person:roy

Le duo électro pop originaire de Caen passe beaucoup en radio avec son tube Savior dont on découvre le clip, enfin ! Autre bonne nouvelle, un premier maxi est dans les tuyaux. Il s’appelle Naema et devrait sortir le 12 avril chez Roy Music.
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lbWOW8GRJfE&feature=youtu.be

Is This the Greatest Photo in Jazz History? - The New York Times
▻https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/08/nyregion/thelonius-monk-charlier-parker.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share

https://static01.nyt.com/images/2019/03/10/nyregion/10OPENDOOR1/08OPENDOOR1-facebookJumbo.jpg

A friend gave Bob Parent a tip: be at the Open Door on West 3rd Street on Sunday.

Mr. Parent, a photographer with a knack for showing up at the right time and place, didn’t need much encouragement. He arrived at the jazz club early in the evening of Sept. 13, 1953. It was unseasonably cool for late summer. The New York Times front page detailed the marriage of Senator John F. Kennedy and the glamorous Jacqueline Bouvier in Newport, R.I. The Brooklyn Dodgers had just clinched the pennant in Milwaukee.

The show that night was billed as the Thelonious Monk Trio. Monk, 35, was already a prolific composer and piano innovator, yet it would take a decade for his brilliance to be fully appreciated by mainstream America. The trio was rounded out by Charles Mingus, 31, on standup bass and the youngster Roy Haynes, a 28-year-old hotshot drummer everyone called “Snap Crackle.”

With Monk, Mingus and Haynes, he had certainly booked a top-shelf trio, reason enough to make the trip downtown. The word on the street that afternoon — and what a savvy Bob Parent already knew — was that there was a good chance Charlie Parker would sit in with the trio.

#Musique #Jazz #Photographie

71% des terres agricoles européennes servent à nourrir le bétail - Journal de l’environnement
▻http://www.journaldelenvironnement.net/article/71-des-terres-agricoles-europeennes-servent-a-nourrir-le-be

71% des terres agricoles européennes sont dédiées à l’alimentation animale, selon un rapport publié ce 12 février par Greenpeace à partir de données d’Eurostat et de la Commission européenne.

L’élevage poursuit son essor en Europe et se concentre dans des exploitations toujours plus grandes[1]. L’Union européenne (UE) a en effet perdu 32% de ses fermes d’élevage entre 2005 et 2013 tandis que les plus grandes exploitations ont accueilli 10 millions de bêtes supplémentaires. Au total, la production de viande s’est accrue de 12,7% entre 2000 et 2017 pour atteindre 47,2 millions de tonnes (volaille et porc surtout).

#élevage #agriculture #terre_agricole

Pétition de personnalités britanniques (Vivienne Westwood, Peter Gabriel, Mike Leigh, Julie Christie, Maxine Peake, Wolf Alice, Roger Waters, Caryl Churchill, Al Kennedy) contre la tenue de l’Eurovision en israel et sa diffusion par la BBC.

(un article en parlait déjà là: ▻https://seenthis.net/messages/756450 )

The BBC should press for Eurovision to be moved from Israel
The Guardian, le 29 janvier 2019
▻https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and-radio/2019/jan/29/the-bbc-should-press-for-eurovision-to-be-moved-from-israel

Traduction en français:

La BBC devrait faire pression pour que l’Eurovision n’ait pas lieu en Israël
The Guardian, le 29 janvier 2019
▻http://www.agencemediapalestine.fr/blog/2019/01/31/la-bbc-devrait-faire-pression-pour-que-leurovision-nait-pas-lie

Peter Ahrends, architect
Amir Amirani, filmmaker
Jonathan Arndell, architect, artist
Roy Battersby, director
Bloody Knees, band
brave timbers, band
Jen Brister, comedian
Carmen Callil, publisher, writer
Taghrid Choucair-Vizoso, performer
Julie Christie, actor
Ian Christie, film historian, broadcaster
Chipo Chung, actor
Caryl Churchill, playwright
Michael Darlow, tv writer and director
Paula Darwish, musician
April De Angelis, playwright
Tam Dean Burn, actor
Drones Club, band
Nancy Elan, violin
Gareth Evans, producer, curator
Peter Gabriel, musician, founder WOMAD festival
Lots Holloway, singer, songwriter
Rachel Holmes, writer
Brigid Keenan, author
Patrick Keiller, artist, filmmaker
Reem Kelani, musician, broadcaster
AL Kennedy, writer
Desmond Lambert, musician
Mike Leigh, writer, director
Ken Loach, director
Sabrina Mahfouz, writer
Miriam Margolyes, actor
Yann Martel, writer
Declan McKenna, singer, songwriter
JD Meatyard, musician
Pauline Melville, writer
Giuliano Modarelli, musician, composer
Object Blue, DJ
Maxine Peake, actor
Jocelyn Pook, composer
TJ Rehmi, composer, producer
Reverend & the Makers, band
Leon Rosselson, songwriter
Rrose, DJ
Alexei Sayle, comedian, author
David Scott, music producer
Nick Seymour, musician
Sarah Streatfeild, violin
Roger Waters, musician
Vivienne Westwood, fashion designer
Wolf Alice, band

#Palestine #Eurovision #BDS #Boycott #BBC #Grande-Bretagne

Macron n’ira pas à Davos mais réunira des patrons à Versailles
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/politique/article/2019/01/11/macron-n-ira-pas-a-davos-mais-reunira-des-patrons-a-versailles_5407882_82344

https://img.lemde.fr/2016/01/22/308/0/3693/1846/1440/720/60/0/c89fe5b_5113114-01-06.jpg

Macron n’ira pas à Davos mais réunira des patrons à Versailles
Cette année, le président ne se rendra pas au Forum économique mondial « en raison d’un agenda chargé », a fait savoir l’Elysée.

Un Davos sans Donald Trump… ni Emmanuel Macron. Le président français a fait savoir, vendredi 11 janvier, qu’il ne participera pas au Forum de Davos qui rassemble tous les ans en janvier en Suisse le gotha de l’économie mondiale, « en raison d’un #agenda_chargé  ».
Si le chef de l’Etat avait fait un long discours au Forum de Davos l’an passé, les présidents français ne participent pas systématiquement à ce rendez-vous en Suisse, qui aura lieu cette année du 21 au 25 janvier.

agenda chargé (hum !) ou protection de son image ?
• vis-à-vis de l’intérieur, plutôt mal vu, en cette époque jaune, de pavaner dans un séminaire de puissants,
• et de l’étranger, se taper la honte du donneur de leçon pris les doigts dans la confiture.

Democrats Faked Online Push to Outlaw Alcohol in Alabama Race
▻https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/07/us/politics/alabama-senate-facebook-roy-moore.html

The “Dry Alabama” Facebook page, illustrated with stark images of car wrecks and videos of families ruined by drink, had a blunt message : Alcohol is the devil’s work, and the state should ban it entirely. Along with a companion Twitter feed, the Facebook page appeared to be the work of Baptist teetotalers who supported the Republican, Roy S. Moore, in the 2017 Alabama Senate race. “Pray for Roy Moore,” one tweet exhorted. In fact, the Dry Alabama campaign, not previously reported, was the (...)

#Facebook #Twitter #élections #manipulation

https://static01.nyt.com/images/2019/01/07/us/07alabama1-print/07alabama1-print-facebookJumbo.jpg

#Appel à une journée nationale d’action contre les #violences_policières en #bande_organisée
Le 10 janvier à #Gap

https://i.imgur.com/7do8VN2.png https://i.imgur.com/4ZDvCO7.png

–-----------------

Le flyer a été accompagné par ce texte, reçu par email de Tous Migrants :

Voilà plusieurs rendez-vous importants les jours prochains pour bien commencer cette nouvelle année sous le signe de la fraternité et de la solidarité !

Toutes ces actions ont un point commun : les maraudes.

C’est le troisième hiver que les solidaires du briançonnais effectuent des maraudes en montagne pour aider les personnes exilées que les instances de notre pays refusent d’accueillir. Les forces de l’ordre les refoulent quasi systématiquement sur les ordres de la hiérarchie.

Comme dans la vallée de la Roya, le procureur pourchasse les solidaires, du moins quelques un-e-s, sans doute pour faire peur et décourager notre démarche fraternelle envers ces personnes qui ne demandent rien d’autre que l’hospitalité. Mais le procureur ne pourra pas poursuivre toute la population d’un territoire ! Les solidaires locaux sont aussi de plus en plus souvent épaulés par des personnes et des organisations venant d’autres territoires, y compris parmi les vacanciers.

La démarche de Tous Migrants est de contribuer à faire du Briançonnais, des Hautes-Alpes, et au-delà, un territoire d’hospitalité et de fraternité, dans le respect des droits fondamentaux. Nous ne faisons rien d’autre que de tenter de faire vivre, en toute humilité, mais avec toute notre détermination, la devise de notre pays : liberté, égalité, fraternité.

Dans le cadre du collectif de soutien aux 3+4+2+… et avec le collectif Maraudes, nous avons réalisé un flyer à l’attention de la population pour que chaque personne se sente concernée et s’implique dans ces maraudes. Vous trouverez une première version en pièce jointe. N’hésitez pas à le faire circuler autour de vous. Une version plus parlante sera prochainement disponible sur notre site.

Depuis 3 ans, au fil du temps, ce sont désormais des centaines de personnes qui s’impliquent au quotidien, par des gestes de solidarité de toutes sortes, souvent dans l’anonymat. Nous pouvons et devons devenir des milliers ! Les actions qui suivent y contribueront.

ping @davduf @isskein

Secret Experiment in Alabama Senate Race Imitated Russian Tactics - The New York Times
▻https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/19/us/alabama-senate-roy-jones-russia.html

https://static01.nyt.com/images/2018/12/20/us/20inv-trickery-1-print/20inv-trickery2-facebookJumbo.jpg

Ah, cette logique des « expériences » en direct live sans que les cobayes soient au courant... En fait, c’est cela le fonds de commerce de facebook : devenir un lieux d’expérimentation de la manipulation mentale. Voir le livre de Jaron Lanier, « Ten arguments for Deleting Your Social Media Accounts ».

As Russia’s online election machinations came to light last year, a group of Democratic tech experts decided to try out similarly deceptive tactics in the fiercely contested Alabama Senate race, according to people familiar with the effort and a report on its results.

The secret project, carried out on Facebook and Twitter, was likely too small to have a significant effect on the race, in which the Democratic candidate it was designed to help, Doug Jones, edged out the Republican, Roy S. Moore. But it was a sign that American political operatives of both parties have paid close attention to the Russian methods, which some fear may come to taint elections in the United States.

One participant in the Alabama project, Jonathon Morgan, is the chief executive of New Knowledge, a small cyber security firm that wrote a scathing account of Russia’s social media operations in the 2016 election that was released this week by the Senate Intelligence Committee.

An internal report on the Alabama effort, obtained by The New York Times, says explicitly that it “experimented with many of the tactics now understood to have influenced the 2016 elections.”

The project’s operators created a Facebook page on which they posed as conservative Alabamians, using it to try to divide Republicans and even to endorse a write-in candidate to draw votes from Mr. Moore. It involved a scheme to link the Moore campaign to thousands of Russian accounts that suddenly began following the Republican candidate on Twitter, a development that drew national media attention.

“We orchestrated an elaborate ‘false flag’ operation that planted the idea that the Moore campaign was amplified on social media by a Russian botnet,” the report says.

Mr. Morgan said in an interview that the Russian botnet ruse “does not ring a bell,” adding that others had worked on the effort and had written the report. He said he saw the project as “a small experiment” designed to explore how certain online tactics worked, not to affect the election.

Mr. Morgan said he could not account for the claims in the report that the project sought to “enrage and energize Democrats” and “depress turnout” among Republicans, partly by emphasizing accusations that Mr. Moore had pursued teenage girls when he was a prosecutor in his 30s.

“The research project was intended to help us understand how these kind of campaigns operated,” said Mr. Morgan. “We thought it was useful to work in the context of a real election but design it to have almost no impact.”
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The project had a budget of just $100,000, in a race that cost approximately $51 million, including the primaries, according to Federal Election Commission records.

#Médias_sociaux #Manipulation_mentale #Politique #USA

Gilets Jaunes : la police cible et blesse des journalistes.

24 journalistes et photographes vont porter plainte.

« Sur place, Le Monde a observé que les policiers de la BAC tiraient au Flash-Ball très régulièrement à hauteur de tête. Un groupe de photographes, à genoux pour se protéger et clairement identifiables, a été pris pour cible. Un photographe indépendant a notamment été touché à l’épaule. Plus tôt, face au Drugstore Publicis, un autre photographe avait été touché à l’aine par un Flash-Ball. »

Comment les flics, voulant invisibiliser leurs violence en shootant au Flashball les photographes de presse, risquent au contraire d’en faire un peu plus parler dans les médias dominants.

▻https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2018/12/08/gilets-jaunes-apres-une-matinee-relativement-calme-la-situation-se-tendait-s

On en est à combien de blessés ?
Et de morts (rip à la mamie marseillaise) ?

( @colporteur @rezo @mona @aude_v @fil @monolecte @jef_klak #toctoc )

#soul Driver 17 11 2018
▻http://www.radiopanik.org/emissions/soul-driver/soul-driver-17-11-2018

http://www.radiopanik.org/media/cache/45/52/4552fe355b163d7e12b230bb8ca1f1c0.jpg

Curtis Mayfield, Childish Gambino, Jah Shaka, Aloe Blacc, IAM... Mais surtout un hommage Roy Hargrove pour ce Soul Driver Radio Show du 17 novembre 2018.

#funk #hip-hop #reggae #funk,hip-hop,reggae,soul
▻http://www.radiopanik.org/media/sounds/soul-driver/soul-driver-17-11-2018_05667__1.mp3

Arizona border residents speak out against Donald Trump’s deployment of troops

Residents from Arizona borderland towns gathered Thursday outside the Arizona State Capitol to denounce President Donald Trump’s deployment of at least 5,200 U.S. troops to the U.S.-Mexico border.

The group of about a dozen traveled to Phoenix to hold the event on the Arizona State Capitol lawn. The press conference took place as a caravan of migrants seeking asylum continues to move north through Mexico toward the United States.

“The U.S. government response to asylum seekers has turned to military confrontation,” said Amy Juan, a member of the Tohono O’odham Nation, who spoke at the event on the Arizona State Capitol lawn.

“We demand an end to the rhetoric of dehumanization and the full protection of human rights for all migrants and refugees in our borderlands.”

Juan and her group said many refugees confronted by military at the border will circumvent them by way of “dangerous foot crossings through remote areas.”

“Already this year, hundreds of remains of migrants and refugees have been recovered in U.S. deserts,” Juan said. “As front-line border communities, we witness and respond to this tragedy firsthand.”

While she spoke at a lectern, others held a sign saying, “Troops out now. Our communities are not war zones.”

As the press conference unfolded, the Trump administration announced a plan to cut back immigrants’ ability to request asylum in the United States.

Those from Arizona borderland towns are also concerned that border communities, such as Ajo, the Tohono O’odham Nation, Arivaca and others, may see an increased military presence.

“I didn’t spend two years in Vietnam to be stopped every time I come and go in my own community,” said Dan Kelly, who lives in Arivaca, an unincorporated community in Pima County, 11 miles north of the U.S.-Mexico border.

A major daily hiccup

Many border-community residents complain the current law enforcement presence, absent the new U.S. troops, creates a major hiccup in everyday life.

“Residents of Arivaca, Ajo, the Tohono O’odham Nation, they are surrounded on all sides by checkpoints. They are surrounded on all sides by border patrol stations. Every time they go to the grocery store, they pass a border patrol vehicle,” said Billy Peard, an attorney for ACLU Arizona.

Juan says she gets anxiety from these checkpoints because she has been stopped and forced to get out of her car while federal agents and a dog search for signs of drugs or human smuggling.

Juan calls the fear of these type of situations “checkpoint trauma.”

“It’s really based upon their suspicions,” she said of authorities at checkpoints. “Even though we are not doing anything wrong, there’s still that fear.”

Many of those speaking at Thursday’s event accused the federal government of racial profiling, targeting Latino and tribal members. They said they are often subjected to prolonged questioning, searches, and at times, harassment.

“A lot of people can sway this as a political thing,” Juan said. “But, ultimately, it’s about our quality of life.”

https://www.gannett-cdn.com/presto/2018/11/09/PPHX/d3f5f409-0938-4e3a-bc35-0a23759f9549-Borderland_community_press_conference_November_8_2018.jpg?width=1080&quality=50#.jpg

Je découvre le mag récent Pan African Music par l’intermédiaire d’un lien de Rocé disant qu’il a participé au dernier album du malien Pédro Kouyaté :
▻http://pan-african-music.com/pedro-kouyate-vis-ta-vie
dans lequel il y a aussi Oxmo ou Mamani Keita.
▻https://www.deezer.com/fr/album/75582082

Du coup, je découvre plein de choses en suivant les suggestions et menus… Beaucoup trop de choses à écouter, ça va encore me prendre la journée voire le week-end entier, cloitré dans ma chambre à écouter de la musique… Je suis tombé dans un nouveau puits sans fond.

Sachant que je suis du genre à avoir les larmes aux yeux quand j’entends de la kora :

Il est temps que tout le monde connaisse Ablaye Cissoko
▻http://pan-african-music.com/ablaye-cissoko
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-xGupCsHjbg

Et comme ce dernier travaillait avec Habib Faye, le bassiste et arrangeur de Youssou N’dour notamment, qui est mort récemment (je ne connais pas du tout tout ce monde hein, je découvre) :

Habib Faye s’est retiré en laissant un grand vide, et beaucoup d’héritiers
▻http://pan-african-music.com/habib-faye-sest-retire-en-laissant-un-grand-vide-et-beaucoup-dher

Sans rapport mais dans le menu des trucs récents :

Clip du jour : Fuse ODG – Bra Fie (Come Home) feat. Damian Marley (ping @sinehebdo, pour le clip violence policière un peu, même si le thème principal est le retour en Afrique)
▻http://pan-african-music.com/clip-du-jour-fuse-odg-bra-fie-come-home-feat-damian-marley
►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4nwS0Lb0kEc

#musique #Afrique #Pédro_Kouyaté #Ablaye_Cissoko #griot #kora #panafricanisme

Roy Hargrove et RH Factor, avec Erykah Badu et Q-Tip - Poetry
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IMTvT2a_BwU

#Roy_Hargrove #mort_en_2018 crise cardiaque à 49 ans... #Musique #Jazz #Nu_Soul

The Everyday Consumption of “#Whiteness”: The #Gaikokujin-fū (Foreign-Like) Hair Trend in Japan

In feminist literature, the beauty and the fashion industries have at times been criticized for being one of the means through which women are objectified.1 Likewise, Critical Race Studies have often pinpointed how the existence of a global beauty industry has the effect of propagating Eurocentric beauty ideals.2 Throughout this article I aim to explore the complicated ways in which beauty and racialized categories intersect in Japan through an analysis of the female-targeted hair trend of the gaikokujin-fū (foreigner-like) hair.

Essentialism is what prompts us to divide the world into two, “us” versus “them,” negating all that is in between the two categories or even changes within the categories themselves. Although this binary thinking has been subject to criticism by various disciplines, such as Critical Race Studies and Postcolonial Studies, it is still among the dominant ways in which human relations are performed in Japanese society. The essentialistic opposing duality between Foreignness and Japaneseness has been constructed in post-war Japan through widespread discourses known by the name nihonjinron (lit. the theories on the Japanese).3 Even though it could be understood as a powerful reply to American racism towards the Japanese, nihonjinron only confirms stereotypes by reversing their value, from negative to positive. Moreover, these theories have had the effect of emphasizing Japanese racial and cultural purity through the alienation and exoticization of the other, most often represented by the white “Westerner”4 (obeijin, seiyōjin, hakujin).

The ambivalent exoticism that surrounds the foreigner (gaikokujin) has made it possible for racialised categories and consumerism to intersect in the archipelago. The beauty industry is particularly susceptible to the segmentation between “self” and “other,” and the global white hegemony has a certain influence over it. However, as Miller rightly observes, dominant beauty standards in Japan are equally influenced by local values of “Japaneseness.”5 Torigoe goes even farther: in her essay, she positions whiteness as a power relation and through her analysis she demonstrates how white women are constructed as Others in Japanese media representations, thus creating “a racial ladder that places Japanese people on top.”6 The link between whiteness and widespread beauty practices has been criticized also in studies of the neighbouring country of Korea, with scholars arguing that cosmetic surgeries in the country are successful only if they enhance the body’s natural “Koreanness.”7

My aim in this paper is to tackle the capitalistic commercialization and fetishization of whiteness in contemporary Japan. As it will become clear throughout the analysis, the Japanese beauty industry is creating a particular image of whiteness that is suitable to the consumers’ needs and desires: this toned-down, less threating way of becoming “foreigner-like” is marketed as an accessory that far from overriding one’s natural features, is instrumental in accentuating and valorizing them. Investigating the peculiar position of this beauty trend, which has been affected by the influence of the two contrasting hegemonic discourses of white supremacy and the purity/superiority of the Japanese race, might be helpful in shedding some light on the increasingly complicated ways the concept of race is being constructed in a setting that has been often considered “other” to the Eurocentric gaze.

Whiteness and the Global Beauty Industry

Beauty is an important practice in our daily life, and as such it has been at the center of animated discussions about its social function. Seen as one of the practices through which gender is performed, it has been put into scrutiny by feminist literature. The approach used to analyze beauty has been dualistic. On the one hand, the beauty and fashion industries have been criticized for being among the reasons of women’s subordination, depriving them financially8 and imposing on them male normative standards of beauty.9 On the other, it has been cited as one of the ways in which female consumers could express their individuality in an oppressive world.10

The increasingly globalized beauty and fashion industries have also been subjects of criticism from the viewpoint of Critical Race Studies. It is not uncommon to hear that these industries are guilty of spreading Eurocentric tastes, thus privileging pale-skinned, thin women with light hair.11 The massive sale of skin-whitening creams in Asia and Africa as well as the creation of new beauty standards that privilege thinness over traditionally preferred plump forms are often cited to defend this argument. At the same time, there have been instances in which this denouncing of Eurocentrism itself has been charged guilty of the same evil. Practices such as plastic surgery in South Korea and Japanese preference for white skin have been often criticized as being born out of the desire to be “Western”: these analyses have been contested as simplistic and ignoring the cultural significance of local standards of beauty in shaping beauty ideals.12

Answers to these diatribes have not been yet found.13 It is nonetheless clear that beauty practices articulate a series of complex understandings about gender and race, often oscillating between particularisms and universalisms. Throughout this article I would like to contribute to this ongoing discussion analyzing how pre-existing notions of race and gender intersect and are re-shaped in a newly emerging trend aptly called gaikokujin-fū (foreigner-like) hair.

Us/Others in Japan: The Essentialization of the Foreign
Japan and the tan’itsu minzoku

It is not uncommon to hear that Japan is one of the most ethnically homogenous countries in the world. In Japanese, the locution tan’itsu minzoku (single/unique ethnic group, people, nation), was often used as a slogan when comparing the archipelago with significantly multi-ethnic countries such as the USA.14 The notion of Japan as a mono-ethnic country is being starkly criticized in recent years:15 minorities such as the zainichi Koreans and Chinese who have been living in the country since the end of the second world war, the conspicuous populations of foreign immigrants from Asia and Latin America, as well as mixed-race people, who were thought of as a social problem until these last ten years,16 have been making their voices heard. In the following paragraphs, I will trace how the idea of a racially homogeneous Japan was constructed.

The word minzoku (ethnic group, people, nation) first appeared in the Japanese language in the Taishō Period (1912-1926), as an alternative to the term jinshū (race).17 The concept of race did not exist prior to the Meiji period (1868-1912), when it was introduced by scholars as one of the ideas from the “West” that would have helped Japan become a modernized nation.18 It could be argued that while the opening up of Japan after the sakoku period was not the first time that the Japanese government had to interact with people of different racial features,19 it was the first time that the idea of racial hierarchies were introduced to the country. Japanese scholars recognized themselves to be part of the ōshoku jinshū (“yellow race”), hierarchically subordinate to the “white race.”20 With rising nationalism and the beginning of the colonization project during the Taishō period, the need arose for a concept that could further differentiate the Japanese people from the neighboring Asian countries such as the newly annexed Taiwan and Korea:21 the newly created minzoku fit this purpose well. Scholar Kawai Yuko compared the term to the German concept of Volk, which indicates a group whose identity is defined by shared language and culture. These traits are racialized, as they are defined as being “biological,” a natural component of the member of the ethnic group who acquires them at birth.22 It was the attribution of these intrinsic qualities that allowed the members of the naichi (mainland Japan) to be assigned in a superior position to the gaichi (colonies). Interestingly, the nationalistic discourse of the pre-war and of the war period had the double intent of both establishing Japanese supremacy and legitimizing its role as a “guide” for the colonies grounding it in their racial affinities: unlike the conquerors from Europe, the Japanese were of similar breed.

These hierarchies were ultimately dissociated from the term minzoku after the end of the Second World War, when it was appropriated by Leftist discourse. Opposing it to ta-minzoku (multiethnic nation or people)23

that at the time implied divisions and inequalities and was perceived as a characteristic of the Japanese Empire, Left-leaning intellectuals advocated a tan’itsu minzoku nation based on equality. The Leftist discourse emphasized the need of the “Japanese minzoku” to stand up to the American occupation, but the term gradually lost its critical nuance when Japan reached economic prosperity and tan’itsu minzoku came to mean racial homogeneity as a unique characteristic of Japanese society, advocated by the Right.24

Self-Orientalism

The term minzoku might have “lost his Volk-ish qualities,”25 but homogeneity in Japan is also perceived to be of a cultural nature. Sociologists Mouer and Sugimoto26 lament that many Japanese people believe to be the carriers of an “unique” and essentialized cultural heritage, that renders them completely alien to foreigners. According to the two scholars, the distinctive qualities that have been usually (self-)ascribed to Japanese people are the following: a weak individuality, the tendency to act in groups, and the tendency to privilege harmony in social situations.27 Essentialized “Japaneseness” is a mixture of these psychological traits with the products of Japanese history and culture. The perception that Japaneseness is ever unchanging and a cultural given of each Japanese individual was further increased by the popularity of the nihonjinron discourse editorial genre, which gained mass-media prominence in the archipelago after the 1970s along with Japan’s economic growth.28 Drawing on Said’s notion of Orientalism,29 Miller states that “in the case of Japan, we have to deal […] with the spectacle of a culture vigorously determined to orientalize itself.”30 According to Roy Miller, Japan has effectively constructed Japaneseness through a process of self-othering, which he refers to as self-Orientalism. The nihonjinron publications were very much influenced by cultural anthropologist Ruth Benedict’s highly influential “The Chrysanthemum and the Sword,” published in 1946. Benedict’s study of the “Japanese people” is based on the assumption that the USA and Japan are polar opposites where the former stands for modernity and individualism whereas the latter is characterized by tradition and groupism.31

Japanese anthropologists and psychoanalysts, such as Nakane and Doi32 further contributed to the study of Japaneseness, never once challenging the polar opposition between the “Japanese” and the “Westernerners.”

It would seem contradictory at first for a large number of people in Japan to have this tendency to think and consume their own culture through stereotypes. However, Iwabuchi draws attention to the fact that Japan’s self-Orientalism is not just a passive acceptance of “Western” values but is in fact used to assert the nation’s cultural superiority. It remains nonetheless profoundly complicit with Euro-American Orientalism insofar that it is an essentializing and reifying process: it erases all internal differences and external similarities.33 This essentialization that Japan is capitalizing on proves fundamental for the “West,” as it is the tool through which it maintains its cultural hegemony.

Images of the Foreigner

Images of the foreigner are not equal, and they form an important node in the (self-)Orientalistic relations that Japan entertains with the rest of the world. An essentialized view of both the Euro-American and Asian foreigner functions in different ways as a counterweight to the “we-Japanese” (ware ware Nihonjin) rhethoric.

In the Japanese language, gaikokujin (foreigner) refers to every person who doesn’t have the same nationality as the country she/he lives in.34 The term gaikokujin does not have racial connotations and can be used to effectively describe anyone that is not a Japanese citizen. However, the racially-charged related term gaijin35 refers especially to the “white” foreigner.36 Written very similarly to gaikokujin, the word gaijin actually has a different origin and the double meaning of “foreigner” and “outsider.” The word carries strong implications of “othering,” and refers to the construction of the Europe and America as other to the young nation-state in the Meiji period, during which knowledge was routinely imported from the “West.”37 Thus, gaijin and the representation of foreigners-as-other came to reflect the dominant hierarchies of nineteenth-century “Western” knowledge.38

Putting every white-skinned individual in the same category functions as a strategy to create the antithetical “West” that is so important as a marker of difference in self-Orientalism: it serves to create an “Other” that makes it possible to recognize the “Self.”39 At the same time, it perpetuates the perception of whiteness as the dominant position in America and Europe. In her analysis on the use of foreigner models in Japanese advertisements, Creighton notes that representation of gaijin positions them both as a source of innovation and style and as a potential moral threat.40

This splitting is not uncommon when dealing with representations of the Other. What generates it is the fetishistic component that is always present in the stereotype.41 Bhabha argues that this characteristic allows the Other to be understood in a contradictory way as a source of both pleasure and anxiety for the Non-Other. Stuart Hall draws on Bhabha’s theories to state that the stereotype makes it so that this binary description can be the only way in which is possible to think of the Other–they generate essentialized identities.42 In the Japanese context, the gaijin, fulfilling his role as a racially visible minority,43 is thus inscribed in the double definition of source of disruption and person to admire (akogare no taishō).

Whiteness in the Japanese Context

Akogare (admiration, longing, desire) is a word that young women44 in Japan often use when talking about the “white, Western” foreigner. Kelsky explains that the word indicates the longing for something that is impossible to obtain and she maintains that “it is a rather precise gloss […] of the term “desire” in Lacanian usage. […] Desire arises from lack and finds expression in the fetish. The fetish substitutes the thing that is desired but impossible to obtain.”45 Fulfilment of this unattainable desire can be realized through activities such as participation in English conversation classes and engaging in conversation with “Western” people.46 The consumption of “Western” images and representations as well as everyday practices associated with the Euro-American foreigner could also be considered a fetish that substitutes the unattainable object of desire. In this sense, the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend might be for the producers one such way of catering to young Japanese women’s akogare for the “Western” world.

Gaikokujin-fū is inextricably connected to gaijin, “white” foreigners. For instance, the Hair Encyclopedia section of the website Hotpepper Beauty reports two entries with the keyword gaikokujin-fū: gaikokujin-fū karā (foreigner-like color) and gaikokujin-fū asshu (foreigner-like ash). The “color” entry states the following:

Gaikokujin-fū karā means, as the name suggests, a dye that colors the hair in a tint similar to that of foreigners. The word “foreigner” here mostly stands for people with white skin and blond hair that are usually called “American” and “European.”47

Similarly, the “ash” entry explains the following:

The coloring that aims for the kind of blond hair with little red pigments that is often found among Americans is called gaikokujin-fū asshu.

Asshu means “grey” and its characteristic is to give a slightly dull (dark?) impression. It fits well with many hairstyles ranging from short cuts to long hair, and it can be done in a way to make you look like a “western” hāfu (mixed race individual).

It is clear from these descriptions that the term gaikokujin-fū is racially charged. What hairdresser discourse is trying to reproduce is a kind of hair color associated with America and Europe’s Caucasian population. They are selling “whiteness.”

Writing from the viewpoint of multicultural England, Dyer writes that the study of the representation of white people is important because “as long as white people are not racially seen and named, they/we function as a human norm.”49 White discourse is ubiquitous, and it is precisely this unmarked invisibility that makes it a position of dominance. The representation of people belonging to minority groups is inevitably marked or tied to their race or skin color, but Caucasians are often “just people.” At the base of white privilege there is this characteristic of universality that is implied in whiteness.

The marked positioning of the white foreigner in Japanese society would seem an exception to this rule. Torigoe, while acknowledging that the Japanese media “saturated [her] with images of young white females as the standard of beauty,”50 analyzes in her article how white beauty actually embodies values such as overt sexual attractiveness that would be considered deviant or over the top by standard societal norms.51 Likewise, Russell points to the scrutiny that the bodies of the white female woman receive on Japanese mass media, dominated by a male gaze. White females become subject to the sexual curiosity of the Japanese male, and being accompanied by one of them often makes him look more sophisticated and competitive in a globalized world.52 As the most easily, less controversially portrayed Other through which Japanese self-identity is created, the white individual is often subject to stereotyping and essentialization. Russell notes this happening in both advertisement and the portrayal of white local celebrities, that assume even “whiter” characteristics in order to better market their persona in the Japanese television environment.

However, it is my opinion that we must be careful to not be exceedingly uncritical of the marginality that Caucasians are subject to in Japanese society. I argue that whiteness is in an ambiguous position in the Japanese context: it would be wrong to say that in the archipelago white people do not benefit from the privileges that have accompanied their racialization up to the present times. The othering processes that whites are subject to is more often than not related to them being brought up and representing a different culture than to their racial difference.54 The word hakujin (lit. white person) is barely used in everyday conversation, whereas it is more common to hear the term kokujin (lit. black person): white people are not reduced to their racial characteristics in the same way as black people might be.55 Whiteness might not be the completely hegemonic in the Japanese context, but the country does not exist in a vacuum, and its standards have been influenced by the globally hegemonic white euro-centric values to some extent.

To reiterate, white people in the Japanese archipelago experience the contradictory position of being a visible minority subject to reifying “othering” processes while at the same time reaping many of the benefits and privileges that are usually associated with the color of their skin. They are socially and politically located at the margins but are a hegemonic presence in the aesthetic consciousness as an ideal to which aspire to. In the following sections, I will expand on gaikokujin’s ambiguous location by looking at the ways in which whiteness is consumed through the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend.

Producing Whiteness: Selling gaikokujin-fū Hair
Creating the “New”

In order to understand the meanings shaping the catchphrase gaikokujin-fū, I have used a mixture of different approaches. My research began by applying the methods of Visual Analysis56 to the latest online promotional material. I have tried to semiotically analyze the pictures on the websites in relation to the copywriting. In addition, I have complemented it with fieldwork, interviewing a total of seven hairdressers and four girls aged from 20 to 2457 in the period between April and June 2017. It was while doing fieldwork that I realized how important social networking is for the establishment of contemporary trends: this is frequently acknowledged also in the press by textually referencing hashtags.58 Instagram is a very important part of Japanese girls’ everyday life, and is used both as a tool for self-expression/self-promotion as well as a compass to navigate the ever-growing ocean of lifestyle trends. Japanese internet spaces had been previously analyzed as relatively closed spaces created and accessed by predominantly Japanese people, and this had implications on how online discourses about races were carried on.59 However, being a predominantly visual medium, Instagram also functions as a site where information can, to a large extent, overcome language barriers.

The gaikokujin-fū hashtag counts 499,103 posts on Instagram, whereas 381,615 pictures have been tagged gaikokujin-fū karā.60 Most of them are published by professional whose aim is to publicize their work, and it is not uncommon to find pricing and information for booking in the description.

Scrolling down the results of the Instagram search, it is easy to notice the high number of back and profile shots; what the hairdressers are trying to show through these pictures is their hairdressing skills. By cutting out the face they are putting the hair itself at the center of the viewer’s attention and eliminating any possibility of identification. The aim here is to sell “whiteness” as an object. The trendsetters are capitalizing on a term (gaikokujin-fū) that has already an appealing meaning outside the field of hair coloring, and that is usually associated with the wider desire or longing (akogare) for “Western” people, culture and lifestyle.

To the non-initiated, the term gaikokujin-fū might indicate anything that is not “Japanese like” such as curly hair, or blonde hair. However, it became clear when speaking to my hairdresser informants that they only used the term referring to the ash-like coloring. Professionals in the field are reclaiming it to define a new, emerging niche of products that only started appearing a couple of years ago.61 In doing so, Japanese hairdressers are creating a new kind of “whiteness” that goes beyond the “Western” cultural conception of white as blonde and blue-eyed, in order to make it more acceptable to Japanese societal standards. In fact, fair hair is considered extremely unnatural.62 The advantage that ash brown hair has over blonde is the relatively darker shade that allows consumers to stand out without being completely out of place.63

However, gaikokujin-fū hair comes at a cost. All of my informants told me during the interviews that the colors usually associated with this trend involve dyes have a blue or green base, and are very difficult to recreate on most people of the East Asia whose naturally black hair has a red base. The difficulty they experienced in reproducing the Ash (asshu) and Matt colors on Japanese hair constituted a fundamental charm point for hair technicians, and precisely because of this being able to produce a neat ash coloring might be considered synonymous with keeping on pace with the last technology in hair dying. The Wella “Illumina Color”64 series came out in September 2015, while Throw,65 a Japanese-produced series of hair dyes that eliminate the reddish undertones of Japanese black hair, went on sale very recently in June 2016.66 Another Japanese maker, Milbon, released its “Addichty Color”67 series as recently as February 2017. The globally dominant but locally peripheral whiteness has been “appropriated” and domesticated by Japanese hairdressers as a propeller of the latest trends, as a vital tool in creating the “new.”

To summarize, the technological developments in hair dyes certainly gave a big push to the popularizing of the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend. Moreover, in a very chicken-and-egg-like fashion, the technological advancing itself was at the same time motivated by the admiration and desire towards Euro-American countries. However, this desire for “Westerness” does not entail adopting whiteness in its essentialized “purest” form,68 as that would have negative implications in the context of Japanese society. Rather, Japanese trendsetters have operated a selection and chosen the variant of whiteness that would be different enough to allow the creation of the “latest” while minimizing its more threatening aspects.
Branding the “New”

In the previous section I mentioned the fact that most of pictures posted on the social network Instagram serve to amplify and diffuse existing values for consumption, and constantly refer to a set of meanings that are generated elsewhere reifying them. Throughout this section I will examine the production of these values through the branding of the aforementioned hair dye brands: Wella’s “Illumina Color,” THROW, and Milbon’s “Addichty Color.”

Wella’s “Illumina Color” offers an interesting case study as it is produced by an American multinational brand. Comparing the Japanese website with the international one, it is clear that we have before our eyes a prime example of “glocalization.”69 While on the international webpage70 the eye-catch is a picture of a white, blue-eyed blonde woman that sports an intricate braided hairstyle with some purplish accents in the braid, the Japanese71 version features a hāfu-like72 young woman with long, flowing straight dark brown hair. The description of the product also contains the suggestive sentence “even the hard and visible hair typical of the Japanese [can become] of a pale, soft color.” The keywords here are the terms hard (katai) and soft (yawaraka). Hardness is defined as being a characteristic typical of the Japanese hair texture (nihonjin tokuyū) and it is opposed to the desired effect, softness. The sentence implies by contrasting the two terms that softness is not a characteristic of Japanese hair, and the assumption could be taken further to understand that it is a quality typical of the “foreign.” Perhaps unsurprisingly, the international webpage contains no such reference and instead vaguely praises the hair dye’s ability to provide a light color. The visuals of the latter are consistent with Dyer’s definition of whiteness.

Unlike Wella, Milbon and beauty experience are Japanese companies, and their products ORDEVE Addichty and THROW are only geared to the Japanese marketplace. Milbon’s ORDEVE Addichty dye series is the most recent of the two. The product’s promotional webpage is almost entirely composed of pictures: the top half features 14 moving pictures, two for each of the seven colours available. The pictures slide in a way that shows the customer all the four sides of the model’s bust up, and each one of the girls is holding a sign with the name of the product. To the center left, we see a GIF image with the name of the brand in the roman and Japanese alphabet, accompanied by the catchphrase hajimete mitsukaru, atarashii watashirashisa (“I found it for the first time, a new way of being myself”), that slides into another text-filled picture that explains the concepts behind the branding.

Occidental-like (ōbeijin) voluminous hair with a shine (tsuya) never seen before. This incredible feeling of translucence (tōmeikan) that even shows on your Instagram [pictures], will receive a lot of likes from everybody. Let’s find the charm of a freer myself with Addichty color!

The red-diminishing dyes are here associated with both physical and ideological characteristics identified as “Western,” like the “feeling of translucence” (tōmeikan)73 and “freedom” (jiyū). The word tōmeikan is a constant of technical descriptions of gaikokujin-fū and it is generally very difficult for the hairdressers to explain what does it mean. My hairdresser informant N. quickly explained to me that having translucent hair means to have a hair color that has a low red component. Informants H. and S., also hair professionals, further explained that translucency is a characteristic typical of hair that seems to be semi-transparent when hit by light. While in the English-speaking world it would certainly be unusual to positively describe somebody’s hair as translucent, tōmeikan is a positive adjective often used as a compliment in other different contexts and it indicates clarity and brightness. In fact, the Japanese Daijisen dictionary lists two definitions for translucent, the second of which reads “clear, without impurities.”74 It is perhaps in relation to this meaning that the melanin-filled black core of the Japanese hair is considered “heavy” (omoi) and strong. Reddish and lighter brown colors are also defined in the same way. What is more, even hair colors at the other end of the spectrum can be “muddy”（nigori no aru）: blonde hair is also described as such.75 It is clear that while tōmeikan is a quality of “occidental hair,” it is not a characteristic of all the shades that are usually associated with whiteness.

In the last sentence, “freedom” is linked to charm (miryoku) and the individual. These three concepts are also very often associated with the foreigner. The freedom of the gaijin is a freedom from social constraints and from the sameness that pervades dominant representations of Japaneseness.76 Individualism is further emphasized by the pronoun “myself,” which in the original Japanese is a possessive pronoun to the word “charm” (miryoku). As a word, miryoku has an openly sexual connotation, and because of this it might be linked to the concept of “foreignness.” As Torigoe found out in her analysis of Japanese advertisements, white women are often represented as a sexualized counterpart to the more innocent Japanese woman.77 Gaikokujin-fū hair offers customers the possibility to become closer to obtaining this sexiness, that distances the self from the monotone standards of society.

Of the three, THROW is possibly the most interesting to analyze, mostly because of the huge quantity of content they released in order to strengthen the brand image. In addition to the incredibly detailed homepage, they are constantly releasing new media contents related to gaikokujin-fū coloring on their “THROW Journal.”78

The “story” page of the website serves as an explanation of the brand identity. It is a vertically designed page heavy on images, possibly designed to be optimally visualized in mobile devices such as smartphones and tablets. The first image that the viewer encounters is that of a girl whose brown hair is flowing in the wind, which results in some strands covering the features of her pale-white face. This makes it hard to understand her nationality and makes it so that all the attention is focused on the light, airy qualities of the hair. As I said before, “lightness” (karusa) is associated to translucency and is one of the characteristics at the center of the marketing of gaikokujin-fū. This picture very clearly renders those sensations in a way that is very pleasant to the eye and indeed invites consumption.

Under the picture we find a very short narration that complements it. In bigger characters, the words dare de mo nai, watashi ni naru, that roughly translates as “I’ll become a myself, that is nobody else.” Here again we find an emphasis on individuality and difference. Scrolling down, we find the following paragraph written in a smaller font:

I leave my body to the blowing wind.

My hair is enveloped in light, and is filled by the pleasant air.

What I needed was this [facial] expression.

I got rid of what I did not need, and refreshingly freed my mind.

Gracefully, freely.

I should just enjoy myself more.79

Unlike the tagline in the Addichty webpage, THROW’s brand identity is here described in ideological terms only. Once again, “freedom” is the central theme, and is associated with a sensation of freshness (kaze, “the wind”; also, the onomatopoeia sutto, here rendered as “refreshingly”). The image of release is further emphasized by the fact that “I” of this text is in close contact with nature: her skin feels the wind, she is shrouded in light and breathes pure air. But what is the subject being released from? The fourth and the last line would suggest that she is being trapped by social constraints, something akin to the Freudian super-ego, that somehow renders her unable to enjoy herself for what she really is. My literal translation of the sixth line makes it hard to understand the hedonistic implications of its meaning: what the original Japanese implies is not simply that she should “have fun,” but she should be finding pleasure in what she is and not what she is expected to be. It is perhaps strange to the eyes of the Euro-American observer accustomed to the discourse of white supremacy that the consumption of whiteness comes with an invitation to spontaneity. The whiteness being sold here is certainly perceived in a radically different way from the Eurocentric “West,” where it is associated with self-constraint.80 It is being marketed to the Japanese public in a way that reminds the portrayal of minorities in the white-dominated world,81 and that makes it particularly appealing to the archipelago’s consumers.

Listening to the producers’ interviews, it becomes clear for them that the red pigments of the hair, as a symbol of this self-Orientalistically represented “Japaneseness” are represented as a further constraint. Producer Kimura Naoto speaks of a “liberation from redness for the women who hate it”;82 fellow member of the production team Horiuchi brings up the ever-present desire in Japanese women to “become like foreigners,”83 but neither of the two explains the connection between the deletion of red pigments from the hair and the possibility of becoming foreigner-like. It is perhaps this lack of an explicit connection in an explanation from an expert that makes it perceived as an “obvious truth.” In fact, nobody seems to refer to the fact that red undertones are common overseas as well, not to mention the existence of redheads in predominantly Caucasian regions. By hiding these facts, the red pigments are constructed as something that is peculiarly Japanese and juxtaposed to the exclusively foreign blue pigments, further contributing to the essentializing of the gaikokujin that propels self-Orientalism.

Consuming Whiteness: Gaikokujin-fū and Everyday Life

To understand the ways that gaikokujin-fū was being interpreted and consumed I conducted fieldwork for two months (April-June 2017) in Tokyo. Engaging in participant observation proved to be relatively easy, since superficial conversation about beauty trends is one of the most common ways that young women around my age use to socialize. Most of my peers were very quick to react every time I lightly introduced the subject. However, due to the perceived “lightness” of the topic, not many people showed to be willing to talk prolongedly about it. This prompted me to supplement the fieldwork with semi-structured interviews I conducted with four people aged 20-22.

The general reaction to the gaikokujin-fū buzzword was one of recognition–the existence of the trend was acknowledged both by people who were actually familiar with it as well as by others who were not really interested but had seen the phrase and recognized a more general idea behind it. As the reader might expect after having gone through the previous chapter, consumers of gaikokujin-fū hair all brought up the difficulties they had in obtaining the desired results. When I first contacted K., a 23-year-old university student in Tokyo, she told me to wait till the following week for the interview since she had an appointment to dye her hair of an ash-like color. Seven days later, I was surprised to see that her hair had not changed much. Turns out that her virgin hair was a very difficult base to work with: having never bleached it, it proved to be very resistant to blue-green dyes. Dying the hair of an ash-like color would have been impossible as the naturally red pigments of the hair would have completely nullified the effect.

Whiteness as Empowerment, Whiteness as Difference

K. was nonetheless very accommodating and answered my questions very enthusiastically. To her, the word gaikokujin had indeed a very positive meaning, and she specifically associated it to difference. My informant used a very harsh word when talking about her fellow Japanese: to her, Japanese style equals mass-production. Her image of Japan was perfectly congruent with those described by Mouer and Sugimoto in their critique of Nihonjinron. “Ordinary” Japanese girls were, in her opinion, the cutesy and quiet girls with straight black hair and bangs covering their foreheads. Why did she feel attracted to gaikokujin-fū in the first place? K. felt that the “traditional” Japanese image was constraining, and she had both very physical and empirical reasons (she does not like face with bangs) as well as a specific ideological background. It is worth nothing here that K. has had since her childhood a very strong akogare towards “Western countries”: she has studied English since she was a small child and is now studying Italian, which led her to spend a year abroad in the University of Venice. Moreover, she attended a very liberal protestant high school in Tokyo, where students were allowed to dye their hair and had no obligation to wear the school uniform. She herself stated that the liberal environment she was brought up in had a huge influence on her view of the world and thus she did not feel the need to “conform.” K. speaks from a privileged position that allowed her to glimpse a “different” world, in which she is promised freedom. In a similar fashion to the representations I analysed in the previous chapter, “Western” foreign becomes a symbol of liberation from the societal constraints of a traditionalistic society.

The liberating qualities of the akogare towards the essentialized “Western” foreign have been brought up in previous research as a space for young women to astray themselves from the hierarchies of everyday life. The link between freedom and diversity was indeed particularly strong in K., who feels somehow “oppressed” by certain aspects of society. However, this is far from being a universal mode of consumption: in fact, the other three girls never even mentioned anything ideological. To S., a 22-year-old girl I met while studying in Tokyo two years ago, dying her hair of an ash-like hue was an act genuinely finalized to the enhancement of her beauty: she thought the color made her face look brighter. While she too stated during the interview that foreigners are viewed as cool and fashionable, she did not allude to a desire to “become” one nor she mentioned any ideological values associated with them that she emphasized with. In her everyday practice, whiteness is consumed as a tool regardless of its hegemonic signified. Informants A. and H. talked about the trend in a similar way. H. initially dyed her hair because she liked how cute ash hair looked on her favourite model, and had little more to say other than that. Her friend A., who recently graduated from a fashion school, confessed that in her environment standing out was more the rule than a subversive act. Her ash phase was brief and followed by even more explosive hues such as blue and pink. S., A., and H., were very much less conscious of their ways of consumption, but, as French theorist Michel de Certeau argues,84 it is precisely the aimlessness of their wandering that make their practices subvert the hegemony established by the global white supremacy. Having gaikokujin-fū hair is one of the strategies that Japanese women have at their disposition to attain beauty, and while it is trendy, it is far from being superior to different styles. Whiteness becomes an accessory that enhances the natural beauty of the self, and it is not employed to override one’s original racial features but rather to enrich them through the display of individuality. Under this light, it is possible to see the consumption of foreign-like hair as an unconscious tentative of overcoming the racialized barriers that might generate uncanny feelings in the eyes of the “white” spectator.

Subdued Subversion and the Ambiguities of Consumption

There are however at least two factors that complicate the consumption of gaikokujin-fū hair, making it a multifaceted and complex process. Firstly, during my interview with K. we discussed the differences between this and other fashion trends that tend to refuse the stereotypical sameness of the constructed Japanese image. K. suggested the existence of an even more individualistic trend–Harajuku–style fashion. The Harajuku district of Tokyo is famous world-wide for hosting a wide range of colourful subcultures,85 which my interviewee described with terms such as dokusouteki (creative) and yancha (mischievous). Harajuku fashion is individuality taken to such a level in which it becomes even more openly contestant of society. S. described these subcultures as referencing the image of “an invented fantasy world, completely out of touch with reality.” The gaikokujin-fū hair colour is indeed a way to break out of the “factory mould,” but it is a relatively tame way of doing it as it is the consumption of a domesticized otherness. As I also pointed out during the analysis of the production processes, the aesthetics of the trend are largely shaped in relation to societal norms and purposely do not excessively break out of them. Especially in its darker tones, foreign-like ash hair is visually closer (albeit chemically harder to obtain) than platinum blonde, and it is precisely in these shades that the hue is being consumed by girls like K. and S.

Furthermore, one could say that Gaikokujin-fū hues can at times be experimentations instrumental to the formation of one’s identity. H. and S. both explained that they tried out ash dyes as a phase, only then to move on to something that they thought better reflected their own selves. In both cases, that meant going back to their natural black color and to darker tones. H., in particular, after spending her three years of freedom in university experimenting with various hues, finally concluded in her fourth and final year that natural black hair was “what suits Japanese people best.”. After trying out the “Other” and recognizing it as such, her identification acted as what Stuart Hall might have called a suture between her as an acting subject and the discursive practices of “Japaneseness.”86 As “foreignness,” and whiteness as one of its variants, cannot be easily conceived outside the dominant self-Orientalistic discourses, even gaikokujin-fū is inevitably bound to the essentialized “Japaneseness” of the Nihonjinron. This is only worsened by the fact that foreign-like hair colors are a product in the beauty market: they need to be marketed to the consumers, and this necessitates simplification. Essentialization and the reinforcement of self-Orientalism are the high prices that one must pay for the consumption of the other, and constitute a big limitation of its subversive power.

Conclusion

I have attempted to analyse the ways in which whiteness is produced and consumed in Japan, a country with significant economic and cultural power that does not have a significant Caucasian population. I have chosen as the topic a feature of the human body that is usually considered peripherical to the construction of racialized categories, and I have attempted to demonstrate how it becomes central in the production of an occidentalistic image of “whiteness” in the Japanese Archipelago.

What this trend helps us to understand is the complexities and multiplicities of whiteness. By shedding some light on the way that hairdressers in Japan construct and sell the gaikokujin-fū trend we become aware of the fact that an aspect such as hair color that we do not usually pay much attention to in relation to this racialized category can be central when the same is consumed in a different setting. It is significant that what is being marketed here it is a slightly different paradigm from the Eurocentric or conventional idea of “white” people, that sees at its center blonde-haired, fair-skinned people with blue or green eyes: whiteness is mitigated and familiarized in order to make it more desirable to wider audiences. Its localized production and its consumption as a disposable accessory might be taken as challenging to the global dominance of Caucasian aesthetic.

Acting in the (locally) ambiguous field of racial representations,87 hairdressers in Japan are creating their own whiteness, one that is starkly defined by what is socially acceptable and what is rejected.88 It thus becomes apparent the fact that racialized categories are nothing but discourses, constantly morphing in relation to time and space. The existence of a different whiteness created by and for the use of people who are not considered as belonging to this racialized category creates conflict with the discourse of a global, hegemonic whiteness by demonstrating its artificiality and construction.

However, the use of the word gaikokujin inevitably generates ambivalent meanings. The trend becomes linked to the discourse of “foreignness” and the desires associated with it. Eventually, it ends up reproducing the essentialist and reifying stereotypes that are creating through the occidentalistic (and self-Orientalistic) practices of nihonjinron. The trend potentially reinforces the “us/them” barriers that are at the basis of essentialistic thought by juxtaposing the desired “foreign hair” as a polar opposite of the more conservative and traditional “Japanese hair.”

To reiterate, gaikokujin-fū might be subversive on the global scale, but it is nonetheless an expression of the oppressive mainstream on the local level, as it restates notions of difference and exclusivity that form the basis for social exclusion of phenotypically alien foreigners. Unfortunately, the practices of marketing necessitate simplifications, and makes it is hard to achieve what I believe would be the most subversive action: the elimination of these reifying barriers. It is imperative that we start to think about ways to talk about race and culture in a non-essentializing manner while maintaining an anti-white-centric stance.

Although the problem of essentialization cannot be resolved by looking at representation only, by looking at how the product is effectively consumed in everyday life we might find that these semi-conscious practices already offer some hints on how to overcome the barriers that reification builds around us. It is indeed true that consumers answer to the “call” of the marketers, and that they identify themselves to some extent with the images of racialized whiteness created by the beauty industry. However, what the interviews revealed is that often times the link between image and product is broken in the immediacy of consumption. By using whiteness as an accessory, some of the consumers open up a space in which they contest the seriousness and rigidity of racialized categories–a space that allows hybridity to exist.

http://zapruderworld.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/Pellicano_Fig_2-720x1024.jpg

La MAP ambitionne de devenir le numéro 1 de l’information régionale au Royaume (Directeur Général)
▻https://www.emouaten.com/La-MAP-ambitionne-de-devenir-le-numero-1-de-l-information-regionale-au-Roy

Salé - La MA...

#Le_Fil

Duc de Saint-Frippon

Le philosophe du Roy Enthovanius démontrait avec finesse que seul le riche avait besoin d’argent, car s’il en était privé, il n’était plus riche. En revanche, le pauvre dans la même situation restait le même : il n’avait donc pas besoin de richesse. Emmanuel 1er le congratulait.

Comme nous le notions tantôt, Enthovanius devait son titre de philosophe à ce qu’il était le seul dans la proche cour du Roy à avoir lu d’autres livres que comptables

https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Dc9LZ5QWsAAtevO.jpg

#raphaël_enthoven #en_marche #riche #pauvre

Brève de trottoirs - Tébéo
Steven Le Roy, journaliste au Télégramme et amuseur à temps partiel, donne ses lettres de noblesse au parler brestois.

▻http://www.tebeo.bzh/replay/542-breve-de-trottoirs/10236843

Monsieur le président, … ce serait bien que les Bretons y soient… Bretons !

Un siècle avant Weinstein, les femmes dominaient Hollywood | Slate.fr
▻https://www.slate.fr/story/158509/hollywood-dirige-femmes-annees-1920

« Si ceci est un monde d’hommes, Hollywood est une ville de femmes, une ville d’Amazones modernes dirigées par de belles et astucieuses femmes qui, de leur trône de glamour, déploient via celluloïd leurs standards aux quatres coins de la Terre. Professionnellement, financièrement, socialement, elles dominent Hollywood, et donc l’industrie du cinéma. »

Ces mots ne viennent pas d’une dystopie féministe pour ados. Non, ils ont été écrits dans un article intitulé « La Bataille des Sexes » du très sérieux magazine de cinéma Picture-Play… en 1934. C’est ainsi que commence cette histoire, comme une parenthèse en début de phrase, comme un moment enchanté et rare durant lequel les femmes avaient le pouvoir.

Un système égalitaire

Au début du siècle, en Amérique, si le théâtre, en tant que forme dominante de spectacle et de divertissement, était bien un monde d’hommes, le cinéma, lui, était une marge. Il n’était pas une profession « respectable ». Il n’était pas pris au sérieux. Les femmes, comme les juifs, y trouvaient donc un refuge, un lieu où elles et ils pouvaient s’exprimer, pratiquer des métiers dont elles et ils auraient été écartés d’emblée en raison de leur religion ou de leur sexe.

En photo dans les pages du magazine Photoplay d’octobre 1916, Margery Ordway y était devenue « cadreuse aussi nonchalamment que d’autres filles seraient devenues sténographe, infirmière ou femme au foyer ». Citée par Lizzy Frank dans son essai Script Girls, la scénariste Beulah Marie Dix, créditée de dix films sur la seule année 1917, expliquait le fonctionnement d’Hollywood à ses débuts :

« C’était très informel à cette époque. Il n’y avait pas de syndicats. Personne sur le plateau ne faisait ce pourquoi il avait été engagé. J’ai fait figurante, j’ai accroché des lumières et tous ceux qui ne faisaient rien réécrivaient les notes du réalisateur sur le scénario… J’ai passé aussi beaucoup de temps dans la salle de montage. »

https://www.slate.fr/sites/default/files/Beulah_Marie_Dix.jpg

Beulah Marie Dix | Book news via Wikimedia

Le système était égalitaire : la moitié des films sortis entre 1911 et 1925 étaient écrits par des femmes. Les deux sexes travaillaient côte à côte, sans discrimination. Celles qui le voulaient y arrivaient et obtenaient devant et derrière la caméra les métiers de pouvoir qu’elles ne trouvaient pas ailleurs, dans « ce monde d’hommes », productrice, réalisatrice, monteuse, costumière, scénariste, décoratrice et bien sûr actrice.

« Pourquoi devrais-je être nerveuse ? J’ai vu des hommes avec moins de cerveau que moi s’en tirer très bien », répondait Cleo Madison à un journaliste avant de prendre les rennes de son premier film en tant que réalisatrice après être devenue une star en tant qu’actrice.
La Française Alice Guy-Blaché, après avoir débuté comme secrétaire de Louis Gaumont, était par exemple capable, quelques années après avoir émigré aux États-Unis en 1907, de former en 1910 son propre studio (Solax) où, en tant que présidente et réalisatrice en chef, elle supervisait la production de près de 300 films et réalisait elle-même plus d’une vingtaine de longs-métrages.

Lois Weber, elle, après avoir réalisé des films pour le bureau new-yorkais de Gaumont, s’installait à Los Angeles où elle ne tardera pas à devenir, en 1916, la réalisatrice la mieux payée du studio Universal. Dès l’année suivante, elle formait sa propre société de production pour traiter les sujets sociaux qui lui tenaient à coeur comme l’avortement (Where are my children ?), la peine de mort (The People vs. Joe Doe), la pauvreté (The Blot) ou l’addiction aux drogues (Hop, The Devil’s Brew).

C’était à ses côtés, comme son assistante, que débutait Frances Marion, une jeune actrice et mannequin, autrefois dessinatrice publicitaire et correspondante de guerre, qui ne rêvait en fait que de raconter des histoires. À ses côtés, elle apprendra les rouages et mécanismes d’un système qui n’était pas encore tout à fait une industrie.

Ce seront son amitié et sa parfaite alchimie avec la plus grande star de l’époque, Mary Pickford, qui scelleront son destin. L’actrice fera de sa meilleure amie sa scénariste attitrée et exclusive et propulsera sa carrière. Pour elle, Marion écrira vingt films entre 1912 et 1933, dont certains qu’elle dirigera elle-même. Au milieu des années 1920, à seulement 35 ans, Frances Marion gagnait déjà 3.000 dollars par semaine (l’équivalent de 40.000 dollars aujourd’hui) et beaucoup n’hésitait pas à attribuer le succès du studio MGM à ses seules prouesses, à une époque où l’on parlait à peine de « scénarios » et où les films étaient construits au jour le jour en suivant une feuille de route plus ou moins détaillée.

« Contrairement à l’assertion que les femmes font tout en leur pouvoir pour contrecarrer les progrès des autres femmes, j’ai trouvé que c’était toujours celles de mon propre sexe qui m’avaient donné un coup de main quand j’en avais besoin »

Frances Marion, scénariste

Son influence était telle qu’elle pouvait en une scène transformer la vie d’une actrice. Marie Dressler, actrice de Vaudeville, qu’on disait finie et démodée, lui devait, par exemple, les plus belles années de sa carrière. Marion avait interviewé l’actrice en 1911 et ne l’avait jamais oubliée. En écrivant rien que pour elle des rôles sur-mesure (dans Min & Bill, qui lui vaudra un Oscar, ou Emma), Frances Marion fera de la vieille actrice sexagénaire, qui vivait dans une grande pauvreté une quinzaine d’années plus tôt, la star la mieux payée d’Hollywood au début des années 1930.

« Je dois mon succès aux femmes. Contrairement à l’assertion que les femmes font tout en leur pouvoir pour contrecarrer les progrès des autres femmes, j’ai trouvé que c’était toujours celles de mon propre sexe qui m’avaient donné un coup de main quand j’en avais besoin », disait-elle.

Aussi à l’aise dans le cinéma muet que dans le parlant, elle était la première femme à décrocher un Oscar du meilleur scénario, pour Big House en 1930, inventant même le sous-genre du film de prison et une grande partie de ce qui est, aujourd’hui, considéré, via des films comme Les Evadés ou Luke La Main Froide, comme des clichés. Cette année-là, ses films étaient nommés dans sept des huit catégories !

Extrait de The Big House | warnerarchive

Elle en gagnera un second deux ans plus tard pour The Champ, le mélodrame souvent référencé comme le premier grand film de boxe, un film qui installera, pour longtemps, le combat sur le ring comme une métaphore de l’adversité de la vie, celle que l’on retrouvera plus tard dans Rocky, Raging Bull ou Million Dollar Baby.

À LIRE AUSSI À quoi servent les logos qu’on vous montre juste avant le début des films ?
Une catégorie « homme » aux Oscars créée par galanterie

De l’or, Greta Garbo en a elle-aussi gagné beaucoup. L’immigrée suédoise, qui ne parlait pas un mot d’anglais à son arrivée aux États-Unis en 1925, devenait, une décennie plus tard, la star la mieux payée d’Hollywood. Au prix d’amères négociations qui la virent menacer de retourner en Suède et de déclencher une grève, la jeune femme, seulement âgée de 24 ans, obtenait de la MGM une augmentation de son salaire hebdomadaire de près de 1300% ! Six ans plus tard, ayant réalisé avec succès, contrairement à de nombreuses autres actrices européennes, le passage du muet au parlant, elle gagnait la somme record de 270.000 dollars par film, loin devant John Gilbert, son amant devant et derrière la caméra, dont la voix, trop aiguë, ruinera la carrière à l’arrivée du parlant.

« Il est indéniable que les femmes dirigent Hollywood et qu’elles continueront de diriger tant qu’elles choisiront le divertissement pour leur famille »

Samuel Goldwyn, fondateur de Goldwyn Pictures

« Il est indéniable que les femmes dirigent Hollywood et qu’elles continueront de diriger tant qu’elles choisiront le divertissement pour leur famille et tant qu’elles continueront de constituer la grande majorité du public des cinémas », expliquait, en 1935 dans le magazine New Movie, Samuel Goldwyn, fondateur de Goldwyn Pictures.

Pour le producteur, les femmes constituaient en effet plus de 70% de son audience. En 1934, un article de Screenland estimait même ce chiffre à 82%. Entre 1932 à 1938 (avec une parenthèse en 1934), c’étaient donc Marie Dressler, Shirley Temple, Janet Gaynor, Joan Crawford, Greta Garbo, qui étaient les stars les mieux payées d’Hollywood. Loin derrière, leurs homologues masculins.

Le phénomène était tel que les premiers Oscars ne créeront deux catégories distinctes pour les acteurs et actrices que par galanterie pour ces messieurs, comme une forme de discrimination positive. Sans cette séparation, les Joan Crawford et Greta Garbo se seraient réparti l’ensemble des trophées. En 1936, par exemple, devant les performances exceptionnelles de Katharine Hepburn, Merle Oberon, Bette Davis ou Claudette Colbert, l’Académie était obligé de créer une sixième nomination pour les actrices tout en enlevant une pour les acteurs. Et les trois perdants ce soir là avaient joué dans le même film (Les Révoltés du Bounty) !
Et la parenthèse enchantée se referma

Évidemment, tout ceci était teinté d’un grand cynisme. Derrière le laconique et presque émancipateur titre de son édito, « Les Femmes dirigent Hollywood », Samuel Goldwyn ne se faisait pas grand défenseur de la cause féministe. Seule la cause capitaliste comptait. Une simple histoire d’offre et de demande, en fait. Tant mieux pour le salaire des femmes, autrices et actrices, tant pis pour les clichés misogynes.

« En quoi les goûts cinématographiques différent entre les hommes et les femmes ?, demandait-il. Principalement dans le fait que les femmes sont des idéalistes et les hommes des réalistes. Les femmes sont plus intéressées par l’émotion que par les situations dramatiques qui donnent naissance à cette émotion. Elles voient les films avec leur “coeur” tandis que les hommes les voient avec leur “esprit”. »

Après tout, ça restait un monde d’hommes. Et à mesure que les dollars commençaient à affluer de Wall Street, ils reprenaient le contrôle, relayant ces pionnières, Zoe Akins, Jeanie Macpherson, Beulah Marie Dix, Lenore Coffee, Anita Loos, June Mathis, Bess Meredyth, Jane Murfin, Adela Rogers St. Johns, Sonya Levien, Salka Viertel, aux notes de bas de pages de l’histoire d’Hollywood.

Frances Marion, elle, après avoir publié en 1937 la première bible du scénariste « How to Write and Sell Film Stories », abandonnait ce métier qui lui avait tout donné, la fortune, le pouvoir et une liberté créative inégalée, mais qui, désormais, ne lui offrait plus rien. Dans ce nouveau système, être scénariste, c’était « écrire dans le sable avec le vent soufflant », disait-elle à propos de ce qui était devenu, pour de bon, une industrie avec le producteur en son centre. Un homme. Toujours.

Alors, une décennie plus tard, aux réunions de la Guilde des réalisateurs, le présentateur commençait toujours son discours par un « Gentlemen and Miss Lupino », l’ex-actrice reconvertie, désormais bien seule.

Quant à Greta Garbo, que le magazine Photoplay appelait en 1932, « une menace mortelle pour les acteurs-stars », elle abandonnait le cinéma en 1941. Avec la guerre approchant, le public n’en avait plus que pour les personnalités réconfortantes comme Mickey Rooney ou Bing Crosby, pour les héros virils et patriotes comme Humphrey Bogart, Roy Rogers et John Wayne.

Le monde était fait pour les hommes. Désormais, Hollywood aussi. La parenthèse s’était refermée. Très violemment.

#invisibilisation #femmes #historicisation #cinema #backlash #guerre

https://oscarenfotos.files.wordpress.com/2013/06/william_henry_fox_talbot_12.jpg

Henry-Fox Talbot, le Docteur Crockett, Leland Schwartz, Ray Harvard, Norman Bowers, Nancie, Scarlet, Lucille Barnes, Bonie Rodriguez, Roy Murphy, Carl Patterson, Keith Miller, Denise Robinson, Beverly Russel, Samuel Mitchell, Kristi Barnett, Adam Ballard, Sue Freeman, Kathleen Richardson, Lela, Gail Allen, Jessica Schwartz m’ont écrit cette nuit pour me dire que ceci donnait le sentiment que mon visage paraissait 10 à 20 ans de moins, que la molécule la plus importante pour ma santé manquait à la plupart des gens, qu’il existait un remède pour faire repousser ses cheveux en quatre minutes (ça va de plus en plus vite, le progrès en somme), que la chute des cheveux pouvait être stoppée net avec trois gouttes, qu’un autre remède faisait tomber d’un seul coup verrues et boutons, qu’on en avait fini avec l’obésité grâce à une recette miracle, que c’était une nouvelle de santé américaine, que grâce à ce remède, on peut couler 10 à 20 (sans unité de valeur) avant mai (nous sommes le 12 mai), que l’on peut faire repousser ses cheveux en une semaine (ça ne doit pas dater d’hier vu que Lucille Barnes me propose un remède qui fonctionne en quatre minutes), que tel gel permet également la repousse des cheveux, que je peux bander en moins de vingt secondes (à mon âge je demande un peu à voir tout de même), que ceci est la vidéo la plus folle que je verrais de toute ma vie, que tous les hommes devrait commencer à utiliser ceci, qu’avec ça je peux baiser pendant au moins cinq heures (ça me paraît beaucoup), qu’en buvant ceci quotidiennement, mes cheveux auront repoussé à Noël (nous sommes le 12 mai), et cette autre offre, plus avantageuse me promet la repousse de mes cheveux pour Thanksgiving (le troisième jeudi du mois de novembre), et que tel vaporisattion matinale fera repousser mes cheveux isntantanément (du coup pourquoi attendre Thanksgiving ?)

#les_poètes_du_spam

BD | Humains. La Roya est un fleuve
▻https://asile.ch/2018/05/11/bd-humains-la-roya-est-un-fleuve

https://asile.ch/wp/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Humains_Roya.png

La Roya est un fleuve qui prend sa source en France, au col de Tende, et se jette dans la Méditerranée à Vintimille, en Italie. Durant l’été 2017, Baudoin et Troubs ont parcouru cette vallée, à la rencontre des membres du collectif « Roya Citoyenne », des gens qui, comme Cédric Herrou, viennent en aide aux migrants […]

Why Zuckerberg Is Winning the Facebook Hearings.
▻https://www.bloomberg.com/view/articles/2018-04-11/zuckerberg-testimony-why-facebook-is-winning-so-far

The best news for Facebook Inc. the company was that Zuckerberg ably deflected any challenges to the beating heart of its economic model: its hungry data collection and the fine-tuned targeted advertising based on that data. Zuckerberg’s success is a win for anyone primarily concerned with the company’s market value. But it’s a loss for the rest of us.

https://assets.bwbx.io/images/users/iqjWHBFdfxIU/iuT.aciyQLao/v0/800x-1.jpg

Facebook will keep failing users’ trust as long as its business is based on unrestrained hoovering of as much user data as possible, and crafting ever-more innovative ways for advertisers to harness that information for commercial goals. It’s an arrangement to which Facebook’s users agree and can sidestep, technically, but it is hardly informed consent or a real option to avoid.

This inherent conflict was on display during two of Zuckerberg’s exchanges on Tuesday. The first was with Senator Roy Blunt, the Republican from Missouri. He asked Zuckerberg a series of questions about what information the company can collect on its 2 billion users and use for advertising, including whether the social network can pinpoint that a person who posts on Facebook from his work computer in the morning is the same person who uploads a photo to his Facebook smartphone app at night.

Mark Zuckerberg Testimony: Senators Question Facebook’s Commitment to Privacy.
▻https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/10/us/politics/mark-zuckerberg-testimony.html

Gil Scott-Heron - The Revolution Will Not Be Televised - Lyrics
▻http://www.metrolyrics.com/the-revolution-will-not-be-televised-lyrics-gil-scottheron.html

http://img2-ak.lst.fm/i/u/174s/ad5e27c28f35b1656b12b6f1542abf7a.png

You will not be able to stay home, brother.
You will not be able to plug in, turn on and cop out.
You will not be able to lose yourself on skag and
skip out for beer during commercials,
Because the revolution will not be televised.The revolution will not be televised.

The revolution will not be brought to you by Xerox
In 4 parts without commercial interruptions.
The revolution will not show you pictures of Nixon
blowing a bugle and leading a charge by John
Mitchell, General Abrams and Spiro Agnew to eat
hog maws confiscated from a Harlem sanctuary.

The revolution will not be televised.
The revolution will not be brought to you by the
Schaefer Award Theatre and will not star Natalie
Woods and Steve McQueen or Bullwinkle and Julia.
The revolution will not give your mouth sex appeal.
The revolution will not get rid of the nubs.
The revolution will not make you look five pounds
thinner, because the revolution will not be televised, Brother.

There will be no pictures of you and Willie May
pushing that shopping cart down the block on the dead run,
or trying to slide that color television into a stolen ambulance.
NBC will not be able predict the winner at 8: 32
or report from 29 districts.
The revolution will not be televised.

There will be no pictures of pigs shooting down
brothers in the instant replay.
There will be no pictures of pigs shooting down
brothers in the instant replay.
There will be no pictures of Whitney Young being
run out of Harlem on a rail with a brand new process.
There will be no slow motion or still life of Roy
Wilkens strolling through Watts in a Red, Black and
Green liberation jumpsuit that he had been saving
For just the proper occasion.

Green Acres, The Beverly Hillbillies, and Hooterville
Junction will no longer be so damned relevant, and
women will not care if Dick finally gets down with
Jane on Search for Tomorrow because Black people
will be in the street looking for a brighter day.
The revolution will not be televised.

There will be no highlights on the eleven o’clock
news and no pictures of hairy armed women
liberationists and Jackie Onassis blowing her nose.
The theme song will not be written by Jim Webb,
Francis Scott Key, nor sung by Glen Campbell, Tom
Jones, Johnny Cash, Englebert Humperdink, or the Rare Earth.
The revolution will not be televised.

The revolution will not be right back
after a message about a white tornado, white lightning, or white people.
You will not have to worry about a dove in your
bedroom, a tiger in your tank, or the giant in your toilet bowl.
The revolution will not go better with Coke.
The revolution will not fight the germs that may cause bad breath.
The revolution will put you in the driver’s seat.

The revolution will not be televised, will not be televised,
will not be televised, will not be televised.
The revolution will be no re-run brothers;
The revolution will be live.

#usa #révolte #révolution #poésie

Bethesda names Roy Campbell as new UK MD
▻https://www.gamesindustry.biz/articles/2018-03-27-bethesda-names-roy-campbell-as-new-uk-md

Former THQ, Virgin boss has been consulting with Wolfenstein publisher over the past year

#Publishing #Jobs

Shrimp Song Elvis Presley, 1962
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=liQ4vT7_7iI

A funny song written by Roy C.Bennett and Sid Tepper from the movie Girls! Girls! Girls! 1962 American musical comedy film starring Elvis Presley as a penniless Hawaiian fisherman who loves his life on the sea and dreams of owning his own boat

REST is not the Best for Micro-Services #grpc and #docker makes a compelling case
▻https://hackernoon.com/rest-in-peace-grpc-for-micro-service-and-grpc-for-the-web-a-how-to-908cc

For quite a long time, when Service Oriented Architecture (SOA) and WebService were the talk of the tech town, most of the software systems were built using SOAP and related WSDL technology. I was involved in multiple projects built using SOAP technology. I started first dabbling with REST when faced with the need to create a quick prototype north bound/external interface for a system.I, like many others, fell in love with REST immediately ;more so after reading more about it, in the jewel of a paper (Architectural Styles and the Design of Network-based Software Architectures,) by Roy Fielding -principal author of HTTP protocol and consequently founder of the World Wide Web based on the internet. Soon along came JSON; and REST and JSON quickly replaced the cumbersome inefficient SOAP (...)

#grpc-web #microservices