le Monde, le 9 juin 2018
    https://seenthis.net/messages/699822

    #Palestine #Nakba #Photographie #Vol #Invisibilisation #Histoire #Falsification #Mythologie #Boycott_Culturel #BDS

  • Looted and Hidden – Palestinian Archives in Israel (46 minutes)
    Rona Sela, 2017
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0tBP-63unME

    Ce documentaire avait été évoqué ici à travers :

    Que font de vieilles photos et de vieux films de Palestiniens dans les archives de l’armée israélienne ?
    Ofer Aderet, Haaretz, le 1er juillet 2017
    https://seenthis.net/messages/612498

    On y voit :

    The Urgent Call of Palestine, une chanson écrite par Lalita Panjabi, interpétée par Zeinab Shaath, dans un clip tourné par Ismail Shammout en 1973 :
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KVTlLsXQ5mk

    #Palestine #Nakba #Photographie #Documentaire #Rona_Sela #Vol #Invisibilisation #Histoire #Falsification #Mythologie #Musique #Musique_et_Politique #Zeinab_Shaath #Boycott_Culturel #BDS

    • Bonjour Emmanuel, est-il possible de récupérer les paroles de la chanson : « the urgent call of Palestine » ?...Je découvre tout ce travail sur les archives ! extraordinaire !

    • Les paroles sont à la fin de cette entrevue :

      The Urgent Call of Palestine - An Interview with Zeinab Shaath
      Rona Sela, le 8 février 2018
      http://www.ronasela.com/en/details.asp?listid=85

      The Urgent Call of Palestine
      Lyrics: Lalita Panjabi

      Can’t you hear
      The Urgent call of Palestine
      Tormented, tortured, bruised and battered
      and all her sons and daughters scattered
      Can’t you hear
      The sweet sad voice of Palestine
      She whispers above the roars of the guns
      Beckoning to all her daughters and suns
      Can’t you hear
      The agony of Palestine
      Liberation banner, raise it high
      for Palestine
      Let us do or die
      Let us hear the urgent call of Palestine

  • Why you should be skeptical of Israeli government’s anti-Semitism reports -

    It’s important to monitor hate crimes, but the reports illustrate the difficulty of measuring incidents on social media and the findings seem to reflect interests, not reality

    Ofer Aderet Jan 22, 2018

    Yaakov Haguel, acting director of the World Zionist Organization, offered cabinet members Sunday a harsh and emotive assesment as he presented them what he called “an important and comprehensive survey on anti-Semitism”
    That it was a report thin on methodology and data, did not stop him from declaring, according to a press release: “The Jewish people and the state of Israel will lose contact with millions of Jews around the world if something isn’t done with regard to European governments and the world.”
    “Jews are afraid; they are assimilating and taking cover,” he said “Anti-Semitism is on the rise and European governments and the world is ignoring this. Israel’s government is also responsible for world Jewry.”
    And then came the presentation of antother report on anti—Semitism to the Cabinet: this time presented by Naftali Bennet, speaking in his capacity as Minister for Diaspora Affairs. The report is entitled “Report on anti-Semitic Trends and Incidents for 2017.”
    According to Bennett’s report, 2017 was a record year in terms of the number of anti—semitic incidents in Great Britain, with Germany also seeing a number of “serious incidents.” His ministry’s official website, which posted the report, sends readers to a more extensive write-up on the topic on the website of the Arutz Sheva (also known as Israel National News), a network associated with religious Zionism.
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    The post there claimed, citing unnamed surveys, “more than 50 percent of refugees in Western Europe hold anti-Semitic views.”
    There are now numerous reports of “spiking anti-Semitism in Europe”, “a record number of incidents” and “a new rise in anti-Semitism.” However, an even cursory review of the “data” on which these reports are based and their comparison to other reports in order to raise some questions or the suspicion that the two documents - which were presented ahead of Saturday’s commemoration of International Holocaust Remembrance Day – are less scientific reports but are appear to be more public relations tools meant to justify agencies whose existence is arguably questionable – the ministry for Diaspora affairs and the World Zionist Organization.

    Consider the statements attached to their pubilcation. Two of Haguel’s statements are particularly noteworthy. “Israel is responsible for world Jewry”. Is it? Shouldn’t Jews around the world be asked if they agree with this statement? He then said that “Jews are assimilating.” One only need ask if this is a result of anti-Semitism, which he warns against, or a natural corollary of life outside Israel, where the majority populations are not Jewish.
    Even the most significant words of the acting director of the WZO, according to which anti-Semitism is on the rise, can be disputed. To do this one should look at another report, the one published on the last Holocaust Remembrance Day by the Kantor Center for the Study of Contemporary European Jewry at Tel Aviv University. This report showed a 12 percent decline in the number of violent attacks committed in Europe with an anti-Semitic basis. The report notes that this decline reflects a continuing trend, mainly in the decline in violent incidents which were registered in key countries, in terms of the size of their Jewish populations and their international standing.
    On the other hand, the Kantor Center’s report notes a “continuing rise, often dramatic, in visual and verbal expressions [of anti-Semitism], mainly on social networks and at demonstrations.” It notes that this cannot be quantified, concluding that “even though the number of incidents has declined, the prevailing sense among Jews is that things are bad, and that’s the most worrisome feature.”
    Indeed, it’s hard to argue with feelings, but the professional integrity of the Kantor Center prevented it from providing the media with dramatic headlines indicating a “sharp rise” in anti-Semitism. One doesn’t need to look far in order to find contradictions in the current furor. While Haguel’s report showed one thing, Bennett’s presented the opposite. His report states that in France the government is taking determined steps to prevent expressions of anti-Semitism, including a government-sanctioned program to combat racism and anti-Semitism. This has borne fruit, with a drop last year in the number of incidents.
    So what’s going on here? A drop? A rise? Are governments ignoring the phenomenon or combating it? It depends how you count an “anti-Semitic incident”, who’s counting, who is presenting it and what his interests are.
    Looking again at the WZO report, the data raises the suspicion that someone was looking hard for ways to present the numbers in a manner that migtht sound alarm bells, as is worthy of a week ending in Holocaust Remembrance Day. Eighty percent of people surveyed around the world “were exposed to incitement against Jews in the media or on social networks”; 70 percent were affected by anti-Semitic events last year” and “78 percent experienced anti-Semitism in recent years.”
    It’s hard to argue with such superficial, general and unscientific statements.
    But it’s surprising that only 80 percent were exposed to incitement – anyone with access to Facebook could be considered someone exposed to incitement, not only of the anti-Semitic kind.
    Secondly, one could ask if every anti-Semitic response by some wooly-headed ultra-nationalist is necessarily an anti-Semitic “incident” and every exposure to it an anti-Semitic “experience”. If so, then the more hours one spends in front of a computer screen, particularly reading anonymous talkbacks, the more one can be considered someone deeply affected by anti-Semitic content. How should one relate to the data indicating that 59 percent of respondents across the world thought that politicians in their countries were somewhat anti-Semitic?
    This is certainly not scientific research.
    “The situation is deteriorating daily, spreading to new countries,” Haguel wrote in his dramatic summarizaton of the report’s findings. “We see the WZO playing a key role in preserving Jews and their identity around the world and in helping welcome and acclimitize [immigrants] to this country.”
    Herein lies the not so covert vested interest lurking behind the current round of cries bemoaning anti-Semitism. The WZO needs to show that it is still needed in 2018. Who if not this organization will work to preserve Jewish identity and settle Jews from around the world in Israel?
    It’s regrettable that state agencies belittle the public’s intelligence. It’s also lamentable that they contribute to producing fake news, confusion and deceptions such as these.
    The topic is too important to be left in the hands of politicians and public relations officers.
    It’s certainly important to follow with concern data that is not based on telephone interviews or social media. It’s preferable to rely on police reports, public security or internal affairs departments in different countries, as well as interviews with local Jewish community leaders and people who are more connected to events on the ground.
    But still, let there be no doubt. Even without these surveys there is no room for optimism. Anyone visiting Jewish communities in Europe knows that in 2018 there are places where it’s uncomfortable for Jews to wear a kippah. Traditional hatred of Jews has been joined in recent years by threats coming from extremist elements among Arab migrants, whose hatred towards Israel because of conflict in the Middle East is morphing into anti-Semitism.
    One shouldn’t take an extreme stance and shut one’s eyes to these reports. But the worrisome situation requires serious analysis, thorough and based in accurately collected data. It should be done by independent researchers using scientific tools and accepted methodology.

    Ofer Aderet
    Haaretz Correspondent

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  • Balfour’s original sin -

    British colonialism prepared the way for Israeli colonialism, even if it didn’t intend for it to continue for a 100 years and more

    Gideon Levy Oct 28, 2017 6:50 PM
    read more: https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.819539

    There was never anything like it: an empire promising a land that it had not yet conquered to a people not living there, without asking the inhabitants. There’s no other way to describe the unbelievable colonialist temerity that cries out from every letter in the Balfour Declaration, now marking its centenary.
    The prime ministers of Israel and Britain will celebrate a huge Zionist achievement this week. Now the time has come for some soul-searching as well. The celebration is over. One hundred years of colonialism, first British and then, inspired by it, Israeli, has come at the expense of another people, and that is its endless disaster.
    The Balfour Declaration could have been a just document if it had pledged equal treatment of both the people who dreamed of the land and the people dwelling there. But Britain preferred the dreamers, hardly any of whom lived in the country, over its inhabitants who had lived there for hundreds of years and were its absolute majority, and preferred to give them no national rights.
    Imagine a power promising to turn Israel into the national home of the Israeli Arabs and calling for the Jewish majority to suffice with “civil and religious rights.” That’s what happened then, but in an even more discriminatory way: The Jews were an even smaller minority (less than a tenth) than Israeli Arabs are today.
    Thus Britain sowed the seeds of the calamity whose poisonous fruits both peoples are eating to this day. This isn’t a cause for celebration; rather, on the 100th anniversary of the declaration, it’s a call for repairing the injustice that was never even recognized, not by Britain and of course not by Israel.
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    Not only was the State of Israel born as a result of the declaration, so was the policy toward “the non-Jewish communities” as stated in the letter by Lord Arthur James Balfour to Lord Lionel Walter Rothschild. The discrimination against the Arabs of Israel and the occupation of the Palestinians are the direct continuation of the letter. British colonialism prepared the way for Israeli colonialism, even if it didn’t intend for it to continue for a 100 years and more.
    Israel 2017 also pledges to grant “civil and religious rights” to the Palestinians. But they don’t have a national home. Balfour was the first to promise it.
    Sure, Britain spread these promises around in those years, the years of World War I, contradictory promises including to the Arabs, but it fulfilled them only to the Jews. As Shlomo Avineri wrote in Haaretz’s Hebrew edition on Friday regarding the context and implications of the Balfour Declaration, its main purpose was to minimize American-Jewish opposition to U.S. participation in the war.
    Whatever the motive was, following the Balfour Declaration, more Jews immigrated to this country. Immediately on their arrival they acted like overlords, and they haven’t changed their attitude toward the non-Jewish inhabitants to this day. Balfour let them do this. Not by chance did a small group of Sephardi Jews living in Palestine oppose Balfour and seek equality with the Arabs, as Ofer Aderet wrote in Haaretz on Friday. And not by chance were they silenced.
    Balfour let the Jewish minority take over the country, callously ignoring the national rights of another people that had lived in the land for generations. Exactly 50 years after the Balfour Declaration, Israel conquered the West Bank and Gaza. It invaded them with the same colonialist feet and it continues its occupation and its ignoring of the rights of the inhabitants.
    If Balfour were alive today, he would feel comfortable in the Habayit Hayehudi party. Like MK Bezalel Smotrich, Balfour also thought the Jews have rights in this country and the Palestinians don’t and never will. Like his successors on the Israeli right, Balfour never concealed this. In his speech to the British Parliament in 1922, he came right out and said it.
    On the 100th anniversary of the Balfour Declaration, the nationalist right should bow its head in thanksgiving to the person who originated Jewish superiority in this country, Lord Balfour. Palestinians and the Jews who seek justice should mourn. If he hadn’t formulated his declaration the way he did, maybe this country would be different and more just.

    Gideon Levy

  • Témoignages du massacre censuré de Deir Yassin : « Ils ont empilé les corps, et ils les ont brûlés »
    18 juillet | Ofer Aderet pour Haaretz |Traduction JPP pour l’AURDIP
    http://www.aurdip.fr/temoignages-du-massacre-censure-de.html

    Un jeune garçon est attaché à un arbre et on y met le feu. Une femme et un vieil homme abattus dans le dos. Des filles sont alignées contre un mur et abattues à la mitraillette. Les témoignages recueillis par la cinéaste Neta Shoshani sur le massacre à Deir Yassin sont difficiles à traiter, même 70 ans après les faits.

    Depuis deux ans maintenant, un document dont la lecture est difficile est déposé aux archives de l’association pour commémorer l’héritage du Lehi – les combattants pour la liberté d’Israël, milice clandestine d’avant l’État. Il a été rédigé par un membre de la clandestinité il y a environ 70 ans. Le lire peut rouvrir une blessure saignante de l’époque de la Guerre d’indépendance qui, jusqu’à ce jour, suscite beaucoup d’émotion dans la société israélienne.

    « Vendredi dernier ensemble avec Etzel » - l’acronyme pour l’Organisation militaire nationale, connue aussi sous le nom d’Irgoun, autre milice clandestine antérieure à l’État, dirigée par Menachem Begin – « notre mouvement a mené une opération violente pour occuper le village arabe sur la route de Jérusalem à Tel Aviv : Deir Yassin. J’ai participé à cette opération de la façon la plus active », écrit Yehuda Feder, dont le nom de guerre au Lehi (connu aussi comme Groupe Stern) était « Giora ».

    Plus loin dans la lettre, il décrit en détail sa part dans le massacre qui a eu lieu ici. « C’était la première fois dans ma vie que par mes mains et sous mes yeux des Arabes tombaient. Dans le village, j’ai tué un Arabe armé et deux filles arabes de 16 ou 17 ans, venues aider l’Arabe qui avait été abattu. Je les ai placées contre un mur et je les ai mitraillées avec deux rafales de l’arme d’un Tommy », écrit-il, décrivant comment il a procédé à l’exécution des filles avec une mitraillette.

    Dans le même temps, il raconte le pillage avec ses copains dans le village une fois occupé. « Nous avons confisqué beaucoup d’argent et de bijoux en argent et en or, tombés entre nos mains » écrit-il. Il conclut la lettre avec les mots : « Ce fut une opération violente et c’est avec raison que la gauche nous diffame à nouveau ».

    #Deir_Yassin
    traduction en français de l’article signalé ici : https://seenthis.net/messages/615277

    • Shoshani a commencé à s’intéresser à l’histoire de Deir Yassin il y a une dizaine d’années, alors qu’elle travaillait à son projet final à l’Académie Bezalel des Arts et du Design à Jérusalem, qui portait sur une documentation de l’hôpital psychiatrique d’État de Kfar Shaul, hôpital qui a été construit sur les terres de Deir Yassin après la guerre.

      Deir Yassine, comme Oradour-sur-Glane, est un nom exotique qui évoque un petit village reculé dans la campagne. En fait pas du tout, c’est aujourd’hui un quartier de #Jérusalem, très connu parce que, à quelques centaines de mètres de là, se situe le musée de #Yad_Vachem, le mémorial de la Shoah...

      #Palestine #Histoire #Massacre #Mémoire #1948

  • Testimonies from the censored Deir Yassin massacre: ’They piled bodies and burned them’ - Israel News - Haaretz.com

    A young fellow tied to a tree and set on fire. A woman and an old man shot in back. Girls lined up against a wall and shot with a submachine gun. The testimonies collected by filmmaker Neta Shoshani about the massacre in Deir Yassin are difficult to process even 70 years after the fact
    By Ofer Aderet Jul 16, 2017

    read more: http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/1.801307
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/1.801307

    For two years now a document that makes for difficult reading has been lying in the archives of the association to commemorate the heritage of Lehi – the Fighters for the Freedom of Israel pre-state underground militia. It was written by a member of the underground about 70 years ago. Reading it could reopen a bleeding wound from the days of the War of Independence that to this day stirs a great deal of emotion in Israeli society.

    “Last Friday together with Etzel” – the acronym for the National Military Organization, also known as the Irgun, another pre-state underground militia, led by Menachem Begin – “our movement carried out a tremendous operation to occupy the Arab village on the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv road – Deir Yassin. I participated in this operation in the most active way,” wrote Yehuda Feder, whose nom de guerre in Lehi (also known as the Stern Gang) was “Giora.”

    Further along in the letter, he describes in detail his part in the massacre that took place there. “This was the first time in my life that at my hands and before my eyes Arabs fell. In the village I killed an armed Arab man and two Arab girls of 16 or 17 who were helping the Arab who was shooting. I stood them against a wall and blasted them with two rounds from the Tommy gun,” he wrote, describing how he carried out the execution of the girls with a submachine gun.

    Along with that, he tells about looting in the village with his buddies after it was occupied. “We confiscated a lot of money and silver and gold jewelry fell into our hands,” he wrote. He concludes the letter with the words: “This was a really tremendous operation and it is with reason that the left is vilifying us again.”

  • Que font de vieilles photos et de vieux films de Palestiniens dans les archives de l’armée israélienne ?
    2 juillet | Ofer Aderet pour Haaretz |Traduction SF pour l’AURDIP
    http://www.aurdip.fr/que-font-de-vieilles-photos-et-de.html

    Des photos et des films palestiniens saisis par les troupes israéliennes se sont empoussiérés aux archives de l’armée et du ministère de la défense jusqu’à ce que Rona Sela, conservatrice et historienne d’art, en révèle l’existence. Le matériau offre une alternative au récit sioniste qui nie la présence ici de Palestiniens, dit-elle.

    La première réaction c’est l’incrédulité : pourquoi ce matériau est-il stocké aux archives des Forces de Défense et du ministère de la défense d’Israël ? Le premier lot est étiqueté en hébreu, « Histoire de la Palestine depuis 1919 », le second « Dessins d’enfants scolarisés dans un camp de réfugiés où ils vivent et aspirent à retourner en Palestine ». Le troisième : Description de la brutalité du traitement des Palestiniens des Territoires par l’armée israélienne ».
    (...)
    Par exemple, en 1969 et 1970, Jean-Luc Godard, le réalisateur légendaire de la Nouvelle Vague cinématographique française, s’est rendu en Jordanie et au Liban plusieurs fois avec le groupe Dziga Vertov de réalisateurs français (groupe nommé d’après le documentariste soviétique pionnier des années 1920-1930), dont faisait partie le réalisateur Jean-Pierre Gorin, qui a travaillé avec Godard dans sa période « radicale ». Ils sont venus tourner dans des camps de réfugiés et dans des bases de fedayin pour le film de Godard « Jusqu’à la victoire ». Habashneh a dit à Sela qu’elle et d’autres avaient rencontré Godard, l’avaient assisté et avaient, bien sûr, été influencés par son travail. (...)

  • After capturing Haifa, Ben-Gurion gave order to stop fleeing Arabs from returning
    A letter going to auction reveals that Israel’s first PM tried to thwart British attempts to resettle ’the enemy’ in Haifa. The letter contradicts a testimony by Golda Meir.
    By Ofer Aderet | May 26, 2015
    Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/features/.premium-1.658179

    David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, gave an instruction aimed at preventing Haifa’s Arab residents who have fled the city during the 1948 War of Independence from returning to their homes as long as the fighting continued. This was revealed in a letter bearing Ben-Gurion’s signature, which will go on sale next week at the Kedem auction house in Jerusalem.

    The letter was sent by Ben-Gurion on June 2, 1948, a month and a half after Haifa was captured and a few weeks after Israel’s independence was declared. It was addressed to Abba Khoushy, the secretary-general of the Haifa Workers’ Council, and later the city’s mayor.

    “I hear that Mr. Marriot (Cyril Marriot, the British Consul in Haifa) is working to return the Arabs to Haifa. I don’t know how it is his business, but until the war is over we don’t want a return of the enemy. And all institutions should act accordingly” instructed Ben-Gurion.

    The contents of this letter were published in 2002 in a book about Abba Khoushy that was written by Tzadok Eshel ("Abba Khoushy – Man of Haifa"). As with many of the letters that Ben-Gurion wrote to different people and institutions, this letter fell into private hands and is now up for sale. The opening bidding price is $1,800.

    Ben-Gurion’s attitude to the Arab population that fled or was expelled from their homes during the war was not consistent. In Nazareth, he specifically instructed Israeli forces not to expel Arab residents: “Do not remove these residents from Nazareth,” he wrote. In Lod, however, there is one testimony according to which he instructed Yitzhak Rabin and other field commanders to expel the residents.

    In her new biography of Ben-Gurion (‘Ben Gurion – Father of Modern Israel," published in English by Yale University Press) historian Anita Shapira states that Lod is the only case in which there is testimony to an instruction given by Ben-Gurion to deport Arabs. Shapira describes consultations held by field commanders and Ben-Gurion concerning the fate of the city’s Arab inhabitants, after the city’s capture in Operation Danny. “Ben-Gurion listened and did not respond. He had an exceptional capacity to remain silent when he wanted to. Only at the end of the discussion, as the commanders were about to return to the battlefield, he made, according to Rabin’s account, a waving-off gesture with his hand, muttering ’expel them.’"

    David Ben-Gurion and Abba Khoushy (behind him, facing the camera). Photo by Fritz Cohen / GPO

    What about Haifa? Here things get more complicated. Out of 70,000 Arabs who lived in the city when the war broke out, tens of thousands left during the first months. On April 22, 1948, when the city was captured by the Haganah (the Yishuv’s military forces), the Grand Mufti instructed Haifa’s Arab residents to leave rather than accept the terms of surrender. Shabtai Levy, the city’s first Jewish mayor, appealed to local leaders, asking them not to leave. The British tried to do the same, but to no avail. Except for a few thousand, the majority of Haifa’s Arabs left after the city was captured.
    On May 1, after touring the area, Ben-Gurion wrote in his diary: “An amazing and terrible sight. a dead city… with barns, shops, small and large houses, old and new - with not a living soul except for some wandering cats… how did tens of thousands of people leave behind, in such panic, their houses and wealth?”

    “What caused this flight? Was it just orders from above? It’s inconceivable that extremely wealthy people - and there were extremely wealthy people here, those with knowledge say, the richest in the whole land - would leave all their wealth behind just because someone commanded them to. Was it fear?”

    A boat of Haifa refugees docking in Port Said, Egypt. Photo credit: Getty Images

    Despite the shock felt by Ben-Gurion, the letter that surfaced and is now up for auction indicates that a month later he called for preventing Arab residents from returning to their homes. The letter contradicts the testimony of Golda Meir, who wrote in her book “My Life” that Ben-Gurion asked her to try and prevent the flight of Haifa’s Arabs.

    “Ben-Gurion called me and said: ’I want you to immediately go to Haifa and see to it that the Arabs who remain in Haifa are treated appropriately. I also want you to try and persuade the Arabs who are already on the beach to return home. You have to get it into their heads that they have nothing to fear,’ he said. And so, I went immediately. I sat on the beach there and begged them to return home… I pleaded with them until I was exhausted but it didn’t work,” she wrote.

    Meron Aran, one of the directors of the Kedem auction house, believes that Ben-Gurion ultimately preferred to prevent their return out of security considerations, but he also has another theory in mind. “It’s possible that he was already planning to house new immigrants who were already clamoring to get into the new country in the houses abandoned by the city’s Arabs.”

    Haganah men walking in the streets of Haifa after the city was captured. Photo credit: Haganah archive.

  • IDF declassifies docs in still-rotten Lavon Affair
    Comment Israël a organisé des attentats en Egypte en 1955 pour casser les relations entre Le Caire et Washington

    Dialogue between the two men at the heart of affair reveals tense blame game over 1954 false flag scandal.
    By Ofer Aderet | May 11, 2015 | Israel News | Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.655850

    The conversation between Defense Minister Pinhas Lavon and Military Intelligence chief Binyamin Gibli on December 28, 1954, was extremely tense. “I wanted to give you another chance to tell me the whole truth,” Lavon told the senior Israel Defense Forces officer sharply. “Don’t hide anything, neither person nor issue. Unfortunately, either you didn’t understand or you decided not to understand.”

    “I can’t believe you, Mr. Minister. I’m very sorry,” Gibli answered.

    The issue about which they were talking – “the rotten business” (esek habish), also known as the Lavon Affair – was a scandal that occupied the country for several years, caused considerable political turmoil, and can still make headlines more than 60 years on.

    Code-named Operation Susannah by Military Intelligence, it involved a Jewish terror cell in Egypt that was meant to undermine Cairo’s relations with the United States and Britain. The cell, whose members were arrested in the summer of 1954, had planned to plant bombs in movie houses, a post office, and U.S. institutions in Cairo and Alexandria, making it look as if the bombs were the work of Egyptians. Then-Prime Minister Moshe Sharett apparently had no advance knowledge of the operation.

  • Major German newspaper pays tribute to fallen Israeli soldiers - Bild, with daily readership of 12 million, runs feature with photos and profiles of IDF soldiers killed ’fighting Hamas terror’ in Gaza.
    By Ofer Aderet | Aug. 12, 2014 Haaretz
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.610116

    The popular German newspaper Bild on Monday published an extremely sympathetic story about the Israeli soldiers killed in Operation Protective Edge.

    It included photos of all 64 soldiers killed, under the caption: “Israel fighting Hamas terror ¬– faces of the fallen.”

    “64 Israeli soldiers have died. 64 sons, friends, husbands, who will not return to their families. They fell in the Gaza Strip while fighting Hamas on behalf of their homeland,” read the story, which included profiles of some of the soldiers.

    Bild, one of the largest selling newspapers in the world with a reported 12 million readers daily, is published by the Springer media conglomerate, an outspoken supporter of Israel.

    At the end of last month, as the fighting in Gaza sparked an outbreak of anti-Semitic incidents in Germany and elsewhere in Europe, Bild launched a campaign titled, “Jew-hatred – never again.” The front page featured photos of German politicians, actors and other public figures calling for an end to anti-Semitism.

  • Right-wing demonstrators in #Tel_Aviv wore neo-Nazi shirts
    Not only did the demonstrators beat leftists, they wore ’Good night left side’ T-shirts, photographs show.
    By Ofer Aderet | Jul. 15, 2014 | 1:58 PM
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/.premium-1.605234

    #Neo-Nazis in Europe wear shirts with this phrase, which accompanies an image of a man attacking a left-wing activist, denoted by a star or anarchy symbol. The online store Final Resistance offers clothing bearing neo-Nazi slogans – popular attire at rock concerts by far-right bands.

    The emblem and slogan are a response to the original left-wing counterpart: “Good night white pride.”

  • Jerusalem mayor pulls proposal to name street after contentious professor Yeshayahu Leibowitz

    Yair Ettinger and Ofer Aderet

    Un refus d’honorer l’un des plus courageux philosophes israéliens

    Haaretz Daily Newspaper

    http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/jerusalem-mayor-pulls-proposal-to-name-street-after-professor-yeshayahu-lei

    An initiative to name a Jerusalem street after Professor Yeshayahu Leibowitz has turned into an affair, a saga and then a tragedy, and on Thursday turned into what resembled a comedy.

    Moments before the ratification of an initiative aiming to pay tribute to Leibowitz – a philosopher, scientist, observant Jew and resident of Jerusalem who did not hide his adamant opinions against the settlements – Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat announced that he is temporarily pulling the proposal, alongside some 20 other potential street names.

  • Selon le Dr Elhaik, les Juifs Ashkénazes sont des Européens comme les autres « Mounadil al Djazaïri
    http://mounadil.wordpress.com/2013/01/03/selon-le-dr-elhaik-les-juifs-ashkenazes-sont-des-europeens-comme

    L’ultime chasse au trésor des origines du peuple juif

    Dans son étude sur les origines des juifs, Eran Elhaik dit avoir découvert que certains Ashkénazes ont leur origine dans l’empire Khazar et non dans le royaume de Juda.

    par Ofer Aderet, Haaretz (Sionistan) 28 décembre 2012 traduit de l’anglais par Djazaïri

    Elhaik, 32 ans, a mené ses recherches à l’Ecole de Santé Publique de l’Université John Hopkins à Baltimore, dans le Maryland. Plus tôt ce mois-ci, il a publié ses conclusions dans un article intitulé « Le chaînon manquant de l’ascendance juive européenne : comparaison des hypothèses rhénane et khazare », dans la revue Genome Biology and Evolution, éditée par Oxford University Press. L’un des chercheurs qui a examiné l’article avant sa publication le décrit comme plus profond que toutes les études antérieures sur les origines du peuple juif.

    Dans notre entretien téléphonique, Elhaik, qui ne joue pas au modeste, présente son étude comme opérant une « percée » et dit qu’elle a fourni une base scientifique à une théorie ancienne et controversée affirmant que les juifs européens ou ashkénazes sont les descendants des Khazars . L’Empire khazar réunissait divers peuples (des Iraniens, des Turcs, des Slaves, des Caucasiens et d’autres encore), et s’étendait sur un vaste territoire qui allait de la mer Noire à la mer Caspienne à l’époque médiévale. Selon cette théorie, les Khazars convertis au judaïsme au VIIIe siècle et leurs descendants sont les Juifs « européens » ou ashkénazes qui vivent aujourd’hui en Israël et dans la diaspora.

    La thèse communément admise considère que les Juifs sont les descendants des habitants du Royaume de Juda, qui furent contraints à l’exil puis ne revinrent dans leur pays d’origine – l’État moderne d’Israël – qu’après des milliers d’années d’exil. Cette nouvelle étude soutient par contre la théorie selon laquelle les juifs sont les descendants de peuples différents qui ont vécu dans diverses régions du bassin méditerranéen, et qui se sont convertis au judaïsme à différentes époques. Selon cette théorie, l’histoire de l’exil de Juda, la vie en exil menée par les Juifs dans les pays de la diaspora et leur nostalgie persistante de leur patrie d’origine peuvent être considérées comme relevant du mythe.

  • Breivik, le Mossad et Johan Galtung

    Pioneer of global peace studies hints at link between Norway massacre and Mossad - Haaretz Daily Newspaper | Israel News
    http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/pioneer-of-global-peace-studies-hints-at-link-between-norway-massacre-and-m

    Pioneer of global peace studies hints at link between Norway massacre and Mossad

    In several anti-Semitic remarks, Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung also defends ’The Protocols of the Elders of Zion’ and says Jewish influence was one of the factors leading to Auschwitz.
    By Ofer Aderet Tags: anti-Semitism Europe anti-Semitism Holocaust

    Johan Galtung, Norwegian sociologist nicknamed the “father of peace studies,” made anti-Semitic and anti-Israeli remarks while lecturing at the University of Oslo, in an article published afterward in the Norwegian press and in an interview with Haaretz that followed.

    Among other statements, Galtung claimed that a possible connection exists between the terrorist responsible for the massacre of children in Norway last summer, and the Mossad. “The Jews control U.S. media, and divert for the sake of Israel,” wrote Galtung in an article published in Norway.

    He pointed out that one of the factors behind the anti-Semitic sentiment that led to Auschwitz was the fact that Jews held influential positions in German society.
    Galtung also recommended reading “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” – one of the most popular anti-Semitic texts in the world.