person:yahya jammeh

  • What’s Driving the Conflict in Cameroon?
    Violence Is Escalating in Its Anglophone Regions.

    In recent months, political violence in the Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon has escalated dramatically. So far, at least 400 civilians and 160 state security officers have been killed in the conflict between the government and an armed separatist movement that, just two short years ago, started as a peaceful strike of lawyers and teachers. How did such upheaval come to a country that has prided itself for decades as a bulwark of stability in a region of violent conflict? And why has it escalated so quickly?


    The Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon have a special historical legacy that sets them apart from the country’s other eight regions: between 1922 and 1960, they were ruled as a British trust or protectorate while the rest of the territory was administered by France. This is why today, 3 million residents of the Northwest and Southwest regions—roughly 20 percent of the Cameroonian population—speak primarily English, not French. These two regions also use their own legal and educational systems, inherited from the British, and have a unique cultural identity.

    Many analysts argue that the current conflict stems from the intractable historical animosity between Cameroon’s Anglophones and Francophones. Yet if that is the case, it is strange that the violence is only occurring now. Why not in 1972, when Ahmadou Ahidjo, the first president of Cameroon, ended the federation between the Anglophone and Francophone regions, forcing the Anglophones to submit to a unitary state? Or in 1992, when current President Paul Biya held Cameroon’s first multi-party elections, and narrowly won a heavily rigged contest by four percentage points against Anglophone candidate John Fru Ndi? Furthermore, if differences in identity are the primary driver of the conflict, it is quite surprising that Cameroon—one of the most ethnically diverse countries in Africa—has largely avoided ethnic conflict.

    Most Anglophones themselves say that they would be happy to put their national identity above their linguistic one if they weren’t systematically neglected and repressed by Cameroon’s central government. According to a survey from the Afrobarometer, an independent polling and research network, when asked whether they identify more as Cameroonians or more with their ethnic group, the vast majority of respondents in the Northwest and Southwest regions said they identified with these categories equally. Less than five percent said they identified more with their ethnic group. Nonetheless, members of this population have long felt themselves to be treated as second-class citizens in their own country. Anglophones who go to the capital city of Yaoundé to collect government documents, for example, often report being ridiculed or turned away by public officials because they cannot speak French. Separatists argue that this mistreatment and discrimination by Yaoundé, and Francophone Cameroonians more broadly, is grounds for secession.

    Yet regional neglect and mistreatment are not enough to explain the current wave of violence. If they were the root cause, then we should also be seeing separatist movements in Cameroon’s North and Far North regions, where state violence has become endemic in the fight against Boko Haram over the past four years. Moreover, in the North and Far North regions, the poverty rate is higher (more than 50 percent in each, compared to 15 percent in the Southwest and 25 percent in the Northwest) and state investment in public goods such schools, health clinics, and roads is lower than anywhere else in the country.

    To be sure, the Anglophones’ unique linguistic and cultural identity has played a role in the rebellion. But in order to understand why the escalating violence is taking place where and when it is, we must consider not only the Anglophone regions’ exceptional political isolation and relative economic autonomy from the rest of Cameroon, but also the increasing impatience of Africans living under non-democratic regimes.

    Biya, who last month won his seventh term in office, has been in power since 1982, making him one of the longest ruling leaders in the world. In fact, Cameroon has only had two presidents since gaining independence in 1960. Because the country’s median age is 18, this means that the majority of Cameroonians have only ever known one president. Yet the decline of Africa’s strongmen over the past two decades—most recently Blaise Compaoré in Burkina Faso, Yahya Jammeh in the Gambia, Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe, José Eduardo dos Santos in Angola, and even Jacob Zuma in South Africa—has made Biya’s continued rule increasingly untenable. Democracy may have begun to lose its appeal in many parts of the world, but it remains important to most sub-Saharan Africans. Many Cameroonians with an education and a smart phone consider their president’s extended rule increasingly illegitimate. The political tide currently washing away the strongmen of Africa has made this moment an exceptional one for mobilizing people against the regime.

    In spite of these democratic headwinds, Biya has managed to maintain his legitimacy in some quarters through his cooptation of Francophone elites and control of information by means of the (largely Francophone) state-owned media. He has masterfully brought Francophone leaders into government, offering them lucrative ministerial posts and control over various government revenue streams. Importantly, he has not been excessively repressive—at least not before the current outbreak of violence—and has gone out of his way to uphold the façade of democratic legitimacy through holding regular elections, allowing a relatively unfettered (although weak) independent media, and having a general laissez-faire attitude toward governing.

    The state media and elites within the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement are stalwart defenders of the president, operating whole-heartedly on the fictitious assumption that the regime is democratic. Many Cameroonians, especially those isolated from independent media, opposition parties, or information from outside of the country, earnestly believe this narrative. Another survey by the Afrobarometer conducted in 2015 before the outbreak of violence, showed that the presidency is the second most trusted institution of the state, after the army. It also showed that only ten percent of Cameroonian respondents believe that their country is not a democracy.

    In contrast, the Anglophone regions’ relative distance from both Biya’s networks of patronage and influence and the Francophone state media puts them in a unique position to see the autocratic nature of the regime and rebel against it. Although 75.4 percent of Francophone Cameroonian respondents said they trust Biya “somewhat” or “a lot,” in the Afrobarometer poll, only 45.5 percent of Anglophones felt the same way. Part of the reason for this is easier access to criticism of the Biya government. In electoral autocracies, opposition parties are often the only institutions that consistently voice the view that the regime is not truly democratic. The strongest opposition party in Cameroon—the Social Democratic Front (SDF)—is headquartered in the Northwest region, thus further exposing Anglophones to narratives of state repression. Other parts of Cameroon do not have occasion to become as familiar with opposition party politics. In the most recent 2013 elections for the National Assembly, for example, the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement ran completely unopposed in 13 of the country’s 83 electoral districts.

    In comparison to other parts of the country, such as the north, Cameroon’s Anglophone regions are also more economically autonomous from Yaoundé. They have a robust cross-border trade with Nigeria, successful plantations in the Southwest, and fertile farming land. They are not overly-reliant on the export of primary resources, such as oil or timber, which funnels through state-owned corporations. And they are not as poor as, for example, the northern regions, which face chronic food insecurity. The Anglophones thus have not only the will, but also the resources to rebel.


    Unfortunately, an end to the crisis is nowhere in sight. Last month, Biya won his seventh term as president with 71.3 percent of the vote. The already unfair election was marked by exceedingly low participation in the Anglophone regions—just five percent in the Northwest—due to security fears. Meanwhile, Biya has responded to the separatists with an iron fist. He refuses to negotiate with them, instead sending in his elite Rapid Intervention Battalion (trained by the United States and led by a retired Israeli officer), which has now been accused of burning villages and attacking civilians in the Northwest and Southwest. But as long as the violence does not spill over into the Francophone regions, the crisis will likely not affect the president’s legitimacy in the rest of the country. Moreover, Biya remains staunchly supported by the West—especially France, but also the United States, which relies strongly on Cameroon in the fight against Boko Haram. The separatists, meanwhile, remain fractured, weak, and guilty of their own atrocities against civilians. Apart from attacking security forces, they have been kidnapping and torturing teachers and students who refuse to participate in a school strike.

    It is extremely unlikely that Biya will make the concessions necessary for attacks from separatists to stop, and the fluid nature of the insurgency will make it difficult for state security forces to end the violence. The scorched earth tactics on both sides only work to further alienate the population, many of whom have fled to Nigeria. It seems likely that a resolution to the crisis can only happen once the questions of when Biya will step down and who will replace him are fully answered. Right now, there is only unsubstantiated speculation. Many assume he will appoint a successor before the next presidential elections, scheduled for 2025. But if there are any surprises in the meantime similar to the military move against Mugabe in Zimbabwe or the popular uprising against Compaoré in Burkina Faso, a transition may come sooner than expected. A post-Biya political opening might provide a way for Cameroon’ s Anglophones to claim their long-awaited autonomy.
    #Cameroun #conflit #Cameroun_anglophone #violence #différent_territorial #autonomie

  • Gambian migrants’ choice: bury the straggler alive or be killed

    Water was running low as the convoy drove through the desert into Libya, so Khadim was given a terrible choice: bury a sickly fellow migrant alive, or be killed by their smugglers.

    “They told us to bury him in the sand,” said Khadim, 29. “They started waving their guns. ‘If you refuse, you’re dead.’ We started digging and digging. As we buried him he said, ‘I’m not dead yet, why are you doing this to me?’ ”

    Khadim is one of about 2,600 migrants repatriated to the Gambia from Libya on flights paid for by European countries trying to stem crossings of the Mediterranean. The vast majority of those coming home are young men, who arrive at Banjul airport with at most a few belongings in a plastic bag, sometimes after spending years in Libyan detention centres.

    They are the among the first to be sent back since footage emerged in November of migrants being sold at slave markets in Libya. African and EU leaders agreed an emergency plan shortly afterwards to repatriate thousands.

    Many tell stories of frequent beatings, or of fellow migrants dying from hunger or violence. Others described watching companions drown on sinking boats in the Mediterranean.

    Like many others, Khadim was betrayed by smugglers and drivers before he saw the sea. He was kidnapped for ransom, arrested and put in a detention centre before he could reach Tripoli.

    He is relieved to have landed back in Banjul, the Gambian capital. Not only is he alive but there are promises of money to help him make a fresh start.

    The UN’s migration agency, as part of an EU-funded plan, can support people to go to college, start a business or buy livestock. Other EU help offers grants to those aged 15 to 35, returning or potential migrants, to start businesses.

    It likely to be just the beginning. The International Organisation for Migration estimates that up to a million migrants remain in Libya. Since late 2015, the EU has spent more than €2 billion in African countries trying to create jobs in the hope that people will stay.

    Those returning to the Gambia, where almost half of the two million population live below the poverty line, are provided with just enough cash to go home and live for a few weeks, after which they can apply for more help.

    Last week, a group of former Gambian migrants, with some funding from the German government, began touring the country to warn young people of the dangers of taking the “back way”, as the journey through the desert and across the Mediterranean is called.

    “Before we go we knew the risks involved, but we didn’t believe,” said Mustapha Sallah. “Most of the people that talked to us were government officials, activists who are living good. I was thinking they were just trying to discourage us.”

    With fellow Gambians who were incarcerated in Libyan detention centres, he has now started Youths Against Irregular Migration. As well as sharing their harrowing experiences, they try to persuade people to stop dreaming of Europe and make a living at home, through education, setting up in business, or agriculture.

    The Gambia’s nascent democracy, restored after the former dictator Yahya Jammeh was deposed last year, has prompted many to return from exile, as the fear of arbitrary arrest, detention and torture dissolved.

    The economy is growing at about 5 per cent but youth unemployment is about 44 per cent. Rising food prices mean many struggle. “The opportunities are not many and they’re not easy to get right now,” said Mr Sallah.

    Paul Jatta, 23, came home on a repatriation flight a few months ago and is trying to put the trauma behind him. Three times he tried and failed to cross to Italy in flimsy boats. On the last attempt he watched five people die as the vessel started to sink. “I seriously cried that day. Because I saw them drown but I couldn’t do anything to help,” he said.

    He said he had not received any support and was back doing what he used to, working in a computer repair shop and cleaning swimming pools in his spare time. He works up to 12 hours a day most days but earns less than £100 a month, and most of that goes to support his extended family.

    After spending his savings of more than £1,000 trying to reach Europe, he is now in a worse financial situation than he was two years ago, and has even less to lose. “I still want to go to Europe. I’m waiting for a miracle,” he said. “There are no opportunities here.”
    #retour_volontaire #Libye #asile #migrations #réfugiés #retour_au_pays #renvois #Gambie

    Possible/probable future #migrerrance:

    After spending his savings of more than £1,000 trying to reach Europe, he is now in a worse financial situation than he was two years ago, and has even less to lose. “I still want to go to Europe. I’m waiting for a miracle,” he said. “There are no opportunities here.”

  • China, France eye Gambian port upgrade to rival Dakar | Reuters

    Chinese and French companies are bidding to help Gambia build up its Atlantic port Banjul to be what industry sources say could be a rival to neighbouring Senegal’s Dakar.

    It would be one of the first major structural changes in Gambia following the end of President Yahya Jammeh’s more than 20-year rule in January.

    State-owned China Communications Construction Company (CCCC) says one of its subsidiaries has made a bid for a 140 million euro ($159.91 million) contract Gambia has launched to redevelop the port.

    France’s Bollore Group has also submitted an offer to develop the port for hundreds of millions of dollars, sources told Reuters, and was part of a recent delegation of French investors to the country.

    The port was run by a state agency during Jammeh’s rule. It is considered to have strategic potential thanks to its easy access to Atlantic shipping lanes.

    Deuxième chance pour Bolloré qui avait perdu il y a quelque temps la gestion du port de Dakar tout proche au bénéfice de Dubaï Port World ?…

  • Torture of Journalists: The Painful Story of Gambia’s #Musa_Saidykhan

    The absolute and non-derogable prohibition against torture is routinely disregarded by Gambian President Yahya Jammeh’s regime, which has subjected countless Gambians to torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment and treatment for over twenty years.
    #Gambie #journalisme #presse #médias #persécution #torture

  • From Gambia to Italy: a refugee’s perilous journey

    When Malick Jeng, 19, left Banjul, his hometown and capital of Gambia, on March 14, 2016, he never imagined the risks he would face on his way to Europe.

    Malick crossed the desert in Mali inside an oil tank where he almost suffocated. He was later held in a Libyan prison, where he witnessed the murder of some of his fellow travellers and only gained his freedom thanks to a payment sent by his family.

    On the night of August 1, after a month in Libya, he was transferred by smugglers to a beach near Tripoli, where he clambered into a rubber boat with 120 people on board to cross the Mediterranean. Hours later, the rescue vessel Iuventa, from the NGO Jugend Rettet, rescued them 20 nautical miles off the Libyan coast.

    Malick was first transferred to Catania, Sicily, and later to Biella, a city in the north of Italy, where he has lived ever since, in a temporary reception centre called Hotel Colibri - an old hotel that had been closed for 10 years. The hotel was turned into a reception centre for migrants in August 2016. The cooperative that manages it, which has other centres in the area, receives 35 euros ($37.7) per migrant per day from the Italian state. Malick and other migrants receive their basic necessities, including three meals per day and a bed, as well as monthly pocket money of 75 euros ($80.8).

    Malick is awaiting a response to his asylum application to find out if he can begin a life in Europe legally, as a refugee, or whether he will be forced to keep fighting for his future.
    #Gambie #parcours_migratoire #itinéraire_migratoire #Italie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #photographie
    cc @albertocampiphoto

  • Les prémices d’une #Gambie nouvelle

    Le jour du retour d’Adama Barrow en Gambie. © Reuters Sous l’aile protectrice et intéressée du Sénégal, qui l’enserre de tous côtés, la Gambie entre avec son nouveau président, #Adama_Barrow, dans une autre époque. Mais les premiers pas de l’administration qui s’installe en Gambie, après 22 ans sous la férule de Yahya Jammeh, ne vont pas sans quelques couacs. Les compétences de la nouvelle équipe restent à prouver.

    #International #Afrique #Cédéao #Sénagal

  • Gambians Return to Their Homeland With Hopes of Reform

    Thousands of Gambian refugees are returning from Senegal as the country’s new president pledges stability and reform. Exiled Gambian journalist Sanna Camara reports from the border region on the hopes of returning refugees.

    #retour_au_pays #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_gambiens #Gambie #Sénégal

  • La #Gambie échappe à son dictateur

    Battu par Adama Barrow lors de l’élection présidentielle du 1er décembre 2016, Yahya Jammeh a fini par quitter le pouvoir, et le pays, samedi 21 janvier. Le pays attend désormais l’arrivée de son nouveau président. Reportage à Farafenni, à la frontière entre la Gambie et le Sénégal.

    #International #Afrique

  • #Yahya_Jammeh’s #tribalism

    The #Gambia’s outgoing President, Yahya Jammeh, appears to be going nowhere slowly. After conceding defeat in the December 1 presidential election, Jammeh – who has held #Power for the past 22 years – made a U-turn. In spite of the country’s electoral commission confirming opposition candidate Adama Barrow’s victory, Jammeh filed a petition with the […]

    #POLITICS #Autocracy #democracy #elections #ethnicity

  • Gambie : Adama Barrow appelle Yahya Jammeh à respecter la volonté du peuple - RFI

    La situation s’est tendue hier en Gambie lorsque, une semaine après avoir reconnu contre toute attente sa défaite électorale, le président gambien Yahya Jammeh a de nouveau créé la surprise en rejetant les résultats du scrutin. Cette annonce a bouleversé la situation en Gambie, où la population profitait d’une liberté inédite, avec la perspective d’une alternance démocratique, après 22 ans de pouvoir sans partage de Yahya Jammeh.

  • L’hémorragie de la CPI continue… La Gambie tire sa révérence. - RipouxBlique des CumulardsVentrusGrosQ

    L’hémorragie de la CPI continue… La Gambie tire sa révérence.
    27 Octobre 2016, 10:02am | Publié par S. Sellami
    De tous les pays africains, celui qui était le plus susceptible de quitter la CPI après le Burundi et l’Afrique du Sud ne pouvait être que la Gambie. On connait la forte personnalité de son président qui n’a pas sa langue dans la poche et qui ne se laisse pas intimider par les soi-disant maîtres du monde dans sa manière de gouverner son pays. RI 
    La Gambie va se retirer de la Cour pénale internationale (CPI), a annoncé son ministre de l’Information Sheriff Bojang, après des décisions similaires de deux autres pays africains, le Burundi et l’Afrique du Sud.

    « A partir de ce jour, mardi 24 octobre, nous ne sommes plus membres de la CPI et avons entamé le processus prescrit par le statut fondateur pour nous en retirer », a annoncé Sheriff Bojang dans une déclaration à la télévision nationale reprise sur les réseaux sociaux et diffusée sur YouTube.
    Le ministre a accusé la CPI de « persécution envers les Africains, en particulier leurs dirigeants », alors que selon lui « au moins 30 pays occidentaux ont commis des crimes de guerre » depuis la création de cette juridiction sans être inquiétés.

    Cette décision constitue un revers personnel pour le procureur de la CPI, Fatou Bensouda, de nationalité gambienne, qui a été ministre de la Justice du président Yahya Jammeh.

    La Gambie a tenté en vain de convaincre la CPI de poursuivre les pays de l’Union Européenne pour la mort de nombreux migrants africains en Méditerranée, a noté Sheriff Bojang, précisant que son pays avait menacé de prendre des mesures s’il n’était pas entendu.

    Le secrétaire général de l’ONU Ban Ki-moon et le président de l’Assemblée des Etats parties au traité fondateur de la CPI, le ministre sénégalais de la Justice Sidiki Kaba, ont appelé les pays qui critiquent le fonctionnement de cette juridiction à ne pas s’en retirer, mais à résoudre leurs différends par le dialogue avec les autres membres.

    La Gambie, petit Etat anglophone d’Afrique de l’Ouest de quelque deux millions d’habitants, enclavé dans le territoire du Sénégal hormis sa façade atlantique, est dirigée depuis 1994 par Yahya Jammeh.

    Parvenu au pouvoir par un coup d’Etat sans effusion de sang, il a été élu en 1996, puis constamment réélu depuis. Il briguera un cinquième mandat en décembre.

    Son régime est accusé par des ONG et par le département d’Etat américain d’enlèvements, ainsi que de harcèlement de la presse et des défenseurs des droits humains. Des critiques que Yahya Jammeh rejette systématiquement.

    source :

  • The Gambia fashions itself as a kind of Islamic state

    The president of the tiny west African nation, Yahya Jammeh, issued the proclamation, which came with no forewarning and seemingly on a whim, on December 11th, 2015. Mr Jammeh cited the wishes of the people (90% of Gambians are Muslim), and the need to distance the country from its “colonial legacy”. The Gambia now follows Mauritania as Africa’s second “Islamic Republic”, although the country’s secular constitution, ratified in 1996, remains unaltered. 

    On January 4th an executive order, leaked to the press, banned all female civil servants from leaving their hair uncovered during working hours. The national broadcaster has taken to referring to the Gambia as an “Islamic Republic” and the Supreme Islamic Council, a group of scholars, is to go around the country stirring up popular support for the decision. Legislation to enforce it will soon be introduced into parliament and the national flag will be changed to reflect the country’s new status, says the president.

    But key details are still lacking. It is not clear, for instance, whether Mr Jammeh intends to implement fully-fledged sharia (Islamic law), as he was rumoured to be planning in the early 2000s, or whether he plans to put the issue to a referendum. In his original declaration in December he assured non-Muslims that their rights would be protected, and that there would be no mandatory dress codes. Such promises already look thin in light of the January 4th order. 

    Mr Jammeh’s government already has one of the worst human-rights records on the continent. Gay people are persecuted: Mr Jammeh has publicly vowed to slit their throats. Dissidents are brutalised in inventive ways in torture chambers not far from The Gambia’s tourist beaches. On one occasion the security forces rounded up hundreds of villagers suspected of witchcraft after the president’s aunt grew sick. During interrogations, many of the female “witches” were raped, according to Human Rights Watch.

    (Détail pénible : la comparaison entre la Gambie et l’État islamique, dès le premier paragraphe, est lourdingue…)

  • Le président gambien décrète l’#interdiction immédiate de l’#excision

    Et hop, on saute sur la bonne nouvelle !

    Le président gambien Yahya Jammeh a décrété l’interdiction de l’excision, avec effet immédiat, soulignant que cette pratique très répandue dans le pays n’était pas dictée par l’islam et devait par conséquent être abolie, a annoncé mardi le ministre de l’Information.

    • Oui bonne nouvelle !
      Je ne connais pas la Gambie et c’est déjà un grand pas.
      Cependant c’est une sensibilisation, un travail de fond, plus qu’une interdiction venue d’en haut, qui a des chances de faire évoluer vraiment les mentalités et donc les pratiques.

  • Tiens, une bonne nouvelle : The Gambia bans female genital mutilation | Society | The Guardian

    The Gambia has announced it will ban female genital mutilation (FGM) after the Guardian launched a global campaign to end the practice.

    The president, Yahya Jammeh, said last night that the controversial surgical intervention would be outlawed. He said the ban would come into effect immediately, though it was not clear when the government would draft legislation to enforce it.

    #femmes #Gambie #mutilations_génitales

  • #gambie : tentative manquée de coup d’État en l’absence du président Yahya Jammeh

    Une tentative de coup d’État s’est soldée par un échec mardi en Gambie. Alors que le président Yahya Jammeh est absent du pays, des hommes armés auraient attaqué le palais présidentiel avant d’être maitrisés par des militaires fidèles au pouvoir, selon l’AFP.See it on, via Actualités Afrique

  • Le président Yahya Jammeh de la #gambie en visite en France…

    "Banjul, Gambie - Le président gambien Yahya Jammeh, accompagné d’une importante délégation, effectue depuis samedi une visite en France.See it on, via Actualités Afrique

  • La Gambie a validé un projet de loi condamnant à perpétuité l’« homosexualité aggravée » |

    L’Assemblée nationale de Gambie a validé le mois dernier un projet de loi condamnant les « actes homosexuels » à des peines de prison à perpétuité, a rapporté l’Associated Press lundi. Le leader du parti minoritaire, Samba Jallow, a expliqué à AP que les peines de prison à vie sanctionnaient « l’homosexualité aggravée », qui, en Afrique de l’Ouest, vise « les récidivistes et les personnes séropositives ou atteintes du sida. » L’homosexualité était déjà un crime en Gambie, puni de 14 ans d’emprisonnement.


    Le projet de loi —en faveur duquel tout le monde, hormis deux législateurs de l’Assemblée, a voté— doit passer devant le président du pays, Yahya Jammeh, pour être signé et ainsi entériné comme loi.

    Voici ce que Yahya Jammeh —arrivé au pouvoir en 1994 par un coup d’Etat— a déclaré en février au sujet des homosexuels en Gambie :

    « L’homosexualité ne sera jamais tolérée, et déclenchera même la peine ultime, puisqu’elle a pour but de mener à la déshonorante extinction de l’humanité. Nous combattrons cette vermine faite de ce qu’on appelle les homosexuels ou les gays, de la même manière que nous combattons les moustiques porteurs de malaria ; si ce n’est même avec plus d’agressivité. Nous n’accepterons donc aucune amitié, ni aide, ni autre geste qui impliquerait l’aide d’homosexuels ou de LGBT (...). En ce qui me concerne, LGBT ne peuvent être que les initiales de Lèpre, Gonorrhée, Bactérie et Tuberculose ; lesquelles sont toutes nuisibles à l’existence humaine. »

    #homophobie #Gambie

  • #Gambie : Yahya Jammeh choisit l’arabe comme langue officielle
    La décision du président Jammeh de ne plus faire de l’anglais la langue officielle officielle intervient alors que la Gambie s’est retirée en octobre 2013 du Commonwealth, une organisation de 54 Etats, regroupant des ex-colonies britanniques pour la plupart.