• Mes #étoiles_noires

    L’Homme, petit ou grand, a besoin d’étoiles pour se repérer. Il a besoin de modèles pour se construire, bâtir son estime de soi, changer son imaginaire, casser les #préjugés qu’il projette sur lui-même et sur les autres. Dans mon enfance, on m’a montré beau- coup d’étoiles. Je les ai admirées, j’en ai rêvé : Socrate, Baudelaire, Einstein, Marie Curie, le général de Gaulle, Mère Teresa… Mais des étoiles noires, personne ne m’en a jamais parlé. Les murs des classes étaient blancs, les pages des livres d’histoire étaient blanches.
    J’ignorais tout de l’histoire de mes propres ancêtres. Seul l’esclavage était mentionné. L’histoire des Noirs, ainsi présentée, n’était qu’une vallée d’armes et de larmes.

    Pouvez-vous me citer un scientifique noir ?
    Un explorateur noir ?
    Un philosophe noir ?
    Un pharaon noir ?
    Si vous ne le savez pas, quelle que soit la couleur de votre peau, ce livre est pour vous. Car la meilleure façon de lutter contre le racisme et l’intolérance, c’est d’enrichir nos connaissances et nos #imaginaires.

    Ces portraits de femmes et d’hommes sont le fruit de mes lectures et de mes entretiens avec des spécialistes et des historiens. De Lucy à Barack Obama, en passant par Ésope, Dona Béatrice, Pouchkine, Anne Zin- gha, Aimé Césaire, Martin Luther King et bien d’autres encore, ces étoiles m’ont permis d’éviter la victimisation, d’être capable de croire en l’Homme, et surtout d’avoir confiance en moi.


    https://www.thuram.org/mes-etoiles-noires-une-coedition-solidaire-le-livre-equitable-disponible-en-

    #livre #historicisation #Noirs #invisibilisation #invisibilité #racisme #Lilian_Thuram #Thuram

    ps. il y a de très beau portraits des personnes noires mentionnées dans le livre... des dessins. Je vais essayer de faire quelques photos et les poster ici...

  • 7 idées reçues sur les #migrations climatiques
    https://www.franceculture.fr/ecologie-et-environnement/7-idees-recues-sur-les-migrations-climatiques

    Chaque année, plusieurs millions de personnes sont contraintes de quitter leur lieu de vie à cause des dégradations environnementales ou des catastrophes naturelles. Ces déplacés climatiques sont de plus en plus nombreux, et pourtant on les connaît encore mal.

    #climat

  • En #Bosnie, Ajnas se bat pour les #enfants de la #honte

    En #Bosnie-Herzégovine, on les appelle les « #enfants_invisibles ». Ce sont les bébés nés de viols commis pendant la guerre de Yougoslavie – par des soldats ennemis, mais aussi par des Casques bleus. Ajna Jusic est l’un de ces enfants de la honte, qui seraient entre 2 000 et 4 000 dans le pays...

    La jeune femme, à qui la mère a longtemps caché sa véritable histoire, lutte aujourd’hui pour faire reconnaître ces personnes, discriminées par la société, comme victimes de guerre officielles.

    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/079474-003-A/arte-regards
    #guerre #histoire #ex-Yougoslavie #viols #viols_de_guerre #femmes #invisibilité #discriminations #égalité_de_traitement #victimes_de_guerre #préjugés #rejet #insultes #adoption #exclusion #traumatisme #culpabilisation #stigmatisation #santé_mentale #reportage #documentaire #film

    Les mots très forts de Ajna Jusic :

    « Les dégâts causés par la guerre n’ont pas de nationalité, ni d’ethnie. Le viol n’a rien à voir avec la nationalité, c’est une expérience traumatisante et c’est comme tel qu’il faut le traiter »

    #nationalisme

  • Tubercolosi, aids, scabbia: ecco cosa dicono i dati sui migranti “untori”

    L’Inmp pubblica un monitoraggio sulle tre patologie, indicate come legate a un afflusso sempre maggiore di persone straniere nel nostro Paese, confutando l’ipotesi contagio.

    Dopo l’ultima inchiesta della procura di Catania su Medici senza frontiere incentrata sullo smaltimento dei rifiuti provenienti dalle navi che fanno soccorso in mare, si torna a parlare di migranti e malattie. Un legame spesso indagato e smentito da medici e ricercatori. Questa volta a smontare la bufala sui migranti “untori” ci pensa l’Inmp, l’Istituto nazionale per la promozione della salute delle popolazioni Migranti e per il contrasto delle malattie della Povertà. In particolare, l’ente pubblica sul suo sito un monitoraggio sulle tre patologie tubercolosi, Aids/Hiv e scabbia, indicate sempre più come malattie il cui contagio sarebbe causato da un afflusso sempre maggiore di persone straniere nel nostro paese.

    Per quanto riguarda la tubercolosi, spiega l’Inmp i dati del Ministero della Salute indicano come negli ultimi 15 anni il numero di casi è rimasto pressoché costante (circa 4.500 segnalazioni l’anno), a fronte di una lenta e progressiva diminuzione dell’incidenza nella popolazione generale: da 9,5 casi/100.000 abitanti nel 1995 a 7 casi/100.000 nel 2012 e 6,6 casi/100.000 nel 2016. In particolare, il tasso di incidenza (dati 2016) è inferiore a quello della media dei Paesi dell’Unione Europea (11,4) e tra i più bassi tra quelli osservati nell’Europa occidentale (superiore solo a Danimarca, Finlandia e Norvegia), secondo i dati del rapporto “Tuberculosis surveillance and monitoring in Europe 2018 – 2016 data” pubblicato dallo European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control/WHO – Regional Office for Europe.

    L’Istituto analizza separatamente i dati relativi alla popolazione straniera, rilevando un andamento altalenante: un aumento del numero assoluto da 1.652 nel 2003 a 2.310 nel 2012, una diminuzione fino al 2015 e un nuovo incremento nel 2016 (2.419 casi), in prima ipotesi da correlare al picco di arrivi nel nostro Paese osservato in quell’anno (181.436). “Tuttavia, – spiega l’Inmp – quando l’aumento dei casi viene posto in relazione con l’aumento della popolazione straniera in Italia (più che raddoppiata negli ultimi 10 anni), si nota che il tasso diminuisce anche tra gli immigrati, con valori più che dimezzati: da 99,5 per 100.000 nel 2003 a 55,3 per 100.000 nel 2012 e 48,1 per 100.000 nel 2016”. I casi sono aumentati, dunque, solo in numero assoluto e non in proporzione all’aumento del numero degli immigrati (+243% nel 2016). L’Inmp esclude, dunque un allarme per la popolazione italiana. “A tale evidenza si aggiunge la maggiore consapevolezza verso la malattia da parte del servizio sanitario nazionale – spiega l’Istituto, – che si è recentemente dotato di apposite linee guida per il controllo delle malattie alle frontiere e per il controllo della tubercolosi”

    Lo stesso vale per il virus dell’Hiv e per l’Aids. Secondo il rapporto Osservasalute 2017, tra il 2006 e il 2016 sono stati segnalati circa 35.000 nuovi casi di infezione di HIV tra gli adulti, di cui 9.705 a carico di stranieri. Tra questi ultimi, il numero assoluto delle diagnosi è andato aumentando (tra gli uomini da 322 casi nel 2006 a 676 nel 2016 e tra le donne da 251 a 461 casi), fenomeno questo correlabile sia ad una maggiore copertura del Sistema di sorveglianza sia all’incremento della popolazione straniera in Italia. “Tuttavia, va segnalato che i tassi di incidenza per l’Hiv mostrano una diminuzione tra gli stranieri inizialmente più accentuata, da 51,3 per mille nel 2006 a 27,7 per mille nel 2011. Poi più graduale, fino a un lieve incremento nel 2016 (28,5 per 100.000). Tale ultimo dato potrà essere meglio interpretato solo con un’osservazione dei trend nei prossimi anni – spiega l’Istituto, ipotizzando anche che questo possa essere legato all’emersione del fenomeno dovuta a un maggior ricorso allo screening per Hiv da parte degli operatori sanitari, più che di una ripresa dell’infezione tra i migranti. A ciò si aggiunge un decremento, negli stessi anni e tra gli stranieri, dei tassi di incidenza di Aids (malattia conclamata), probabilmente grazie all’aumentata disponibilità della terapia antiretrovirale così come alla maggiore opportunità di accesso ai servizi specialistici.

    Infine, per la scabbia l’Istituto sottolinea che si tratta di una patologia “effettivamente diffusa tra i migranti allo sbarco, come conseguenza delle condizioni di scarsa igiene e promiscuità subite nei centri di raccolta nei Paesi di partenza e transito e durante la traversata”. Dai dati raccolti dal team specialistico dell’INMP negli hotspot di Lampedusa e Trapani-Milo nel 2015-2016, su 6.188 persone visitate, il 58 per cento ha ricevuto una diagnosi di scabbia. “Tuttavia, nonostante l’elevato riscontro della diagnosi, non sono stati registrati casi di contagio tra gli operatori sanitari e, più in generale, a seguito di tutti gli sbarchi in Italia, non sono mai state segnalate epidemie tra gli italiani, a conferma” conclude l’Istituto.

    Sul tema si è espresso anche Roberto Burioni, medico ,accademico, attivo come ricercatore nel campo relativo allo sviluppo di anticorpi monoclonali umani contro agenti infettivi. Sul suo nuovo sito di divulgazione scientifica “Medical facts” parla di una ricerca inglese e danese secondo cui i migranti arrivano sani e si ammalano nei Paesi di arrivo. “I batteri resistenti agli antibiotici non li acquisiscono nei loro Paesi poveri e martoriati, dove soldi per gli antibiotici scarseggiano e le medicine vengono usate con il contagocce – spiega l’articolo a firma Roberto Burioni e Nicasio Mancini. – I batteri resistenti, tenetevi forte, i migranti li contraggono quando sono costretti a vivere, pigiati con altre centinaia di persone, in condizioni inumane in Paesi in cui i batteri resistenti agli antibiotici sono presenti in maniera molto abbondante. Indovinate qual è uno di questi Paesi? Avete indovinato: l’Italia, che non solo è un luogo di primo approdo per i migranti, ma anche un Paese (insieme alla Grecia), che primeggia in Europa per la presenza di questi pericolosissimi batteri resistenti ai farmaci. Dunque, non siamo noi che prendiamo questi pericolosi batteri dagli immigrati (le evidenze di trasmissione alle popolazioni locali sono ancora molto scarse). Ma sono i migranti che li prendono da noi”. Il paradosso – spiega il medico – è che in altri Paesi in Europa, dove il numero di batteri resistenti è molto inferiore al nostro, “sono preoccupati da chi proviene dall’Italia, perché potrebbe diffondere questi batteri – aggiunge il medico. – A proposito, a conferma di quanto emerge dallo studio, questo non vale solo per gli immigrati, vale anche per noi italiani. Ci sono nazioni in cui, se un italiano è ricoverato in ospedale, è tenuto in isolamento (potremmo quasi dire in quarantena), durante il periodo di ricovero, per il timore che possa diffondere i batteri resistenti dove non ci sono”.

    L’articolo di Burioni è stato criticato oggi dal quotidiano La Verità. Nel pezzo di apertura del giornale, dal titolo “Le balle del medico prediletto del Pd: gli italiano infettano gli immigrati”, il direttore Maurizio Belpietro accusa il medico di mistificare i contenuti della ricerca di The Lancet. “A leggere ciò che spiega il sito di Burioni, la ricerca sarebbe definitiva, – scrive Belpietro. – Peccato che già sul sito della rivista si capisca che definitiva non è, ma si tratta di una “scoperta” tutta da valutare, innanzitutto perché, come ammettono gli stessi ricercatori, basata su dati un po’ scarsi e poi perché a influire sulla diffusione dei batteri resistenti agli antibiotici non sono gli italiani, ma le “condizioni di viaggio” dei migranti per arrivare da noi”. Non si è fatta attendere la replica di Burioni che su Twitter ha scritto: “Confermo che il contenuto del nostro articolo su http://www.medicalfacts.it rappresenta una corretta e rigorosissima lettura dell’articolo citato, pubblicato su Lancet Infectious Diseases. La Verità gli fa male lo so; ma i fatti sono fatti e bisogna accettarli anche se sgraditi.

    https://www.cartadiroma.org/news/in-evidenza/tubercolosi-aids-scabbia-ecco-cosa-dicono-i-dati-sui-migranti-untori/amp/?__twitter_impression=true
    #maladies #réfugiés #préjugés #contamination #HIV #sida #scabies #tuberculeuse #asile #migrations #fact-checking

    • #Salvini: «Gli immigrati hanno il record di Tbc e scabbia»

      Il vicepremier e ministro dell’Interno leghista replica alle parole del direttore della Pediatria d’urgenza del policlinico S.Orsola di Bologna che aveva detto: "Le malattie che si pensavano debellate ma che stanno tornando non sono causate dai migranti, come qualcuno vuol far credere, ma dall’aumento della povertà”

      http://www.rainews.it/dl/rainews/articoli/Migranti-Salvini-Hanno-record-di-Tbc-e-scabbia-piu-poveri-della-media-4d674e

    • The myth that migrants spread diseases

      ‘Very low risk’ of infectious diseases being transferred from migrant population to host population in WHO European region.

      Myths that migrants spread diseases or that migration is bad for public health were dismissed recently at a special seminar at the graduate entry medical school in the University of Limerick.

      Migration and the health of refugees and migrants in particular is one of a number of issues in health where the truth is in danger of being eroded by myths and falsehoods.

      In an effort to address this the World Health Organisation (WHO) has published a new report on the health of refugees and migrants in the WHO European Region, which was launched at the special in Limerick.

      With the strapline No Public Health Without Refugee and Migrant Health, this is the first WHO report of its kind which sets out to establish the evidence and counter the many damaging myths around migrant health.

      Writing in the foreword to the report, Zsuzsanna Jakab, WHO regional director for Europe, said, refugees and migrants enjoyed the same human right to health as everyone else.

      “One key priority is enhancing social protection for refugees and migrants, including developing sustainable financial mechanisms, both nationally and internationally, to provide for universal health coverage and social protection.

      “Another key priority is reducing the xenophobia, discrimination and stigma often experienced by refugees and migrants through actions such as advocacy and evidence-informed communication with both refugee and migrant communities and host populations.”

      Misinformation surrounding migrant health can fuel stigma, allow dangerous myths to circulate unchallenged and make migrants fearful of accessing vital healthcare services.

      According to the WHO, “almost one in 10 people in the WHO European region is currently an international migrant”.

      “Finding work is a major reason why people migrate internationally, although violence, conflict, natural disasters and human rights abuses are also contributors. Migration and displacement are social determinants of health affecting the health of refugees and migrants.”
      Universal approach

      The WHO seminar in UL on refugee and migrant health was part of a series of events that took place in cities across Europe, including, Athens, Rome, Moscow, Ankara and London, and it was attended by Dr Santino Severoni of the division of policy and governance for health and wellbeing, WHO regional office for Europe.

      Speaking to the Irish Times, Dr Severoni, who oversaw the report, underlined the importance of a universal approach to public health, which he said meant ensuring access to healthcare for all regardless of ethnicity or nationality.

      Dr Severoni said there was a need to strengthen and accelerate investment in research into the public health aspect of migration, and that migration health must be discussed and considered in all aspects of population health.

      Commenting on myths surrounding migrant health, Dr Severoni said there was a lot of confusion and misinformation even among healthcare workers and policy-makers in the healthcare sector which needed to be addressed.

      “There are a number of misinformation or gaps in terms of evidence which are extremely dangerous because they can produce a stigma,” he said.

      One of the biggest myths that has been busted by the WHO report is around fears that migrants bring infectious diseases to host populations. According to the WHO report, the evidence suggests that there is “very low risk” of infectious diseases being transferred from the refugee and migrant population to the host population in the WHO European region.

      In relation to specific diseases, the WHO report found that for HIV, for example, “there is growing evidence to suggest that a significant proportion of refugees and migrants who are HIV positive, including those who originate from countries of high HIV prevalence, acquire infection after they have arrived in the region”.

      The report also points out that in Europe refugees and migrants are more likely to be diagnosed at a later stage of their HIV infection. The reasons for this include “stigma and discrimination; migrant status and fear of administrative consequences; gaps in HIV testing services among refugees and migrants; and barriers to uptake and lack of understanding of service availability”.

      Furthermore, the report highlights that the process of migration itself can “create additional vulnerable situations where infections can occur, such as exposure to sexual violence (with potential for transmission of sexually transmitted infections), substance abuse and secondary risk-taking behaviours linked to poverty, isolation and marginalisation”.
      Perilous journeys

      Commenting, Dr Severoni said one of the biggest myths around refugee and migrant health was the direct link made by too many between migrants and the spread of infectious disease. “The spreading of infectious diseases is related to certain exposure to risk and behaviour which is exactly the same for any person in our society.”

      Dr Severoni added that while the perilous journeys migrants were forced to make may increase their risk of contracting disease, for example, if they don’t have access to clean water, there was also a myth that once they arrive they are at risk of infecting the host population, and this, he said, was also untrue.

      A further myth busted by the WHO report was that the spread of disease only moves from south to north. Dr Severoni said the reality was that anyone travelling to a tropical country was at risk of contracting a tropical disease.

      In relation to non-communicable or chronic disease, the WHO found that on arrival refugees and migrants appear to be healthier and have lower prevalence rates for many non-communicable diseases compared with the host population.

      However, “prevalence rates, especially for obesity, begin to converge with longer duration of stay”, says the report.

      Dr Severoni explained that once they arrive in the host country migrants are two to three times more likely to contract a non-communicable disease compared to the resident population.

      Therefore, Dr Severoni said it was vital to ensure that the entire population including migrants and refugees had access to preventative medicine, and that a universal healthcare system was in place.

      However, he said it was important not to generalise for all non-communicable diseases as, for example, the evidence shows that while there is a reduced incidence of most cancers among migrants, this was not true for cervical cancer which is higher in migrant women, mainly due to a lack of access to screening and vaccination.
      Difficulties

      Participants at the Limerick conference on refugee and migrant health included Alphonse Basogomba. Originally from Burundi, Mr Basogomba arrived in Ireland in 2004, and spent 11 years in direct provision in Limerick. While he said he did not have personal experience of difficulties accessing healthcare, he was aware of those that did.

      Mr Basogomba said some refugees and migrants were afraid of accessing healthcare when they became unwell in the host country due to the real fear that being sick would affect their application or legal status. Unfortunately, he said that for some, the fear was so great that they did not access healthcare until it is was too late.

      “Some people fear that if they find I have this disease I won’t get my status so they hold on until it is too late.”

      Mr Basogomba also said that language difficulties and culture differences added a further layer of complexity, and acted as additional barriers for refugees accessing healthcare.

      Prof Anne McFarlane, chair of primary care healthcare research at the graduate entry medical school in the University of Limerick (UL) , is one of Ireland’s foremost experts in migrant and refugee health.

      It is testament to Prof McFarlane’s pioneering work involving migrants in health research and policy that the public and patient involvement research unit at the graduate entry medical school in the UL which she established has been designated by the WHO as one of just five collaborating centres for migrants’ involvement in health research.

      Prof McFarlane’s particular area of expertise is around the language barriers that migrants face in their host countries.

      “At the moment people are relying on family members or friends or just broken English. Language differences are cited as a barrier to healthcare across countries, healthcare systems and over time. This is a persistent problem, but it can be addressed.
      Consultations

      “We need to advocate for migrants’ basic right to have access to healthcare – the right to a communication flow in their healthcare consultations. We need to disrupt the status quo and implement trained and accredited interpreters in our healthcare system.

      “This status quo compromises healthcare in all consultations, creates clinical risks and will certainly undermine management of infectious disease and non-communicable diseases which refugees and migrants are at risk of.”

      Prof McFarlane said migration was “a global phenomenon” that was not going to go away.

      “Irish people will be familiar with migration for many of their family histories. What changes are the patterns of migration. So we do need to understand who is migrating, why are they migrating, where are they migrating from, where they are migrating to, and then it is about understanding the public health implications of that and responding to it because migrants and refugees have a right to health just like anybody else.”

      https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/health-family/the-myth-that-migrants-spread-diseases-1.3913342

  • Diasporas à l’échelle des continents

    Attention, pépite.

    Dans De Facto, publié par l’Institut Convergences Migrations, François Héran (démographe) publie un graphique* fort intéressant, réalisé à partir des données de stocks de migrants internationaux (2018) des Nations unies.

    Les premières lignes indiquent que : « Le graphique remet en perspective les migrations africaines dans l’ensemble mondial des diasporas. Il ne s’agit pas de flux annuels mais d’effectifs accumulés au fil du temps (« international migrant stock » [...] ».

    Lire la suite, ici : http://icmigrations.fr/2018/11/14/0003

    *Il s’agit en fait de la seconde version d’un graphe de flux, désormais plaqué sur un fond de carte ; l’esthétique de la figure a également été modifiée.

    #migrants #migrations #flowmap #cartedeflux #cartostats #worldmap #diapora #ICmigrations

  • Là-bas si j’y suis | Cinq idées reçues sur l’immigration
    https://asile.ch/2018/11/27/la-bas-si-jy-suis-cinq-idees-recues-sur-limmigration

    On parle beaucoup d’immigration, mais on en parle avec beaucoup d’imprécisions, d’approximations, d’hypocrisie et d’instrumentalisation. Passage en revue de quelques idées reçues sur l’immigration, que Benoît Bréville nous aide à déconstruire. Un entretien de Jonathan Duong avec Benoît Bréville, rédacteur en chef adjoint du Monde diplomatique, auteur de l’article « Immigration, un débat biaisé » dans Le […]

  • La #fermeture_des_frontières empêche le #retour des migrants africains au pays

    En Europe, quand on parle de migrations africaines, on fait souvent référence aux arrivées de migrants, moins au fait qu’ils pourraient rentrer volontairement dans leur pays d’origine.

    Ces hommes et femmes sont la plupart du temps associés à des individus fuyant la misère et la guerre, recherchant des conditions de vie meilleures et n’ayant aucune intention de retourner d’où ils viennent. Quand les décideurs politiques européens parlent de « retour », ils font référence aux expulsions de migrants en situation irrégulière ou aux programmes incitant à un retour définitif, avec l’idée de décourager toute migration à venir.

    Tout cela laisse croire que la plupart des migrants africains voudraient s’établir définitivement en Europe et qu’aucun ne souhaiterait rentrer au pays, à moins d’y être contraint. Pourtant, l’éventualité d’un retour est toujours présente et fait partie de la #stratégie_de_mobilité de tout migrant. La migration est une #circulation et non un aller simple dans un sens ou dans l’autre. Le plus souvent, c’est le migrant qui décide de se mettre en mouvement.

    Des retours effectifs nombreux

    Les enquêtes « Migrations entre l’Afrique et l’Europe », menées à la fin des années 2000, ont montré que, à leur arrivée en Europe, de nombreux migrants envisageaient seulement une #migration_temporaire et avaient l’intention de #repartir. Ainsi, la moitié des migrants sénégalais et congolais arrivés en Europe entre 1960 et 2009 projetaient de rentrer dans leur pays d’origine.

    Les retours effectifs vers l’Afrique ont été nombreux. Après 10 ans, 20 % des Sénégalais et 40 % des Congolais qui avaient migré en Europe avaient effectué un retour au pays d’une durée d’un an ou plus, ou y étaient revenus temporairement avec l’intention de s’y installer.

    En fait, la grande majorité des retours sont décidés spontanément ou volontairement par les migrants eux-mêmes. Ils ne rentrent pas parce qu’ils y ont été forcés ou encouragés par les autorités du pays d’accueil. Seuls 11 % des Sénégalais et 3 % des Congolais ayant effectué un retour l’imputent à l’absence de titre de séjour régulier en Europe.

    Préparer soi-même son retour

    Les programmes d’#aide_au_retour « volontaire » (bien que ce choix résulte plutôt de contraintes) ne dissuadent pas de revenir en Europe. Les migrants circulent et les retours peuvent donner lieu à de nouvelles migrations si l’installation n’a été ni voulue ni préparée. C’est le cas, par exemple, de ceux dont le séjour en Europe a été trop court pour qu’ils puissent acquérir suffisamment de ressources pour réussir leur réinstallation réussie au pays d’origine. La part des Sénégalais de retour qui repartent en Europe est impressionnante : au bout de 10 ans, un peu moins de la moitié sont repartis pour l’Europe.

    Les migrants sont bien plus susceptibles de rentrer dans leur pays et d’y rester lorsqu’ils ont eux-mêmes préparé leur retour. Si on connaît mal la réalité statistique des retours décidés et mis en œuvre par les migrants dans le monde (rares sont les pays d’origine et de destination à enregistrer les migrations de retour), on cerne mieux les motivations de retour des migrants africains depuis les enquêtes biographiques MAFE. Particulièrement riches, ces enquêtes ont collecté des informations sur les parcours de vie des migrants, notamment sur leur trajectoire migratoire, leur vie familiale et professionnelle et leur expérience administrative en Europe et en Afrique.

    Les enquêtes MAFE montrent, enfin, que les politiques restreignant l’accès des migrants à l’Europe, même si elles sont accompagnées de programmes d’aide au retour « volontaire », ont un effet négatif sur les retours. Plus il est difficile de migrer vers l’Europe, moins les migrants retournent dans leur pays d’origine. Ils anticipent les difficultés de réinsertion dans un pays qu’ils ont parfois quitté depuis longtemps. Quand la situation du pays d’origine est instable et les conditions de vie difficiles, comme c’est le cas pour les Congolais partis après la crise de 1990, les migrants qui rentrent au pays le font le plus souvent à condition d’avoir l’assurance de pouvoir repartir.

    Les restrictions à l’immigration interrompent cette circulation et découragent les retours en poussant les migrants à s’installer définitivement en Europe. Un paradoxe sur lequel les décideurs pourraient méditer.

    https://theconversation.com/la-fermeture-des-frontieres-empeche-le-retour-des-migrants-africain
    #migration_circulaire #aller_et_venir #migrations #Afrique #Europe #retour_volontaire #mobilité #préjugés

  • Podcast : #migrants ou #réfugiés ? Crise ou phénomène durable ?
    http://theconversation.com/podcast-migrants-ou-refugies-crise-ou-phenomene-durable-106866

    Alors qu’en 2018 le nombre de migrants en Europe est le plus faible des dernières années, et que l’on ne cesse de parler de « crise des migrants », retour sur un débat à la fois lexical, politique et socio-économique avec trois experts de disciplines différentes.

    #migration #asile

  • #Anti-rumeurs

    La stratégie anti-rumeurs a pour but de sensibiliser à l’importance de lutter contre les préjugés et les rumeurs liés à la diversité qui entravent les échanges positifs et la cohésion sociale et favorisent les attitudes discriminatoires et racistes.


    https://www.coe.int/fr/web/interculturalcities/anti-rumours
    #anti-rumors #campagne #réfugiés #asile #migrations #préjugés #racisme #xénophobie #discriminations

    Et un #manuel :
    https://rm.coe.int/manuel-anti-rumeurs/16808a4545

    • Entre les années 2004 et 2014, le nombre de ressortissants non tunisiens résidant en Tunisie a évolué de 66%, passant de 35192 à 53490 personnes. Cela exclut toutefois les plus de 10’000 migrants subsahariens en situation irrégulière qui vivraient dans le pays et pour lesquels aucune statistique fiable et à jour n’est disponible, révèle la source.
      En réponse au manque d’informations sur la migration de l’Afrique subsaharienne vers la Tunisie et ses dynamiques les plus récentes, REACH et Mercy Corps ont voulu creuser la question et ont collecté entre le 9 août et le 2 septembre 2018 des données auprès des trois principaux centres de migration en Tunisie pour les migrants subsahariens à savoir Tunis, Sfax et Medenine.

      Chiffres à retenir :
      – Plus de 83% d’entre eux ont prévu de se rendre vers la Tunisie dès leur départ
      – Environ 14% entre d’eux sont motivés par les facilités de #visas
      – 1/3 des migrants subsahariens considèrent la Tunisie comme étant un tremplin
      – 1/3 des travailleurs subsahariens estime trouver des #emplois plus attractifs que dans leur pays d’origine
      – Près de la moitié des #étudiants subsahariens estiment que l’#éducation est de qualité
      – Ils sont peu nombreux ceux qui ont l’intention de rejoindre l’Europe clandestinement
      – Plus de 90% des interrogés sont venus en Tunisie par avion
      – 50% ont décidé de résider sur le Grand #Tunis
      – 3/4 des migrants subsahariens ont des difficultés d’accès au #permis_de_séjour
      – La majorité des migrants subsahariens envisagent de rester en Tunisie

      #pays_de_destination #pays_de_transit #migrations #statistiques #chiffres #travail

      Ces chiffres servent aussi à relativiser les #préjugés sur la #ruée_vers_l'Europe (v. notamment ici la référence au livre de #Stéphen_Smith : https://seenthis.net/messages/673774), l’#invasion et l’ #afflux...

  • Certains de vos commentaires sur Facebook sur l’arrivée des migrants dans la région sont insupportables

    La publication ce jeudi matin sur notre page facebook d’une vidéo sur l’arrivée à Toulouse de migrants de Calais a déclenché un torrent de commentaires. Certains sont empreints d’humanité mais beaucoup donnent la nausée. Nous avons décidé de réagir.

    C’est une simple vidéo. De quelques secondes. Une vidéo réalisée durant la nuit par une équipe de journalistes de #France_3 Midi-Pyrénées. On y voit des hommes, fatigués, tous d’origine afghane, débarquer d’un bus et récupérer leurs bagages. Quelques instants plus tard, ils seront installés dans un centre de la Croix-Rouge à Toulouse. Car ces hommes sont ce que l’on a pris désormais l’habitude d’appeler des « migrants », des réfugiés. Quelques heures auparavant, ils « vivaient » dans des conditions inhumaines dans la « jungle » de Calais.

    Cette vidéo, strictement informative, publiée sur notre page facebook, a déclenché un flot de commentaires. La plupart de ces commentaires sont haineux. Ils rejettent, a priori, sans les avoir rencontré, sans connaître leur histoire, des individus, des êtres humains, simplement parce qu’ils viennent d’un pays étranger, que leurs « traditions », leur « mode de vie » ne seraient pas exactement les mêmes que les nôtres.

    Mais cela va plus loin, « accusant » ces hommes d’être des violeurs en puissance, des agresseurs d’enfants. C’est insupportable.

    D’autres parlent « d’invasion » (quand tout au plus 270 personnes vont s’installer dans notre région, qui compte 5,7 millions d’habitants) ou font l’amalgame avec les terroristes !


    Heureusement, au milieu de cette mare d’immondices déversés sur facebook, certains internautes tentent de faire entendre une autre voix. « Bienvenue à eux » écrivent certains.

    Nous sommes, en tant que service public d’information, profondément attachés à la liberté d’expression. Les commentaires sur notre page facebook sont modérés a posteriori. Cela signifie que ceux qui franchissent la ligne jaune, en matière de respect de la loi (incitation à la haine, insulte, etc) sont supprimés après intervention de nos modérateurs. C’est un travail fastidieux surtout sur certains sujets dits « sensibles » et encore plus à l’approche des élections.

    Il y a la loi. Et puis il y a l’esprit. L’esprit, redisons-le, c’est celui de permettre au plus grand nombre de s’exprimer. Mais laisser le droit à l’expression n’empêche pas d’avoir un avis. La rédaction de France 3 Midi-Pyrénées, tout au long de l’année, à la télévision ou sur son site internet, a l’ambition de montrer la vie des gens qui habitent dans notre région, d’expliquer les faits d’actualité, de les contextualiser. Nous avons fait le choix de ne pas fermer les commentaires sur facebook mais sur certains sujets, des internautes, sous pseudonymes ou leur véritable identité, font tout pour nous pousser à restreindre la liberté d’expression. Nous ne voulons pas nous y résoudre mais nous ne pouvons pas laisser dire des choses fausses et laisser publier des propos insupportables sur notre page facebook sans réagir.

    La France est une terre d’asile. Chacun d’entre nous a dans sa famille ou connaît une personne qui a des origines espagnoles, italiennes, maghrébines, africaines, asiatiques... La région Occitanie a été et reste une terre d’accueil des peuples, au gré de l’histoire : guerres civiles, guerres mondiales, immigration économique, etc.
    L’histoire de notre pays est comme cela, que ça plaise ou non, et sans ces mélanges de population, sans cette ouverture sur le monde, la France ne serait pas la France.

    Cette « haine de l’autre » est irrationnelle. Elle ne repose sur rien d’autre qu’un sentiment. Peu importe comment on le nomme, « de peur », « d’insécurité ». Irrationnel. Ce ne sont pas 27 hommes, démunis de tout qui vont changer la vie d’un quartier, d’une ville comme Toulouse. Ce ne sont pas 250 ou 270 personnes qui vont mettre en péril l’équilibre de notre région. Vous qui voyez dans ces images des violeurs ou des agresseurs, dites-vous qu’y figurent peut-être le médecin qui sauvera demain votre enfant ou le maçon qui construira votre maison ! (Lisez, s’il vous plaît, l’encadré au pied de cet article, « La nausée » de la journaliste Marie Martin).

    Nous savons que la publication de cet article va déclencher de nouveaux commentaires haineux. Nous savons à quoi nous nous exposons. Mais nous ne voulions pas rester silencieux devant tant de haine et face à ce déversement sur facebook de commentaires nauséeux. Ne rien dire c’était se rendre complices.

    https://france3-regions.francetvinfo.fr/occitanie/haute-garonne/toulouse/certains-vos-commentaires-facebook-arrivee-migrants-reg
    #enfin #médias #réaction #journalisme #migrations #réfugiés #haine #service_public #presse #France3 #racisme #xénophobie #fact-checking #préjugés #invasion #afflux
    ping @reka

  • 5 idées reçues à déconstruire sur les liens entre migrations & développement

    Mobilisés pour le développement de leur région d’origine comme de destination, les organisations « migrations & développement » sont des acteurs clés de la #coopération_internationale. Le cadre de leur engagement associatif, « ici et là-bas », met en exergue les grandes interdépendances mondiales entre les sociétés du Nord et du Sud.

    Ce travail est le fruit d’une coopération étroite entre des associations de migrants en Europe et leurs partenaires. Ainsi, les rédacteurs ont repris les idées reçues les plus couramment véhiculées dans le secteur de l’aide publique au développement à chaque fois qu’il était fait référence aux migrations, aux immigrés ou à leurs organisations représentatives.

    – Pas de pauvreté, pas de migration

    – Quitter son pays, c’est l’appauvrir encore plus

    – Ouvrir les frontières, c’est mettre en péril notre économie

    – Les associations de migrants ne s’impliquent pas dans la vie locale en Europe

    – Les organisations de migrants qui investissent dans le champ de la solidarité internationale ne se préoccupent que de leurs familles


    https://mediatheque.agencemicroprojets.org/idees-recues-migrations-developpement
    #mythe #préjugés #migrations #développement #pauvreté #frontières #ouverture_des_frontières #aide_au_développement

    Brochure :
    https://mediatheque.agencemicroprojets.org/wp-content/uploads/5-id%C3%A9es-%C3%A0-d%C3%A9construire-lien-migration

    ping @_kg_

    • Migrations subsahariennes : les idées reçues à l’épreuve des chiffres

      Elaborer des politiques publiques pertinentes, à même d’optimiser les liens entre migrations et développement des individus et des territoires requiert des données et une analyse scientifique des caractéristiques des flux et des individus concernés. Face à un important déficit d’informations sur les migrations, la collecte et l’exploitation de données internationales comparables, comme la base de données DIOC (Database on Immigrants in OECD Countries) permettent d’alimenter ce processus et de déconstruire un certain nombre d’idées reçues (OCDE-AFD, 2015).

      https://issuu.com/objectif-developpement/docs/29-question-developpement_77d96bb3beda0e

  • The U.S. Is Not Being Invaded: Fact-Checking the Common Immigration Myths

    Myth #1: Immigrants cost the U.S. “billions and billions” of dollars each year.

    Immigration puts much more money into U.S. public coffers via taxes than it takes out via benefits, as determined last year by a bipartisan blue-ribbon commission of leading immigration economists, across the political spectrum, convened by the National Academy of Sciences. It found that the average immigrant to the U.S., reflecting the country-and-skill composition of recent U.S. immigrants, makes a net positive fiscal contribution of $259,000 in net present value across all levels of government: federal, state, and local (see page 434 at the link).

    Myth #2: The U.S. is being “violently overrun” by immigrants.

    Immigrants to the United States, whether or not they have legal authorization, commit violent crimes at much lower rates than U.S. natives do. That is why violent crime is way down in the places where unauthorized immigrants go. For example, since 1990 the population of unauthorized immigrants in New York City has roughly tripled, from about 400,000 to 1.2 million, while during the same period the number of homicides in New York City collapsed from 2,262 (in 1990) to 292 (in 2017).
    Myth #3: The U.S. has the “most expansive immigration program anywhere on the planet.”

    In both Canada and Australia, some of the most prosperous and secure countries in the world and in all of history, immigrants are more than 20% of the population. That is far higher than the United States, where immigrants are 14% of the population.
    Myth #4: Immigrants are moving to the U.S. because it has the “hottest economy anywhere in the world.”

    Violence is a massive driver of undocumented immigration from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Data provided to us by the Department of Homeland Security showed that from 2011 to 2016, unaccompanied child migrants apprehended at the U.S. border moved from Central America due to a roughly equal mix of economic conditions and violence in their communities. The violence is significant. Every 10 additional homicides in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras caused more than six additional unaccompanied child minor apprehensions.
    Myth #5: A “strong border” will cause immigrants to “turn away and they won’t bother” trying to migrate.

    Enforcement alone is not an effective migration deterrent. To be effective, it must be paired with enhanced legal pathways for migration. People will move if they have to and because of dire situations in their origin communities, they will be more willing to accept the risks of apprehension. There are interrelated migration pressures that drive people to move---including violence in the home country, economic conditions at home, and demographic realities. In Central America, these factors are interacting in complex ways and are driving much of the migration we see at the U.S. border. More protection at the border isn’t a deterrent without addressing the push factors that drive migration and providing sufficient legal channels for migration.

    https://www.cgdev.org/blog/us-not-being-invaded-fact-checking-immigration-myths
    #préjugés #mythe #invasion #coût #afflux #migrations #asile #réfugiés #USA #Etats-Unis #pull-factors #pull_factors #facteurs_push #push-pull_factors #facteurs_pull #fermeture_des_frontières #dissuasion

  • Words matter. Is it @AP style to call migrants an “army”—above a photo of mothers tending to their infants and toddlers, no less? This is not only incorrect, but it enables a racist narrative sold by this @POTUS and his supporters. Armies invade. These people are running away.


    https://twitter.com/JamilSmith/status/1054163071785037824
    #armée #terminologie #préjugés #invasion #afflux #mots #vocabulaire #migrations #réfugiés #médias #journalisme #presse

    • #Polly_Pallister-Wilkins sur la marche de migrants qui a lieu en Amérique centrale...

      Dear media reporting on the Central American migrant caravan, can you please be attentive to how you talk about it? 1/n
      People are walking, walking not pouring, flowing, or streaming. Walking. They are walking along roads, they will be tired, hungry, their feet will hurt, they will have blisters and sore joints. They are not a natural liquid phenomenon governed by the force of gravity. 2/n
      Their walking is conditioned by the infrastructures they move along like roads, the physical geographies they traverse like hills and rivers and the human controls they encounter like border controls and police checkpoints. 3/n
      All of these things are risky, they make the walk, the journey more difficult and dangerous, esepcially the police checkpoints and the border controls. These risks are the reason they are travelling as a caravan, as a large group attempting to minimise the risks of controls 4/n
      And the risks from gangs and criminals that migrants on their journeys routinely face. Their journey is a deeply embodied one, and one that is deeply conditioned both by the violence they are leaving and the violence of the journey itself. 5/n
      So media please try and reflect this in your storytelling. These people are not a river obeying gravity. They have made an active yet conditioned choice to move. When they encounter a block in their path this can be deadly. It can detain, deport, injure, rape, or kill. 6/n
      And these blockages are not boulders in a riverbed around which the river flows. These blockages, these #checkpoints, border controls or police patrols are human blockages, they are not natural. So please try and reflect the political structures of this journey. Please. End/
      Addendum: there is a long history of caravans as a form political resistance in Central America.

      https://twitter.com/PollyWilkins/status/1054267257944227840
      #marche #migrations #Honduras #Amérique_centrale #mots #vocabulaire #terminologie #média #journalisme #presse #caravane #métaphores_liquides #risque #gravité #mouvement #contrôles_frontaliers #blocages #barrières #résistance #Mexique

    • Migrants travel in groups for a simple reason: safety

      A caravan of Central American migrants traveling to through Mexico to the United States to seek asylum is about halfway through its journey.

      The caravan began on Oct. 13 in Honduras with 200 people. As it has moved through Honduras, Guatemala and now Mexico, its ranks have grown to over 7,000, according to an estimate by the International Organization of Migration.

      The migrants have been joined by representatives from humanitarian organizations like the Mexican Red Cross providing medical assistance and human rights groups that monitor the situation.

      Journalists are there, too, and their reporting has caught the attention of President Donald Trump.

      He has claimed that the caravan’s ranks probably hide Middle Eastern terrorists. Trump later acknowledged there is no evidence of this, but conservative media outlets have nevertheless spread the message.

      It is reasonable for Americans to have security concerns about immigration. But as a scholar of forced migration, I believe it’s also important to consider why migrants travel in groups: their own safety.
      Safety in numbers

      The Central Americans in the caravan, like hundreds of thousands of people who flee the region each year, are escaping extreme violence, lack of economic opportunity and growing environmental problems, including drought and floods, back home.

      Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico have some of the world’s highest murder rates. According to Doctors Without Borders, which provides medical care in crisis zones, 68 percent of the migrants and refugees it surveyed in Mexico had experienced violence. Nearly one-third of women were sexually abused.

      Whether crossing Central America, the Sahara desert or the mountains of Afghanistan, migrants are regularly extorted by criminals, militias and corrupt immigration officials who know migrants make easy targets: They carry cash but not weapons.

      Large groups increase migrants’ chance of safe passage, and they provide some sense of community and solidarity on the journey, as migrants themselves report.
      Publicizing the dangers they flee

      Large groups of migrants also attract media coverage. As journalists write about why people are on the move, they shed light on Central America’s many troubles.

      Yet headlines about huge migrant caravans may misrepresent trends at the U.S.-Mexico border, where migration is actually decreasing.

      While the number of Central American families and children seeking asylum in the U.S. has increased in the past two years, Mexican economic migrants are crossing the border at historically low levels.

      And while most migrant caravan members hope to seek asylum in the U.S., recent history shows many will stay in Mexico.

      In response to Trump’s immigration crackdown, Mexican president-elect Andrés Manuel López Obrador has promised to welcome Central American refugees — and try to keep them safe.


      https://theconversation.com/migrants-travel-in-groups-for-a-simple-reason-safety-105621

      #sécurité

    • Trump’s Caravan Hysteria Led to This

      The president and his supporters insisted that several thousand Honduran migrants were a looming menace—and the Pittsburgh gunman took that seriously.

      On Tuesday, October 16, President Donald Trump started tweeting.

      “The United States has strongly informed the President of Honduras that if the large Caravan of people heading to the U.S. is not stopped and brought back to Honduras, no more money or aid will be given to Honduras, effective immediately!”

      “We have today informed the countries of Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador that if they allow their citizens, or others, to journey through their borders and up to the United States, with the intention of entering our country illegally, all payments made to them will STOP (END)!”

      Vice President Mike Pence also tweeted:

      “Spoke to President Hernandez of Honduras about the migrant caravan heading to the U.S. Delivered strong message from @POTUS: no more aid if caravan is not stopped. Told him U.S. will not tolerate this blatant disregard for our border & sovereignty.”

      The apparent impetus for this outrage was a segment on Fox News that morning that detailed a migrant caravan thousands of miles away in Honduras. The caravan, which began sometime in mid-October, is made up of refugees fleeing violence in their home country. Over the next few weeks, Trump did his best to turn the caravan into a national emergency. Trump falsely told his supporters that there were “criminals and unknown Middle Easterners” in the caravan, a claim that had no basis in fact and that was meant to imply that terrorists were hiding in the caravan—one falsehood placed on another. Defense Secretary James Mattis ordered more troops to the border. A Fox News host took it upon herself to ask Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen whether there was “any scenario under which if people force their way across the border they could be shot at,” to which Nielsen responded, “We do not have any intention right now to shoot at people.”

      Pence told Fox News on Friday, “What the president of Honduras told me is that the caravan was organized by leftist organizations, political activists within Honduras, and he said it was being funded by outside groups, and even from Venezuela … So the American people, I think, see through this—they understand this is not a spontaneous caravan of vulnerable people.”

      The Department of Homeland Security’s Twitter account “confirmed” that within the caravan are people who are “gang members or have significant criminal histories,” without offering evidence of any such ties. Trump sought to blame the opposition party for the caravan’s existence. “Every time you see a Caravan, or people illegally coming, or attempting to come, into our Country illegally, think of and blame the Democrats for not giving us the votes to change our pathetic Immigration Laws!” Trump tweeted on October 22. “Remember the Midterms! So unfair to those who come in legally.”

      In the right-wing fever swamps, where the president’s every word is worshipped, commenters began amplifying Trump’s exhortations with new details. Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida wondered whether George Soros—the wealthy Jewish philanthropist whom Trump and several members of the U.S. Senate blamed for the protests against Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, and who was recently targeted with a bomb—was behind the migrant caravan. NRATV, the propaganda organ of the National Rifle Association, linked two Republican obsessions, voter fraud and immigration. Chuck Holton told NRATV’s viewers that Soros was sending the caravan to the United States so the migrants could vote: “It’s telling that a bevy of left-wing groups are partnering with a Hungarian-born billionaire and the Venezuelan government to try to influence the 2018 midterms by sending Honduran migrants north in the thousands.” On CNN, the conservative commentator Matt Schlapp pointedly asked the anchor Alisyn Camerota, “Who’s paying for the caravan? Alisyn, who’s paying for the caravan?,” before later answering his own question: “Because of the liberal judges and other people that intercede, including George Soros, we have too much chaos at our southern border.” On Laura Ingraham’s Fox News show, one guest said, “These individuals are not immigrants—these are people that are invading our country,” as another guest asserted they were seeking “the destruction of American society and culture.”

      Peter Beinart: Trump shut programs to counter violent extremists

      In the meantime, much of the mainstream press abetted Trump’s effort to make the midterm election a referendum on the caravan. Popular news podcasts devoted entire episodes to the caravan. It remained on the front pages of major media websites. It was an overwhelming topic of conversation on cable news, where Trumpists freely spread disinformation about the threat the migrants posed, while news anchors displayed exasperation over their false claims, only to invite them back on the next day’s newscast to do it all over again.

      In reality, the caravan was thousands of miles and weeks away from the U.S. border, shrinking in size, and unlikely to reach the U.S. before the election. If the migrants reach the U.S., they have the right under U.S. law to apply for asylum at a port of entry. If their claims are not accepted, they will be turned away. There is no national emergency; there is no ominous threat. There is only a group of desperate people looking for a better life, who have a right to request asylum in the United States and have no right to stay if their claims are rejected. Trump is reportedly aware that his claims about the caravan are false. An administration official told the Daily Beast simply, “It doesn’t matter if it’s 100 percent accurate … this is the play.” The “play” was to demonize vulnerable people with falsehoods in order to frighten Trump’s base to the polls.

      Nevertheless, some took the claims of the president and his allies seriously. On Saturday morning, Shabbat morning, a gunman walked into the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh and killed 11 people. The massacre capped off a week of terrorism, in which one man mailed bombs to nearly a dozen Trump critics and another killed two black people in a grocery store after failing to force his way into a black church.

      Before committing the Tree of Life massacre, the shooter, who blamed Jews for the caravan of “invaders” and who raged about it on social media, made it clear that he was furious at HIAS, founded as the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, a Jewish group that helps resettle refugees in the United States. He shared posts on Gab, a social-media site popular with the alt-right, expressing alarm at the sight of “massive human caravans of young men from Honduras and El Salvador invading America thru our unsecured southern border.” And then he wrote, “HIAS likes to bring invaders in that kill our people. I can’t sit by and watch my people get slaughtered. Screw your optics, I’m going in.”

      The people killed on Saturday were killed for trying to make the world a better place, as their faith exhorts them to do. The history of the Jewish people is one of displacement, statelessness, and persecution. What groups like HIAS do in helping refugees, they do with the knowledge that comes from a history of being the targets of demagogues who persecute minorities in pursuit of power.

      Ordinarily, a politician cannot be held responsible for the actions of a deranged follower. But ordinarily, politicians don’t praise supporters who have mercilessly beaten a Latino man as “very passionate.” Ordinarily, they don’t offer to pay supporters’ legal bills if they assault protesters on the other side. They don’t praise acts of violence against the media. They don’t defend neo-Nazi rioters as “fine people.” They don’t justify sending bombs to their critics by blaming the media for airing criticism. Ordinarily, there is no historic surge in anti-Semitism, much of it targeted at Jewish critics, coinciding with a politician’s rise. And ordinarily, presidents do not blatantly exploit their authority in an effort to terrify white Americans into voting for their party. For the past few decades, most American politicians, Republican and Democrat alike, have been careful not to urge their supporters to take matters into their own hands. Trump did everything he could to fan the flames, and nothing to restrain those who might take him at his word.

      Many of Trump’s defenders argue that his rhetoric is mere shtick—that his attacks, however cruel, aren’t taken 100 percent seriously by his supporters. But to make this argument is to concede that following Trump’s statements to their logical conclusion could lead to violence against his targets, and it is only because most do not take it that way that the political violence committed on Trump’s behalf is as limited as it currently is.

      The Tree of Life shooter criticized Trump for not being racist or anti-Semitic enough. But with respect to the caravan, the shooter merely followed the logic of the president and his allies: He was willing to do whatever was necessary to prevent an “invasion” of Latinos planned by perfidious Jews, a treasonous attempt to seek “the destruction of American society and culture.”

      The apparent spark for the worst anti-Semitic massacre in American history was a racist hoax inflamed by a U.S. president seeking to help his party win a midterm election. There is no political gesture, no public statement, and no alteration in rhetoric or behavior that will change this fact. The shooter might have found a different reason to act on a different day. But he chose to act on Saturday, and he apparently chose to act in response to a political fiction that the president himself chose to spread and that his followers chose to amplify.

      As for those who aided the president in his propaganda campaign, who enabled him to prey on racist fears to fabricate a national emergency, who said to themselves, “This is the play”? Every single one of them bears some responsibility for what followed. Their condemnations of anti-Semitism are meaningless. Their thoughts and prayers are worthless. Their condolences are irrelevant. They can never undo what they have done, and what they have done will never be forgotten.

      https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/10/caravan-lie-sparked-massacre-american-jews/574213

    • Latin American asylum seekers hit US policy “wall”

      Trump’s new restrictions mean long waits simply to register claims.

      The movement of thousands of Central American asylum seekers and migrants north from Honduras towards the southern border of the United States has precipitated threats from US President Donald Trump – ahead of next week’s midterm elections – to block the group’s entry by deploying troops to the US-Mexican border.

      Under international law the United States is obligated to allow asylum seekers to enter and file claims. However, immigration officials at the country’s southern border have for months been shifting toward legally dubious practices that restrict people’s ability to file asylum claims.

      “Make no mistake, the administration is building a wall – one made of restrictionist policy rather than brick and mortar,” said Jason Boyd, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA).

      As a result, hundreds, possibly thousands, of asylum seekers have been left waiting for extended periods of time on the Mexican side of the border in need of shelter and basic services. Firm numbers for those affected are difficult to come by because no one is counting.

      Some of those turned away explore potentially dangerous alternatives. Aid and advocacy groups as well as the Department of Homeland Security say the wait has likely pushed some to attempt to enter the United States illegally, either with smugglers or on their own via perilous desert routes.

      While some of those in the so-called “migrant caravan” are searching for economic opportunity, others are fleeing gang violence, gender-based violence, political repression or unrest – all increasingly common factors in Central America and Mexico that push people to leave their homes.
      Menacing phone calls

      When people from the migrant caravan reach the southern border of the United States, they may find themselves in a similar position to Dolores Alzuri, 47, from Michoacan, a state in central Mexico.

      In late September, she was camped out with her husband, daughter, granddaughter, and aunt on the Mexican side of the DeConcini port of entry separating the twin cities of Nogales – one in the Mexican state of Sonora, the other in the US state of Arizona.

      Alzuri and her family were waiting for their turn to claim asylum in the United States, with only a police report in hand as proof of the threats they faced back home. Camping beside them on the pedestrian walkway just outside the grated metal door leading to the United States, nine other families waited to do the same.

      Over the preceding month Alzuri had received several menacing phone calls from strangers demanding money. In Michoacan, and many other parts of Mexico where criminal gangs have a strong presence, almost anybody can receive calls like these. You don’t know who’s on the other end of the line, Alzuri explained, but you do know the consequences of not following their orders.

      “If you do not give [money] to them, they kidnap you or they kidnap your family,” Alzuri said. “They destroy you. They kill you. That is why it is so scary to be in this country.”

      Other people she knew had received similar calls. She also knew that those who didn’t pay ended up dead – pictures of their bodies posted on Facebook as a macabre warning of what happens to those who resist.

      Fearing a similar fate, Alzuri packed her bags and her family and travelled north to ask for asylum in the United States. A friend had been granted asylum about nine months ago, and she had seen on television that other people were going, too. It seemed like the only way out.

      “I had a problem,” she said, referring to the phone calls. “They asked us for money, and since we did not give them money, they threatened us.”

      Before leaving her home, Alzuri said she filed a police report. But the authorities didn’t care enough to act on it, she said. “They are not going to risk their life for mine.”
      No way out

      Despite the danger at home, Alzuri and others in similar situations face an increasingly difficult time applying for asylum in the United States. At the Nogales crossing, asylum seekers must now wait up to a month simply to be allowed to set foot inside a border office where they can register their claims, aid workers there say.

      Those waiting are stuck in territory on the Mexican side that is controlled by gangs similar to the ones many are fleeing, though local aid groups have scrambled to find space in shelters, especially for women and children, so people will be safer while they wait.

      The situation hasn’t always been like this.

      In the past, asylum seekers were almost always admitted to register their claims the same day they arrived at the border. Since May, however, there has been a marked slowdown in registration.

      US Custom and Border Protection (CBP), the federal law enforcement agency responsible for screening people as they enter the country, says delays are due to a lack of capacity and space. But asylum advocates say similar numbers have arrived in previous years without causing a delay and the real reason for the slowdown is that CBP has shifted resources away from processing asylum seekers – not just in Nogales but across the southern US border – resulting in people being forced to wait for long periods or turned away altogether.

      This is happening despite the insistence of high-ranking Trump administration officials that asylum seekers present themselves at ports of entry or face criminal prosecution for crossing the border irregularly. Such contradictory policies, asylum advocates argue, are part of a broad-based effort by the Trump administration to dramatically reduce the number of people able to seek protection in the United States.

      “Our legal understanding is that they have the legal obligation to process asylum seekers as they arrive,” said Joanna Williams, director of education and advocacy at the Kino Border Initiative (KBI), a Nogales-based NGO. “There’s no room in the law for what they are doing right now.”
      A system in crisis

      In the past decade, migration across the southern border of the United States has undergone a dramatic change. Every year since the late 1970s US Border Patrol agents apprehended close to a million or more undocumented migrants entering the country. In 2007, that number began to fall, and last year there were just over 310,000 apprehensions – the lowest number since 1971.

      At the same time, the proportion of people entering the United States from the southern border to claim asylum has increased. Ten years ago, one out of every 100 people crossing the border was seeking humanitarian protection, according to a recent report published by the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), a non-partisan think tank in Washington DC. Today that number is about one in three.

      According to Boyd of AILA, the increase is being driven by ongoing humanitarian emergencies in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, an area of Central America known as the Northern Triangle. These countries have some of the highest homicide rates in the world and are wracked by gang violence, gender-based violence, extortion, and extra-judicial killings. “Many of the individuals and families arriving at the US southern border are literally fleeing for their lives,” said Boyd.

      But the system that is supposed to provide them protection is in crisis. Beginning in 2010 the number of asylum requests lodged in the United States started to balloon, mirroring an upward trend in global displacement. Last year, 79,000 people approached the US border saying they had a credible fear of returning to their home country, compared to 9,000 at the beginning of the decade.

      The increase in credible-fear claims, as well as asylum requests made by people already in the United States, has strained the system to a “crisis point”, according to the MPI report. This has led to a backlog of around 320,000 cases in US immigration courts and people having to wait many months, if not years, to receive a hearing and a decision.
      Crackdown

      Senior officials in the Trump administration, including the president, have consistently lumped asylum seekers and economic migrants together, positing that the United States is being “invaded” by a “massive influx of illegal aliens” across the southern border, and that the asylum system is subject to “systematic abuse” by people looking to gain easy entry to the country.

      People working on the ground with asylum seekers refute this. Eduardo Garcia is a communication coordinator at SOA Watch, an organisation that monitors the humanitarian impact of US policy in Latin America. He has spent time in Nogales speaking with people waiting to claim asylum.

      “The stories of many of the people we have talked to… are stories of people fleeing gang violence, are stories of people fleeing because one of their sons was killed, because one of their sons was threatened, because one of their family members [was] raped,” he said. “They have said they cannot go back to their countries. If they are sent back they are going to be killed.”

      Still, the Trump administration’s zero-tolerance policy on immigration – responsible for the recent child-separation crisis – has also included measures that have restricted access to asylum in the United States.

      In May, Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced that the Justice Department would begin criminally prosecuting everyone who irregularly crossed the US southern border, including asylum seekers. In June, that policy was followed by a decision that the United States would no longer consider gang and sexual violence – precisely the reasons so many people flee the Northern Triangle – as legitimate grounds for asylum. Around the same time, CBP appears to have deprioritised the processing of asylum seekers at ports of entry in favour of other responsibilities, leading to the long waits and people being turned away, according to humanitarian workers and a recent report by the DHS’s Office of Inspector General.

      And even as these restrictive policies were being put in place, Trump administration officials have been encouraging asylum seekers to try. “If you’re seeking asylum, go to a port of entry,” Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen said in an 18 June press conference. “You do not need to break the law of the United States to seek asylum.”

      Nogales, Mexico

      “I came here with the hope that if I asked for asylum I could be in the United States,” said Modesto, a 54-year-old from Chimaltenango, Guatemala. In mid-September he was sitting in a mess hall run a couple hundred meters from the US border run by KBI, which provides humanitarian assistance to migrants and asylum seekers.

      Modesto had already been in Nogales, Sonora for several months. Like Dolores Alzuri, he fled his home because criminal gangs had tried to extort money from him. “I worked a lot and was making a living in my country,” Modesto explained. “The problem in particular with the gangs is that they don’t let you work… If you have money they extort you. If you don’t have money they want to recruit you.” And people who don’t cooperate: “They’re dead,” he added.

      The situation Modesto found when he arrived in Nogales, Sonora was far from what he expected. For starters, there was the long wait at the border. But he also discovered that – as an adult travelling with his 18-year-old son – even once he entered the United States he would likely end up in a detention centre while his case slowly made its way through the overburdened immigration courts – a practice that has also increased under the Trump administration. “I don’t want to cross… and spend a year in prison when my family needs my help,” he said.

      Modesto is in some ways an exception, according to Williams of KBI. Many of the people arriving in Nogales, Sonora are families with children. Once in the United States they will likely be released from immigration detention with ankle monitoring bracelets to track their movements. These people often choose to wait and to claim asylum at the port of entry when there is space.

      After more than 100 people piled up to wait at the border in May, local humanitarian groups set up a system to organise and keep track of whose turn it was to submit an asylum claim to US immigration officials. They also scrambled to find spaces in shelters so people were not sleeping on the walkway over the weeks they needed to wait.

      Now, only people who are likely to enter soon are camped on the walkway. When IRIN visited, about 40 asylum seekers – mostly women and children – sat on one side of the walkway as a steady stream of people heading to the United States filtered by on the other. Some of the asylum seekers were new arrivals waiting to be taken to a shelter, while others had been sleeping there for days on thin mats waiting for their turn. Volunteers handed out clean clothing and served pasta, as a CBP agent opened and closed the metal gate leading to the United States, just a few tantalisingly short feet away.

      The slowdown of processing “leaves people stranded – in really dangerous situations sometimes – on the other side of the border, and completely violates our obligations under both domestic and international law,” said Katharina Obser, a senior policy adviser at the Women’s Refugee Commission, an NGO that advocates for women, children, and youth displaced by conflict and crisis.

      As a result, some people arrive, find out about the wait, and leave. “We’re fairly certain that those are individuals who then end up crossing the border through other means,” Williams said.

      The DHS Office of the Inspector General came to a similar conclusion, finding that the contradiction between Trump administration rhetoric and policy “may have led asylum seekers at ports of entry to attempt illegal border crossings.”
      Border-wide

      The situation in Nogales, Sonora is far from isolated, according to Boyd of the AILA. “Recent turnbacks of vulnerable asylum seekers have been documented throughout the US southern border,” he said, including at many ports of entry in Texas and California. In those states, asylum seekers have reported being stopped as they approach the border and told they cannot enter because immigration officials don’t have the capacity to process their claims.

      “Turnbacks form part of a comprehensive set of practices and policies advanced under this administration that appears aimed at shutting out asylum seekers from the United States,” Boyd continued.

      Meanwhile, people like Dolores Alzuri – and most likely some of the thousands of Central Americans who are travelling north from Honduras in the hope of claiming asylum – are left with little choice but to wait. Moving somewhere else in Mexico or returning home is not an option, said Alzuri. “The violence is the same in every state,” she said. And crossing the desert, “that’s a big danger.”

      She and her family don’t have a back-up plan. “Let’s hope that I do get [asylum], because I really do need it,” she said. “You don’t live comfortably in your own country anymore. You live in fear that something will happen to you. You can’t walk around on the streets because you feel that you’re being followed.”

      https://www.irinnews.org/news-feature/2018/10/29/latin-american-asylum-seekers-hit-us-policy-wall
      #USA #Etats-Unis #fermeture_des_frontières #Mexique

      Commentaire Emmanuel Blanchar via la mailing-list Migreurop:

      Un article intéressant car il rappelle opportunément que la « caravane des migrants » en route vers les Etats-Unis est également composée de nombreuses personnes qui souhaiteraient pouvoir déposer des demandes d’asile. Or, si la frontières Mexique-USA est loin d’être encore mûrées, un mur administratif empêche déjà que les demandes d’asile puisse être déposées et traitées dans le respect des droits des requérant.e.s.

      #mur_administratif #asile

    • No es una caravana, es un dolor que camina

      La caravana de migrantes es sólo la primera manifestación pública y masiva de la crisis humanitaria en la que vive la mayoría de la población; negada por el gobierno, por la oligarquía, embajadas, organizaciones de la sociedad civil y por algunas agencias de cooperación que le hacen comparsa a la dictadura.

      Esta crisis humanitaria es provocada por el modelo económico neoliberal impuesto a sangre y fuego, que sólo pobreza y violencia ha llevado a las comunidades, que ante la ausencia de oportunidades y ante el acoso de los grupos criminales no tienen otra alternativa que la peligrosa e incierta ruta migratoria; prefieren morir en el camino que en sus barrios y colonias.

      El infierno en que se ha convertido Honduras tiene varios responsables. En primer el lugar el imperialismo, que a través de su embajada promueve la inestabilidad política en el país con el apoyo directo al dictador, que para granjearse ese apoyo les ha entregado el país, hasta el grado del despojo y de la ignominia, como puede observarse en los foros internacionales.

      Otro responsable es el dictador, que además de la incertidumbre que genera en lo económico, en lo político y en lo social, ha profundizado y llevado al extremo las políticas neoliberales, despojando de sus recursos a comunidades enteras, para dárselas a las transnacionales, principalmente norteamericanas y canadienses.

      La oligarquía corrupta, mediocre, salvaje, inepta y rapaz también es responsable de esta crisis humanitaria, quien se ha acostumbrado a vivir del presupuesto nacional a tal grado de convertir al Estado en su patrimonio, por medio de un ejército de ocupación, de diputados y presidentes serviles y títeres, que toman las decisiones no para el pueblo, sino que para sus insaciables intereses.

      Hay otro actor importante en esta crisis y es el Ejército Nacional, fiel sirviente de los intereses imperiales y de la oligarquía, que sólo sirve para consumir una gran tajada del presupuesto nacional y más que un ejército defensor y garante de la soberanía nacional es una fuerza de ocupación; listo para asesinar, torturar y matar aquellos que se oponen al dictador, al imperio y la oligarquía.

      Desgraciadamente esta caravana la conforman los miserables, los desheredados de la tierra, los parias: “los que crían querubes para el presidio y serafines para el burdel” como dijo en su poema, Los Parias, el poeta mexicano Salvador Díaz Mirón.

      Estos miserables y desheredados no huyen de la patria, la aman, la adoran y la llevan convertida en un dolor sobre sus hombros, huyen de los verdugos y carniceros que nos gobiernan y de los otros responsables de esta crisis humanitaria. Los que huyen aman a esta tierra más que los que nos quedamos.

      https://criterio.hn/2018/10/29/no-es-una-caravana-es-un-dolor-que-camina
      #douleur

    • WALKING, NOT FLOWING : THE MIGRANT CARAVAN AND THE GEOINFRASTRUCTURING OF UNEQUAL MOBILITY

      In 2015 our TV screens, newspapers and social media were full of stories about ‘flows’ of migrants ‘pouring’ into Europe, set alongside photos and videos of people packed into boats at sea or meandering in long lines across fields. This vocabulary, and the images that accompanied it, suggested that migration was a natural force: like a flow of water that cannot be stopped, governed only by the forces of gravity. Now, this same language is being used to describe the ‘migrant caravan’ of the thousands of Hondurans leaving the violence of their home country and attempting to journey to the US.

      This essay began life as an angry Twitter thread, hastily tapped out with my morning coffee. I argued that people were not flowing, but rather walking. In this Twitter thread, I tried to forge a connection between the how of the journey—noting both the material and geographical aspects impacting and structuring how people move—and the physical impacts of that journey on the bodies of those on the move. I called attention to the travelers’ tired, blistered feet in an attempt to weave a thread between the material (and political) geographies of the journey and the embodied experiences of those making it. The Twitter thread drew some attention and solicited an invitation to write a short intervention for the small Dutch critical-journalism platform De Nieuwe Reporterwhere it appeared in Dutch with the title: “Dit is waarom media niet moeten schrijven over ‘migrantenstromen’” (“This is why the media should not write about ‘migrant flows’”).

      Time has passed since I wrote the intervention. Since then, the caravan has journeyed to the US-Mexico border. US and Mexican authorities have responded with tear gas and closures, highlighting in clear terms the violence of the border and corresponding mobility governance. This violence is too often obscured by talk of flows: in the intervention, I worked hard to make visible what watery metaphors of ‘flow’ do to shape how we think about migrant mobilities and what is lost in their usage. I attempted to highlight the uneven politics of mobility that is shaped by and made visible through a consideration of what I want to call geoinfrastructuring, alongside the embodied effects of this uneven mobility. Here, in contrast to modernity’s quest for faster, more convenient, more efficient modes of travel to overcome the limits of the body as it encounters and moves through space, the migrant caravan’s mode(s) of travel—walking, stopping, starting, bus hopping, sitting, waiting, sleeping—bring into sharp relief the ways that for those excluded from privileged mobility regimes, the body is in intimate concert with the material world it encounters.

      The remainder of this essay will first reproduce the short intervention I wrote for De Nieuwe Reporter before thinking through more conceptually how this opinion piece relates to scholarly work on mobility and infrastructures.

      What we call things matters (while often invisibilizing how they matter). A Reuters report on the status of the migrant caravan in English from October 21st had the headline “Thousands in U.S.-bound migrant caravan pour into Mexican city”, while two days earlier a report by Reuters had talked about a “bedraggled” migrant “surge” attempting to “breach” the Mexican border. Meanwhile in other news outlets, the watery theme continued with a migrant “storm” in the UK’s Daily Mail, and a “wave” in USA Today. And lest we think this was a something restricted to reporting in the Global North, the Latin American press has not been immune, with Venezuela’s Telesur talking of a “second wave of migration.” Meanwhile in the Dutch language media, De Telegraafwrote of “Grote migrantenstromen trekken naar VS”, the headline handily highlighted in red in case the emergency nature of these “migrantenstromen” was not clear.

      A counterpoint was offered by oneworld.nl, who talked of the dehumanizing effects of such language use. Indeed, what we call things matters, because politicians also echo the language of the media creating a self-re-enforcing migration language. Unsurprisingly Trump has talked of flows in his condemnation of the Honduran migrant caravan, while Mark Rutte earlier this year talked about Europe not being ready for a new “migrantenstroom” (“migrant flow”). However, what we call things also matters as much for what it reveals as what it conceals. The widespread use of watery and other natural metaphors when talking about migration journeys hides both the realities of and the reasons for the people’s journeys. To talk of rivers, streams, floods, and flows masks the experiences of the thousands of people who are walking thousands of kilometers. They are walking along roads, up hills and across borders; they are tired and hungry, and their feet hurt. Many are travelling with children as people are leaving lives of poverty and deadly gang violence and looking for a safe future in the United States. Just as the British-Somali refugee poet Warshan Shire urges us to consider that “No one would put their children in a boat unless the water is safer than the land”, in the case of the Honduran migrant caravan it’s very unlikely that anyone would walk thousands of kilometers unless the road was safer than their homes.

      One of those travelling is Orellana, an unemployed domestic worker travelling with her two five-year-old grandsons. She declared she had no choice after the boys’ father was murdered and she “[Could not] feed them anymore”, and she is too old to get a job herself. Orellana has decided to try and get to Texas where her daughter, who migrated three years before, now lives.

      What the watery metaphors also hide is the agency of Hondurans like Orellana in attempting the journey and what the decision to travel in such a large group tells us about the realities of the journey itself. While the migrant caravan is walking to ostensible safety, the northbound journeys of Central American migrants through Mexico to the US are not safe. Many thousands attempt this journey every year, encountering detention and extortion by the police and drug cartels, physical violence, rape, and death. The policing of Mexico’s southern border, undertaken with the support of the US, does not only capture migrants in its net. Mexicans of indigenous appearance, suspected of being from Guatemala, Honduras or El Salvador because of crude processes of racial profiling, are routinely caught up in and detained in police patrols and at police checkpoints. In all this, women and teenagers are at particular risk. The risks of the journey are the reasons underpinning the choice of the Hondurans to travel in a caravan—the idea being that the greater the number of people, the lower the risk of capture and deportation, of physical harm from police, cartels and criminals along the route, and of being stopped by border controls. Moving in a caravan also removes the need to employ the services of smugglers who are often linked to cartels and are a source of the violence migrants face. In other words, people are reclaiming the right to move without paying large sums of money.

      Talk of “flows” also hides the way the journeys of migrants are shaped by the infrastructures of their travel. Roads direct migrants in particular directions and border controls interrupt their movement and divert them into using different paths. Unlike a river, they are not a force of nature that can make their way to their metaphorical sea by the quickest and most efficient route possible. The obstacles migrants encounter on their journey are not only natural obstacles like rivers, deserts, or mountains, but also human-made obstacles like police roadblocks, border control points and migrant prisons.

      And yet in the face of all this, they still walk. Faced with the difficulties of the journey and the promise of repatriation, some have already returned to Honduras. But many in the caravan have now crossed two national borders, with Guatemala and Mexico. Their numbers are growing as many people see the strength in numbers and the difficulty, both practically and politically, of preventing passage. Many others still are left sleeping on bridges, hungry and thirsty with little access to sanitation or shelter as they wait to enter Mexico. And yet they walk, they wait, and more join because “It’s even worse in Honduras.”

      In my work on humanitarian borderwork I have begun to argue for a deeper focus on the ways infrastructures and geographies intimately shape not only the risks faced by those excluded from safe and legal travel but also how the excluded move (Pallister-Wilkins, 2018, 2019). This builds on William Walter’s earlier demand that studies of migration take the journey seriously:

      The vehicle, its road, its route—these particular materialities are not entirely missing from scholarship on migration politics. But… they rarely feature as a central focus in theorisation and investigation of migration worlds. This is surely a paradox. All migrations involve journeys and those journeys are more often than not mediated by complex transport infrastructures, authorities and norms of transportation. Granted, in many instances those journeys may be rather uneventful and not in the least bit life-changing or politically salient… Nevertheless, in many other instances, the journey is politically salient, perhaps even a life-or-death experience. (2015: 270)

      Alongside taking the journey seriously, Mimi Sheller’s important work has shone a light on systems of ‘motility’, differential mobility capability, and mobility justice (2018) and Vicki Squire has drawn our attention to the biophysical role of deserts and seas in governing mobility (2016). Therefore, a focus on the journey and differential mobility capabilities challenges the watery metaphor of ‘flow,’ compelling us instead to understand how infrastructures and geographies—roads, bridges, deserts, mountains, border controls, police patrols, walls and fences, time and speed — make possible and condition particular types of mobility with embodied effects.

      Infrastructures here, following Lauren Berlant (2016), are defined by use (and movement) coming to pattern social life. They are what organizes life. As such they are agents in the (re)production of social inequalities (Donovan, 2015) and uneven geographies (Chua et. al, 2018). Alongside the way infrastructures pattern social life, consideration of infrastructuring offers a dynamic way of understanding the how of unequal mobility beyond the crafting of policy, enabling a greater consideration of infrastructure as something dynamic and mutable in the context of use. Infrastructures are not all encountered or utilized equally. A road driven is not the same as a road walked. Moreover, in thinking about context and use, Deborah Cowen (2014) has drawn our attention to the ways infrastructure, such as complex systems of just-in-time logistics, not only works to overcome the limits of space and time, but also offers opportunities for disruption and resistance. The essays in the “Investigating Infrastructures” Forum on this site show the role of infrastructures in crafting and reinforcing uneven geographies.

      With this in mind, I also want to consider the role of physical geography as an active agent working along with border, policing, and transport infrastructures in conditioning the how of unequal mobility as well as the embodied risks migrants face. The exclusive and privileged nature of various (safer) transport infrastructures and the growth of differential mobility regimes results in physical geographies and their attendant risks coming to matter to what Karen Barad would call matter (2003), in this instance to human life and well-being. In these instances, physical geographies have been politically made to matter through various policies underpinning mobility access and they come to matter at the level of the individual migrant bodies that encounter them.

      Infrastructural projects—roads, railways, and shipping routes—are all attempts to overcome the limits of physical geography. Planes and their attendant infrastructures of airports, airlines, runways and air traffic control make the traversal of great distance and the geographies of seas, mountains, and deserts possible and less risky. By making air travel exclusive, not through cost alone but through border regimes that deny access to those without the correct documentation, physical geography comes to matter more. Those seeking life through movement are increasingly prevented from accessing such transport. Thus, at the level of individual bodies and the journeys they make, the physical geography of the route comes to play a greater constitutive role. As Mimi Sheller makes clear, “There is a relation between personal bodily vulnerabilities, the struggle for shelter, the splintering of infrastructural systems, and the management of citizenship regimes and borders” (2018: xiv).

      Infrastructural projects such as roads, railways, and runways suggest attempts to overcome the limits of physical geography and yet are also intimately shaped by them. Mountain roads, for example, contain hairpin bends necessitated by the gradient of the slopes they cross. Bridges span rivers where such engineering can practically and safely take place. Meanwhile, a lack of roads or bridges impedes mobility, encouraging migrants to use boats, to swim, or like the Rohingya’s journeys from Rakhine into Bangladesh, to use the small narrow dykes that have shaped the environment of the wetlands of the Naf River delta.

      As John Law noted in his study of the possibilities that the Portuguese ship created for long distance control and an apparent human-technological triumph over space, the physical geographies of the ocean—“the winds and currents”—are an ever-present actor working in concert with infrastructure networks (1986). According to Law, it is not possible to think about these infrastructural networks and the social, political, and economic forces they represent and bring into being without a consideration of what he calls the natural, or what I am calling physical geography. The nature of concern to Law is very different from the natural world evoked by discussion of migrant flows and the wide variety of attendant watery metaphors. In these discussions, flow is a description. For Law, flow would have and perform a relational role. This relational ontology becomes even more politically pressing when the natural has embodied effects on the lives of migrants bound up in such a relational system. Put simply, the physical geography alongside infrastructures affects how people move and the risks they encounter on their journeys.

      Therefore, geoinfrastructuring, I argue, is important in considering how people exercise mobility. Geoinfrastructuring both conditions the journey of the migrant caravan and creates particular embodied effects, such as sore feet, blisters, joint pain, sprained muscles, and dehydration. Moments of enforced waiting on the journey, such as at border crossing points, generate their own embodied risks due to poor sanitation, lack of access to clean drinking water, and exposure to extreme weather, which in turn creates the need for as well as the time and space for limited humanitarian relief (see Pallister-Wilkins, 2018). However, as the migrant caravan attests, geoinfrastructure also creates the possibility for a (conditioned) resistance to exclusionary political-material mobility regimes. Infrastructural spaces and systems—roads, transit areas, buses and pick-up trucks—are being claimed and used by Honduran migrants in their journeys to the United States. In Europe and in the context of my own research, one of the key architects of Médecins Sans Frontiéres’ Search and Rescue operations has impressed upon me the important interrelation of the sea, infrastructures of surveillance and visibility, and the boat in making possible humanitarian efforts not only at saving lives but in addition the “activist” element of such search and rescue. Here, the dynamics of the sea, in concert with European border surveillance systems such as EUROSUR and the boat, make possible certain political interventions and disruptions that, it is argued, are not possible in other environments such as the Sahara and speak to Law’s idea of a relational ontology.[1]

      Away from the migrant caravan and my own research on search and rescue in the Mediterranean, I have become interested in exploring the relationship between physical, infrastructural and border geographies in how migrants choose to cross the Alps from Italy into France. These crossings occur at only a few points along the border, at crossing points that are manageable to migrants with differential mobility capabilities. Importantly, they are less risky than other crossing points due to lower altitude, better transport connections and a reduced police presence, such as at the Col de l’Échelle between the Italian town of Bardonecchia and the French city of Briançon. People do not cross through these places for lack of other routes. The town of Bardonecchia, for example, is located at the Italian entrance of both the Fréjus tunnel linking France and Italy, carrying motor vehicles under the Alps, and the older Mont Cenis tunnel linking France and Italy by rail. The entry point to the Fréjus and the trains using the Mont Cenis are heavily policed. The policing of the Fréjus tunnel is further made easier by traffic having to stop and pass through toll booths. And yet, the presence of the railway and its attendant station in Bardonecchia means that it is relatively accessible for migrants travelling from the rest of Italy. Its proximity to the French border, only 7km and a relatively gentle walk away, means that this particular border region has become a particularly popular passage point for migrants wanting to leave Italy for France.

      I have come to know this region well through its additional and complimentary infrastructures of tourism. The cross-border region is a popular holiday destination for people like me who are drawn there by the geoinfrastructure that makes for excellent cycling terrain. This tourism infrastructure for both summer and winter Alpine sports and outdoor activities means that the area is comparatively heavily populated for the Hautes-Alpes. This has resulted in services capable and willing to assist migrants with their journeys, from dedicated and well-equipped teams of mountain rescuers, to a large hospital specializing in mountain injuries, and solidarity activists offering food and shelter. In this region of the Hautes-Alpes, geoinfrastructuring, like with the migrant caravan, shapes not only how and why migrants make their journeys in particular ways: it also facilitates the exercising of political resistance to exclusionary border regimes by both migrants themselves and those who stand in solidarity with them.

      With this short essay I have attempted to challenge the language of flows and in so doing drawn attention to the constitutive role of infrastructures and their embodied effects in how migrants, excluded from safe and legal forms of transportation, exercise mobility. I have argued that as political geographers we should also consider the role of physical geography in making a difference in these journeys that occur in concert with roads, rivers, mountains, deserts, tunnels, bridges and vehicles. These physical geographies, as Vicki Squire argues, have biophysical effects. This is not to normalize the very real bodily dangers faced by migrants in their journeys by seeking to lay blame at the foot of the mountain, so to speak. Instead, it is to suggest that these physical geographies come to matter and have very real effects because of the political role ascribed to them by human decision-making concerned with (re)producing unequal mobility. It is to make the case for what I have termed here geoinfrastructuring—the assemblage of physical, material and political geographies—that shape how migrants move and the risks they face.

      http://societyandspace.org/2019/02/21/walking-not-flowing-the-migrant-caravan-and-the-geoinfrastructuring

    • Quand les caravanes passent…

      Depuis l’intégration du Mexique à l’Espace de libre-échange nord- américain, la question migratoire est devenue centrale dans ses relations avec les États-Unis, dans une perspective de plus en plus sécuritaire. Sa frontière méridionale constitue le point de convergence des migrations des pays du sud vers les pays nord-américains. Les caravanes de migrants, qui traversent son territoire depuis la fin 2018, traduisent une façon de rompre avec la clandestinité autant qu’une protection contre les périls de la traversée ; elles sont aussi l’expression d’une geste politique.

      Le Mexique occupe dans la stratégie de sécurisation des frontières américaines un rôle pivot, à la fois un État tampon et un relais du processus d’externalisation du contrôle des frontières dans l’espace méso-américain. Si l’attention médiatique tend à se focaliser sur les 3 000 kilomètres de frontières qu’il partage avec son voisin du nord, sa frontière sud catalyse les enjeux géopolitiques du contrôle des flux dans la région.

      Depuis son intégration à l’espace de libre-échange nord-américain au cours des années 1990, le Mexique a vu s’imposer la question migratoire dans ses relations diplomatiques avec les États-Unis. L’objectif d’une régulation du passage des frontières par le blocage des flux illicites, de biens ou de personnes, est devenu un élément central de la coopération bilatérale, a fortiori après le 11 septembre 2001. La frontière sud, longue de près de 1 000 kilomètres, circonscrit l’espace de libre circulation formé en 2006 par le Nicaragua, le Honduras, le Salvador et le Guatemala. Elle constitue le point de convergence des migrations en direction des pays nord-américains.
      Faire frontière

      Dans les années 2000, les autorités mexicaines ont donc élaboré une stratégie de surveillance fondée sur la mise en place de cordons sécuritaires [1], depuis l’isthme de Tehuantepec jusqu’à la frontière sud, bordée par une zone forestière difficilement contrôlable. Responsable de l’examen du droit au séjour, l’Institut national de migration (INM) est devenu en 2005 une « agence de sécurité nationale » : la question migratoire est depuis lors envisagée dans cette optique sécuritaire. Des « centres de gestion globale du transit frontalier » [centro de atención integral al tránsito fronterizo] ont été construits à une cinquantaine de kilomètres de la frontière sud. Chargées de filtrer les marchandises comme les individus, ces mégastructures regroupent des agents de l’armée, de la marine, de la police fédérale, de la migration et du bureau fédéral du Procureur général. En 2014, la surveillance des déplacements a été confortée par l’adoption du « Programme Frontière sud », à l’issue d’une rencontre entre le président Peña Nieto et son homologue américain, mécontent de l’inaction du Mexique face à l’afflux de mineurs à leur frontière commune. Derrière le vernis humanitaire de la protection des personnes, la détention et l’expulsion sont érigées en objectifs politiques. Fin 2016, les placements en rétention avaient augmenté de 85 %, les expulsions doublé. Proche de la frontière guatémaltèque, le centre de rétention de Tapachula, décrit comme le plus moderne et le plus grand d’Amérique centrale [2], concentre près de la moitié des expulsions organisées par le Mexique. Avec ceux des États de Tabasco et de Veracruz, ce sont plus de 70 % des renvois qui sont mis en œuvre depuis cette région. De multiples rapports associatifs font état de l’augmentation des drames humains liés à ces dispositifs qui aboutissent, de fait, à une clandestinisation de la migration et rendent les routes migratoires plus dangereuses.

      La migration a également été incorporée aux multiples programmes américains de coopération visant à lutter contre les trafics illicites, la criminalité transfrontalière et le terrorisme. Ces programmes n’ont eu d’autre effet que de faire des personnes en route vers le nord une nouvelle manne financière pour les organisations criminelles qui contrôlent ces espaces de circulation transnationale. La traversée de la frontière américaine guidée par un passeur coûterait 3 500 dollars, les prix variant en fonction de la « méthode ». Le passage par la « grande porte », à l’un des points officiels d’entrée sur le territoire américain, s’achèterait 18 000 dollars. Mais les cartels recrutent aussi des migrant·es pour convoyer plusieurs dizaines de kilos de drogue sur le territoire américain, des « mules » payées 2 000 dollars si elles y parviennent. L’extorsion, la prise d’otages et le travail forcé des migrant·es en transit vers les États-Unis figurent parmi les pratiques des cartels, avec parfois la complicité des agents de l’État. En 2011, des personnes en instance d’expulsion ont ainsi été vendues par des fonctionnaires de l’INM au cartel des Zetas contre 400 dollars par personne.

      Se donnant entre autres objectifs de « construire la frontière du xxiesiècle », l’Initiative Mérida a investi plus de 2,8 milliards de dollars depuis 2007 dans le renforcement d’infrastructures, la technologie du contrôle – dont l’échange avec la partie nord-américaine des données biométriques des personnes placées en rétention – et l’organisation d’opérations policières à la frontière avec le Guatemala. Ce programme finance aussi l’expulsion de ressortissants centraméricains ou extracontinentaux par le Mexique (20 millions de dollars en 2018).

      Dans une certaine mesure, ces dispositifs font système, au point que certains chercheurs [3] parlent du corridor migratoire mexicain comme d’une « frontière verticale ».
      Des caravanes pas comme les autres

      Du premier groupe constitué d’une centaine de personnes parties du Honduras en octobre 2018 aux divers collectifs formés en cours de route vers la frontière nord-américaine par des milliers d’individus venant d’Amérique centrale, de la Caraïbe et, dans une moindre mesure, des continents africain et asiatique, ce qu’il est désormais convenu d’appeler des « caravanes de migrants » constitue un phénomène inédit.

      Dans l’histoire centraméricaine, la notion renvoie à une pluralité de mobilisations, telle celle des mères de migrant·es disparu·es au cours de la traversée du Mexique, qui chaque année parcourent cette route à la recherche de leurs fils ou filles. Le Viacrucis migrante, « chemin de croix du migrant », réunit annuellement des sans-papiers centraméricain·es et des organisations de droits de l’Homme afin de réclamer la poursuite des auteur·es de violations des droits des migrant·es en transit au Mexique, séquestrations, racket, assassinats, viols, féminicides, exploitation ou tous autres abus.

      La première caravane de migrants du Honduras et celles qui lui ont succédé s’inscrivent dans une autre démarche. Elles traduisent une façon de rompre avec la clandestinité imposée par les politiques autant qu’une forme de protection contre les périls de la traversée. Le nombre des marcheurs a créé un nouveau rapport de force dans la remise en cause des frontières. Entre octobre 2018 et février 2019, plus de 30 000 personnes réunies en caravanes ont été enregistrées à la frontière sud du Mexique mais, chaque jour, elles sont des milliers à entrer clandestinement. Entre janvier et mars 2019, les États-Unis ont recensé plus de 234 000 entrées sur leur territoire, le plus souvent hors des points d’entrée officiels.

      Ces caravanes ont aussi révélé un phénomène jusqu’alors peu visible : l’exode centraméricain. Depuis les années 2000, près de 400 000 personnes par an, originaires du Honduras, du Salvador, du Guatemala, migrent aux États- Unis. Fuyant des États corrompus et autoritaires, une violence endé- mique et multiforme, dont celle des maras (gangs) et des cartels, ainsi que les effets délétères du modèle extractiviste néolibéral, elles quittent des pays qui, selon elles, n’ont rien à leur offrir.

      Ces migrations ne doivent pas être appréhendées de façon monolithique : les caravanes constituent une juxtaposition de situations diverses ; les groupes se font et se transforment au cours de la route, au gré des attentes de chacun. Certains ont préféré régulariser leur situation dès l’entrée sur le territoire mexicain quand d’autres ont choisi de pousser jusqu’à la frontière nord, d’où ils ont engagé des démarches auprès des autorités mexicaines et américaines.
      Du Nord au Sud, la fabrique d’une « crise migratoire »

      En réaction à ces différentes mobilités, le Mexique et les États-Unis ont déployé leurs armées, le premier oscillant entre un accueil humanitaire ad hoc, des pratiques de contention et l’expulsion, ou la facilitation des traversées en direction des États-Unis. Les mesures adoptées tant par les États-Unis que par le Mexique ont participé à l’engorgement des frontières, du sud au nord, créant ainsi la situation de « crise migratoire » qu’ils prétendaient prévenir.

      Sollicité par le gouvernement mexicain avant même l’arrivée de la première caravane sur le territoire des États-Unis, le Haut-Commissariat pour les réfugiés (HCR) a obtenu des fonds de ces derniers pour faciliter l’accès à la procédure d’asile mexicaine. Les États-Unis ont également mobilisé l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) pour qu’elle mette en place des campagnes de sensibilisation sur les risques de la traversée, et d’encouragement au retour. Écartant d’emblée la revendication des marcheurs de pouvoir solliciter collectivement l’asile à la frontière américaine, les agents du HCR ont insisté sur la complexité des procédures et la faible probabilité d’obtenir l’asile aux États-Unis, confortant le discours porté par l’OIM. Les organisations mexi- caines de défense des droits des étrangers ne se sont pas saisies du droit comme d’une arme politique de soutien à l’appel des marcheurs à une libre circulation au Mexique et au refuge pour tous aux États-Unis. L’ensemble des discours en direction des caravanes ont convergé en faveur de la promotion de l’installation au Mexique. « À chaque fois, on nous parle de la détention, de l’expulsion… Mais nous, on est là et on va continuer d’avancer ! » a observé l’un des marcheurs.

      Depuis plusieurs années, les obstacles à la traversée clandestine du Mexique ont contribué à l’accroissement des demandes d’asile qui sont, avec la carte de visiteur pour raison humanitaire délivrée par l’INM, l’unique option de régularisation. Entre 2013 et 2018, le nombre de requêtes a augmenté de 2 332 %, passant de 1 269 à 29 600. Cette tendance se poursuit. Au premier semestre 2019, la Commission mexicaine d’aide aux réfugiés (Comar) – équivalent de l’Ofpra français – enregistrait une hausse de 182 % par rapport à la même période en 2018, sans que n’augmentent ses moyens. Elle ne disposait en 2017 que de 28 officiers de protection chargés d’instruire les dossiers. L’année suivante, le HCR a soutenu le recrutement de 29 autres officiers tandis que le gouvernement votait une diminution du budget alloué à la Comar. En février 2018, la Commission nationale des droits de l’Homme révélait que des demandes d’asile déposées en 2016 n’avaient toujours pas été examinées, de même que près de 60 % des requêtes formées en 2017. Aux 33 650 dossiers en attente de traitement, se sont ajoutées plus de 12 700 demandes depuis le début 2019.

      Pour éviter d’être expulsées, les personnes n’ont d’autre choix que de « faire avec » ce système en pleine déliquescence. En décembre 2018, il fallait compter jusqu’à six semaines avant de pouvoir déposer une requête à la Comar de Tapachula, et six mois à l’issue de l’audition pour obtenir une réponse. En attendant, les postulant·es doivent, chaque semaine, attester du maintien de leur demande et, pour survivre, s’en remettre à l’assistance humanitaire offerte dans les lieux d’hébergement tenus par des ecclésiastiques. Conséquence de cette précarisation croissante, le taux d’abandon des demandes d’asile déposées à la Comar dans l’État du Chiapas atteignait 43% en 2017. Nombreux sont ceux et celles qui sollicitent l’asile et le visa humanitaire dans le même temps et, une fois le second obtenu, partent chercher un travail au nord du pays. Afin de réduire l’abandon des demandes d’asile, le HCR verse un pécule durant quatre mois aux personnes jugées « vulnérables », une appréciation subordonnée à son budget. En plus des pointages hebdomadaires auprès des administrations, les bénéficiaires doivent chaque mois attester de leur présence au bureau du HCR pour recevoir ce pécule. Dans cette configuration, la distinction entre les logiques sécuritaire et humanitaire se brouille. Parmi les personnes rencontrées à Tapachula, nombreuses sont celles qui ont souligné l’artifice d’une politique d’assistance qui n’en porte que le nom, à l’exemple de Guillermo, originaire du Salvador : « Pour demander des papiers aujourd’hui, il faut passer d’abord par la mafia des organisations. Tout le monde te parle, chacun te propose son petit discours. Cela me fait penser aux prestidigitateurs au cirque, c’est une illusion.[...] Le HCR dit que la procédure d’asile est longue et qu’on peut en profiter pour faire des formations pour apprendre un nouveau métier [...]. Mais déjà, la plupart ici n’a pas l’argent pour ça et se bat pour vivre et trouver un logement ! Ensuite moi, je dois aller signer chaque mardi à la Comar et chaque vendredi à l’INM, le HCR me propose deux jours de cours de langue par semaine pour apprendre l’anglais, mais ça veut dire quoi ? Cela veut dire qu’on peut juste aller travailler un jour par semaine ?! [...] Ils te font miroiter des choses, ils t’illusionnent ! [...] Le HCR te dit : "Tu ne peux pas sortir du Chiapas." La Comar te dit : "Tu ne peux pas sortir de Tapachula." L’INM te dit : "Si on te chope, on t’expulse." »

      La formation d’un espace de contention au bord de l’implosion au sud du Mexique fait écho à la situation de blocage à la frontière nord du pays, renforcée en novembre 2018 par le plan « Reste au Mexique », mal renommé depuis « Protocole de protection de la migration ». Les États-Unis, qui obligeaient déjà les demandeurs d’asile à s’enregistrer et attendre à la frontière, ont unilatéralement décidé de contraindre les non-Mexicains à retourner au Mexique durant le traitement de leur demande d’asile, à moins qu’ils ne démontrent les risques qu’ils y encourraient.
      Frontières et corruption : une rébellion globale

      Ces derniers mois, les entraves et dénis des droits ont engendré de nouvelles formes de mobilisation des migrant·es originaires de la Caraïbe, d’Afrique et d’Asie, jusqu’alors peu visibles. Les personnes en quête de régularisation se heurtent à la corruption qui gangrène les arcanes de l’État : toute démarche, du franchissement de la frontière en passant par la possibilité d’entrer dans les locaux de l’INM jusqu’à l’obtention d’un formulaire, est sujette à extorsion. La délivrance de l’oficio de salida, permettant à certain·es [4] de traverser le pays en direction des États-Unis, est devenue l’objet d’un racket en 2018. Les agents de l’INM disposent d’intermédiaires chargés de récolter l’argent auprès des migrant·es pour la délivrance de ce sauf-conduit, qui donne une vingtaine de jours pour parvenir à la frontière nord. Les montants varient en fonction des nationalités : un Cubain devra payer 400 dollars, un Pakistanais 200 quand un jeune Congolais parviendra à négocier 70 dollars, 100 étant demandés aux autres Africains. Pour tenter de contourner ce système, des personnes sont restées des journées entières devant l’entrée du centre de rétention, dans l’espoir d’y accéder : le plus souvent, seules les familles finissaient par entrer. En mars 2019, des Cubains, exaspérés d’attendre depuis plusieurs mois, ont tenté d’entrer en force à la délégation de l’INM. Rejoints par des personnes originaires de Haïti, d’Amérique centrale, d’Afrique et d’Asie, ils ont été plus de 2 000 à faire le siège des locaux de l’INM, avant de décider, après plusieurs semaines d’attente vaine, de former la caravane centraméricaine et de la Caraïbe vers la frontière nord.

      Aujourd’hui, l’élan de solidarité qui avait accueilli la première caravane de Honduriens est retombé. Celles et ceux qui continuent leur route en direction du Mexique et des États-Unis ne bénéficient ni de la même couverture médiatique ni du même traitement politique. Les promesses gouvernementales d’accueil sont restées lettre morte. En janvier 2019, l’INM annonçait avoir délivré 11 823 cartes de visiteurs pour raisons humanitaires au cours du mois. En mars, on n’en comptait plus que 1 024. Outre une recrudescence des expulsions, un nouveau « plan de contention » prévoit le renforcement de la présence policière dans l’isthme de Tehuantepec. Cette stratégie se déploie aussi par-delà le territoire puisque les demandes de visa humanitaire devraient désormais se faire depuis le Honduras, le Salvador et le Guatemala.

      Si certains voient dans les caravanes un nouveau paradigme migratoire, une chose est sûre : la contestation des frontières et la défiance envers les États portées par ces mouvements sont l’expression d’une geste politique longtemps déniée à une migration jusqu’alors confinée au silence.

      https://www.gisti.org/spip.php?article6226

    • Primer vuelo “exprés” con 129 hondureños retornados de México

      Tras meses de espera en la frontera norte de México, los hondureños solicitantes de asilo en Estados Unidos comienzan a desesperarse y están pidiendo retornar de forma voluntaria al país, tal y como lo hicieron 129 compatriotas que llegaron hoy por vía aérea a #San_Pedro_Sula.

      El vuelo, organizado por la embajada de Honduras en México y financiado por la Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (#OIM), salió de la ciudad de #Matamoros (Tamaulipas), donde los hondureños llevaban varios meses de espera.

      El embajador de Honduras en México, Alden Rivera Montes, informó que los retornados venían en 55 grupos familiares, constituidos por 32 hombres, 30 mujeres y 65 menores acompañados de sus padres; además, retornaron dos adultos solos.

      Rivera Montes detalló que el nuevo Consulado Móvil de Honduras en Matamoros expidió los salvoconductos para que los compatriotas pudieran salir de México mediante la modalidad de Retorno Voluntario Asistido (AVR) a través de la OIM.

      Aseguró que debido a los altos índices de violencia de esa ciudad mexicana se están haciendo las gestiones para que los hondureños que son devueltos por las autoridades estadounidenses a México, sean trasladados a puntos fronterizos menos vulnerables.

      De la misma manera las autoridades de la embajada de Honduras en México anunciaron que los procesos de atención a los migrantes en situación de espera que deseen regresar voluntariamente a Honduras seguirán abiertos durante los próximos meses y que pronto se habilitará esta misma opción de retorno voluntario desde Nuevo Laredo, Ciudad Juárez y Tijuana.

      ATENCIÓN DIGNA

      El vuelo llegó al aeropuerto sampedrano a las 3:00 de la tarde y posteriormente los compatriotas fueron trasladados Centro de Atención para la Niñez y Familias Migrantes Belén, ubicado en San Pedro Sula.

      En Belén los compatriotas fueron recibidos con un plato de sopa caliente; posteriormente hicieron el Control Biométrico con personal del Instituto Nacional de Migración (INM) y llenaron una ficha socioeconómica para optar a los diferentes programas de reinserción social y de oportunidades que ofrece el gobierno.

      Los menores retornados también reciben atención médica y psicológica; posteriormente, si son menores no acompañados, un grupo de especialistas de la Dirección de Niñez, Adolescencia y Familia (Dinaf) les brinda seguimiento para garantizar que se cumplan sus derechos.

      Asimismo, con el apoyo de la Cruz Roja Hondureña se les brinda una llamada para que puedan comunicarse con sus familiares acá en Honduras, se les proporciona un ticket para que puedan trasladarse a sus lugares de origen y si lo requieren se les brinda un albergue temporal.

      https://www.latribuna.hn/2019/10/09/primer-vuelo-expres-con-129-hondurenos-retornados-de-mexico
      #renvois #expulsions #réfugiés_honduriens #IOM #retour_volontaire

    • Honduran Migrants Return from Mexico with IOM support

      The International Organization for Migration (IOM) organized a charter flight for 126 migrants who expressed their decision to return voluntarily to their country of origin. Fifty-three family groups comprising 33 men, 29 women and 64 children flew on Wednesday (09/10) from the city of Matamoros (Tamaulipas, Mexico) to San Pedro Sula (Honduras).

      IOM deployed all efforts and collaborated closely with the Honduran Embassy in Mexico and with the National Migration Institute of Mexico to arrange for this first charter flight in its Assisted Voluntary Return (AVR) programme.

      In the days preceding departure, with the support of its Shelter Support programme and local partners, IOM provided migrants with accommodation and food. According to its internal protocols, IOM ensured that all migrants were made aware of all processes so that all decisions could be taken based on complete information. Further, IOM verifies that persons who express a desire to return do not face any immediate risks upon arrival.

      “I made the decision to return to my country because of the situation I faced with my son; because promises made to us by the ‘coyotes’ are not fulfilled, and we risk our lives along the way,” said a young mother on board the flight. “When we finally crossed the border into the USA, they took us back to Matamoros in Mexico, where I spent eight days in a shelter. There, we saw IOM and we learned about different options. But I want to see my other daughter now, so I decided to return home.”

      “Something I want to say is that if I ever migrate again, I will look for information before leaving, because many people simply give money which we do not really have to ‘coyotes’ or guides, who takes advantage of us,” said another Honduran migrant who decided to return due to the difficult conditions in the Mexican border city. “After considering our options, we found the shelter supported by IOM who helped us out by giving us food and a place to stay, and the possibility of return.”

      “IOM has been providing support to shelters to increase their capacity along with the option of assisted voluntary returns by bus and commercial flights over the last months,” explained Christopher Gascon, IOM Chief of Mission in Mexico. “This is the first return by charter flight, which offers a better service to migrants who want to return home. We hope to provide many more charter flights in the weeks to come.”

      The IOM Assisted Voluntary Return (AVR) programme offers an alternative for an orderly, safe and dignified voluntary return for migrants. IOM offers humanitarian assistance to those who cannot or do not wish to remain in Mexico. Voluntariness is a key principle of IOM #AVR programmes worldwide.


      https://www.iom.int/news/honduran-migrants-return-mexico-iom-support

  • Migrations et salaires. @nepthys

    le cas des rapatriés d’Algérie
    http://www.cepii.fr/PDF_PUB/lettre/2017/let383.pdf

    Exceptional People
    How Migration Shaped Our World and Will Define Our Future
    https://press.princeton.edu/titles/9301.html

    An econ theory, falsified
    http://noahpinionblog.blogspot.com/2016/12/an-econ-theory-falsified.html?m=1

    PROTECTIVE OR COUNTER-PRODUCTIVE? LABOUR
    MARKET INSTITUTIONS AND THE EFFECT OF
    IMMIGRATION ON EU NATIVES
    http://www.uh.edu/~adkugler/angrist_kugler.pdf

    The Labor Market Effects of Refugee Waves:
    Reconciling Conflicting Results
    http://ftp.iza.org/dp10806.pdf

    Rachel Friedberg
    The Impact of Mass Migration on the Israeli Labor Market
    http://www.brown.edu/Departments/Economics/Faculty/Rachel_Friedberg/Links/Friedberg%20QJE.pdf

  • #Stefano_Allievi: I confini non sono muri ma luoghi di passaggio

    «Potersi muovere è un fattore imprescindibile dello sviluppo economico e culturale. Si muovono le idee, il denaro, le merci. Gli uomini e le donne quando si muovono imparano delle cose, quando si separano dai loro luoghi d’origine vivono nuove esperienze. E spesso possono anche decidere di riportarle al loro Paese se torneranno». Incontriamo Stefano Allievi, sociologo dell’Università di Padova, all’indomani dell’uscita di 5 cose che tutti dovremmo sapere sull’immigrazione (e una da fare). Un libricino di 64 pagine edito da Laterza, dal costo di soli 3 euro, che risponde con parole semplici ed esempi chiari alle domande e ai dubbi più frequenti sul tema del secolo, che la politica, a livello nazionale ed europeo, non riesce a (o non vuole) risolvere.

    Da dove bisogna partire per parlare di immigrazione senza tare ideologiche o di altro tipo?
    Ci sono ambiti legati al tema dei migranti su cui non si riflette mai abbastanza. Quando parliamo di demografia si tende a enfatizzare soprattutto quella dell’Africa. “Fanno tanti figli, la loro popolazione si raddoppierà, la Nigeria sostituirà gli Usa come terzo Paese più popoloso al mondo”, e questo suscita terrore: “Non possiamo accogliere tutti”. E si perde di vista quello che comporta il calo demografico in atto in Europa. Dove per la prima volta nella storia si è invertita la piramide demografica per cause naturali, cioè non per effetto di una guerra, e i giovani sono molto meno degli anziani. Nelle regioni del nord per ogni under 15 ci sono due over 65. Già oggi, non in futuro. In Africa, invece, metà della popolazione ha meno di 15 anni.

    https://left.it/2018/10/12/stefano-allievi-i-confini-non-sono-muri-ma-luoghi-di-passaggio
    #frontières #passage #murs

    • Stefano Allievi, 5 cose che tutti dovremmo sapere sull’immigrazione (e una cosa da fare)

      Per ragionare sulle cause delle migrazioni potremmo limitarci a citare, in ordine sparso, alcune parole: guerre, fame, dittature, persecuzioni (per motivi etnici, religiosi, razziali, politici), ingiustizie subìte, diseguaglianze, calamità naturali (incluse quelle dovute al cambiamento climatico), crescita demografica non accompagnata da crescita economica. A cui va aggiunto il puro e semplice sfruttamento delle risorse (alimentari, minerarie, ecc.), fatto quasi sempre per conto terzi: anche quando gli sfruttatori sono i governi – spesso militari – dei rispettivi paesi, i terzi sono, di solito, aziende dei paesi sviluppati; e come dice un saggio proverbio africano, “se uno percuote un alveare per portare via il miele, le api lo inseguono”. Quella che precede è la lista, per difetto, dei cosiddetti push factors, o fattori di spinta. Ci accontenteremo di fare un cenno solo alle diseguaglianze di reddito e alla demografia.

      Le differenze di reddito non spiegano tutto, delle migrazioni. Esistono da sempre. E nonostante questo la maggior parte delle persone preferisce rimanere vicino alla sua famiglia, tra la sua gente, la sua cultura, con chi parla la sua lingua. Ma pesano. Il PIL pro capite (il prodotto interno lordo – ovvero la ricchezza del paese – suddiviso per il numero degli abitanti), è in Italia di 30.507 dollari l’anno.

      Quello medio dell’Unione Europea è di 39.317 dollari, quello dell’Africa subsahariana è di 3.837 dollari, e in alcuni dei paesi da cui provengono coloro che tentano di sbarcare in Italia viaggia al di sotto dei mille dollari l’anno (411 in Niger, 469 in Gambia, 795 in Etiopia, 830 in Mali, 852 in Ciad). Ora, se le diseguaglianze di reddito bastassero a spiegare le migrazioni, l’Africa sarebbe già da decenni in Europa, l’Europa negli Stati Uniti (dove il PIL pro capite è di oltre 57.000 dollari, quasi 20.000 in più che in Europa), e gli Stati Uniti a loro volta in Lussemburgo (dove è di 103.000, il più alto del mondo). E non bastano le barriere alle immigrazioni per spiegare perché non sia così: in Europa c’è la libera circolazione della manodopera, e il reddito della Germania è oltre il doppio di quello della Grecia (e i servizi e il welfare molto migliori), eppure i greci – nonostante la drammatica crisi che hanno vissuto in questi anni – in maggioranza non sono andati in Germania, e sono rimasti a casa loro (né gli altri europei sono finiti tutti in Lussemburgo, peraltro). Ma serve a spiegare perché le migrazioni siano in aumento. Del resto, chiedetevelo da soli: quanti di voi sarebbero disposti ad emigrare sapendo che, a parità di lavoro, il vostro reddito potenziale potrebbe essere di dieci o addirittura cinquanta volte tanto? In molti non stareste neanche lì a chiedervi se il costo della vita altrove è più alto... Eppure oggi – grazie ai media globali e alla rete – la ricchezza degli altri la possiamo letteralmente “vedere”, più di quanto capitasse ai nostri nonni.

      Poi c’è la demografia. La popolazione del mondo cresce: molto, e in maniera squilibrata.

      In Europa, ad esempio (Italia inclusa), diminuisce, e stiamo ogni giorno più larghi. In Africa invece cresce tumultuosamente: entro il 2050 sarà il doppio di oggi. La Nigeria, per dire, oggi settimo paese del mondo per popolazione, prima del 2050 scalzerà gli Stati Uniti dal loro tradizionale terzo posto: e già oggi i 10 Stati più giovani del mondo, con un’età media intorno ai vent’anni, sono tutti africani. La sproporzione si vede bene sul piano storico: all’inizio del

      Novecento era europeo un abitante del mondo su quattro; nel 2050 lo sarà uno su quattordici.

      Facciamo meno figli, e viviamo più a lungo, di conseguenza la popolazione invecchia, e gli anziani sono più dei giovani – i demografi la chiamano inversione della piramide della popolazione, è la prima volta che accade nella storia per motivi naturali, e ha effetti drammatici.

      Non è solo questione di risorse, di chi pagherà le pensioni e le cure mediche, sempre più care man mano che cresce l’età della popolazione – uno squilibrio che mette sulle spalle delle giovani generazioni un fardello enorme. È anche questione del tipo di paese che si va configurando: non è dagli anziani che ci aspettiamo – e che storicamente proviene – la creatività, l’innovazione, l’apertura mentale, il desiderio di scoprire nuovi orizzonti... E nemmeno il mettersi in gioco economicamente con l’invenzione di imprese, il lancio di start up, l’assunzione di manodopera. Dunque una società più anziana è anche una società depressiva e recessiva – consuma più di quello che produce, oltre che essere più triste e passiva: diciamolo, è più vicina alla morte, e vive nella sua ombra. Per invertire lo scenario occorre avere, come sempre nella storia dell’umanità, più popolazione giovane.

      Certo, potrebbe essere popolazione autoctona. Ma, semplicemente, non c’è. Per motivi legati agli stili di vita e alle trasformazioni culturali – e, per i ceti meno abbienti, anche ai costi – l’aumento del benessere ha finora portato con sé la riduzione della natalità. A spingere le migrazioni ci sono anche, oltre ai fattori di espulsione, i fattori di attrazione, i pull factors: il differenziale economico e salariale l’abbiamo già citato. Ma conta anche l’immaginario che abbiamo sugli altri paesi, che crediamo più liberi, e più ricchi di opportunità, non solo di denaro. Libertà di muoversi, di sfuggire al controllo sociale della famiglia e della comunità, di studiare quello che si vuole (e di poterlo fare perché aiutati dallo Stato, anche se si è poveri), di fare esperienze (tutte quelle legate alla condizione giovanile, incluse quelle sessuali, in società più aperte da questo punto di vista), di viaggiare, di trovare più opportunità di lavoro (per il semplice fatto che la società è più complessa e il mercato del lavoro più ampio e articolato: non ci sono solo quei tre o quattro mestieri a cui si è inevitabilmente destinati...), di essere valutati rispetto al proprio merito e non alla propria origine, di sfuggire alla corruzione dei governi e delle burocrazie, che può essere oppressiva e soffocante, fino al semplice desiderio di sposare chi si vuole, e di sperimentare le proprie capacità cercando nuove occasioni, diversificate quanto lo sono le forme del desiderio. E poi, magari – li sottovalutiamo, questi fattori, noi che li diamo per scontati –, di avere scuole e ospedali migliori e quasi gratuiti, l’acqua corrente in casa, gli elettrodomestici, i videogiochi, quattro soldi in tasca, negozi pieni di merci, le vacanze... L’Europa non se ne è accorta, ma è diventata l’America dell’Africa (e di altre aree del mondo): o per lo meno, un’America più vicina e meno irraggiungibile dell’altra, che resta ancora la più ambita. Per molti, nel mondo, la nostra è una terra dei sogni. Il fatto che non ce ne accorgiamo ci dà la misura di quanto l’Europa non sia all’altezza del proprio ruolo.

      Ecco perché non sarà facile fermare le migrazioni. Ammesso che sia auspicabile. E, a proposito: sareste d’accordo a fermare anche quelle in uscita? Perché è giusto capire in quale direzione stiamo contribuendo a far andare il mondo: è probabile infatti che saremo ripagati con la stessa moneta, se le frontiere, anziché luoghi di attraversamento, diventano muri. Ce ne stiamo già accorgendo.
      Ecco perché, anche, è necessario lavorare sulle cause delle migrazioni, sugli equilibri e gli squilibri globali, sulle ingiustizie planetarie. In una logica di scambio.


      https://www.laterza.it/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2154:stefano-allievi-5-cose&cat
      #livre #préjugés #migrations #asile #réfugiés

  • L’#invasion_noire de #Capitaine_Danrit

    Il y a 120 ans, #Émile_Driant, un officier français auteur de fictions militaires sous le pseudonyme de #Capitaine_Danrit, avait, au moment où les puissances européennes imposaient à la planète entière un leadership incontesté, imaginé que l’Occident croulerait un jour sous les assauts militaires d’une guerre raciale et religieuse menée par les masses musulmanes africaines et proches-orientales.


    http://comptoirdesediteurs.com/romans/36-l-invasion-noire-9782370040039.html
    #mythe #préjugés #invasion #livre #histoire #Afrique #islamophobie #racisme

    –-> un livre qui aurait inspirée les théories de #Huntington sur le #choc_des_civilisations

    –-> J’ai découvert ce sordide personnage lors de la 3ème #balade_décoloniale (photos suivent) qui a été organisée hier, le 13.10.2018 à Grenoble.
    A cette occasion, la rue dédiée à #Driant a été débaptisée en rue #Paulette_Nardal :


    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paulette_Nardal
    #toponymie

    ping @reka

  • #Communautarisme ?

    Sous le nom de « communautarisme », les accusations d’entre-soi et de revendications séparatistes vont bon train ; mais les présupposés qui les soutiennent relèvent largement du fantasme. #À partir d’enquêtes sociologiques de terrain, un nouveau livre de la collection Puf/Vie des idées déconstruit ces #préjugés.


    https://laviedesidees.fr/Communautarisme-4176.html
    #livre

  • Comment se fabrique un oracle
    https://laviedesidees.fr/spip.php?article4169

    Les prédictions alarmistes sur les migrations africaines ont le vent en poupe. François Héran montre qu’elles ne reposent pas tant sur une approche démographique que sur une conjecture économique, et un sophisme : le développement de l’Afrique ne pourrait se faire qu’au détriment de l’Europe.

    #Essais

    / #statistiques, #démographie, #Afrique, #migration

  • Come sfatare il mito dei migranti che portano malattie

    Quello dello “straniero untore” resta un mito ricorrente, che permette di giustificare paure e ritrosie nei confronti dell’accoglienza, e dimentica che, più che terribili e antiche malattie, a costituire la prima causa di morte per i migranti sono ancora i viaggi in mare.

    “Dimora vietata a persone provenienti da paesi dell’area africana e asiatica anche temporanea se non in possesso di regolare certificato sanitario aggiornato”. Così si legge in un’ordinanza di giugno del sindaco di Carcare – paese dell’entroterra savonese – emessa per “tutelare la salute dei cittadini” dall’arrivo di migranti originari di luoghi in cui “sono ancora presenti numerose malattie contagiose”, debellate in Europa. L’estate scorsa il sindaco di Alassio aveva emanato un provvedimento simile, con uno scopo pressoché identico: “tutelare la sicurezza e la salute dei nostri cittadini e dei nostri turisti”, in “risposta alla situazione di emergenza e all’invasione incontrollata del territorio nazionale”.

    Al di là dei casi dei comuni liguri, la convinzione di una pericolosità sanitaria dei migranti è piuttosto diffusa. Ma esiste davvero il rischio di contagi e del ritorno di epidemie dimenticate?
    L’analisi

    Secondo la direttrice dell’ufficio europeo dell’Organizzazione mondiale della sanità Zsuzsanna Jakab, la percentuale di migranti “che arrivano in stato di salute compromesso è compresa tra il 2 e il 5%, e si tratta di patologie dell’apparato cardiocircolatorio, mentale o legate allo stato di gravidanza, ma per lo più sono ferite dovute a incidenti”. Questo dato è stato confermato anche da un report di Medici per i diritti umani, che ha chiesto all’Asl di Brindisi i dati sui ricoveri dei cittadini stranieri negli ospedali della provincia relativi all’anno 2015, e ha rilevato come questi non abbiano rappresentato neppure l’1% del numero complessivo. Tra i motivi di ricovero le cause infettive si trovavano “agli ultimissimi posti”, e la frequenza dei motivi di ammissione in ospedale era “sovrapponibile a quella dei ricoveri complessivamente considerati. (…) Tale rilievo confuta l’idea che gli immigrati siano portatori di malattie trasmissibili e siano la causa della loro diffusione nelle popolazioni native”.

    Nonostante questo, ci sono in particolare alcune patologie contagiose di cui si parla con toni allarmistici come legate alla questione immigrazione: HIV, tubercolosi, scabbia, sifilide. Eppure i dati dicono altro.

    Secondo l’Oms, ad esempio, “la prevalenza di infezione da HIV è generalmente bassa tra le persone provenienti dal Medio Oriente e Nord Africa. Quindi, vi è un basso rischio che l’HIV sia portato in Europa dai migranti provenienti da questi paesi”. Stando ai dati forniti dallo European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC) elaborati da studenti della scuola di giornalismo dello Iulm di Milano, “solo il 2,6% dei nuovi casi sono riconducibili a soggetti provenienti dall’Africa sub-Sahariana”, e nel nel 2014 “la proporzione di stranieri tra le nuove diagnosi di infezione da HIV è stata del 27,1%, con un numero assoluto di casi pari a 1.002, risultando in calo rispetto all’ultima rilevazione effettuata nel 2006, in cui l’incidenza straniera era del 32,9%”.

    Va considerato, poi, che molti contraggono il virus dopo l’arrivo in Europa.

    Lo sostiene l’Oms, e lo confermano anche recenti ricerche. Lo studio “HIV acquisition after arrival in France among sub-Saharan African migrants living with HIV in Paris area” – presentato alla conferenza Ias 2015 – ha mostrato come tra il 35 e il 49% dei migranti provenienti dall’Africa che vivono con HIV in Francia ha probabilmente acquisito il virus dopo aver lasciato il continente d’origine. Anche secondo il professor Giampiero Carosi – ex direttore dell’Istituto di malattie infettive e tropicali dell’Università di Brescia – “una percentuale elevata di migranti contrae l’infezione qui da noi”, anche perché “un soggetto malato non si mette in viaggio – e che viaggio”.

    La questione delle modalità di contagio, infine, ridimensiona molto il pericolo: l’HIV, infatti, non si trasmette per via aerea, ma solo sessuale o ematica. Tra l’altro, il virus è tuttora presente in Italia, nonostante se ne parli sempre meno.

    Il 2014 è stato l’anno dell’allarme Tbc sui barconi dei migranti, trainato da diversi post sul blog di Beppe Grillo. I dati dell’ECDC riportati dagli studenti dello Iulm mostrano come dal 1990 al 2014 il tasso annuale di casi registrati di Tbc sia “calato da 25,3 per 100mila abitanti a 6, con un decremento pari a circa il 64% del numero di casi”. Tra il 2003 e il 2012 in Italia la popolazione residente è cresciuta di poco più del 4%, mentre quella straniera ha subito un incremento circa del 154% e parallelamente il numero di casi di Tbc in persone nate all’estero è aumentato, passando dal 37% al 58% del totale in dieci anni. Come si evince dal rapporto OsservaSalute 2014, “analizzando, però, la frequenza di casi di Tbc notificati a persone nate all’estero rispetto alla popolazione residente straniera, si osserva un forte decremento con valori quasi dimezzati nell’arco del decennio di osservazione a fronte di una sostanziale stabilità dell’incidenza nel complesso della popolazione”. Ciò significa che il numero di casi di Tbc nei migranti è aumentato molto meno della loro crescita numerica.

    Ad ogni modo, è vero che la condizione di immigrato agevola il rischio di contrarre la malattia: secondo l’Oms il pericolo dipende sì dall’incidenza della Tbc nel paese d’origine, ma anche “dalle condizioni di vita e lavoro nella nazione di immigrazione, dall’accesso ai servizi sanitari e sociali”.

    Per Giovanni Baglio, epidemiologo dell’Istituto Nazionale Salute Migrazione e Povertà (INMP) di Roma, “la stragrande maggioranza di coloro che vengono a cercare lavoro in Europa partono in ottime condizioni di salute – se soffrissero di tubercolosi in forma conclamata, e quindi infettiva, non potrebbero resistere al viaggio”, e poi arrivati qui deteriorano il loro stato fisico. Insomma, se un pericolo contagio esiste, dipende dalla scarsa possibilità di accesso alle cure.

    Nonostante non si sia mai sopita, la scorsa estate la psicosi scabbia ha raggiunto il suo picco, con la temporanea chiusura delle frontiere e migranti bloccati nelle stazioni ferroviarie delle principali città italiane. Anche in questo caso si tratta di un allarme sopravvalutato, nei numeri – nel 2015 i casi rilevati dai medici di confine negli sbarchi degli immigrati sono stati circa il 10% – ma soprattutto nel merito. Quando si parla di scabbia ci si riferisce a un’infezione della pelle causata da un parassita diffuso in tutto il mondo, compresa l’Italia. È una malattia piuttosto banale, tipica delle fasce sociali più svantaggiate, favorita da scarsa igiene e sovraffollamento – condizioni che facilmente si associano ai viaggi sui barconi. Si cura con una pomata; si previene il contagio con semplici accorgimenti come indossare i guanti durante le visite mediche o lavarsi le mani. Un’altra patologia il cui ritorno viene legato all’immigrazione è la sifilide, su cui però non esistono dati approfonditi se non in pochi paesi. Stando al report dell’ECDC, comunque, l’incidenza non sembra differire in maniera significativa fra popolazione immigrata e residente: nel 2010 il 7,3% dei casi riguardavano migranti, il 55,4% non-migranti.

    In generale, l’Oms individua i problemi di salute più frequenti di rifugiati e migranti in “ferite accidentali, ipotermie, bruciature, malattie gastrointestinali, cardiovascolari, legate alla gravidanza, diabete e ipertensione”. In molti al loro arrivo presentano quella che viene chiamata la “malattia dei gommoni”: lesioni e ustioni provocate dal trasporto delle persone insieme alle taniche di carburante; mentre le donne devono affrontare problemi per quanto riguarda il parto, la salute neonatale, patologie riconducibili alla sfera sessuale o riproduttiva, oltre a essere spesso anche vittime di violenze. Gli individui più vulnerabili, come i bambini, “sono inclini a infezioni respiratorie e malattie gastrointestinali a causa delle cattive condizioni di vita, dell’igiene non ottimale e delle privazioni cui sono sottoposti durante la migrazione”. Fattori che favoriscono il sorgere di malattie non trasmissibili e condizioni croniche, il cui problema principale è quello dell’interruzione delle terapie.

    Quello di cui certamente soffrono i migranti sono le “ferite invisibili” dovute alla loro provenienza da zone di guerra o dove si pratica la tortura. Secondo un rapporto di Medici senza frontiere sulla salute mentale dei profughi ospitati dai Cas italiani, tra i richiedenti asilo si registrano tassi più alti di psicosi, depressione, disturbi post traumatici da stress (Ptsd), disturbi dell’umore, disturbi d’ansia, cognitivi e una maggiore tendenza alla somatizzazione.
    Il giudizio di OpenMigration

    Associare l’arrivo dei migranti al ritorno di malattie sconosciute o debellate è una storia che fa sempre parecchia presa sulla popolazione. Del resto, nulla è più efficace della paura dell’altro per cementare il consenso. Alla luce dei dati e delle evidenze, però, è certamente un falso allarme: secondo l’Oms i problemi di salute di rifugiati e migranti “sono simili a quelli del resto della popolazione”, mentre il rischio di importazione di agenti infettivi esotici e rari “è estremamente basso” e quando si verifica “riguarda viaggiatori regolari, turisti oppure operatori sanitari, più che rifugiati o migranti”.
    Nonostante questo, quello dello “straniero untore” resta un mito ricorrente, che permette di giustificare paure e ritrosie nei confronti dell’accoglienza, e dimentica che, più che terribili e antiche malattie, a costituire la prima causa di morte per i migranti sono ancora i viaggi in mare.

    https://openmigration.org/fact-checking/come-sfatare-il-mito-dei-migranti-che-portano-malattie/?platform=hootsuite
    #préjugés #asile #migrations #réfugiés #maladies #risque #maladies_infectieuses #mythe

  • Population & sociétés | Les migrations subsahariennes, une forme ordinaire de mobilité humaine
    https://asile.ch/2018/09/13/population-societes-les-migrations-subsahariennes-une-forme-ordinaire-de-mobil

    François Héran publie une recherche qui permet de recontextualiser la projection supposée d’une “arrivée massive” de migrants subsahariens en Europe. Les Nations Unies ont en effet projeté qu’en 2050 la population subsaharienne représenterait le 22% de la population mondiale. Or, François Héran montre que cela ne se répercutera pas de manière proportionnelle sur leur présence […]

  • L’Europe et le spectre des migrations subsahariennes

    L’Afrique subsaharienne devrait représenter 22 % de la population mondiale vers 2050 au lieu de 14 % aujourd’hui. Le nombre de migrants originaires de cette région devrait donc augmenter. Mais de combien et vers quelles destinations ? François Héran replace les migrations africaines dans le tableau mondial des diasporas. Il montre que le scénario pour 2050 d’une Europe peuplée à 25 % d’immigrés subsahariens ne tient pas la route. L’ordre de grandeur le plus réaliste est cinq fois moindre.

    https://www.ined.fr/fr/publications/population-et-societes/europe-spectre--migrations-subsahariennes
    #invasion #mythe #asile #migrations #réfugiés #préjugés #démographie #Afrique #Europe #projection #François_Héran #ressources_pédagogiques
    cc @reka @isskein @simplicissimus