position:driver

  • Where does a tip to an #Amazon driver go? In some cases, toward the driver’s base pay - Los Angeles Times
    https://www.latimes.com/business/technology/la-fi-tn-amazon-drivers-tips-20190207-story.html

    Amazon at times dips into the tips earned by contracted delivery drivers to cover their promised pay, a Times review of emails and receipts reveals.
    Amazon guarantees third-party drivers for its Flex program a minimum of $18 to $25 per hour, but the entirety of that payment doesn’t always come from the company. If Amazon’s contribution doesn’t reach the guaranteed wage, the e-commerce giant makes up the difference with tips from customers, according to documentation shared by five drivers.

    In emails to drivers, Amazon acknowledges it can use “any supplemental earnings” to meet the promised minimum should the company’s own contribution fall short.

    “We add any supplemental earnings required to meet our commitment that delivery partners earn $18-$25 per hour,” the company wrote in multiple emails reviewed by The Times.

    #sans_vergogne #cupidité


  • Exchanges and ICOs can do a lot more to secure users’ #data
    https://hackernoon.com/exchanges-and-icos-can-do-a-lot-more-to-secure-users-data-a922733409d1?s

    By Bruce Silcoff, CEO, Shyft Network InternationalMajor data breaches at crypto exchanges have become far too common. Reportedly, personally identifying data from thousands of users from multiple major crypto exchanges has been available for sale since at least July of last year. This isn’t an abstract dataset we’re talking about. This includes photos of users holding sensitive documents like passports and driver’s licenses. Should exchanges and ICOs do more to keep users’ sensitive data safe? This issue is a systemic one, and it goes well beyond the crypto world.Data breaches are predictableWe hear about major data breaches almost every day now; literally, as I sat down to write this article, I spotted a new report in Bloomberg about how the investment firm BlackRock had been successfully (...)

    #crypto-exchange-data #cybersecurity #blockchain-technology #crypto-exchange


  • Eradicating #friction
    https://hackernoon.com/eradicating-friction-2d4ddc4c3596?source=rss----3a8144eabfe3---4

    One rule of thumb in web development is that every page on a website should be within three clicks of the landing page. While this rule, like all arbitrary rules with arbitrary numbers, is arbitrary, it reaffirms that users are lost to friction.As I’m sure many of you are aware, two months ago, Carbon launched the first and only EOS stablecoin. Alongside this, we quietly added a fiat off ramp directly into EOS Lynx, the most frictionless wallet on EOS as a way to test our new product, Carbon Fiber.Pre FiberBefore Fiber was integrated into Lynx, users would have go through Coinbase in order to initiate the process of purchasing EOS. Only once the user’s identity was verified by Coinbase upon registration, were they able purchase ETH. Then, after they uploaded their driver’s license to (...)

    #bitcoin #eradicating-friction #stable-coin


  • Israel/OPT : Tourism companies driving settlement expansion, profiting from war crimes

    Online booking giants #Airbnb, #Booking.com, #Expedia and #TripAdvisor are fuelling human rights violations against Palestinians by listing hundreds of rooms and activities in Israeli settlements on occupied Palestinian land, including East Jerusalem, Amnesty International said today. In a new report, ‘Destination: Occupation’, the organization documents how online booking companies are driving tourism to illegal Israeli settlements and contributing to their existence and expansion.

    Israel’s settling of Israeli civilians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) violates international humanitarian law and is a war crime. Despite this, the four companies continue to operate in the settlements, and profit from this illegal situation.

    One of the settlements included in Amnesty International’s report is #Kfar_Adumim, a growing tourism hub located less than two kilometres from the Bedouin village of #Khan_al-Ahmar, whose imminent and complete demolition by Israeli forces has been given a green light by Israel’s Supreme Court. The expansion of Kfar Adumim and other surrounding settlements is a key driver of human rights violations against the local Bedouin community.

    “Israel’s unlawful seizure of Palestinian land and expansion of settlements perpetuates immense suffering, pushing Palestinians out of their homes, destroying their livelihoods and depriving them of basics like drinking water. Airbnb, Booking.com, Expedia and TripAdvisor model themselves on the idea of sharing and mutual trust, yet they are contributing to these human rights violations by doing business in the settlements,” said Seema Joshi, Amnesty International’s Director of Global Thematic Issues.

    “The Israeli government uses the growing tourism industry in the settlements as a way of legitimizing their existence and expansion, and online booking companies are playing along with this agenda. It’s time for these companies to stand up for human rights by withdrawing all of their listings in illegal settlements on occupied land. War crimes are not a tourist attraction.”

    https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/01/israel-opt-tourism-companies-driving-settlement-expansion-profiting-from-wa
    #Israël #territoires_occupés #tourisme #Palestine #droits_humains #démolition #destruction #industrie_touristique
    ping @reka


  • Jagal - The Act of Killing
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3tILiqotj7Y


    v.o. sans sous-titres

    avec sous-titres
    https://amara.org/en/videos/lCHCQE8uqUJb/en/749348
    à 00:16:00 un gangster parle de sa passion pour le cinémà et comment c’était pratique d’avoir les locaux pour tuer et torturer en face de la salle de projection.

    C’est le film le moins apprécié par l’office de tourisme indonésien car il montre que le pays est gouverné aujourd’hui par les assassins de 1965/66 qui se font un plaisir de se vanter de leurs crimes devant la caméra.

    BACKGROUND | The Act of Killing
    http://theactofkilling.com/background

    CONTEXT, BACKGROUND AND METHOD
    First Encounter with the 1965-66 Massacres – The Globalization Tapes
    In 2001-2002, Christine Cynn and I went to Indonesia for the first time to produce The Globalization Tapes (2003), a participatory documentary project made in collaboration with the Independent Plantation Workers Union of Sumatra. Using their own forbidden history as a case study, these Indonesian filmmakers worked with us to trace the development of contemporary globalization from its roots in colonialism to the present.

    The Globalization Tapes exposes the devastating role of militarism and repression in building the global economy, and explores the relationships between trade, third-world debt, and international institutions like the IMF and the World Trade Organization. Made by some of the poorest workers in the world, the film is a lyrical and incisive account of how our global financial institutions shape and enforce the corporate world order. The film uses chilling first-hand accounts, hilarious improvised interventions, collective debate and archival collage.

    Several scenes in The Globalization Tapes reveal the earliest traces of the methods we refined in the shooting of The Act of Killing: plantation workers stage a satirical commercial for the pesticide that poisons them; worker-filmmakers pose as World Bank agents who offer microfinance to ‘develop’ local businesses – offers that are both brutal and absurd, yet tempting nonetheless.

    While shooting and editing The Globalization Tapes, we discovered that the 1965-66 Indonesian massacres were the dark secret haunting Indonesia’s much-celebrated entrance into the global economy. One of the military’s main objectives in the killings was to destroy the anti-colonial labour movement that had existed until 1965, and to lure foreign investors with the promise of cheap, docile workers and abundant natural resources. The military succeeded (The Globalization Tapes is a testament to the extraordinary courage of the plantation worker-filmmakers as they challenge this decades-long legacy of terror and try to build a new union).

    The killings would come up in discussions, planning sessions, and film shoots nearly every day, but always in whispers. Indeed, many of the plantation workers were themselves survivors of the killings. They would discretely point out the houses of neighbors who had killed their parents, grandparents, aunts, or uncles. The perpetrators were still living in the same village and made up, along with their children and protégés, the local power structure. As outsiders, we could interview these perpetrators – something the plantation workers could not do without fear of violence.

    In conducting these first interviews, we encountered the pride with which perpetrators would boast about the most grisly details of the killings. The Act of Killing was born out of our curiosity about the nature of this pride – its clichéd grammar, its threatening performativity, its frightening banality.

    The Globalization Tapes was a film made collectively by the plantation workers themselves, with us as facilitators and collaborating directors. The Act of Killing was also made by working very closely with its subjects, while in solidarity and collaboration with the survivors’ families. However, unlike The Globalization Tapes, The Act of Killing is an authored work, an expression of my own vision and concerns regarding these issues.

    THE BEGINNING OF THE ACT OF KILLING

    By the time I first met the characters in The Act of Killing (in 2005), I had been making films in Indonesia for three years, and I spoke Indonesian with some degree of fluency. Since making The Globalization Tapes (2003), Christine Cynn, fellow film-maker and longtime collaborator Andrea Zimmerman and I had continued filming with perpetrators and survivors of the massacres in the plantation areas around the city of Medan. In 2003 and 2004, we filmed more interviews and simple re-enactments with Sharman Sinaga, the death squad leader who had appeared in The Globalization Tapes. We also filmed as he introduced us to other killers in the area. And we secretly interviewed survivors of the massacres they committed.

    Moving from perpetrator to perpetrator, and, unbeknownst to them, from one community of survivors to another, we began to map the relationships between different death squads throughout the region, and began to understand the process by which the massacres were perpetrated. In 2004, we began filming Amir Hasan, the death squad leader who had commanded the massacres at the plantation where we made The Globalization Tapes.

    In late 2004, Amir Hasan began to introduce me to killers up the chain of command in Medan. Independently in 2004, we began contacting ‘veterans’ organizations of death squad members and anti-leftist activists in Medan. These two approaches allowed us to piece together a chain of command, and to locate the surviving commanders of the North Sumatran death squads. In early interviews with the veterans of the killings (2004), I learned that the most notorious death squad in North Sumatra was Anwar Congo and Adi Zulkadry’s Frog Squad (Pasukan Kodok).

    During these first meetings with Medan perpetrators (2004 and 2005), I encountered the same disturbing boastfulness about the killings that we had been documenting on the plantations. The difference was that these men were the celebrated and powerful leaders not of a small rural village, but of the third largest city in Indonesia (Greater Medan has a population of over four million people).

    Our starting point for The Act of Killing was thus the question: how had this society developed to the point that its leaders could – and would – speak of their own crimes against humanity with a cheer that was at once celebratory but also intended as a threat?

    OVERVIEW AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE METHODS USED IN THE ACT OF KILLING

    Building on The Globalization Tapes and our film work outside Indonesia, we had developed a method in which we open a space for people to play with their image of themselves, re-creating and re-imagining it on camera, while we document this transformation as it unfolds. In particular, we had refined this method to explore the intersection between imagination and extreme violence.

    In the early days of research (2005), I discovered that the army recruited its killers in Medan from the ranks of movie theatre gangsters (or preman bioskop) who already hated the leftists for their boycott of American movies – the most profitable in the cinema. I was intrigued by this relationship between cinema and killings, although I had no idea it would be so deep. Not only did Anwar and his friends know and love the cinema, but they dreamed of being on the screen themselves, and styled themselves after their favorite characters. They even borrowed their methods of murder from the screen.

    Of course, I began by trying to understand in as much detail as possible Anwar and his friends’ roles in the killings and, afterwards, in the regime they helped to build. Among the first things I did was to bring them to the former newspaper office directly across the road from Anwar’s old cinema, the place where Anwar and his friends killed most of their victims. There, they demonstrated in detail what they had done. Although they were filming documentary re-enactment and interviews, during breaks I noticed that they would muse about how they looked like various movie stars – for instance, Anwar compared his protégé and sidekick, Herman to Fernando Sancho.

    To understand how they felt about the killings, and their unrepentant way of representing them on film, I screened back the unedited footage of these early re-enactments, and filmed their responses. At first, I thought that they would feel the re-enactments made them look bad, and that they might possibly come to a more complex place morally and emotionally.

    I was startled by what actually happened. On the surface at least, Anwar was mostly anxious that he should look young and fashionable. Instead of any explicit moral reflection, the screening led him and Herman spontaneously to suggest a better, and more elaborate, dramatization.

    To explore their love of movies, I screened for them scenes from their favorite films at the time of the killings – Cecil B. DeMille’s Samson and Delilah and, ironically, The Ten Commandments topped the list – recording their commentary and the memories these films elicited. Through this process, I came to realize why Anwar was continually bringing up these old Hollywood films whenever I filmed re-enactments with them: he and his fellow movie theatre thugs were inspired by them at the time of the killings, and had even borrowed their methods of murder from the movies. This was such an outlandish and disturbing idea that I in fact had to hear it several times before I realized quite what Anwar and his friends were saying.

    He described how he got the idea of strangling people with wire from watching gangster movies. In a late-night interview in front of his former cinema, Anwar explained how different film genres would lead him to approach killing in different ways. The most disturbing example was how, after watching a “happy film like an Elvis Presley musical”, Anwar would “kill in a happy way”.

    In 2005, I also discovered that the other paramilitary leaders (not just the former movie theater gangsters) had other personal and deep-seated relationship to movies. Ibrahim Sinik, the newspaper boss who was secretary general of all the anti-communist organizations that participated in the killings, and who directly gave the orders to Anwar’s death squad, turned out to be a feature film producer, screenwriter, and former head of the Indonesian Film Festival.

    In addition to all this, Anwar and his friends’ impulse towards being in a film about the killings was essentially to act in dramatizations of their pasts – both as they remember them, and as they would like to be remembered (the most powerful insights in The Act of Killing probably come in those places where these two agendas radically diverge). As described, the idea of dramatizations came up quite spontaneously, in response to viewing the rushes from Anwar’s first re-enactments of the killings.

    But it would be disingenuous to claim that we facilitated the dramatizations only because that’s what Anwar and his friends wanted to do. Ever since we produced The Globalization Tapes, the thing that most fascinated us about the killings was the way the perpetrators we filmed would recount their stories of those atrocities. One had the feeling that we weren’t simply hearing memories, but something else besides – something intended for a spectator. More precisely, we felt we were receiving performances. And we instinctively understood, I think, that the purpose of these performances was somehow to assert a kind of impunity, to maintain a threatening image, to perpetuate the autocratic regime that had begun with the massacres themselves.

    We sensed that the methods we had developed for incorporating performance into documentary might, in this context, yield powerful insights into the mystery of the killers’ boastfulness, the nature of the regime of which they are a part, and, most importantly, the nature of human ‘evil’ itself.

    So, having learned that even their methods of murder were directly influenced by cinema, we challenged Anwar and his friends to make the sort of scenes they had in mind. We created a space in which they could devise and star in dramatisations based on the killings, using their favorite genres from the medium.

    We hoped to catalyze a process of collective remembrance and imagination. Fiction provided one or two degrees of separation from reality, a canvas on which they could paint their own portrait and stand back and look at it.

    We started to suspect that performance played a similar role during the killings themselves, making it possible for Anwar and his friends to absent themselves from the scene of their crimes, while they were committing them. Thus, performing dramatizations of the killings for our cameras was also a re-living of a mode of performance they had experienced in 1965, when they were killing. This obviously gave the experience of performing for our cameras a deeper resonance for Anwar and his friends than we had anticipated.

    And so, in The Act of Killing, we worked with Anwar and his friends to create such scenes for the insights they would offer, but also for the tensions and debates that arose during the process – including Anwar’s own devastating emotional unravelling.

    This created a safe space, in which all sorts of things could happen that would probably elude a more conventional documentary method. The protagonists could safely explore their deepest memories and feelings (as well as their blackest humor). I could safely challenge them about what they did, without fear of being arrested or beaten up. And they could challenge each other in ways that were otherwise unthinkable, given Sumatra’s political landscape.

    Anwar and his friends could direct their fellow gangsters to play victims, and even play the victims themselves, because the wounds are only make-up, the blood only red paint, applied only for a movie. Feelings far deeper than those that would come up in an interview would surface unexpectedly. One reason the emotional impact was so profound came from the fact that this production method required a lot of time – the filmmaking process came to define a significant period in the participants’ lives. This meant that they went on a deeper journey into their memories and feelings than they would in a film consisting largely of testimony and simple demonstration.

    Different scenes used different methods, but in all of them it was crucial that Anwar and his friends felt a sense of fundamental ownership over the fiction material. The crux of the method is to give performers the maximum amount of freedom to determine as many variables as possible in the production (storyline, casting, costumes, mise-en-scene, improvisation on set). Whenever possible, I let them direct each other, and used my cameras to document their process of creation. My role was primarily that of provocateur, challenging them to remember the events they were performing more deeply, encouraging them to intervene and direct each other when they felt a performance was superficial, and asking questions between takes – both about what actually happened, but also about how they felt at the time, and how they felt as they re-enacted it.

    We shot in long takes, so that situations could evolve organically, and with minimal intervention from ourselves. I felt the most significant event unfolding in front of the cameras was the act of transformation itself, particularly because this transformation was usually plagued by conflict, misgivings, and other imperfections that seemed to reveal more about the nature of power, violence, and fantasy than more conventional documentary or investigative methods. For this same reason, we also filmed the pre-production of fiction scenes, including castings, script meetings, and costume fittings. Make-up sessions too were important spaces of reflection and transformation, moments where the characters slip down the rabbit hole of self-invention.

    In addition, because we never knew when the characters would refuse to take the process further, or when we might get in trouble with the military, we filmed each scene as though it might be the last, and also everything leading up to them (not only for the reasons above), because often we didn’t know if the dramatization itself would actually happen. We also felt that the stories we were hearing – stories of crimes against humanity never before recorded – were of world historical importance. More than anything else, these are two reasons why this method generated so many hours of footage (indeed, we have created a vast audio-visual archive about the Indonesian massacres. This archive has been the basis of a four-year United Kingdom Arts and Humanities Research Council project called Genocide and Genre).

    After almost every dramatization, we would screen the rushes back to them, and record their responses. We wanted to make sure they knew how they appeared on film, and to use the screening to trigger further reflection. Sometimes, screenings provoked feelings of remorse (as when Anwar watches himself play the victim during a film noir scene) but, at other times, as when we screened the re-enactment of the Kampung Kolam massacre to the entire cast, the images were met with terrifying peals of laughter.

    Most interestingly, Anwar and his friends discussed, often insightfully, how other people will view the film, both in Indonesia and internationally. For example, Anwar sometimes commented on how survivors might curse him, but that “luckily” the victims haven’t the power to do anything in today’s Indonesia.

    The gangster scenes were wholly improvised. The scenarios came from the stories Anwar and his friends had told each other during earlier interviews, and during visits to the office where they killed people. The set was modeled on this interior. For maximum flexibility, our cinematographer lit the space so that Anwar and his friends could move about freely, and we filmed them with two cameras so that they could fluidly move from directing each other to improvised re-enactments to quiet, often riveting reflection after the improvisation was finished.

    For instance, Anwar re-enacted how he killed people by placing them on a table and then pulling tight a wire, from underneath the table, to garrote them. The scene exhausted him, physically and emotionally, leaving him full of doubt about the morality of what he did. Immediately after this re-enactment, he launched into a cynical and resigned rant against the growing consensus around human rights violations. Here, reality and its refraction through fiction, Anwar’s memories and his anticipation of their impact internationally, are all overlaid.

    The noir scenes were shot over a week, and culminated in an extraordinary improvisation where Anwar played the victim. Anwar’s performance was effective and, transported by the performance, the viewer empathizes with the victim, only to do a double take as they remember that Anwar is not a victim, but the killer.

    The large-scale re-enactment of the Kampung Kolam massacre was made using a similar improvisational process, with Anwar and his friends undertaking the direction. What we didn’t expect was a scene of such violence and realism; so much so that it proved genuinely frightening to the participants, all of whom were Anwar’s friends from Pancasila Youth, or their wives and children. After the scene, we filmed participants talking amongst themselves about how the location of our re-enactment was just a few hundred meters from one of North Sumatra’s countless mass graves. The woman we see fainting after the scene felt she had been possessed by a victim’s ghost. The paramilitary members (including Anwar) thought so, too. The violence of the re-enactment conjured the spectres of a deeper violence, the terrifying history of which everybody in Indonesia is somehow aware, and upon which the perpetrators have built their rarefied bubble of air conditioned shopping malls, gated communities, and “very, very limited” crystal figurines.

    The process by which we made the musical scenes (the waterfall, the giant concrete goldfish) was slightly different again. But here too Anwar was very much in the driver’s seat: he chose the songs and, along with his friends, devised both scenes. Anwar and his cast were also free to make changes as we went.

    In the end, we worked very carefully with the giant goldfish, presenting motifs from a half-forgotten dream. Anwar’s beautiful nightmare? An allegory for his storytelling confection? For his blindness? For the willful blindness by which almost all history is written, and by which, consequently, we inevitably come to know (and fail to know) ourselves? The fish changes throughout the film, but it is always a world of “eye candy”, emptiness and ghosts. If it could be explained adequately in words, we would not need it in the film.

    For the scenes written by the newspaper boss Ibrahim Sinik and his staff, Sinik enlisted the help of his friends at state television, TVRI. He borrows the TVRI regional drama studios, and recruits a soap opera crew. In these scenes, our role was largely to document Anwar and his friends as they work with the TV crew, and to catalyze and document debates between fiction set-ups. In our edited scenes, we cut from the documentary cameras to TVRI’s fiction cameras, highlighting the gap between fiction and reality – often to comic effect. But above all, we focused our cameras on moments between takes where they debated the meaning of the scene.

    The Televisi Republik Indonesia “Special Dialogue” came into being when the show’s producers realised that feared and respected paramilitary leaders making a film about the genocide was a big story (they came to know about our work because we were using the TVRI studios.) After their grotesque chat show was broadcast, there was no critical response in North Sumatra whatsoever. This is not to say that the show will not be shocking to Indonesians. For reasons discussed in my director’s statement, North Sumatrans are more accustomed than Jakartans, for example, to the boasting of perpetrators (who in Sumatra were recruited from the ranks of gangsters – and the basis of gangsters’ power, after all, lies in being feared).

    Moreover, virtually nobody in Medan dares to criticise Pancasila Youth and men like Anwar Congo and Ibrahim Sinik. Ironically, the only significant reaction to the talk show’s broadcast came from the Indonesian Actors’ Union. According to Anwar, a representative of the union visiting family in Medan came to Anwar’s house to ask him if he would consider being president of the North Sumatra branch of the union. According to Anwar, the union was angry that such a large-scale production had occurred in North Sumatra without their knowing about it. Luckily, Anwar had the humility to tell them that he is not an actor, that he was playing himself in scenes made for a documentary, and therefore would decline the offer.

    Anwar and his friends knew that their fiction scenes were only being made for our documentary, and this will be clear to the audience, too. But at the same time, if these scenes were to offer genuine insights, it was vital that the filmmaking project was one in which they were deeply invested, and one over which they felt ownership.

    The Act of Killing : don’t give an Oscar to this snuff movie | Nick Fraser | Film | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/feb/23/act-of-killing-dont-give-oscar-snuff-movie-indonesia

    It has won over critics but this tasteless film teaches us nothing and merely indulges the unrepentant butchers of Indonesia

    The Act of Killing won the documentary prize at the Baftas last week and is the favourite to win the much-coveted Oscar. I watch many documentaries on behalf of the BBC each year and I go to festivals. I’m a doc obsessive. By my own, not quite reliable reckoning, I’ve been asked by fans to show The Act of Killing on the BBC at least five times. I’ve never encountered a film greeted by such extreme responses – both those who say it is among the best films and those who tell me how much they hate it. Much about the film puzzles me. I am still surprised by the fact that so many critics listed it among their favourite films of last year.

    For those who haven’t seen the film, it investigates the circumstances in which half-a-million Indonesian leftists were murdered in the 1960s, at the instigation of a government that is still in power. You might think this is a recondite subject, worthy of a late-night screening for insomniacs or atrocity buffs on BBC4, but, no, the film-maker Joshua Oppenheimer has made the subject viewable by enlisting the participation of some of the murderers. He spent some years hanging out with them, to his credit luring them into confessions. But he also, more dubiously, enlisted their help in restaging their killings. Although one of them, the grandfatherly Anwar, shows mild symptoms of distress towards the end of the film, they live in a state of impunity and it is thus, coddled and celebrated in their old age, that we revisit them.

    So let me be as upfront as I can. I dislike the aesthetic or moral premise of The Act of Killing. I find myself deeply opposed to the film. Getting killers to script and restage their murders for the benefit of a cinema or television audience seems a bad idea for a number of reasons. I find the scenes where the killers are encouraged to retell their exploits, often with lip-smacking expressions of satisfaction, upsetting not because they reveal so much, as many allege, but because they tell us so little of importance. Of course murderers, flattered in their impunity, will behave vilely. Of course they will reliably supply enlightened folk with a degraded vision of humanity. But, sorry, I don’t feel we want to be doing this. It feels wrong and it certainly looks wrong to me. Something has gone missing here. How badly do we want to hear from these people, after all? Wouldn’t it be better if we were told something about the individuals whose lives they took?

    I’d feel the same if film-makers had gone to rural Argentina in the 1950s, rounding up a bunch of ageing Nazis and getting them to make a film entitled “We Love Killing Jews”. Think of other half-covered-up atrocities – in Bosnia, Rwanda, South Africa, Israel, any place you like with secrets – and imagine similar films had been made. Consider your response – and now consider whether such goings-on in Indonesia are not acceptable merely because the place is so far away, and so little known or talked about that the cruelty of such an act can pass uncriticised.

    The film does not in any recognisable sense enhance our knowledge of the 1960s Indonesian killings, and its real merits – the curiosity when it comes to uncovering the Indonesian cult of anticommunism capable of masking atrocity, and the good and shocking scenes with characters from the Indonesian elite, still whitewashing the past – are obscured by tasteless devices. At the risk of being labelled a contemporary prude or dismissed as a stuffy upholder of middle-class taste, I feel that no one should be asked to sit through repeated demonstrations of the art of garrotting. Instead of an investigation, or indeed a genuine recreation, we’ve ended somewhere else – in a high-minded snuff movie.

    What I like most about documentary film is that anything can be made to work, given a chance. You can mix up fact and fiction, past and present. You can add to cold objectivity a degree of empathy. You will, of course, lie to reluctant or recalcitrant participants, in particular when they wish not to divulge important pieces of information. And trickery has its place, too. But documentary films have emerged from the not inconsiderable belief that it’s good to be literal as well as truthful. In a makeshift, fallible way, they tell us what the world is really like. Documentaries are the art of the journeyman. They can be undone by too much ambition. Too much ingenious construction and they cease to represent the world, becoming reflected images of their own excessively stated pretensions.

    In his bizarrely eulogistic piece defending The Act of Killing (of which he is an executive producer), Errol Morris, the documentary maker, compares the film to Hamlet’s inspired use of theatre to reveal dirty deeds at the court of Denmark. But Hamlet doesn’t really believe that theatrical gestures can stand in for reality. Nor, we must assume, did his creator. A more apt analogy than Morris’s might come from Shakespeare’s darkest play, Macbeth. What would we think if Macbeth and his scheming wife were written out of the action, replaced by those low-level thugs paid to do bad business on their behalf? We might conclude that putting them centre stage, in the style of The Act of Killing, was indeed perverse and we’d be right.

    There are still half-forgotten, heavily whitewashed atrocities from the last century, such as the Bengali famine allowed to occur during the second world war through the culpably racist inattention of British officials; the never wholly cleared-up question of Franco’s mass killings; or the death of so many millions in the 1950s as a consequence of Mao’s catastrophic utopianism. Those wondering how to record such events will no doubt watch The Act of Killing, but I hope they will also look at less hyped, more modestly conceived depictions of mass murder. In Enemies of the People (2010), the Cambodian journalist Thet Sambath goes after the murderers of the Khmer Rouge. He finds Pol Pot’s sidekick, but it is the earnest, touching quest of Sambath himself that lingers in the mind, rather than the empty encounters with evil-doers. Atrocity is both banal and ultimately impossible to comprehend.

    Writing in 1944, Arthur Koestler was among the first to gain knowledge of the slaughter of eastern European Jews and he estimated that the effect of such revelations was strictly limited, lasting only minutes or days and swiftly overcome by indifference. Koestler suggested that there was only one way we could respond to the double atrocity of mass murder and contemporary indifference and that was by screaming.

    I’m grateful to The Act of Killing not because it’s a good film, or because it deserves to win its Oscar (I don’t think it does), but because it reminds me of the truth of Koestler’s observation. What’s not to scream about?

    Nick Fraser is editor of the BBC’s Storyville documentary series

    #film #documentaire #Indonésie #hécatombe


  • Calling Cars“Self-Driving” May Leave Consumers Asleep at the Wheel
    https://hackernoon.com/calling-cars-self-driving-may-leave-consumers-asleep-at-the-wheel-53c750

    Calling a car, “self-driving,” may be the K-car of autonomous vehicle branding, according to a studyTech experts are trying to convince people that self-driving cars are the next big thing in transportation. But, for consumers, cars labeled “self-driving,” or “autonomous,” are about as exciting as a long, lonely, coffee-less stretch of Midwestern interstate.According to a Penn State study that appeared in Science Communications, calling a car, “self-driving,” actually made people less excited about the vehicle. Terms like “autonomous” and “driverless” didn’t do much for the consumers, either. Those terms could even add to consumer confusion about the vehicles, the researchers found. The term, “driverless vehicle,” for example, made some study participants think there was no driver in the car but not (...)

    #autonomous-vehicles #ai #artificial-intelligence #autonomous-cars #self-driving-cars


  • DAVOS-Big Oil is more talk than action on renewables - Iberdrola | Reuters
    https://uk.reuters.com/article/davos-meeting-iberdrola-idUKL3N1ZO3ZT

    The world’s largest wind-power producer, Iberdrola SA, has brushed off Big Oil’s embrace of renewable energy as “more noise” than action.

    Major oil and gas firms have been venturing into renewable power under pressure from climate-change policy, collectively spending around 1 percent of their 2018 budgets on clean energy, according to a recent study by research firm CDP.

    However, Iberdrola Chief Executive Ignacio Galan, who has led the Spanish utility for 17 years, shrugged when asked in a Reuters interview if Big Oil represented a competitive threat.

    It’s good that they have moved in this direction but they make more noise than the reality,” he said on Thursday on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.

    Galan said returns on oil investment still far exceeded those typical of wind and solar projects and he doubted major oil companies would make a meaningful shift until that changed.

    They like to be enthusiastic but if they had to make a choice between a wonderful oil well and a good wind farm, I feel their heart will move in the traditional direction.
    […]
    He said U.S. states were more influential than Washington in terms of energy investment, and that several were looking to develop America’s first offshore wind farms, from Massachusetts down to North Carolina and New York across to California.

    The states are more and more committed to moving to renewables and the same is true of the cities and towns,” he said, adding that falling generation costs of renewable energy was a big driver of the U.S. adoption of wind and solar power.


  • #blockchain, Crypto, and Genomics — How They Can Work Together To Protect Your Data
    https://hackernoon.com/blockchain-crypto-and-genomics-how-they-can-work-together-to-protect-you

    Blockchain, Crypto, and Genomics — How They Can Work Together To Protect Your DataThroughout the last couple of years, data protection has emerged as a leading issue among companies and governing bodies. This is especially true in the United States where several incidents have been identified as a major cause for concern. A few examples include the following:In September 2017, Equifax suffered a massive breach that exposed sensitive data about millions of Americans. Some of the exposed data included passport numbers, driver’s license numbers, and social security numbers.In September 2018, an attack on Facebook’s computer network exposed personal information of nearly 50 million users.In November 2018, Marriott announced that its Starwood guest reservation database had been breached. Private (...)

    #cryptocurrency #genetics #data-protection #dna


  • #bresil
    VIDEO: The Dramatic Scandal Swallowing the #Bolsonaro Presidency and Which Just Drove an LGBT Congressman to Flee #Brazil
    https://theintercept.com/2019/01/24/video-the-dramatic-scandal-swallowing-the-bolsonaro-presidency-and-whi

    The scandal most centrally involves President Bolsonaro’s eldest son, Flavio, who has long been a State Deputy from Rio de Janeiro but was just elected to the Federal Senate with a massive vote total in the last election. The scandal began with the discovery of highly suspicious payments into and out of the account of Flavio’s driver, a former police officer and long-time friend of President Bolsonaro’s.

    Each new discovery has escalated the scandal’s seriousness: one unexplained deposit was found going into the account of President Bolsonaro’s wife, Michelle; both the driver and Flavio himself began using highly suspicious maneuvers to try to stymie the investigation; the amounts of the suspicious transfers began rapidly increasing to $US 2 million; and then deposits were found going into Flavio’s accounts in small increments of multiple deposits in rapid succession: at times up to 10 cash deposits made within 3 minutes, the hallmark of money laundering and evading banking regulations.


  • Un autre hiver... un de plus...
    Winter conditions add to migrant hardship in northern Greece

    Freezing weather is exacerbating difficult conditions for migrants in overcrowded refugee camps in northern Greece. Last week the cold spell led to a protest by dozens of migrants at a camp near Thessaloniki. Greek officials have blamed the number of people flooding into the camp from the islands and across the Turkish border. But could the situation have been prevented?

    Harsh winter conditions hit northern Greece a few days into the new year, bringing sub-zero temperatures, strong winds, snow and ice. In the Diavata refugee camp near the port city of Thessaloniki, several hundred people are struggling with basic survival. Yet every week, despite the weather conditions, more continue to arrive.

    “They don’t think about this kind of thing, they just want to move on,” said one man at Diavata after another Afghan family arrived in the snow. “They just think that in the next stage from Turkey, when they go to Greece, everything will be fine.”

    Camp protests

    When they reach Diavata, the migrants find the reality is different. The camp is full to capacity, with around 800 registered asylum seekers. On top of these, there are between 500 and 650 people living at the site without having been registered by migration authorities.

    “Most of them have built their own makeshift shelters and tents, which are not providing them with the protection needed,” says Mike Bonke, the Greece country director of the Arbeiter Samariter Bund (ASB), an NGO providing support services to Diavata. “They have no (safe) heating, washing and sanitation and cooking facilities.”

    Last week, the difficult conditions prompted around 40 migrants to hold a protest outside the camp, burning tires and blockading the road. A truck driver tried to get through the barricade resulting in a fight which left one man in hospital.

    The driver lost his patience and started swearing at the migrants, who threw rocks and broke his windscreen, reports said. The driver and four migrants were charged with causing grievous bodily harm, according to the Greek daily, Katherimini.

    Conditions create health concerns

    Diavata is just one of a number of migrant facilities in northern Greece to have been affected by the cold snap. An NGO contacted by InfoMigrants said that Orestiada, near the Evros river to the east, was covered in snow. Migrants in the critically overcrowded camps on the islands too are contending with snow, frozen water pipes and icy roads.

    According to the ASB, the refugee reception camps lack resources to cope with the current conditions. “Healthcare services at all (refugee reception) sites are not adequate,” Bonke says.

    Agis Terzidis, an advisor to the Greek Minister of Health and Vice-President of the Center for Disease Control (CDC) which coordinates healthcare provision to migrants and refugees, admits that the cold weather, in addition to the poor conditions and overcrowding in the camps, is exacerbating migrants’ health problems. “We have people living in conditions that are not acceptable for anyone,” he says.

    National health system must step up

    In response to the worsening situation, there are plans to boost EU-funded medical teams operating in camps throughout the country, including the islands, Agis Terzidis says. But he told InfoMigrants that from now on, more pressure would be put on the Greek national health system and local hospitals to tackle the problem, rather than medical staff in the camps themselves.

    Terzidis also insisted that fixing the situation in the camps was “not in the mandate” of the CDC, as it was chiefly a result of greater numbers of people arriving and consequent overcrowding.

    Instead, the CDC’s main priority remains vaccinating migrants to prevent outbreaks of hepatitis, measles and other infectious diseases. It also focuses on treating those suffering from chronic diseases, some of whom will likely succumb to the harsh winter conditions.

    Too many people

    With more bleak weather predicted, a vegetable garden is being planned in the Diavata camp, giving the residents something to look forward to. That will have to be abandoned if more people start to arrive when the weather improves.

    The camps continue to be under pressure from the large and unpredictable numbers of arrivals. Currently there are around 20 arrivals per week at Diavata, but that could quickly escalate to hundreds. So far, Greek authorities do not seem to have taken steps to limit how many end up at the camps seeking protection.

    I think we can all agree that this situation should have been solved by registering these refugees in the Greek Migration system and providing them with dignified and safe shelters.
    _ Mike Bonke, Greece country director, Arbeiter Samariter Bund

    As both government and army staff and their NGO colleagues in the camps remain powerless to solve the problem of overcrowding, their main task will be to protect migrants from harm and exposure as the winter enters its coldest months.

    http://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/14401/winter-conditions-add-to-migrant-hardship-in-northern-greece
    #Grèce #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #neige #froid #Salonique #Softex #Diavata #résistance #protestation


  • [Revision] « Tell Me How This Ends » | Harper’s Magazine
    https://harpers.org/archive/2019/02/american-involvement-in-syria

    Dans cet article très USA-centré, le récit des premiers temps de la guerre en #Syrie par l’ancien ambassadeur US à Damas. (J’ai grasseyé certains passages. Le récit US passe égaleemnt sous silence la présence à Hama de l’ambassadeur français et de quelques invités...) L’histoire de ce conflit commence petit à petit à s’écrire...

    The vulnerable regimes in early 2011 were in the American camp, a coincidence that the Syrian president, Bashar al-­Assad, interpreted as proof that the Arab Spring was a repudiation of American tutelage. As Russia’s and Iran’s only Arab ally, he foresaw no challenge to his throne. An omen in the unlikely guise of an incident at an open-­air market in the old city of Damascus, in February 2011, should have changed his mind. One policeman ordered a motorist to stop at an intersection, while another officer told him to drive on. “The poor guy got conflicting instructions, and did what I would have done and stopped,” recalled the US ambassador to Syria, Robert Ford, who had only just arrived in the country. The second policeman dragged the driver out of his car and thrashed him. “A crowd gathered, and all of a sudden it took off,” Ford said. “No violence, but it was big enough that the interior minister himself went down to the market and told people to go home.” Ford reported to Washington, “This is the first big demonstration that we know of. And it tells us that this tinder is dry.”

    The next month, the security police astride the Jordanian border in the dusty southern town of Daraa ignited the tinder by torturing children who had scrawled anti-­Assad graffiti on walls. Their families, proud Sunni tribespeople, appealed for justice, then called for reform of the regime, and finally demanded its removal. Rallies swelled by the day. Ford cabled Washington that the government was using live ammunition to quell the demonstrations. He noted that the protesters were not entirely peaceful: “There was a little bit of violence from the demonstrators in Daraa. They burned the Syriatel office.” (Syriatel is the cell phone company of Rami Makhlouf, Assad’s cousin, who epitomized for many Syrians the ruling elite’s corruption.) “And they burned a court building, but they didn’t kill anybody.” Funerals of protesters produced more demonstrations and thus more funerals. The Obama Administration, though, was preoccupied with Egypt, where Hosni Mubarak had resigned in February, and with the NATO bombing campaign in Libya to support the Libyan insurgents who would depose and murder Muammar Qaddafi in October.

    Ambassador Ford detected a turn in the Syrian uprising that would define part of its character: “The first really serious violence on the opposition side was up on the coast around Baniyas, where a bus was stopped and soldiers were hauled off the bus. If you were Alawite, you were shot. If you were Sunni, they let you go.” At demonstrations, some activists chanted the slogan, “Alawites to the grave, and Christians to Beirut.” A sectarian element wanted to remove Assad, not because he was a dictator but because he belonged to the Alawite minority sect that Sunni fundamentalists regard as heretical. Washington neglected to factor that into its early calculations.

    Phil Gordon, the assistant secretary of state for European affairs before becoming Obama’s White House coordinator for the Middle East, told me, “I think the initial attitude in Syria was seen through that prism of what was happening in the other countries, which was, in fact, leaders—the public rising up against their leaders and in some cases actually getting rid of them, and in Tunisia, and Yemen, and Libya, with our help.”

    Ambassador Ford said he counseled Syria’s activists to remain non­violent and urged both sides to negotiate. Demonstrations became weekly events, starting after Friday’s noon prayer as men left the mosques, and spreading north to Homs and Hama. Ford and some embassy staffers, including the military attaché, drove to Hama, with government permission, one Thursday evening in July. To his surprise, Ford said, “We were welcomed like heroes by the opposition people. We had a simple message—no violence. There were no burned buildings. There was a general strike going on, and the opposition people had control of the streets. They had all kinds of checkpoints. Largely, the government had pulled out.”

    Bassam Barabandi, a diplomat who defected in Washington to establish a Syrian exile organization, People Demand Change, thought that Ford had made two errors: his appearance in Hama raised hopes for direct intervention that was not forthcoming, and he was accompanied by a military attaché. “So, at that time, the big question for Damascus wasn’t Ford,” Barabandi told me in his spartan Washington office. “It was the military attaché. Why did this guy go with Ford?” The Syrian regime had a long-standing fear of American intelligence interference, dating to the CIA-­assisted overthrow in 1949 of the elected parliamentary government and several attempted coups d’état afterward. The presence in Hama of an ambassador with his military attaché allowed the Assad regime to paint its opponents as pawns of a hostile foreign power.


  • https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/04/us/politics/marriott-hack-passports.html

    Marriott Concedes 5 Million Passport Numbers Lost to Hackers Were Not Encrypted

    On Friday the firm said that teams of forensic and data analysts had identified “approximately 383 million records as the upper limit” for the total number of guest reservations records lost [...]. The revised figure is still the largest loss in history, greater than the attack on Equifax, the consumer credit-reporting agency, which lost the driver’s license and Social Security numbers of roughly 145.5 million Americans in 2017, leading to the ouster of its chief executive and a huge loss of confidence in the firm.

    Taken together, the attack appeared to be part of a broader effort by China’s Ministry of State Security to compile a huge database of Americans and others with sensitive government or industry positions — including where they worked, the names of their colleagues, foreign contacts and friends, and where they travel.

    Marriott said for the first time that 5.25 million passport numbers were kept in the Starwood system in plain, unencrypted data files.

    The company also said that about 8.6 million credit and debit cards were “involved” in the incident, but those are all encrypted — and all but 354,000 cards had expired by September 2018, when the hacking, which went on for years, was discovered.

    #bdd #database #espionnage #surveillance #fichiers #fichage #irresponsable #informatique #intelligence #stupidité


  • Interview du groupe The Staples ou The Staple Singers à leurs débuts en 1963. J’extrais une citation du père, Roebuck, sur le racisme auquel ils devaient faire face :

    Staple Singers Interview
    Chris Strachwitz and Barbara Dane, 3 August 1963
    http://arhoolie.org/staple-singers-interview-2

    Extrait :

    Roebuck Staples: This is my land. This is ours. This land belong to everybody. To see it like that, we’d have a better United States. It’s just really rough, what the colored entertainers have to go through with sometime, in the trail. We hit down in the Southern states. It’s hard to get food sometimes. Nobody know, that’s why colored people sang the blues. That’s why they can sing with soul.

    With all the integration, and what they’re saying have been done, you don’t know what’s gone on when you get out there and even the police will tell you things in your car, that you know you don’t know what’s going on, either.

    Who was it, Jackie Russell? I was reading little piece where they let him go inside a white hotel. He’d let Barbara come in, and then the desk clerk had a fit. You can’t do nothing you know. It’s just so silly.

    I was down south last year. I was at a cavalcade and had, how many cars would we have? About four cars. I drive a Cadillac because that’s the best car. I’m not trying to be a big shot. That’s the best car in the world to drive. When you talk about Cadillac, they always give you one. I hope they see this and they can give me a Cadillac, but they’re the best cars in the world. I don’t do nothing but put gas in that car and change the oil. We drove up to Yazoo City, Mississippi, and I never will forget, a man asked me and I told him, fill my car up. Fill it up. I was driving a brand new ’62 Cadillac. Reverend Franklin driving a brand new ’62 Cadillac. And they was kind of mad at us ‘cause we was driving them big new cars and “what about that one back there? Want me to fill up too?”

    I said “Reverend you want your car filled up too…? I said “Yeah, fill ‘em up.” “Don’t you say Yeah to us white people down here.” Yes he did. He had fifty cent worth of gas in my car. I said, cut it off. That’s plenty. He cut it off. I gave him fifty cent. Thank you. My son came out of the door, and getting’ a can of something, and he said, okay to him…”Don’t say Okay, you say Yes sir to us white people down here. “

    I can’t understand. We went on down the street, and I don’t know what he was thinking of. We went down, he lost twenty-five dollars. We went on down the street, we filled all the cars up.

    He lost twenty-five dollars right there. We went on to the next station. We filled up. We had a full car. I don’t see how he can stand to lose that money like that. Twenty-five dollars. When you fill it up, it cost seven to eight dollars. He lost about twenty-some dollars. Right there. Just on account of he abused me like that.

    Not an exclusive place. I went in to just a service station. They had a counter there, you know. I ordered, I was driving. We’d gone late at night, real late, and I was going to get something to eat here, get us some sandwiches. Went in there, and I ordered. Well, you go around to the back. Well you keep your food, I’m gone. That’s the kind of stuff. You’d be hungry too, but you don’t feel like eating it after they tell you something like that.

    I took my son to get some sandwiches, in a place down there, two ladies was in there. I went to the front, and I was asking, Perv, what you doing back here? He told me, they told me to come around the back. I said, never buy any food like that as long as you live. If my money won’t spend there, if it’s not good enough to spend there, it’s not good enough to spend back here. Lady came, she said, Mr., said we awful sorry. Said we trying to make a living, so I know how you feel, but we got to do what this man said. We can’t do nothing about it. We hate it as bad as you do. Some of them, it’s not all bad white people now. Don’t think that, because she just didn’t see any sense in herself, she couldn’t see it, but there are some, yep, if they didn’t do that, they would lose their jobs, and they’d needed to work.

    One girl was coming through going to Cincinnati, stopped in the house in Chicago. CORE (Congress for Racial Equality) convention was in Cincinnati, Ohio. She stopped, and I asked her how was things going. She’s from Jackson, Mississippi, right out where Evers got killed, and asked her how was things in Mississippi. She was coming on from Jackson then, in Canton, and the police stopped her. Let me see your driver’s license, nigger. Who you calling nigger? See all that kind of stuff we have to go through with, that you all don’t, the white never know about...

    Près de 10 ans plus tard, à #Wattstax :
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oab4ZCfTbOI

    #Staple_Singers #Musique #Musique_et_politique #Gospel #Histoire #ségrégation #racisme #USA


  • A new hegemon

    The Chinese century is well under way
    Many trends that appear global are in fact mostly Chinese

    Print edition | Graphic detail
    Oct 27th 2018

    Get the data here : https://github.com/TheEconomist/graphic-detail-data/tree/master/data/2018-10-27_chinese-century/README_files/figure-markdown_github

    When scholars of international relations predict that the 2000s will be a “Chinese century”, they are not being premature. Although America remains the lone superpower, China has already replaced it as the driver of global change.

    There is one economic metric on which China already ranks first. Measured at market exchange rates, China’s gdp is still 40% smaller than America’s. However, on a purchasing-power-parity (ppp) basis, which adjusts currencies so that a basket of goods and services is worth the same amount in different countries, the Chinese economy became the world’s largest in 2013. Although China is often grouped with other “emerging markets”, its performance is unique: its gdp per person at ppp has risen tenfold since 1990. In general, poorer economies grow faster than rich ones, because it is easier to “catch up” when starting from a low base. Yet in other countries that were as poor as China was in 1990, purchasing power has merely doubled.

    China’s record has exerted a “gravitational pull” on the world’s economic output. The Economist has calculated a geographic centre of the global economy by taking an average of each country’s latitude and longitude, weighted by their gdp. At the height of America’s dominance, this point sat in the north Atlantic. But China has tugged it so far east that the global centre of economic gravity is now in Siberia.

    Because China is so populous and is developing so quickly, it is responsible for a remarkable share of global change. Since the start of the financial crisis in 2008, for example, China has accounted for 45% of the gain in world gdp. In 1990 some 750m Chinese people lived in extreme poverty; today fewer than 10m do. That represents two-thirds of the world’s decline in poverty during that time. China is also responsible for half of the total increase in patent applications over the same period.

    For all its talk of a “peaceful rise”, China has steadily beefed up its military investment—even as the rest of the world cut back after the end of the cold war. As a result, the People’s Liberation Army accounts for over 60% of the total increase in global defence spending since 1990. And all of this growth has come at a considerable cost to the environment: China is also the source of 55% of the increase in the world’s carbon emissions since 1990.

    Sources: Economist Intelligence Unit; Global Carbon Project; Maddison Project Database; SIPRI; World Bank; World Intellectual Property Organisation; The Economist

    #chine #économie


  • #security In This Day & Age
    https://hackernoon.com/security-in-this-day-age-1ce83adb1b4b?source=rss----3a8144eabfe3---4

    How new technologies are redefining its boundariesPhoto by Rahul Chakraborty on UnsplashSince the beginning of rapid human evolution and expansion, our security as an individual and as a species has been the key driver for our landmark inventions. The discovery of fire and its control was to protect ourselves from wild beasts and germs from raw food. The invention of the wheel was to secure our journeys so that we could travel longer distances with less fear and more adventurous spirit. The necessity for shelter came out of a primal need for security in terms of permanence of location. We can quote many more examples, but it is clear that security of self and/or community is what motivates us for achieving progress.In this day and age, however, security has taken a more nuanced and (...)

    #technology #machine-learning #artificial-intelligence #iot


  • Direct Injection Engines and Carbon Deposits - Engine Builder Magazine
    https://www.enginebuildermag.com/2015/01/direct-injection-engines-carbon-deposits


    Die überzüchteten Benzinmotoren der neuesten Generation zeigen häufig Leistungsverluste aufgrund von verrußten Ventilen und Ventilsitzen. Da lobe ich mir meinen alten Diesel.

    One of the common problems with direct injection engines is their tendency to develop carbon deposits.

    Symptom: Misfire codes, stumbling and suspicious fuel trim numbers. On a scan tool, the engine may show a loss in volumetric efficiency. The driver may complain about a loss of power, poor fuel economy and hard starts.

    Cause: Carbon deposits on the intake valves. Deposits cause the air to tumble into the combustion chamber, and this turbulence causes the air/fuel mixture to be unevenly distributed. When ignited, the flame front can be erratic, leave unburned fuel and create hot spots in the combustion chamber.

    #Technik #Kfz #Benzin


  • The New Authoritarians Are Waging War on Women

    Donald Trump’s ideological cousins around the world want to reverse the feminist gains of recent decades.
    Peter Beinart
    January/February 2019 Issue

    https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2019/01/authoritarian-sexism-trump-duterte/576382

    The problem with both American-born story lines is that authoritarian nationalism is rising in a diverse set of countries. Some are mired in recession; others are booming. Some are consumed by fears of immigration; others are not. But besides their hostility to liberal democracy, the right-wing autocrats taking power across the world share one big thing, which often goes unrecognized in the U.S.: They all want to subordinate women.

    To understand global Trumpism, argues Valerie M. Hudson, a political scientist at Texas A&M, it’s vital to remember that for most of human history, leaders and their male subjects forged a social contract: “Men agreed to be ruled by other men in return for all men ruling over women.” This political hierarchy appeared natural—as natural as adults ruling children—because it mirrored the hierarchy of the home. Thus, for millennia, men, and many women, have associated male dominance with political legitimacy. Women’s empowerment ruptures this order. “Youths oppress My people, and women rule over them,” laments Isaiah in the Hebrew Bible. “My people, your leaders mislead you.”

    Because male dominance is deeply linked to political legitimacy, many revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries have used the specter of women’s power to discredit the regime they sought to overthrow. Then, once in power themselves, they have validated their authority by reducing women’s rights.

    Commentators sometimes describe Trump’s alliance with the Christian right as incongruous given his libertine history. But whatever their differences when it comes to the proper behavior of men, Trump and his evangelical backers are united by a common desire to constrain the behavior of women. That alliance was consecrated during Brett Kavanaugh’s Supreme Court confirmation hearings, when Republicans raged against Judiciary Committee Democrats for supposedly degrading the Senate by orchestrating a public hearing for Christine Blasey Ford, who had accused Kavanaugh of sexual assault.

    Like Trump, Bolsonaro linked this counterrevolution to a counterrevolution against uppity women. When, as a legislator, he voted to impeach Brazil’s first female president, Dilma Rousseff—who had been tortured by Brazil’s military rulers in the early 1970s—he dedicated the vote to one of that regime’s most infamous torturers. In 2015, he told a Brazilian congresswoman, “I would not rape you, because you are not worthy of it.” Crowds at Bolsonaro rallies chanted that they would feed dog food to feminists. And, like Trump, Bolsonaro has intense support from his country’s growing population of evangelicals, who appreciate his fervent opposition to abortion and gay rights.

    In the Philippines, Duterte didn’t have an economic or corruption crisis to help him delegitimize the political order. (...) Also like Bolsonaro, Duterte has threatened violence against women. In 2017, he informed Filipino soldiers that because he had declared martial law on the island of Mindanao, they could each rape up to three women with impunity. In 2018, he told soldiers to shoot female rebels “in the vagina,” because that would render them “useless.”

    Duterte’s anti-feminist crusade—like Trump’s and Bolsonaro’s—has also featured the ritualized humiliation of powerful women. When Senator Leila de Lima demanded an investigation into Duterte’s drug war, he vowed to “make her cry.” The government then detained de Lima on drug-trafficking charges and leaked evidence supposedly proving, in Duterte’s words, that she was “screwing her driver” like she was “screwing the nation.” A congressman who would later become Duterte’s spokesman joked that de Lima wanted to be detained at an army base “because there are many men there.” Not even Duterte’s female vice president, Leni Robredo—a member of a rival political party—has escaped his taunts. At a public event in 2016, he noted gleefully that the skirts she wore to cabinet meetings were “shorter than usual.”

    One can see parallels in Italy, whose deputy prime minister, Matteo Salvini, a Steve Bannon ally noted for his authoritarian tendencies, in 2016 compared the female president of the lower house of parliament to an inflated sex doll. The Italian government is promoting a law that critics say would eliminate child support, and a government spokesperson said forthcoming legislation would prosecute women who accuse their husbands of domestic violence if the husbands are not convicted.

    Not all of the new authoritarians are this flamboyant. But they all link the new political order they seek to create to a more subordinate and traditional role for women. Orbán, who has accused his predecessors of permitting immigrants and Roma to undermine Hungary’s identity, has proposed “a comprehensive agreement with Hungarian women” to bear more children. He promotes debt-free education for women, but only if they have at least three children.

    For its part, Poland’s autocratic government has run ads urging Poles to “breed like rabbits” and banned over-the-counter access to the morning-after pill. In late 2017, after Polish women protested draconian new restrictions on abortion, the government raided the offices of women’s groups.

    #guerre_aux_femmes #patriarcat #autoritarisme #extrême_droite
    #USA #Philippines #Brésil #Pologne #Italie #Hongrie
    Et appels au #viol comme punition envers les femmes, @mad_meg.


  • Israeli forces shoot, kill Palestinian teen in al-Bireh
    Dec. 21, 2018 11:46 A.M. (Updated: Dec. 21, 2018 2:46 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782141

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — Israeli forces shot and killed a Palestinian teen, on Thursday night, at the Beit El checkpoint north of al-Bireh City in the central occupied West Bank.

    A Ma’an reporter said that the Palestinian Liaison identified the teen as Qassem Muhammad Ali al-Abbasi , 17, from the Silwan town in East Jerusalem.

    Initial reports said that the driver of a Palestinian vehicle attempted to drive into the checkpoint before Israeli soldiers opened fire critically injuring him.

    However, al-Abbasi’s friends who were with him in the vehicle refuted the Israeli claim, saying that the four of them were heading to Nablus City, in the northern West Bank, but when the road to Nablus was closed they turned back to cross via the Beit El checkpoint.

    Muhammad Hani al-Abbasi added that they went into the wrong road when arriving at Beit El and suddenly realized they were inside an illegal Israeli settlement, “as we attempted to go back to the main road we were chased by either Israeli soldiers or settlers, we could barely see as there were not enough lights and it was very dark, they were about ten kilometers far from our vehicle, we kept going and we were between two settlements.”

    Al-Abbasi continued to say, “We were surrounded, they randomly opened fire at us, we did not stop, we kept going fast, the vehicle’s glass broke and the tires were punctured.”

    He added that one of their friends, Mahmoud al-Abbasi, then started shouting “Qassem… Qassem” as Qassem was in a very difficult condition.

    Al-Abbasi added that they called an ambulance before Israeli forces arrived and forced them out of the vehicle, “But Qassem did not move and we told them to get him an ambulance.”

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Al-Abbasi family demands investigation into killing of 17-year-old son
      Dec. 21, 2018 1:50 P.M
      http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=782143

      JERUSALEM (Ma’an) — The al-Abbasi family from Silwan in occupied East Jerusalem demanded, on Friday, that an investigation be immediately opened in the circumstances of the shooting and killing their 17-year-old son, Qassem Muhammad al-Abbasi, by Israeli forces near the Beit El checkpoint in the central occupied West Bank, late Thursday.

      In a press conference held by the family, on Friday morning, family elder Moussa al-Abbasi, said that what happened to Qassem is murder, and demanded an investigation into the details of the shooting.

      Al-Abbasi added that the family demanded an autopsy, and that the body of Qassem be returned so that the family can have a funeral and burial for their son.

    • Israel To Autopsy the Corpse Of Qassem Abasi
      December 22, 2018
      http://imemc.org/article/israel-to-autopsy-the-corpse-of-qassem-abasi

      Salwa Hammad, the coordinator of the Palestinian National Committee for Retrieving Bodies of Martyrs, said that Israel has decided to autopsy the corpse of Qassem al-Abasi, 17, who was killed by Israeli soldiers on December 20th, 2018.

      Hammad said that Qassem’s corpse would likely be handed back to his family for burial Sunday.

      Karim Jubran, the head of the field office of Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories (B’Tselem), said that the investigations Israel sometimes carries out after killing Palestinians cannot be trusted, and only aim at burying the truth.

      He added that the experience B’Tselem had in similar previous cases revealed that Israel conducts these alleged investigations in order to prevent international parties and organizations from conducting them.(...)


  • Erik Jan Hanussen
    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Erik_Jan_Hanussen


    Heute nehmen wir Wikipedia als Einstieg in eine Untersuchung des #Mythos Hanussen , der gut und gerne als Vorläufer zu den Irrungen und Wirrungen um den Tod der Gefangenen von #Stammheim gelten kann. ab ’33 wurde es immer verrückter. Vom #Reichstagsbrand über das #Kenndy-Attentat bis zu #911, Manipulation und Vertuschung überall. Unser Mann wohnte im Jahr 1933 #Kudamm_16 , nachzulesen auf Seite_17 unseres Kudammbuchs. (https://seenthis.net/messages/745723)
    Andere Quellen sprechen von einer Adresse in der #Lietzenburger_Straße, wo er zum Zeitpunkt seiner Ermordunge gewohnt hätte.

    Erik Jan Hanussen, eigentlich Hermann Chajm Steinschneider, (* 2. Juni 1889[1] in Wien-Ottakring; † in der Nacht vom 24. auf den 25. März 1933[2] in Berlin) war ein unter anderem als „Hellseher“ bekannter österreichischer Trickkünstler. Trotz jüdischer Herkunft agierte er als Sympathisant der Nationalsozialisten.

    So geht das immer los mit den #Veschwörungstheorien. Angeblich weiß man nüscht , weil einem keiner was verrät. Meistens steckt aber bloß Faulheit dahinter. Ist ja auch viel bequemer, einfach zu behaupten, dass keena von nüchscht nix wissen kann , als sich aufzumachen ins Archiv oder wenigstens die zweite Seite der Google-Suchergebnisse zu lesen. Wir vertrauen jedenfalls auf das archivarische Gespür und die hochnotpeinliche Genauigkeit von Birgit Jochens und Sonja Miltenberger: Hanussen wohnte Kudamm 16.

    Hitlers Monsters A Supernatural History of the Third Reich - PDF Free Download
    https://mxdoc.com/hitlers-monsters-a-supernatural-history-of-the-third-reich.html

    At a seance on the night of 26 February 1933 the clairvoyant Erik Hanussen – a close friend of Nazi stormtroopers – ‘predicted’ next day’s Reichstag fire, which helped justify the Nazi imposition of martial law.

    Erik Jan Hanussen: Hellseher der Nazis - Politik - Süddeutsche.de
    https://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/mordfall-erik-jan-hanussen-der-hellseher-und-die-nazis-1.3994752

    Er unterstützte die NSDAP bei ihrem Aufstieg bis zu ihrer Machtergreifung im Januar 1933, über die er in der Hanussen-Zeitung laut jubelte.

    Ein paar Wochen später eröffnete Hanussen an der Lietzenburger Straße in Berlin seinen Palast des Okkultismus. Das Prunkstück war die astrologische Bar mit einem kreisrundem Tisch aus Glas und Hanussen als eine Art mystischer Barkeeper in der Mitte.

    Doch bei der Eröffnungsfeier ging er zu weit. Die Schauspielerin Maria Paudler ließ er in Trance „Feuer, Flammen, Verbrecher am Werk!“ verkünden. Schon am nächsten Tag bewies der Reichstagsbrand, was gemeint gewesen war, das Fanal, mit dessen propagandistischer Ausschlachtung die Nazis ihre Macht schließlich festigten. Seither gilt die Vorankündigung dieses historischen Ereignisses als eines der Motive für den bald folgenden Mord an dem umstrittenen Varieté-Künstler.

    Na also, ein akuter Fall von Faulheit. Die Adresse in der Lietzenburger war keien Wohnung sondern das magische Thaeter des Illusionisten Hanussen.

    Laut Tagesspiegel befand sich der Palast des Okkultismus in der Hausnummer 16. Das bleibt zu prüfen, denn die idnetische Hausnummer mit der Wohnandresse am Kurfürstendann kann wieder eine der beliebten Verwechslungen oder Zuschreibungen aus Nachlässigkeit sein. Leider bestand der Palast des Okkultismus nur so kurze Zeit, dass er kaum EIngang in die historischen Adreßbücher gefunden haben dürfte.

    Erik Jan Hanussen - Wikiwand
    http://www.wikiwand.com/en/Erik_Jan_Hanussen

    In 1931 Hanussen purchased a Breslau printing firm and began publishing an occult journal, Hanussen Magazin and Bunte Wochenschau, a popular biweekly Berlin tabloid which included astrological columns.[6] He used the proceeds from his publishing ventures and stage shows to purchase a mansion which became known as “The Palace of the Occult”, which he renovated and turned into a luxurious interactive theatre for fortune telling games. Guests would sit around a large circular table and place their palms on glass with symbols lit from beneath; the room lights would be lowered in a séance-like fashion; and various gimmicks would highlight Hanussen’s dramatic verbal presentation of prophecies to the guests. He predicted events in the lives of the individuals present, but controversy arose when he predicted the future of Germany. He became successful, was always in demand in various venues, and had a full-time valet.

    Alfred Neubauer, a famous motor racing team manager, refers to Hanussen in his autobiography, Speed Was My Life (first published in English in 1960). In the chapter ’A Prophecy Comes True’, he describes a prediction made by Hanussen before the race at AVUS in Germany in May 1932. While at the Roxy Bar with other drivers, Neubauer challenged Hanussen to predict the winner of the following day’s race. After some ’leg pulling’, Hanussen wrote two names on a piece of paper, which he folded, and put in an envelope. This was placed in the custody of the barman. He had strict instructions that it be left unopened until after the race. Hanussen announced, ’One of us at this table will win tomorrow, another will die. The two names are in this envelope.’ During the race, driver Prince Lobkowicz was killed, and Brauchitsch won. After the race, Neubauer states he opened the envelope and found those names inside. Several days later, a Berlin newspaper reported that Hanussen had urged the German Automobile Club to persuade Prince Lobkowicz not to take part in the race, but Club officials had taken no action.

    Erik Jan Hanussen : le médium juif d’Hitler | Terre Promise
    http://www.terrepromise.fr/2016/11/07/erik-jan-hanussen-le-medium-juif-dhitler

    Quelques jours avant la course, Hanussen avait prédit que Lobkiwicz aurait un accident. Après quelques minutes de course, sa Mercedes fut percutée, tuant le jeune homme sur le coup. Une enquête montra que la tragédie résultait d’une panne mécanique bizarre.

    Même les sceptiques les plus acharnés d’Hanussen furent bien en peine d’expliquer comment il avait pu trafiquer le véhicule. Ses ennemis ne se privèrent pas de suggérer que le médium était de connivence dans le sabotage de la voiture de Lobkowicz, de mèche avec des parieurs. Le jeune tchèque avait aussi fait des avances à une femme qu’Hanussen désirait, la jalousie était donc un mobile possible. Pour la plupart des gens, l’accident était une vraie preuve des dons de voyance du danois. Arthur Magida se demande si grâce à des années de discipline mentale, Hanussen n’aurait pas vraiment développé des pouvoirs psychiques.

    Une rencontre avec Hitler suivit peu après et Hanussen assura un Adolf angoissé qu’il n’avait pas à s’inquiéter pour les élections à venir. Sans surprise, les nazis enregistrèrent un immense succès au scrutin de juillet, doublant leurs sièges pour devenir le plus grand parti du Reichstag. Le jour de l’An 1933, Hanussen distribua un horoscope et déclara qu’Hitler serait chancelier avant la fin du mois. C’est ce qui se passa [élections du 30 janvier].
    Le Palais de l’Occulte et l’incendie du Reichstag

    Hanussen semblait au sommet de son pouvoir. Il n’était pas associé aux nazis, il en était un.

    Même son fidèle secrétaire, Ismet Dzino, appartenait au parti et à la SA.

    En plus d’être le devin favori du nouveau régime, il était sur le point d’ouvrir son opulent Palais de l’Occulte. L’élite de la capitale réclamait à cor et à cris des invitations. Mais les ennuis couvaient. Son parti pris pour les nazis valurent à Hanussen l’hostilité de la presse communiste qui avait publié des preuves de son ascendance juive. Hanussen fit de son mieux pour noyer le poisson et certains de ses copains nazis, tel Helldorf, firent preuve de loyauté envers lui jusqu’à la fin.

    Le Palais de l’Occulte ouvrit ses portes le soir du 26 février.

    Lors d’une séance semi-privée, l’une des médiums d’Hanussen, l’ancienne actrice Maria Paudler, eut une vision fatidique. En transe, elle déclara voir un « grand bâtiment » en feu. La presse attribua la prédiction à Hanussen lui-même. Moins de 24 heures plus tard, le Reichstag était en flammes. Les nazis mirent l’incendie sur le compte d’un complot communiste et prirent des mesures extraordinaires qui donnèrent à Hitler un contrôle dictatorial.

    La police de Berlin arrêta Marinus van der Lubbe, un hollandais au passé d’incendiaire en lien avec les communistes. On suppose classiquement que les nazis étaient derrière l’incendie et qu’ils se servirent de van der Lubbe comme bouc émissaire. Kugel suggère qu’Hanussen avait manipulé le hollandais par hypnose. Gerson et Mariel suggèrent une autre possibilité : le médium aurait été l’instigateur de l’incendie sur ordre de quelqu’un voulant discréditer Hitler. Si c’est bien le cas, le complot échoua lamentablement.

    À la mi-mars, la plupart des amis nazis d’Hanussen, dont Helldorf, se retrouvèrent congédiés ou réaffectés ailleurs. Le 24 mars, deux membres de la SA traînèrent le médium au quartier général de la Gestapo pour l’interroger. Ils le relâchèrent, mais le soir suivant trois hommes s’emparèrent de lui dans la rue et on ne le revit jamais vivant.

    Erik Jan Hanussen: Hellseher der Nazis - Politik - Süddeutsche.de
    https://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/mordfall-erik-jan-hanussen-der-hellseher-und-die-nazis-1.3994752

    Er unterstützte die NSDAP bei ihrem Aufstieg bis zu ihrer Machtergreifung im Januar 1933, über die er in der Hanussen-Zeitung laut jubelte.

    Ein paar Wochen später eröffnete Hanussen an der Lietzenburger Straße in Berlin seinen Palast des Okkultismus. Das Prunkstück war die astrologische Bar mit einem kreisrundem Tisch aus Glas und Hanussen als eine Art mystischer Barkeeper in der Mitte.

    Doch bei der Eröffnungsfeier ging er zu weit. Die Schauspielerin Maria Paudler ließ er in Trance „Feuer, Flammen, Verbrecher am Werk!“ verkünden. Schon am nächsten Tag bewies der Reichstagsbrand, was gemeint gewesen war, das Fanal, mit dessen propagandistischer Ausschlachtung die Nazis ihre Macht schließlich festigten. Seither gilt die Vorankündigung dieses historischen Ereignisses als eines der Motive für den bald folgenden Mord an dem umstrittenen Varieté-Künstler.

    (PDF) Hatten die Nazis etwas gegen Hypnose?
    https://www.researchgate.net/publication/317339412_Hatten_die_Nazis_etwas_gegen_Hypnose

    Erik Jan Hanussen, l’hypnotiseur du 3ème Reich - Hypnose
    https://www.peyrega-hypnose-paris.fr/blog/erik-jan-hanussen-hypnotiseur-hitler.html

    Quel type d’hypnose pratiquait Jan Hanussen ?

    Malheureusement, il n’y a aucun récit ou écrit expliquant précisément les techniques d’hypnose que pouvait utiliser Jan Hanussen ( c’est malheureusement valable pour toutes les anciennes techniques d’hypnose de scène ) , mais lorsque l’on sait que ce dernier faisait construire avant sa mort un “ palais de l’occultisme “ il ne faut pas se leurrer sur sa vision de l’hypnose….

    Cependant pour replacer la place de l’hypnose à cette époque dans un contexte historique, nous pouvons rappeler qu’aujourd’hui encore, de grandes stars de l’hypnose comme Messmer prétendent encore user de pouvoir psychique ou de magnétisme dans leurs spectacles, cela fait sans doute partie du jeu pour le l’hypnose de spectacle qui n’a d’autre but que de divertir le public, et c’était encore plus vrai à cette époque.

    N’oublions pas qu’à peine quelques dizaines d’années avant la mort de Jan Hanussen, d’éminents représentants de l’hypnose comme Jean-Martin Charcot utilisaient encore de grandes plaques aimantées “ pour “ déclencher “ des transes hypnotiques.

    Hitlers Monsters A Supernatural History of the Third Reich - PDF Free Download
    https://mxdoc.com/hitlers-monsters-a-supernatural-history-of-the-third-reich.html

    At a seance on the night of 26 February 1933 the clairvoyant Erik Hanussen – a close friend of Nazi stormtroopers – ‘predicted’ next day’s Reichstag fire, which helped justify the Nazi imposition of martial law.

    Herrmann Steinschneider (1889 - 1933) - Genealogy
    https://www.geni.com/people/Erik-Jan-Hanussen/6000000045424935868

    lso Known As: „Hermann Steinschneider“
    Birthdate: June 02, 1889
    Birthplace: Ottakring, Wien, Wien, Austria
    Death: März 24, 1933 (43)
    Berlin, Berlin, Germany (ermordet)
    Bestattungsort: Berlin, Germany
    Angehörige:

    Sohn von Siegfried Steinschneider und Antonie Julie Steinschneider
    Ehemann von Theresia Steinschneider
    Vater von Gerhard Belgardt und Private
    Occupation: Hellseher
    Managed by: Alex Christopher Bickle
    Last Updated: 2. August 2018

    The Hanussen Proof by Bob Cassidy : Lybrary.com
    https://www.lybrary.com/the-hanussen-proof-p-605.html

    Hanussen asked his inquisitors to concentrate on an event in their lives, and then to tell him the location and place where the event took place. It was the same test the mentalist performed the night he was arrested, except on that occasion Hanussen obtained the details of the events via secret signals from an assistant posing as a member of the audience.

    This time, however, neither his assistant nor associates were present. They had been removed from the courtroom, and placed under police guard. But despite these precautions, Hanussen provided detailed descriptions of the mentally selected events.

    The charges against him were dismissed.

    The sensational publicity that followed his acquittal, his subsequent rise to fame as “The Prophet of the Third Reich”, and his execution by the Gestapo in 1933, is described in Mel Gordon’s fascinating biography, Erik Jan Hanussen, Hitler’s Jewish Clairvoyant. The author’s primary sources were news reports, court records, historical materials, Hanussen’s own writings, and the published recollections of his contemporaries and critics. But nowhere in any of the voluminous materials written by and about the German seer is there a clue to the method he used at the trial. How was it possible for him to reveal events that occurred in people’s lives merely by knowing the dates and places?

    Medienarten und Ausgaben von Meine Lebenslinie [WorldCat.org]
    https://www.worldcat.org/title/meine-lebenslinie/oclc/32372383/editions?referer=di&editionsView=true

    Mythos Hanussen 2001-2011, Eine Sammelrezension, Wilfried Kugel
    https://www.anomalistik.de/images/pdf/zfa/zfa2013_12_196_essay-review_kugel.pdf


    parteische aber interessante Bewertung zahlreicher Quellen zu Hanussen
    u.a. Werner Herzog

    Neuauflage: Erik Jan Hanussen - Meine Lebenslinie - Schreibkurse für Ihre Lebensgeschichte/n
    https://www.meine-biographie.com/neuauflage-erik-jan-hanussen-meine-lebenslinie

    Erik Jan Hanussen – Zauber-Lexikon
    http://www.zauber-pedia.de/index.php?title=Erik_Jan_Hanussen

    Hanussens Grabstätte befindet sich auf dem Südwestkirchhof Stahnsdorf im Block Charlottenburg, Gartenblock III, Gartenstelle 50.

    Erik Jan Hanussen - Hokus-Pokus-Tausendsassa | Telepolis
    https://www.heise.de/tp/features/Erik-Jausendsassa-3417887.html?seite=all

    24. März 2008 Markus Kompa (unter Mitwirkung von Wilfried Kugel)
    Vor 75 Jahren ermordeten die Nazis ihren Propheten

    FILM: Gläubige Masse - DER SPIEGEL 42/1988
    http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d-13531431.html

    Auferstehung eines „Hellsehers": Istvan Szabo verfilmte das Leben des Hitler-Propheten Hanussen - sein wahres war dramatischer.

    Internet Archive Search: Hanussen
    https://archive.org/search.php?query=Hanussen&and[]=mediatype%3A%22texts%22

    Hitlers Hellseher - Der Tagesspiegel - Andreas Conrad - 1.1.2006
    https://web.archive.org/web/20071108233135/http://www.tagesspiegel.de/zeitung/Sonderthemen%3Bart893,2287039

    die Eröffnung des „Palasts des Okkultismus“ in der Lietzenburger Straße 16, einer ultramodern eingerichteten, mit astrologischen Symbolen geschmückten Residenz, in der sich der Magier selbst inszenierte. Dort fand am 26. Februar 1933 die Séance statt, bei der Hanussen den Brand des Reichstages einen Tag später vorausgesagt haben soll.

    Der Klausener Platz Blog kennt eine Geschichte, welche die Information über Hanussens Wohnung in der Lietzenburger Straße 16 stützt.
    https://seenthis.net/messages/745779

    #Geschichte #Nazis #Okkultismus #Lietzenburger_Straße


  • Palestinian teen shot, killed by Israeli forces in al-Bireh
    Dec. 14, 2018 5:39 P.M. (Updated: Dec. 14, 2018 5:55 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782092

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — A 16-year-old Palestinian was shot and killed by Israeli forces during clashes that erupted in the al-Jalazun refugee camp north of al-Bireh in the central occupied West Bank, on Friday evening.

    The Palestinian Ministry of Health confirmed that a Palestinian from the al-Jalazun refugee camp arrived to the Palestine Medical Center in a critical condition.

    Sources added that the teen was injured with live bullets in the abdomen.

    The ministry identified the killed teen as Mahmoud Youssef Nakhleh.

    Israeli forces opened fire at the teen from a very close range; from less than 10 meters away.

    Israeli soldiers attempted to detain Nakhleh afterwards, however, Palestinian Red Crescent paramedics were able to take him and transfer him to the Palestine Medical Center after having to quarrel Israeli soldiers for more than 30 minutes.

    Nakhleh was later pronounced dead at the hospital.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • After Shooting a Palestinian Teen, Israeli Troops Dragged Him Around – and Chased an Ambulance Away

      A Palestinian from the Jalazun refugee camp was shot in the back and died after soldiers kept him from receiving medical care
      Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Dec 20, 2018
      https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium--1.6765800

      What goes through the head of soldiers, young Israelis, after they shoot an unarmed Palestinian teenager in the back with live ammunition, prevent him from getting medical treatment, move him around, putting him on the ground and then picking him up again – and chase away an ambulance at gunpoint? For 15 minutes, the Israel Defense Forces soldiers carried the dying Mahmoud Nakhle , pulling him by his hands and feet, it’s not clear why or where, before allowing him to be evacuated. They had already shot him and wounded him badly. He was dying. Why not let the Palestinian ambulance that arrived at the site rush him to the hospital and possibly save his life? Nakhle died from a bullet in his liver and loss of blood. He was two weeks after his 18th birthday, the only son of parents who are descendants of refugees, and he lived in the Jalazun refugee camp adjacent to Ramallah, in the West Bank.

      Nakhle was killed last Friday, December 14.

      Getting to Jalazun took a long time this week; it was a long and stressful trip. Overnight, terror attacks and other sights of the intifada had returned simultaneously: innumerable surprise checkpoints, such as we hadn’t seen for years; long lines of Palestinian vehicles, forced to wait for hours; drivers emerging from their cars and waiting in desperation by the side of the road, anger and frustration etched on their faces; roads blocked arbitrarily, with people signaling each other as to which was open and which was closed; some cars making their way cross-country via boulder-strewn areas and dirt paths to bypass the roadblocks, until those options, too, were sealed off by the army. And also aggressive, edgy, frightened soldiers, carrying weapons that threatened just about anyone who made a move near them.

      Welcome back to the days of the intifada, welcome to a trip into the past: Even if only for a moment, the West Bank this week regressed 15 years, to the start of the millennium.

      The wind blows cold at the Jalazun camp. A throng of thousands of children and teenagers is streaming down the road, heading home from their schools run by UNRWA, the United Nations refugee agency. The two schools, one for boys and one for girls, are situated at the camp’s entrance, on both sides of the main Ramallah-Nablus road. We were here a year and a half ago, after IDF soldiers shot up a car stolen from Israel when it stopped outside the settlement of Beit El, spraying it with at least 10 rounds, and killing two of its passengers. About half a year ago, we returned to the camp to meet Mohammed Nakhle, the bereaved father of 16-year-old Jassem, one of those fatalities. The father cried through our entire meeting, even though this was a year after he had lost Jassem.

      Mahmoud Nakhle, who was killed last week, was a relative of Jassem’s.

      Last Friday, there was stone throwing in the valley between Jalazun’s boys’ school and the first houses of Beit El, across the way. The soldiers fired tear-gas canisters and rubber-coated bullets at the young Palestinians. Quite a few of the camp’s residents have been killed at this spot, which has become a main arena of the struggle against the large, veteran settlement that looms through every window in poverty-stricken, overcrowded Jalazun, situated below.

      The stone throwing had slowed down in the afternoon and had just about stopped when an IDF force, arriving in two vehicles, began chasing after the youths, who were now on their way back to the camp, at about 4 P.M. The latter numbered about 15 teens, aged 14 to 18. Suddenly the soldiers started shooting, using live ammunition – even as calm was apparently about to be restored. A video clip, one of several that captured the event, shows the soldiers walking along the road and firing into the air.

      The wail of an ambulance slashes the air now, as we stand at the site of the incident with Iyad Hadad, a field investigator for the Israeli human-rights organization B’Tselem, who collected testimony from eyewitnesses. Nakhle chose to return home by way of a dirt path that passes above the camp. The soldiers ran after him and one of them shot him once, in the lower back. Nakhle fell to the ground, bleeding.

      The occupant of the first-floor apartment in the closest building in Jalazun, just meters from the site of the incident, heard the shot, the groans and a call for help. She assumed someone had been wounded, but wasn’t sure where or who he was. From her window she saw a group of soldiers standing in a circle, though she couldn’t see the wounded person who lay on the ground between them. A second eyewitness saw one soldier nudge Nakhle with his foot, apparently to see if the teen was still alive. They then pulled up his shirt and pulled down his pants, apparently to check whether the stone-throwing youth was a dangerous, booby-trapped terrorist. As the video accounts show, he was left lying like that, exposed in his blue underwear. The woman from the apartment rushed out to summon help, but the soldiers fired toward her to drive her off. One bullet struck her husband’s car.

      The soldiers lifted Nakhle up and carried him a few dozen meters from where he’d fallen, laying him down at the side of the road. One of the eyewitnesses related that they carried him “like you haul a slaughtered sheep.” The video clip shows them carrying him not in the prescribed way for moving someone who is seriously wounded, but by his hands and his feet, his back sagging.

      Before the soldiers shot at the first eyewitness – whose identity is known to the B’Tselem investigator – to scare her off, she shouted at them to let the wounded person be and to allow him to be taken to hospital in an ambulance. “Leave him alone, do you want to kill him… give him aid.” She also shouted at the soldiers that she was his mother – apparently hoping that the lie would stir pity in them – but to no avail. In the video shot by her daughter on her cell phone, the woman sounds overwrought, gasping for breath as she cries out, “In God’s name, call an ambulance!”

      After five to seven minutes, the soldiers again lifted Nakhle, once more by his extremities, and carried him a few dozen meters more, in the direction of the main road, and again laid him by the roadside. A Palestinian ambulance that had arrived at the scene was chased off by the soldiers, who threatened the driver with their rifles. As far as is known, the soldiers did not give Nakhle any sort of medical aid. The woman from the house again shouted, now from her window: “In God’s name, let the ambulance take him away.” But still to no avail.

      It was only after a quarter of an hour, during which Nakhle continued to bleed, that the soldiers allowed an ambulance to be summoned. A video clip shows Nakhle raising one hand limply to the back of his neck, proof that he was still alive. Half-naked, he’s placed on a stretcher and put in the ambulance, which speeds off, its siren wailing, to the Government Hospital in Ramallah.

      The teen apparently breathed his last en route, arriving at the hospital with no pulse. Attempts were made to resuscitate him in the ER and to perform emergency surgery, but after half an hour, he was pronounced dead. Dr. Muayad Bader, a physician in the hospital, wrote on the death certificate that Mahmoud Nakhle died from loss of blood after a bullet entered his lower back, struck his liver and hit a main artery, damaging other internal organs.

      A group of children is now standing at the site where Nakhle fell, practicing stone throwing on the way back from school. They hurl the stones to the ground in a demonstrative fit of anger. In the mourning tent that was erected in the courtyard of the camp, adorned with huge posters of the deceased, the men sit, grim-faced, with the bereaved father, Yusuf Nakhle, 41, in the center. Disabled from birth, he is partially paralyzed in his left arm and leg. We asked him to tell us about Mahmoud’s life.

      “What life? He hadn’t yet lived his life, they robbed him of his life,” he replies softly. Mahmoud attended school until the 10th grade and then studied electrical engineering at a professional college in Qalandiyah. He completed his studies and afterward a year of apprenticeship, and was waiting to find a job as an electrician. His father was waiting for him to help provide for the family. Yusuf is a technician at a pharmaceuticals company in Bir Zeit, near Ramallah. He and his wife, Ismahan, 45, have two more daughters, aged 14 and 4. Mahmoud was their only son.

      In response to an inquiry, the IDF Spokesman’s Office gave Haaretz the following statement this week: “On December 14, 2018, there was a violent disturbance adjacent to Jalazun, during which dozens of Palestinians threw rocks at IDF soldiers. The soldiers responded with demonstration-dispersal measures.

      “During the disturbance, a Palestinian holding a suspicious object approached one of the soldiers. The soldier fired at him. Later, it was reported that the Palestinian had been killed. The Military Police have launched an investigation into the incident. Upon its completion, the findings will be transferred to the military advocate general’s office.”

      The spokesman’s office did not respond to a question regarding the denial of medical assistance to Mahmoud Nahle.

      Last Friday, the hours passed normally in the home of Nakhle family in the Jalazun camp. Breakfast, a shower; the son asks his father if he needs anything before going out around midday. Never to return. At 4:30, Yusuf’s brother called to inform him that his son had been wounded and was in the Government Hospital. By the time his father arrived, Mahmoud had been pronounced dead.

      “We are human beings and it is our right to live and to look after our children. We too have feelings, like all people,” says Rabah, Mahmoud’s uncle, the brother of his father. Yusuf has watched the video clips that document the shooting and the hauling of his dying son dozens of times, over and over. Ismahan can’t bring herself to look at them.


  • » 60 Year Old Palestinian Man Shot Dead By Israeli Soldiers– IMEMC News
    December 14, 2018 12:27 AM


    http://imemc.org/article/60-year-old-palestinian-man-shot-dead-by-israeli-soldiers

    The Israeli military, according to Israeli media sources, has admitted that its soldiers mistakenly killed Hamdan Tawfiq Arda , 60, after initially claiming that he had deliberately tried to ram his vehicle into soldiers, in the Industrial Zone in al-Biereh city, in central West Bank.

    Eyewitnesses told Maan News Agency that it looked like a car accident, and that the driver was startled by the military presence, and tried to turn away from them.

    Sources added that one soldier was lightly injured, but it was not from the car driven by the Palestinian man.

    The soldiers fired a barrage of live rounds at the car, fatally wounding the driver, who suffered gunshot wounds mainly to the head.

    His brain and fragments of his skull were on the car seat after he was removed by the medics, before they were collected for proper burial with his body later on.

    The Israeli military initially stated was an “attempt to ram his car into soldiers”, and then changed their statement, telling the Jerusalem Post that they believed it was an accident.

    The Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) has confirmed that its medics were at the scene shortly after the man was shot, and added that the soldiers stopped them and prevented them from approaching him.

    The slain Palestinian man was from ‘Arraba town, near the northern West Bank city of Jenin.

    The Israeli military had just finished invading the Industrial Zone, in an apparent search for the suspects of the killing of two Israeli soldiers earlier Thursday.

    #Palestine_assassinée



  • Palestinian shot, killed by Israeli forces in Hebron
    Dec. 11, 2018 10:55 A.M. (Updated: Dec. 11, 2018 11:41 A.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782040

    HEBRON (Ma’an) — A Palestinian youth was shot and killed by Israeli forces, on Tuesday morning, in the Ithna village in western Hebron in the southern occupied West Bank.

    The Palestinian Red Crescent identified the youth as Omar Hassan al-Awawdeh , 27, from Ithna.

    Al-Awawdeh was shot and critically injured in his back by Israeli forces in the village, when he allegedly did not stop his vehicle for search, upon order by soldiers, according to the Israeli army.

    Israeli forces claimed that the youth attempted to run soldiers over.

    Medical sources at the al-Ahli Hospital in Hebron confirmed al-Awawdeh’s death later.

    Israeli news outlets reported that Israeli soldiers were escorting Israeli Civil Administration employees during activity in the village, when a Palestinian driver allegedly attempted to run them over with his vehicle.

    #Palestine_assassinée


  • The Simple Truth that #ico’s Forgot
    https://hackernoon.com/the-simple-truth-that-icos-forgot-1d7b9ab9f77f?source=rss----3a8144eabfe

    Offer value to your customer.You can no longer magic value from thin air. The new reality for cryptocurrencies to acknowledge. A product or service must deliver value: it supports and incentivizes platform adoption.Ultimately, it’s the driver that dictates success.As of mid-2018, over 1,000 projects have failed. Too many forgot — or chose to ignore — that to survive, you have to build something useful; although, this didn’t stop founders from raising $13.7 billion in the first six months of the year.However, the second half has been a wake-up call — and cryptocurrencies must now adapt.The Tide Has TurnedThere was a moment when the technology could do no wrong.Then several high-profile ICO’s were revealed as outright scams, robbing some $1.34 billion from unsuspecting investors, and sentiment changed. (...)

    #blockchain-technology #blockchain #bitcoin #cryptocurrency


  • NYC passes minimum pay wage for Uber and Lyft drivers
    https://www.engadget.com/2018/12/04/nyc-minimum-pay-wage-uber-lyft-drivers

    12.04.18 - New York City’s Taxi and Limousine Commission voted today to establish a minimum wage for drivers working for companies like Uber, Lyft, Juno and Via. The city is the first in the US to set a minimum pay rate for app-based drivers. Going forward, the minimum pay will be set at $17.22 per hour after expenses, bringing it in line with the city’s $15 per hour minimum wage for typical employees, which will take effect at the end of the year. The additional $2.22 takes into account contract drivers’ payroll taxes and paid time off.

    “Today we brought desperately needed relief to 80,000 working families. All workers deserve the protection of a fair, livable wage and we are proud to be setting the new bar for contractor workers’ rights in America,” Jim Conigliaro, Jr., founder of the Independent Drivers Guild, said in a statement. “We are thankful to the Mayor, Commissioner Joshi and the Taxi and Limousine Commission, City Council Member Brad Lander and all of the city officials who listened to and stood up for drivers.”

    Earlier this year, the Taxi and Limousine Commission released the results of a study it requested, which recommended the new pay floor. And in August, NYC Mayor Bill de Blasio signed a bill requiring the commission to set a base pay rate. The Independent Drivers Guild, which has been working towards a minimum pay rate for some time, estimates that contract drivers in the city are currently earning just $11.90 per hour after expenses.

    Across the US, there’s been increased scrutiny on what companies like Uber and Lyft are actually paying their workers. In May, San Francisco subpoenaed the two companies for their pay records, and both companies have faced lawsuits over driver wages. Last year, NYC began requiring all ride-hailing services to offer an in-app tipping option.

    The rules passed today aren’t sitting well with the companies affected by them, however. Lyft told Engadget that it’s concerned that calculating pay per ride rather than per week will incentivize short rides over long rides. Further, Lyft says the new out of town rates — which require companies to pay drivers more when they take passengers outside of the city and return without a passenger — will be hard to implement before the new regulations take effect in 30 days.

    “Lyft believes all drivers should earn a livable wage and we are committed to helping drivers reach their goals,” the company told Engadget. “Unfortunately, the TLC’s proposed pay rules will undermine competition by allowing certain companies to pay drivers lower wages, and disincentive drivers from giving rides to and from areas outside Manhattan. These rules would be a step backward for New Yorkers, and we urge the TLC to reconsider them.”

    Uber released a statement as well ahead of today’s vote. The company’s director of public affairs, Jason Post, said:

    “Uber supports efforts to ensure that full-time drivers in NYC - whether driving with taxi, limo or Uber - are able to make a living wage, without harming outer borough riders who have been ignored by yellow taxi and underserved by mass transit.

    The TLC’s implementation of the City Council’s legislation to increase driver earnings will lead to higher than necessary fare increases for riders while missing an opportunity to immediately reduce congestion in Manhattan’s central business district.

    The TLC’s rules does not take into account incentives or bonuses forcing companies to raise rates even higher. Companies use incentives and bonuses as part of driver earnings to ensure reliability citywide by providing a monetary incentive to drivers to complete trips in areas that need them the most (such as outside of Manhattan).

    In addition, the rules miss an opportunity to immediately deal with congestion in Manhattan’s central business district. A recent TLC study authored by economists James Parrott and Michael Reich describes a formula that would financially punish companies who have low utilization rates. Instead, the TLC is choosing the adopt an industry-wide utilization rate that does not hold bases accountable for keeping cars full with paying passengers.”

    #USA #New_York #Uber #Mindestlohn