person:uri ariel

  • Once again, Israel denies the Bedouin what it grants the settlers
    On Wednesday the High Court will hear petitions against the demolition of the Bedouin village of Khan al-Ahmar, while two Palestinian villages request that the state demolish illegal structures in a nearby settlement
    Amira Hass Jul 27, 2018 10:23 PM

    Two Palestinian villages, basing their request on Civil Administration data, are asking the Israeli authorities to demolish illegal structures in the settlement of Kfar Adumim and outposts around it. In question are about 120 villas and other buildings in the settlement against which demolition orders have been issued (though, as of the beginning of 2017, at least half the structures had been approved retroactively), and in four outposts.

    In the outposts, most of the structures have been built on land defined as state land back in the days of Jordanian rule, and a smaller number have been built on land privately owned by village residents. This past Tuesday, at the Justice Ministry High Court department, Attorney Tawfiq Jabareen filed this request for the villages of Deir Dibwan and Anata, east of Ramallah, as the prelude to petitioning for the villages and some of their residents, owners of private land.

    In a preliminary argument, Jabareen talks about Israel’s “selective enforcement” policy. And as a reverse example — of “legalizing” the illegal construction in Kfar Adumim — he mentions the Bedouin village at Khan al-Ahmar, which existed long before the settlements were established and is now threatened by demolition, along with the expulsion of its residents. Before this request, a team of lawyers headed by Jabareen submitted two new petitions on behalf of the residents of Khan al-Ahmar.

    The deliberations on these petitions will be held this Wednesday, at a time when Khan al-Ahmar has become a focus of international interest and hosts protest gatherings every day. This comes against the backdrop of European and UN condemnations of the planned demolition and, in general, of Israel’s policy of thwarting Palestinian construction in the West Bank’s Area C, which is under exclusive Israeli control.

    Thus, three months before the law comes into effect denying the High Court authority to deliberate on matters concerning West Bank land and techniques for grabbing it from the Palestinians, a team of Palestinian lawyers who are Israeli citizens insists on bringing to the High Court matters of principle concerning discrimination, inequality and government arbitrariness.

    Settlements’ concerted action

    For its part, Kfar Adumim continues to demand implementation of the decision to demolish Khan al-Ahmar. This past Sunday, the settlement and two of its offshoots — Nofei Prat and Alon — asked to join the Israel Defense Forces and the Civil Administration as respondents in one of the two new Khan-al Ahmar petitions. This is the petition that asks to oblige the Civil Administration to relate to the detailed master plan recently submitted by the village. On behalf of the three settlements, attorneys Avraham Moshe Segal and Yael Cinnamon asked that the petition be rejected.

    A concerted legal and media battle by the three settlements over the past decade, as well as pressure from the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee’s subcommittee on West Bank affairs, led to the Civil Administration’s decision to demolish the village. During all those years, the previous attorney for the Bedouin village, Shlomo Lecker, managed to delay implementation of the demolition orders, including the order against the ecological school made out of tires.

    But in May a panel of justices headed by Noam Sohlberg, a resident of the settlement of Alon Shvut, ruled that there was no legal reason to intervene in the state’s decision to expel and forcibly transfer the village’s residents to an area the Civil Administration has allotted them next to the Abu Dis garbage dump.

    His partners in the decision were justices Anat Baron and Yael Willner; Willner has a brother and a sister living in Kfar Adumim, but she did not recuse herself from deliberating on the fate of Khan al-Ahmar, nor did she agree to attorney Lecker’s request that she do so. About a week after the High Court’s green light for the demolition, the Civil Administration’s Supreme Planning Council approved the construction of a new neighborhood for Kfar Adumim called Nofei Bereshit about 1 kilometer (0.6 miles) from the Bedouin community at Khan al-Ahmar.

    Preparations for the demolition and eviction began at the end of June, but the new petitions have halted them. It was Baron who issued a temporary injunction that has suspended the demolition.

    Attorneys Segal and Cinnamon, acting on behalf of the three settlements, write that the new petition (asking that the Civil Administration consider the master plan for the village) “is part of a broader move by the petitioners and influential elements on the ‘left’ side of the political map to ‘leave’ the ‘Palestinian construction criminals’ adjacent to the Israeli locales there and adjacent to Route 1 in order to create contiguous Palestinian settlement there.” (The internal quotation marks are in the original document).

    The settlements say that this is an illegitimate way to deliberate; it will let any judicial ruling be reopened in the hope that a different panel of judges will make a change. Regarding the matter at hand, the settlements note that the High Court has already addressed the possibility of preparing a master plan for the village at its current location and has ruled that there is nothing wrong with the state’s intention to demolish it.

    In their statement accompanying the request to join the respondents, the settlements write that the petitioners from Khan al-Ahmar are “construction criminals who have made a law unto themselves and have wittingly and without building permits built on lands that do not belong to them, adjacent to a major transportation artery [and then] brazenly applied to the honorable court to help them prevent the implementation of the demolition orders.”

    The settlements argue that the petitioners built the structures without any building permits and on land that “no one disputes that they do not have even a speck of a right to claim as theirs.”

    First construction, then legalization

    The Bedouin village’s tents and makeshift shacks are on plots of land belonging to residents of Anata, for which they have received the owners’ permission. These plots include a are part of a large area of lands under private Palestinian ownership listed in the Land Registry, which Israel expropriated in 1975 but has not used since. Route 1, which links Jerusalem to Jericho, was far from Khan al-Ahmar, and only when the road was widened was the distance decreased.

    One of the founders of Kfar Adumim, current Agriculture Minister Uri Ariel, submitted an action plan to the IDF back at the end of 1978 or the beginning of 1979. The plan confirms that Bedouin communities were living in the area before the settlements were established, but the plan demands that these communities be expelled, Palestinian construction be curtailed and contiguous Jewish settlement be established.

    On the basis of Civil Administration data, the planning rights group Bimkom published an opinion in 2010 on the pattern of planning and construction in Kfar Adumim and its offshoots: first construction without permits and only then planning that legalizes it.

    The settlement was established in 1979 but a detailed master plan was approved only in 1988. New homes were built without permits, awaiting legalization in another master plan approved years later. Before all the possibilities for construction in the 1988 plan were used up, detailed master plans were advanced aimed at establishing Alon and Nofei Prat, which are called neighborhoods even though they are not contiguous with the mother settlement. Each of these “neighborhoods” spawned an illegal outpost of its own.

    In his preliminary argument to the High Court, Jabareen mentions the Civil Administration’s demolition orders against large private homes in Kfar Adumim. He also mentions the legalization of at least half the structures against which orders were issued, and the four outposts created by the settlement and its offshoots Alon and Nofei Prat. The information about the outposts is based on Civil Administration and Peace Now data.

    The outpost Givat Granit was established in 2002 on about 70 dunams (17.3 acres) of land, of which 10 are privately owned land and the rest is state land from the Jordanian period. Five residential structures and part of the approach road are located on privately-owned land.

    The outpost Haroeh Ha’ivri was established without a master plan in 2015 on about 20 dunams of state land and serves as an educational farm school. The road to the outpost runs along private land, and the outpost receives funding from the Education Ministry. An events venue and desert field lodge was established on about 15 dunams of state land in 2012, and the outpost Ma’aleh Hagit was established in 1999 on about 70 dunams of state land with incursions onto privately-owned parcels.

    In the Kfar Adumim statement to the High Court, the attorneys write that the Khan al-Ahmar petition is political, “and to this will testify the deeds of the petitioners who exploited the temporary order they received for purposes of opening the school year and populating the school building (made of tires) with pupils . The entire aim of the petition is to advance the petitioners’ political agenda and their attempt to create contiguous Palestinian settlement in strategic areas of Judea and Samaria. The petitioners’ attempt to depict the issue as a legal issue is flawed to a large extent by artificiality and testifies to the petitioner’s lack of good faith.”

  • Israeli minister planned eviction of West Bank Bedouin 40 years ago, document reveals
    Now agriculture minister, then settler activist, Uri Ariel was already planning in the 1970s the eviction of Bedouin living east of Jerusalem that is taking place now in Khan al-Ahmar
    Amira Hass Jul 12, 2018 2:57 AM

    Forty years ago Uri Ariel, now agriculture minister, was already planning the eviction of Bedouin living east of Jerusalem. This emerges from a document signed by him titled, “A proposal to plan the Ma’aleh Adumim region and establish the community settlement of Ma’aleh Adumim B.”

    The document outlines a plan to turn some 100,000 to 120,000 dunams (25,000 to 30,000 acres) of Palestinian land into an area of Jewish settlement and develop it as a “Jewish corridor,” as he put it, from the coast to the Jordan River. In fact, a large part of the plan has been executed, except for the eviction of all the area’s Bedouin.

    Now the Civil Administration and the police are expediting the demolition of the homes of the Jahalin in Khan al-Ahmar. This is one of approximately 25 Bedouin communities in the area that have become a flagship of the Bedouin resistance in the West Bank’s Area C against the efforts by the Israeli occupation to uproot them, gather them in a few compounds adjacent to Area A, and impose a semi-urban lifestyle on them.

    The boundaries of the area that Ariel sets for his plan are the Palestinian villages of Hizme, Anata, Al-Azariya and Abu Dis to the west, the hills overlooking the Jordan Valley to the east, Wadi Qelt to the north and the Kidron Valley and Horkania Valley to the south. “In the area there are many Bedouin involved in the cultivation of land,” he writes, contrary to the claims voiced today by settlers that the Bedouin only recently popped up and “took over” the land.

    But Ariel has a solution: “Since the area is used by the military and a large part of the industry there serves the defense establishment, the area must be closed to Bedouin settlement and evacuated.”

    This document, exposed here for the first time, was found by Dr. Yaron Ovadia in the Kfar Adumim archives when he was doing research for a book he’s writing about the Judean Desert. Ovadia wrote his doctorate about the Jahalin tribe.

    “Since [the area] is unsettled, it is now possible to plan it entirely,” Ariel wrote, about an area that constituted the land reserves for construction, industry, agriculture and grazing for the Palestinian towns and villages east of Bethlehem, Jerusalem and Ramallah. “Arab urban/rural settlement is spreading at an amazing pace along the route from Jerusalem eastward, and this linear spread must be stopped immediately.”

    His solutions: to build urban neighborhoods that will become part of Jerusalem and to “administratively close the area of the Arab villages by means of an appropriate plan.” This administrative closure by an appropriate plan can be discerned in the reality perpetuated by the Interim Agreement of 1995, which artificially divided the West Bank into Areas A and B, to be administered by the Palestinians, and Area C, which covers 60 percent of the West Bank, to be administered by Israel. That’s how Palestinian enclaves were created with limited development potential within a large Jewish expanse.

    Ariel’s plan was apparently written between late 1978 and the beginning of 1979, and he said that as far as he recalls, it was submitted to Brig. Gen. Avraham Tamir, the IDF’s head of planning. “We have been living for three years in the existing settlement at Mishor Adumim,” writes Ariel, referring to a settlement nucleus that was established in 1975 and was portrayed as a work camp near the Mishor Adumim industrial zone. Even before Ma’aleh Adumim was officially inaugurated, Ariel was proposing to build “Ma’aleh Adumim B,” i.e., Kfar Adumim, which was established in September 1979.

    Some Jahalin families were indeed evicted from their homes in 1977 and 1980. In 1994, expulsion orders were issued against dozens more, and they were evicted in the late 1990s, with the approval of the High Court of Justice. But thousands of Bedouin and their flocks remained in the area, albeit under increasingly difficult conditions as firing zones, settlements and roads reduced their grazing areas and their access to water. From the early 2000s the Civil Administration has been planning to evacuate the Bedouin and forcibly resettle them in permanent townships.

    It’s tempting to present Ariel’s 40-year-old suggestions as an example of the personal and political determination that characterizes many religious Zionist activists and was facilitated by the Likud electoral victory in 1977. But it was Yitzhak Rabin’s first government that decided to build a 4,500-dunam industrial zone for Jerusalem in Khan al-Amar. In 1975 it expropriated a huge area of 30,000 dunams from the Palestinian towns and villages in the area and built a settlement there disguised as a work camp for employees of the industrial zone.

    In a study (“The Hidden Agenda,” 2009) written by Nir Shalev for the nonprofit associations Bimkom – Planners for Planning Rights and B’tselem, he notes that the Housing and Construction Ministry’s Jerusalem district director when Ma’aleh Adumim was first being built in 1975 said that the objective behind it was political – “to block the entrance way to Jerusalem from a Jordanian threat.” But since the objective was political, it was clear that he wasn’t referring to a military threat, but to demographic growth that would require additional construction.

    The planning for Ma’aleh Adumim actually began in Golda Meir’s time in the early 1970s; at the time, minister Israel Galili advised Davar reporter Hagai Eshed that it would be best if the press didn’t deal with this “exciting and interesting” issue, “because it could cause damage.” Both the Meir and Rabin governments considered the planned settlement to be part of metropolitan Jerusalem. Moreover, during Rabin’s second government, the period of the Oslo Accords, Bedouin were evicted, in the spirit of Ariel’s proposal.

    Perhaps the most crucial move was actually made in 1971, when under that same government of Meir, Galili and Moshe Dayan, military order No. 418 was issued, which made drastic changes to the planning apparatus in the West Bank. The order removed the rights of Palestinian local councils to plan and build. As explained in another study by Bimkom (“The Prohibted Zone,” 2008) this prepared the legal infrastructure for the separate planning systems – the miserly, restrictive system for the Palestinians and the generous, encouraging one for the settlements. This distorted planning system refused to take into account the longtime Bedouin communities that had been expelled from the Negev and had been living in the area long before the settlements were built.

    The settlement part of Ariel’s proposal succeeded because it was merely a link in a chain of plans and ideas had already been discussed when the Labor Alignment was still in power, and which were advanced by a bureaucratic infrastructure that had been in place even before 1948. Today, under a government in which Ariel’s Habayit Hayehudi party is so powerful, the open expulsion of Bedouin is possible. But the expulsion of Palestinians in general is hardly a Habayit Hayehudi invention.

  • Minister: Empty West Bank Area C of Palestinians, annex it | The Times of Israel

    Minister: Empty West Bank Area C of Palestinians, annex it
    Uri Ariel calls for improving conditions in areas A and B, applying Israeli sovereignty elsewhere, says PM’s peace bid futile

    #israel #palestine #colonisation #occupation

  • Trying to Drive a Wedge Between ’Good’ and ’Bad’ Arabs
    The law to oust Arabs is designed precisely to avert the day in which Jewish Israeli society realizes that its dispossession-settlement legacy is dangerous to Arabs and Jews alike.

    Amira Hass Mar 02, 2016 6:00 AM

    Apparently we’ll have to start getting used to the Knesset minus our representatives from the Joint Arab List. Without Aida and Jamal, without Haneen and Dov, without Ahmad and Ayman. It won’t be easy, because their presence there provided a sliver of hope that sanity was still possible; the sanity of a state that exists for all its citizens, who belong to two national groups.
    The so-called Suspension Law, which passed its first Knesset vote on Monday, aims to cause a rift between “good” and “bad” Arabs. Suspending Balad party members from Knesset sessions, and outlawing the Islamic Movement’s northern branch, were added episodes in the series of exclusions, and passed fairly easily. But as list chairman Ayman Odeh pointed out, if the “bad” ones (Balad) are expelled, it will be difficult for him to remain in the Knesset. We, their voters – Arabs and Jews alike – will be deterred from voting for the ones Uri Ariel, Avigdor Lieberman and Ayelet Shaked, in their Judeo-democratatorship generosity, approve as “good.”
    The law to expel Arab Knesset members also aims at the left (Jewish and Arab). It seeks to drive a wedge not only between “good” and “bad” Arabs but between the left and the liberals-lite. The law very likely will not target the social feminists of the Labor Party; even without it, they are very gingerly when talking about blood, Gaza Prison and the settlements.

  • Trying to Drive a Wedge Between ’Good’ and ’Bad’ Arabs - Opinion - Haaretz - Israeli News Source
    The law to oust Arabs is designed precisely to avert the day in which Jewish Israeli society realizes that its dispossession-settlement legacy is dangerous to Arabs and Jews alike.
    Amira Hass Mar 02, 2016 6:00 AM

    MK Ayman Odeh, Haneen Zoabi and Jamal Zakalka from the Joint Arab List.(Dudi Vaknin)

    Apparently we’ll have to start getting used to the Knesset minus our representatives from the Joint Arab List. Without Aida and Jamal, without Haneen and Dov, without Ahmad and Ayman. It won’t be easy, because their presence there provided a sliver of hope that sanity was still possible; the sanity of a state that exists for all its citizens, who belong to two national groups.

    The so-called Suspension Law, which passed its first Knesset vote on Monday, aims to cause a rift between “good” and “bad” Arabs. Suspending Balad party members from Knesset sessions, and outlawing the Islamic Movement’s northern branch, were added episodes in the series of exclusions, and passed fairly easily. But as list chairman Ayman Odeh pointed out, if the “bad” ones (Balad) are expelled, it will be difficult for him to remain in the Knesset. We, their voters – Arabs and Jews alike – will be deterred from voting for the ones Uri Ariel, Avigdor Lieberman and Ayelet Shaked, in their Judeo-democratatorship generosity, approve as “good.”

    The law to expel Arab Knesset members also aims at the left (Jewish and Arab). It seeks to drive a wedge not only between “good” and “bad” Arabs but between the left and the liberals-lite. The law very likely will not target the social feminists of the Labor Party; even without it, they are very gingerly when talking about blood, Gaza Prison and the settlements.

    No law would be enacted forbidding “incitement” against CEOs, or against the owners of companies that pay disgraceful wages to female employees. The Jewish discourse allows such subversive statements as long as pay remains low, and the corporate chieftains continue to get extraordinary tax breaks. The members of Meretz can even continue to proudly and freely represent the interests of the LGBT and secular communities in Israel. It isn’t sure, though, that Zouheir Bahloul (Zionist Union) can bite his tongue forever, or that Esawi Freige (Meretz) will concentrate on expanding the Kafr Qasm industrial zone and nothing more in order to be deemed kosher by Bezalel Smotrich (Habayit Hayehudi).

    On Monday, Revital Swid (Zionist Union) said, rightly, “Hatred of Arabs is blinding the MKs into passing a law that no attorney general supports.” Indeed, Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit, formerly the IDF’s chief military advocate, called the law problematic, but also clarified that the problem is not constitutional. The law is legal, just as it is legal to demolish Umm el-Hiran and expel its Bedouin residents again, like it is legal not to supply water and electricity to “unrecognized” Palestinian villages (on both sides of the Green Line), and it is legal to expropriate their land.

    Swid also told the chairman of the Constitution, Law and Justice committee, MK Nissan Slomiansky: “The day will come that it [the law] gets used against you. One day there will be a majority here who decides that anybody who does not condemn the hilltop youth and support the kingdom of Israel is subverting the State of Israel as a Jewish, democratic state. What will you do on that day?”

    That’s the thing: Once the psychosis of expulsion gains momentum, we have to brace for an even crazier, rightward-leaning, repressive stage. The law to oust Arabs is designed precisely to avert the day in which Jewish Israeli society realizes that its dispossession-settlement legacy is dangerous to Arabs and Jews alike.

    The Joint Arab List, despite and because of its tensions within, represents a chance for genuine normalcy in our binational state. Yes, with contradictions, with problems that haven’t been solved yet, with resentments and differences in viewpoints. The fact that Palestinian MKs represent Jewish voters (however few we may be) and that a Jewish MK represents Palestinian voters, too, laid the groundwork for a different future. This future is now looking all the more illusory.

  • Un ministre israélien veut expulser les chats errants hors du pays |

    Selon Uri Ariel, le ministre israélien de l’Agriculture, castrer et stériliser les chats des rues va à l’encontre des principes du judaïsme, notamment de l’injonction à « croître et se multiplier ». C’est pourquoi Ariel, qui est membre du parti conservateur religieux Foyer Juif, a envoyé une lettre au ministère de l’Environnement demandant si le million de dollars dépensé chaque année pour stériliser les animaux abandonnés ne pourrait pas être utilisé pour « transférer les chiens et/ou chats d’un sexe déterminé (soit tous les mâles soit toutes les femelles) dans un pays étranger qui accepterait de les accueillir », rapporte le Washington Post.

    La presse israélienne s’est beaucoup moquée de cette idée : « Si ce n’était pas écrit noir sur blanc sur un document officiel, on pourrait croire que c’était une blague », pouvait-on lire dans le quotidien Yehodiot Ahronot.


    Quant à la chef du parti de gauche Meretz, elle a demandé s’« il ne serait pas temps de trouver un pays étranger acceptant d’accueillir [Uri Ariel] ».

    #chats #Israël

  • « Détruire Al Aqsa et les mosquées sacrées » : Nétanyahou opposé à la présence de l’ONU sur l’esplanade des Mosquées - Libération

    « Absurde ! » En privé, Benyamin Nétanyahou ne prend pas de gants pour qualifier la proposition française d’envoyer des observateurs internationaux sur le Haram al-Sharif, l’esplanade des Mosquées de Jérusalem, afin de vérifier que le statu quo entre juifs et musulmans y est maintenu (...)

    En introduction au traditionnel conseil de cabinet du dimanche, le Premier ministre a en tout cas affirmé qu’Israël « n’est pas le problème sur l’esplanade des Mosquées mais la solution ». (...) « L’envoi d’observateurs sera considéré comme une atteinte à notre souveraineté », a même proclamé Danny Danon, un faucon du Likoud (le parti de Nétanyahou) récemment promu ambassadeur de l’Etat hébreu à l’ONU. Le ministre israélien de la Sécurité intérieure, Gilad Erdan, estime, lui, « qu’accepter l’idée française revient à offrir une prime aux terroristes qui poignardent des juifs dans la rue ».

    La Jordanie, pays « garant » du Haram al-Sharif
    Après la conquête de la partie arabe de Jérusalem (juin 1967), l’Etat hébreu l’a annexée mais a refusé d’exercer son autorité sur le Haram al-Sharif. Celle-ci est donc restée aux mains du Waqf, une structure islamique dépendant de la Jordanie et chargée de gérer les lieux. Au terme d’un accord officieux entre les deux parties, les juifs ont donc été autorisés à pénétrer dans cet espace, où se serait élevé le Temple de Jérusalem, le lieu saint le plus sacré du judaïsme, mais uniquement pour le visiter, pas pour y prier. Etant donné la sacralité du lieu pour les juifs traditionalistes et ultraorthodoxes, le grand rabbinat d’Israël a d’ailleurs interdit à ses ouailles d’y prononcer des prières, même à voix basse. En 1994, dans le cadre de l’accord de paix conclu entre Israël et la Jordanie, le royaume hachémite (qui contrôlait la partie arabe de Jérusalem jusqu’en juin 1967) a obtenu le statut de « garant » du Haram al-Sharif. Ce qui lui permet d’intervenir dans la nomination des membres Waqf et de représentants religieux.

    Depuis 1967, des extrémistes juifs ont tenté à plusieurs reprises d’incendier ou de pulvériser à l’explosif les mosquées du Haram al-Sharif. D’autres ont lancé un « Mouvement pour la reconstruction du Temple » sur l’esplanade. Cette mouvance a toujours été ultraminoritaire en Israël, mais depuis les élections législatives de 2013 et l’accord de gouvernement entre le Likoud et le parti d’extrême droite, le Foyer juif, elle dispose de relais au plus haut niveau de l’Etat. En mai 2013, alors simple députée du Likoud, la future vice-ministre des Affaires étrangères, Tzipi Hotovely, s’est ainsi rendue sur l’esplanade en compagnie de militants ultranationalistes. Plus récemment, le ministre de l’Agriculture, Uri Ariel, (Foyer juif) y a également effectué une visite fort médiatisée. Sans concertation avec le Waqf et en prétendant « exercer le droit des Juifs à aller partout où ils le veulent dans leur pays ». Pour les Palestiniens, ces « provocations » visent à modifier le statu quo. Surtout celles du rabbin Yehuda Glick, un colon dirigeant le Mouvement pour la reconstruction du Temple, qu’un militant du Jihad islamique a tenté d’assassiner de plusieurs balles de 9 mm en octobre 2014. Un signe avant-coureur des violences à venir.

  • Jérusalem-est: affrontements sur l’esplanade des Mosquées (police)
    ats / 13.09.2015

    Des affrontements ont éclaté dimanche matin sur l’esplanade des Mosquées dans la vieille ville de Jérusalem entre la police israélienne et des musulmans. Ces heurts ont eu lieu à quelques heures de la célébration de la nouvelle année juive.

    Selon des témoins musulmans, les policiers israéliens sont entrés dans la mosquée Al-Aqsa, troisième lieu de l’islam, et provoqué des dégâts. Une porte-parole de la police, Luba Samri, a démenti cette information, en précisant que les forces l’ordre s’étaient contentées de fermer la porte d’accès.

    Ces affrontements sont survenus au moment où la tension est montée autour de l’esplanade des Mosquées (le Mont du Temple pour les juifs) à la suite de la décision du ministre israélien de la Défense Moshe Yaalon, qui a déclaré mercredi « illégal » le mouvement des « mourabitoun », un groupe musulman en grande partie informel qui affirme défendre l’esplanade des Mosquées.

    Israeli forces storm Al-Aqsa Mosque, assault worshippers
    Sept. 13, 2015 10:53 A.M. (Updated: Sept. 13, 2015 2:05 P.M.)

    The clashes came with tensions running high after Israeli Defence Minister Moshe Yaalon last week outlawed two Muslim groups that protect the mosque, and confront Jewish visitors to the compound, which is holy to both faiths.

    Witnesses told Ma’an that Israeli forces stormed the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound Sunday morning, firing rubber-coated steel bullets and stun grenades and injuring several worshipers.

    Witnesses said Israeli forces stormed the compound through the Chain and Moroccan gates shortly after dawn prayer.

    The forces then surrounded worshipers inside Al-Aqsa Mosque and closed its doors with “chains and bars” before they started to fire rubber-coated bullets inside the mosque, witnesses said.

    Israel ’has taken over’ Aqsa compound, says official

    Sept. 13, 2015 9:56 P.M. (Updated: Sept. 13, 2015 9:58 P.M.)

    • Des soldats et des colons israéliens attaquent la mosquée Al-Aqsa (vidéo)
      Par Ziad Medoukh

      13.09.2015 - Ce matin, la police israélienne a fermé la porte d’accès de la mosquée. Il y a beaucoup de blessés palestiniens, et beaucoup de dégâts. Les forces de l’occupation israélienne poursuivent leurs attaques sanglantes contre les Palestiniens à Jérusalem, en Cisjordanie et dans la bande de Gaza.
      La Palestine résiste, existe et persiste.

    • PCHR Condemns Israeli Forces’ Raid on al-Aqsa Mosque and Deliberately Damaging its content PDF Print E-mail
      Sunday, 13 September 2015

      According to information collected by PCHR from the city, at approximately 05:45 on Sunday, 13 September 2015, when worshipers finished performing the dawn (Fajr) prayer in al-Aqsa Mosque and started getting out of the mosque, large numbers of special Israeli forces stormed al-Aqsa Mosque firing sound bombs and rubber-coated metal bullets. Israeli forces immediately closed the Qibli (southern) mosque while dozens of Israeli soldiers topped the roof of the mosque. They surrounded the young men staying inside and sprayed pepper spray over them. Officers from the special forces evacuated all al-Aqsa Mosque’s yards. In the morning, Israeli forces smashed the windows of al-Qibli Mosque and fired sound bombs and tear gas canisters at young men trapped inside, due to which the carpets caught fire. Moreover, Lo’ai Abu al-Sa’ed, one of the mosque’s guards, sustained a bullet wound to the chest; Jad al-Ghoul, a civil defense officer in al-Aqsa Mosque, sustained a bullet wound to the left arm; Anas Siyam (14) sustained a bullet wound to the chest; and Lewa Abu Ermaila, a journalist at Palestine Today satellite channel, and Sabreen Ebeidat, a photojournalist at Quds news network, both were injured by shrapnel from a sound bomb. An eyewitness stated that Israeli forces attacked and pushed Arab members of the Israeli Knesset, who could entered al-Aqsa Mosque, namely Ahmed al-Tibi, Osama al-Sa’di and Talab Abu ’Arar.

      This attack coincided with banning students of al-Aqsa Shari’a schools located inside the mosque (Riyadh al-Aqsa, al-Aqsa School for Boys and al-Aqsa School for Girls), who are about 500 female and male students, from entering the mosque and joining their schools. In addition, Israeli forces denied the administrative and educational employees entry by attacking and pushing them while being present by Hetta and al-Selsela gates. Israeli forces have also prevented worshipers below 45 years old from entering the mosque since the predawn.

      Afterwards, groups of Israeli settlers led by the Minister of Agriculture, Uri Ariel, stormed the mosque through al-Maghareba gate. They performed biblical rituals in al-Hersh area near al-Rahma gate. It should be noted that the (Temple Groups) invited their supporters through media websites and social media to participate in the largest raid on al-Aqsa Mosque on Sunday, coinciding with the beginning of the Jewish holidays.

  • Israel’s attorney general to block coalition deals aimed at funding settlements - Israel - Israel News | Haaretz

    Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein is expected to oppose any distribution of funds as part of Likud’s coalition agreements with Habayit Hayehudi and United Torah Judaism, particularly those earmarked for the World Zionist Organization’s Settlement Division.

    In an opinion published in February, Deputy Attorney General Dina Zilber wrote that the government must stop funding the Settlement Division, either through the general budget or directly to the department. Consequently, the 2015 budget will not include funding of the division.

    Weinstein approved the opinion and is therefore expected to oppose its contravention in the coalition agreements.

    Under the coalition agreement signed between Habayit Hayehudi and Likud late last week, 50 million shekels (around $13 million) will be added to the budget of the WZO’s Settlement Division, which funds infrastructure for West Bank settlements and which Agriculture Minister-designate Uri Ariel will control.

    According to a directive issued by the attorney general in April with regard to political agreements with funding ramifications, money is not to be earmarked in a way that gives the sense that it “belongs” to parties or factions, and a political agreement is not to be implemented at all if it earmarks funding to a specific entity.

    The directive was issued out of concern that such earmarking of funds could make the receiving entities dependent on the parties that wrote the agreement “to their benefit,” and could also often constitute a cover for personal or political gain. The directive requires professionals in the various ministries to weigh in on any such political agreements before they are signed.

    Meanwhile, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government faces its first challenge even before being sworn in later this week. Netanyahu will have to ensure that all 61 members of the coalition vote to amend the Basic Law on the Government tomorrow, in order to enable an increase in the size of the cabinet. Only then will Likud begin to hand out portfolios.

    This morning, the outgoing cabinet will be asked to approve Netanyahu’s request to postpone implementation of the clause restricting the cabinet to 18 members. Netanyahu will also ask the cabinet to allow him to renew the controversial tradition of appointing ministers without portfolio to his new cabinet, along with increasing the number of deputy ministers.

    The outgoing cabinet is expected to ask the Knesset to move these amendments ahead by expedited legislation, and to vote on the second and third readings as early as Monday. MK Yair Lapid (Yesh Atid) said Saturday that his faction would petition the High Court of Justice against the move.

    As part of the coalition agreement, Likud and Habayit Hayehudi also agreed on the appointment of a team to review ways to legalize unauthorized settlement outposts and unauthorized buildings within settlements. The government has not promised to renew construction in West Bank settlements and in Jerusalem, despite Habayit Hayehudi’s demand for such a commitment.

    The outposts team – which is likely to include the cabinet secretary, a representative of Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon, and two representatives of Justice Minister-designate Ayelet Shaked and Ariel – will only have three months to formulate its recommendations.

    The coalition agreement features a special arrangement whose purpose is to prevent Shaked from obtaining total control of the Ministerial Committee for Legislation (the body that determines which bills the coalition will advance and which will be blocked). As justice minister, Shaked will chair the committee.

    Likud took action to curb her power out of fear she will delay legislation that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu supports, or accelerate the passage of controversial draft laws behind his back. Under the coalition agreement, Netanyahu will appoint a deputy to Shaked, with whom she must coordinate the committee’s agenda. “If the deputy requests that a vote be delayed, it shall be delayed until a new arrangement is agreed between the deputy and the chairwoman of the committee, or until the prime minister decides otherwise,” the agreement states.

    Habayit Hayehudi leader Naftali Bennett requested a billion-shekel addition to the budget of the Education Ministry, which he will head, but in the end his party will be allotted 630 million shekels to support its goals in the areas of education, welfare, settlement, culture, religion and agriculture. The money will come out of coalition funds that, prior to the 2013 election, Bennett referred to as “pocket change.”

    The coalition agreement also stipulates that the government is “to examine claims of a rise in illegal missionary activities in Israel and the steps to deal with them, as needed.” Likud and Habayit Hayehudi also agreed to establish a forum for communication among the parties in the coalition on the issue of religious services.

    The Gush Katif Heritage Center, meanwhile, will be allotted a three-year budget of 15 million shekels that will also cover the costs of commemorating the 10-year anniversary, later this year, of the disengagement from the Gaza Strip.

  • Anti-BDS academics urge ’personal’ sanctions against ’annexationist’ Zionist professors, including renowned political theorist Michael Walzer, say U.S. and EU should restrict visas and freeze assets of Bennett and three others who entrench the occupation.
    By Debra Nussbaum Cohen | Dec. 11, 2014 | Haaretz

    NEW YORK –A nascent group of well-known academics is calling on the U.S. government and European Union to impose personal sanctions on four prominent Israelis “who lead efforts to insure permanent Israeli occupation of the West Bank and to annex all or parts of it unilaterally in violation of international law.”

    Scholars for Israel and Palestine (SIP) a group that describes itself as “pro-Israel, pro-Palestine, pro-peace” is asking the U.S. and EU governments to impose visa restrictions and to freeze the foreign assets of Economy Minister and Habayit Hayehudi leader Naftali Bennett, Housing Minister Uri Ariel, Likud MK Moshe Feiglin and Ze’ev “Zambish” Hever, a former Jewish Underground member who heads the Amana organization, which oversees the settlement enterprise, including illegal outposts.

    “We chose four Israeli leaders and public figures to start with because they stand out by working to make the occupation permanent and irreversible,” said Gershon Shafir, a professor of sociology at University of California San Diego, who came up with the concept.

    These four “were particularly dismissive of Secretary of State Kerry’s peace-making efforts, and explicitly call for and work towards the formal annexation of the West Bank or part of it, and thereby push Israel in the direction of violating international law. They are the ones who cross particularly sharp red lines,” Shafir said in an interview initially conducted by email. The approach is being invoked for the first time in the context of the Israel-Palestine conflict, he said later by telephone.

    The call’s 20 signatories include several well-known academics from UCLA to Boston College and Columbia University, including renowned political theorist Michael Walzer, professor emeritus of social science at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, N.J. All the signatories to SIP’s call are Zionists, Walzer said in an interview, and are deeply opposed to academic boycotts.

    The signatories are all members of a group called The Third Narrative established in 2013 by the Labor Zionist group Ameinu as a Zionist-progressive response to far left attacks on Israel – including BDS. One who signed the new call for personal sanctions, Columbia University sociologist Todd Gitlin, published an article last month asserting that broad anti-Israel BDS is a “legal and moral disaster.”

    The new SIP call, which is titled “Israel: A Time for Personal Sanctions,” was also published on the Third Narrative website, though it was not endorsed by the group as a whole.

    Its backers say that it is completely distinct from the BDS resolutions being fought on campuses nationwide, which would effectively ostracize all Israeli academics. This, in contrast, targets some of the individuals most personally responsible for expanding the occupation. It is similar to the approach adopted by President Obama earlier this year when he signed an executive order freezing the assets of seven top Russian officials for their involvement in the annexation of Crimea, they claim.

    “All of us are very engaged in opposing the academic boycott and other boycotts,” said Walzer in an interview. He is author of numerous books, including “In God’s Shadow: Politics in the Hebrew Bible,” (Yale University Press) and last year retired as co-editor of Dissent magazine. “But at the same time we always insist we are against the occupation. This seemed to be a usefully dramatic way of focusing attention on where it should be focused and not where some of the BDS people are trying to put it,” Walzer said.

    In their petition, the academics detail their reasons for choosing the four targeted individuals. Bennett is cited for “leading the struggle” against the 2010 settlement freeze during his tenure as director of the Yesha settlements council, for advocating the annexation of Area C, which constitutes 62% of the West Bank, and for “pressing strongly for a policy of creeping annexation” as a cabinet minister. Ariel is blasted for issuing housing tenders across the Green Line and thus undermining Secretary of State John Kerry’s peace efforts and for calling for the establishment of a Third Temple on the Temple Mount. Feiglin is targeted for his “straightforward and undisguised extremism” and anti-Arab statements, while Hever “has been one of the most persistent and influential organizers of settlement construction.”

    Gitlin, a professor of journalism and sociology and longtime participant in protest movements, said that he signed on because “I felt it was time to move the conversation to a different plane.” He first supported a boycott of apartheid South Africa in 1965, he recalled in an interview with Haaretz.

    “The call to condemn right-wing governments is insufficient to get their attention,” he said. “We are holding Israeli figures whose declarations are inimical to a just and peaceful settlement to account,” Gitlin said. “They undermine American policy and security in the Middle East. We think it’s a matter of American policy to say we do not consider these people to be friends of America, but adversaries.”

    Eric Alterman, Distinguished Professor of English at Brooklyn College, is a Third Narrative member who elected not to sign onto the new call for personal sanctions. “I don’t believe in politics that are purely symbolic,” he told Haaretz. “Some people do, and that’s fine. But I only believe in politics when I can see how what I’m supporting might actually happen.”

    Indeed many of The Third Narrative’s Academic Advisory Council’s members did not sign on to the new personal sanctions effort, though Shafir, Gitlin and other signatories to the new call are members of that body as well.

    “This proposal would take us down a route of increasing hostility that can only further isolate Israel from the world community and undermine efforts to build the cooperation necessary to a negotiated settlement,” said Cary Nelson, Jubilee Professor of Liberal Arts and Sciences at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. “While I support condemning the views these politicians hold, I cannot support sanctioning them for exercising their free speech rights,” he wrote by email from Israel, which he is visiting.

    The SIP’s call for personal sanctions very specifically opposes wide boycott efforts and its backers are not worried about being lumped together with the BDS proponents who are widely regarded as working toward Israel’s destruction.

    It is “utterly different than anathematizing an entire category of persons like the academic boycott efforts,” Gitlin said. “In this case there is a proper target, people whose activity is toxic and we think they need to be named.”

    “This would provide a way of mobilizing votes against blanket boycotts but equally against the attempts to make the occupation irreversible,” Shafir said. “It would allow us to find a place in the middle and remain distinguished from but remain part of the ongoing dialogue in a productive way that is protective of Israel’s ties with the U.S., the world and liberal intellectuals.”

    “We really are fighting on two fronts,” said Shafir, who was born in Ramat Aviv and began his career at Tel Aviv University, before moving to California in 1987. “That is our identity.”

    Other signatories to the petition include Jeff Weintraub, a political theorist who has taught at the University of Pennsylvania and Israel’s Haifa University; Sam Fleischacker, a philosophy professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago; Alan Wolfe of Boston College; Alan Weisbard of the University of Wisconsin; Rebecca Lesses from Ithaca College; Joe Lockard from Arizona State University; Zachary Braiterman from Syracuse University; Irene Tucker from the University of California, Irvine; Michael Kazin, coeditor of Dissent and professor of history at Georgetown University; Steven Zipperstein from Stanford University; Jeffry Mallow of Loyola University; Rachel Brenner of the University of Wisconsin; Chaim Seidler-Feller of UCLA; Jonathan Malino of Guilford College; Miriam Kastner of UC at San Diego; Barbara Risman from the University of Illinois and Ernst Benjamin, an independent scholar.

  • #Israel to build 1,500 new illegal settler homes in #west_bank, #East_Jerusalem

    Palestinian demonstrators run for cover from tear gas fired by Israeli security forces during a demonstration in the West Bank city of Hebron against the Israeli occupation and in support of Palestinians being held in Israeli prisons on June 4, 2014. (Photo: AFP - Hazem Bader)

    Israeli Housing Minister Uri Ariel has invited bids for 1,500 new homes in illegal Zionist settlements in retaliation for a new unity Palestinian government, reports said on Thursday. Of the new homes, 400 will be in Israeli-annexed East Jerusalem with the rest elsewhere in the occupied West Bank, the online edition of Haaretz newspaper reported. “I congratulate the decision to give a proper Zionist response to the establishment of the Palestinian terror cabinet,” the paper quoted Ariel (...)

    #illegal_settlements #Palestine

  • Jewish #settlers to increase by 50% in five years: Israeli minister

    The number of Jewish settlers in the Israeli-occupied #west_bank could grow by as much as 50 percent by 2019, #Israel's ultra-nationalist construction minister said on Friday. Construction and Housing Minister Uri Ariel, a member of the hardline Jewish Home party in Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s conservative coalition government, said the negotiations on Palestinian statehood were in their “dying throes” and predicted the settler population would spiral. read more

    #occupation #Palestine #Top_News

  • ISRAEL. Sur les promesses vaines de Lapid-Bennett et leur alliance, qui repose sur des voeux pieux

    Enough with the Lapid-Bennett ’brotherhood’ - Opinion - Israel News | Haaretz Daily Newspaper

    The story of the “brothers” was bad news from the start. In the 2013 election, Yair Lapid (Yesh Atid) garnered the votes of Kadima. Naftali Bennett (Habayit Hayehudi) got those of the National Religious Party. Kadima’s constituents did not cast ballots for Lapid so their votes would transform Uri Ariel into the housing minister responsible for bringing hundreds of thousands of settlers to Judea and Samaria. The NRP electorate did not vote for Bennett so that former Shin Bet chief Jacob Perry (one of the “gatekeepers”) would become the science minister fighting tooth and nail against the occupation.

    The Lapid-Bennett alliance benefited from the support of the media that hates Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, but it was fundamentally a mistaken alliance. It couldn’t have come into the world and couldn’t have survived without betraying the trust that each of the “brothers” received from his electorate.

    To this day it’s not clear what motivated the prince of Israel’s Channel 2 and the prince of Judea and Samaria to fall into each other’s arms. But their strange alliance enabled them to sell three illusions: the illusion that the Palestinians are a thorn in the behind, the illusion that the new finance minister and the new economy minister could engender groundbreaking socioeconomic change, and the illusion that by working together the two Facebook stars could integrate the Haredim into 21st-century Israel. Yet three months after Yesh Atid and Habayit Hayehudi formed a government, these three illusions have been dispelled.

    As the head of the Israel Defense Forces’ Central Command has warned, the Palestinian problem, which has been suppressed, is about to blow up in our faces. As the state budget has demonstrated, the present economic policy – which does not fulfill the promise of the new politics – is clearly that of former Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz. And as the dynamics of the “universal service” debate have attested, Haredim are not about to become integrated into the Israeli army and Israeli society in the near future; instead they will be pushed into a ghetto of anger and extremism. The three layers of concrete that ostensibly formed the foundation of the Lapid-Bennett alliance have disintegrated in less than 100 days. All that’s left is plaster – plaster that is beginning to disintegrate as well.

    Lapid, behind closed doors, is promising that everything is about to change. After he passes the budget and a law that “more equally divides the burden,” he will be able to speak his truth on the Palestinian issue loud and clear. If Lapid is not being deceitful in these private conversations, the alliance with Bennett will soon be history or farce.

    At the same time, leading members of Habayit Hayehudi are wondering whether they were too hasty to betray the Haredim and whether they should renew the rapprochement between the knitted-skullcap guardians of the Torah and the black-clad ones. If intra-religious rapprochement does indeed happen, the religious Zionist alliance with Lapid will become either farce or history. The strangeness that has always been concealed in this alliance will be exposed. What looked exciting and promising around Purim could end up looking ridiculous just five months later, after Tisha B’Av.

    So the challenge now is Lapid’s. If he continues to walk hand-in-hand with his stepbrother, he will reach a dead end. It will be impossible to defend the fact that the residents of upscale Ramat Aviv Gimmel in Tel Aviv are building the right-wing settlement of Itamar Gimmel. It will be impossible to explain the situation in which the founders of the secular Alma College for Hebrew Culture are preventing the Women of the Wall from praying at the Western Wall. It will be impossible to understand why the secular Israeli center has become a servant of the religious right and the gravedigger of the Zionist dream.

    Therefore, if Lapid doesn’t want to become a passing phenomenon, he must recognize that the alliance with Bennett was what is known as a “mekah ta’ut,” or a misguided transaction. It created a distorted political situation in which a relatively moderate Knesset gave rise to an extremist nationalist government. It created an unprecedented situation, in which control over many of the country’s resources has been transferred to the settlers. It has created a dangerous diplomatic paralysis for the nation. Enough, brothers, enough. The time has come to arrange a fair and friendly divorce between you.

  • Un nouveau ministre du logement israélien qui roule pour les colons.
    Uri Ariel, whose minister of housing ? - Israel News | Haaretz Daily Newspaper

    Uri Ariel, the Habayit Hayehudi Knesset member slated to become the housing minister, is a personality well known among West Bank settlers. In the last Knesset he belonged to several lobbies promoting settlements in the West Bank and his party was strongly supported by settlers by way of thanks.

    People in the political establishment now worry that he will focus his attention on his natural constituency, and less on the housing crisis facing the rest of the country.

    “Ariel is a bulldozer in terms of action and building, but mainly for the national-religious population,” says a former associate of his in Habayit Hayehudi’s previous incarnation as the National Religious Party. “He understands how things work, he’s knows the right people and has the ability to get a lot done. But his most significant history is over the Green Line so the assumption is that’s where he will invest most of his energy.”

    • Israel going for one million Jews in the West Bank

      The election campaign season comes to its real conclusion this week with the formation of the government and an unadulterated victory for the right. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu recovered from the blow he took at the ballot box and managed to extract the maximum out of the coalition negotiations he conducted with Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid and Habayit Hayehudi head Naftali Bennett. The old fox schooled the political greenhorns.

      Netanyahu began the negotiations after a month of futile idling that was meant to weaken his partners’ negotiating positions: the highly publicized tiff with Bennett, the crocodile tears over separating from his Haredi former coalition partners, the offer of the Finance Ministry to Labor Party leader Shelly Yacimovich and the promise of renewed talks with the Palestinians to Hatnuah leader Tzipi Livni. When all the political spin had settled, the dice came out in Netanyahu’s favor: Foreign and defense policy will remain in the hands of Likud-Yisrael Beiteinu, Lapid has been kicked over to the Finance Ministry and Habayit Hayehudi will be a junior coalition partner.