• Premio diritti umani ai solidali delle montagne alpine

    Il ministero della Giustizia francese da un lato criminalizza chi solidarizza con i migranti sulle Alpi e dall’altro premia le stesse persone come difensori dei diritti umani.

    Paradossi e cortocircuiti logici di questa epoca di migrazioni, di accoglienza, vera, da parte di privati e associazioni umanitarie, e di repressione, vera anche questa, da parte di forze dell’ordine che pattugliano i confini degli Stati europei pronti a respingere persone in fuga da guerre e carestie.

    Mentre la giustizia francese manda a processo donne e uomini, accusati di crimini di umanità, per aver prestato soccorso nella neve alpina a migliaia di donne, uomini, bambini che in questi anni tentano la sorte del viaggio attraverso valichi alpini, il ministero della Giustizia transalpina ha premiato ieri 10 dicembre in occasione della giornata internazionale per i diritti dell’uomo l’associazione #Tous_Migrants, creata a Briançon sulle Alpi francesi nel 2015 proprio nel tentativo di aiutare i flussi di persone improvvisamente emersi in questi anni. Il premio è stato assegnato dalla Commissione nazionale consultiva dei diritti dell’uomo che fa capo proprio al ministero della Giustizia.

    Benoit Ducos, uno degli uomini a processo per aver soccorso persone al confine, ne sottolinea la schizofrenica assurdità di tutto ciò: «E’ surreale, perché i valori che difendiamo sono condannati dalle decisioni giudiziarie di questo governo, che con l’altro braccio premia il nostro impegno sul campo. Incredibile. Il riconoscimento va a tutti coloro che con coraggio offrono aiuto, cibo, soccorso, in maniera anonima, senza protagonismi. Un premio che ci spinge a continuare a gridare le nostre convinzioni».

    Senza alcuna etichetta politica o religiosa, Tous Migrants è un movimento pacifista di sensibilizzazione e azione dei cittadini nato in reazione alla tragedia umanitaria dei migranti in Europa. Con il sostegno di più di 700 cittadini per la causa che difende, oltre 9800 amici Facebook e 2700 destinatari della sua Newsletter, Tous migrants svolge azioni complementari nella’area del Briançonnais: monitoraggio e condivisione delle informazioni tramite una newsletter periodica, un sito Web e una pagina Facebook, conferenze, dibattiti sul cinema, seminari di scrittura, eventi di supporto artistico o culturale, campagne di sensibilizzazione, azioni legali ...

    L’intervento dei volontari dell’associazione al momento della consegna del premio ha ricodato come «Quattro anni fa eravamo solo persone comuni di montagna, a pochi chilometri dall’Italia, che guardavano in faccia e in modo pragmatico la realtà migratoria, esercitando il dovere di assistere le persone in pericolo e aprendo le nostre porte alla gente proveniente da altrove. Incondizionatamente e spontaneamente.

    Ma in questo approccio fraterno, ci siamo trovati gradualmente e violentemente di fronte all’impensabile:

    • Cacce all’uomo di colore, alcune delle quali sono seguite da morte, disabilità

    • L’abbandono di persone indebolite ed esauste in ambienti ostili

    • abuso psicologico e fisico, ripetute umiliazioni

    • Atti e istigazione al razzismo

    • Bullismo, repressione e condanne giudiziarie per atti di assistenza alle persone in pericolo

    Di conseguenza, il dovere della fraternità è stato criminalizzato.

    Di fronte a questo, nelle nostre montagne, centinaia di persone sono indignate. Dobbiamo chiudere gli occhi e le porte? Abbiamo deciso di continuare a fare rete. Abbiamo deciso di denunciare tutte queste violazioni ai diritti fondamentali. Oggi siamo qui, siamo diventati sentinelle per i diritti umani in Francia ...

    Ringraziamo il coraggio e la lungimiranza del Comitato di assegnarci questa menzione speciale del Premio sui diritti umani della Repubblica francese.

    Questo premio è per tutti i coraggiosi. Tutti noi nelle Hautes-Alpes, e ovunque, in Francia, ai confini, tutti noi che ci alziamo la mattina per portare aiuto e soccorso ai rifugiati; tutti noi che vigiliamo di notte per evitare nuove tragedie. Tutti noi che rispettiamo la libertà, l’uguaglianza e difendiamo questa bellissima fratellanza. È per tutte le vittime delle rotte migratorie che fuggono per proteggere i loro diritti.

    Tuttavia, ricevere questo premio ci rattrista e ci fa arrabbiare perché arriva dopo la morte dei diritti umani nel nostro territorio. Siamo in Francia! Come è possibile che spetti a noi difendere quei diritti che sono la sostanza stessa del nostro paese e che dovrebbero guidare tutte le scelte dei nostri leader e le decisioni della nostra giustizia?

    Ora stiamo tornando sulle nostre montagne perché il tempo sta per scadere, la neve è lì, le vite sono in pericolo, i diritti sono infranti. Per quanto ancora?».

    https://riforma.it/it/articolo/2019/12/11/premio-diritti-umani-ai-solidali-delle-montagne-alpine
    #solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #prix #Alpes #frontière_sud-alpine #frontières #solidarité #droits_humains #ministère_de_la_justice #France #absurdité

    –-------------

    Extrait:

    «Quattro anni fa eravamo solo persone comuni di montagna, a pochi chilometri dall’Italia, che guardavano in faccia e in modo pragmatico la realtà migratoria, esercitando il dovere di assistere le persone in pericolo e aprendo le nostre porte alla gente proveniente da altrove. Incondizionatamente e spontaneamente. (...) Oggi siamo qui, siamo diventati sentinelle per i diritti umani in Francia ...»

    –-> De l’#humanisme - #humanitarisme (et la #charité) à l’engagement politique...
    #politisation

  • EU-Asylbehörde beschattete Flüchtende in sozialen Medien

    Die EU-Agentur EASO überwachte jahrelang soziale Netzwerke, um Flüchtende auf dem Weg nach Europa zu stoppen. Der oberste Datenschützer der EU setzte dem Projekt nun ein Ende.

    Das EU-Asylunterstützungsbüro EASO hat jahrelang in sozialen Medien Informationen über Flüchtende, Migrationsrouten und Schleuser gesammelt. Ihre Erkenntnisse meldete die Behörde mit Sitz in Malta an EU-Staaten, die Kommission und andere EU-Agenturen. Die Ermittlungen auf eigene Faust sorgen nun für Ärger mit EU-Datenschützern.

    Mitarbeiter von EASO durchforsteten soziale Medien seit Januar 2017. Ihr Hauptziel waren Hinweise auf neue Migrationsbewegungen nach Europa. Die EU-Behörde übernahm das Projekt von der UN-Organisation UNHCR, berichtete EASO damals in einem Newsletter.

    Die Agentur durchsuchte einschlägige Seiten, Kanäle und Gruppen mit der Hilfe von Stichwortlisten. Im Fokus standen Fluchtrouten, aber auch die Angebote von Schleusern, gefälschte Dokumente und die Stimmung unter den Geflüchteten, schrieb ein EASO-Sprecher an netzpolitik.org.

    Das Vorläuferprojekt untersuchte ab März 2016 Falschinformationen, mit denen Schleuser Menschen nach Europa locken. Es entstand als Folge der Flüchtlingsbewegung 2015, im Fokus der UN-Mitarbeiter standen Geflüchtete aus Syrien, dem Irak und Afghanistan.

    Flüchtende informierten sich auf dem Weg nach Europa über soziale Netzwerke, heißt es im Abschlussbericht des UNHCR. In Facebook-Gruppen und Youtube-Kanälen bewerben demnach Schleuser offen ihr Angebot. Sie veröffentlichten auf Facebook-Seiten sogar Rezensionen von zufriedenen „Kunden“, sagten Projektmitarbeiter damals den Medien.
    Fluchtrouten und Fälschungen

    Die wöchentlichen Berichte von EASO landeten bei den EU-Staaten und Institutionen, außerdem bei UNHCR und der Weltpolizeiorganisation Interpol. Die EU-Staaten forderten EASO bereits 2018 auf, Hinweise auf Schleuser an Europol zu übermitteln.

    Die EU-Agentur überwachte Menschen aus zahlreichen Ländern. Beobachtet wurden Sprecher des Arabischen und von afghanischen Sprachen wie Paschtunisch und Dari, aber auch von in Äthiopien und Eritrea verbreiteten Sprachen wie Tigrinya und Amharisch, das in Nigeria gesprochene Edo sowie etwa des Türkischen und Kurdischen.

    „Das Ziel der Aktivitäten war es, die Mitgliedsstaaten zu informieren und den Missbrauch von Schutzbedürftigen zu verhindern“, schrieb der EASO-Sprecher Anis Cassar.
    Als Beispiel nannte der Sprecher den „Konvoi der Hoffnung“. So nannte sich eine Gruppe von hunderte Menschen aus Afghanistan, Iran und Pakistan, die im Frühjahr 2019 an der griechisch-bulgarischen Grenze auf Weiterreise nach Europa hofften.

    Die griechische Polizei hinderte den „Konvoi“ mit Tränengasgranaten am Grenzübertritt. Die „sehr frühe Entdeckung“ der Gruppe sei ein Erfolg des Einsatzes, sagte der EASO-Sprecher.
    Kein Schutzschirm gegen Gräueltaten

    Gräueltaten gegen Flüchtende standen hingegen nicht im Fokus von EASO. In Libyen werden tausende Flüchtende unter „KZ-ähnlichen Zuständen“ in Lagern festgehalten, befand ein interner Bericht der Auswärtigen Amtes bereits Ende 2017.

    Über die Lage in Libyen dringen über soziale Medien und Messengerdienste immer wieder erschreckende Details nach außen.

    Die EU-Agentur antwortete ausweichend auf unsere Frage, ob ihre Mitarbeiter bei ihrem Monitoring Hinweise auf Menschenrechtsverletzungen gefunden hätten.

    „Ich bin nicht in der Lage, Details über die Inhalte der tatsächlichen Berichte zu geben“, schrieb der EASO-Sprecher. „Die Berichte haben aber sicherlich dazu beigetragen, den zuständigen nationalen Behörden zu helfen, Schleuser ins Visier zu nehmen und Menschen zu retten.“

    Der Sprecher betonte, das EU-Asylunterstützungsbüro sei keine Strafverfolgungsbehörde oder Küstenwache. Der Einsatz habe bloß zur Information der Partnerbehörden gedient.
    Datenschützer: Rechtsgrundlage fehlt

    Der oberste EU-Datenschützer übte heftige Kritik an dem Projekt. Die Behörde kritisiert, die EU-Agentur habe sensible persönliche Daten von Flüchtenden gesammelt, etwa über deren Religion, ohne dass diese informiert worden seien oder zugestimmt hätten.

    Die Asylbehörde habe für solche Datensammelei keinerlei Rechtsgrundlage, urteilte der EU-Datenschutzbeauftragte Wojciech Wiewiórowski in einem Brief an EASO im November.

    Die Datenschutzbehörde prüfte die Asylagentur nach neuen, strengeren Regeln für die EU-Institutionen, die etwa zeitgleich mit der Datenschutzgrundverordnung zu gelten begannen.

    In dem Schreiben warnt der EU-Datenschutzbeauftragte, einzelne Sprachen und Schlüsselwörter zu überwachen, könne zu falschen Annahmen über Gruppen führen. Dies wirke unter Umständen diskriminierend.

    Die Datenschutzbehörde ordnete die sofortigen Suspendierung des Projektes an. Es gebe vorerst keine Pläne, die Überwachung sozialer Medien wieder aufzunehmen, schrieb der EASO-Sprecher an netzpolitik.org.

    Die Asylbehörde widersprach indes den Vorwürfen. EASO habe großen Aufwand betrieben, damit keinerlei persönliche Daten in ihren Berichten landeten, schrieb der Sprecher.

    Anders sieht das der EU-Datenschutzbeauftragte. In einem einzigen Bericht, der den Datenschützern als Beispiel übermittelt wurde, fanden sie mehrere E-Mailadressen und die Telefonnummer eines Betroffenen, schrieben sie in dem Brief an EASO.

    EASO klagte indes gegenüber netzpolitik.org über die „negativen Konsequenzen“ des Projekt-Stopps. Dies schade den EU-Staaten in der Effektivität ihrer Asylsysteme und habe womöglich schädliche Auswirkungen auf die Sicherheit von Migranten und Asylsuchenden.
    Frontex stoppte Monitoring-Projekt

    Die EU-Asylagentur geriet bereits zuvor mit Aufsehern in Konflikt. Im Vorjahr ermittelte die Antikorruptionsbehörde OLAF wegen Mobbing-Vorwürfen, Verfehlungen bei Großeinkäufen und Datenschutzverstößen.

    Auf Anfrage von netzpolitik.org bestätigte OLAF, dass „Unregelmäßigkeiten“ in den genannten Bereichen gefunden wurden. Die Behörde wollte aber keine näheren Details nennen.

    EASO ist nicht die einzige EU-Behörde, die soziale Netzwerke überwachen möchte. Die Grenzagentur Frontex schrieb im September einen Auftrag über 400.000 Euro aus. Ziel sei die Überwachung von sozialen Netzwerken auf „irreguläre Migrationsbewegungen“.

    Kritische Nachfragen bremsten das Projekt aber schon vor dem Start. Nach kritischen Nachfragen der NGO Privacy International blies Frontex das Projekt ab. Frontex habe nicht erklären können, wie sich die Überwachung mit dem Datenschutz und dem rechtlichen Mandat der Organisation vereinen lässt, kritisierte die NGO.

    https://netzpolitik.org/2019/eu-asylbehoerde-beschattete-fluechtende-in-sozialen-medien#spendenleist
    #EASO #asile #migrations #réfugiés #surveillance #réseaux_sociaux #protection_des_données #Frontex #données

    –->

    « Les rapports hebdomadaires de l’EASO ont été envoyés aux pays et institutions de l’UE, au #HCR et à l’Organisation mondiale de la police d’#Interpol. Les États de l’UE ont demandé à l’EASO en 2018 de fournir à #Europol des informations sur les passeurs »

    ping @etraces

  • #Avis sur la légalité internationale des transferts d’armes vers l’#Arabie_saoudite, les #Émirats_arabes_unis et les membres de la coalition militairement impliqués au #Yémen

    Le présent avis traite de la #légalité, au regard du #droit_international, des transferts d’armes vers l’Arabie saoudite, les Émirats arabes unis et les membres de la Coalition militairement impliqués au Yémen. L’avis n’évalue pas la légalité de tels transferts à la lumière du droit interne de chaque État fournisseur, pas plus qu’il n’examine en détail les obligations des groupes armés non étatiques ou des entreprises dans leurs rôles de fournisseurs et d’utilisateurs d’armes.

    L’accent est mis ici sur les #obligations_juridiques_internationales des parties au #conflit au Yémen et des États tiers qui leur fournissent leurs armes. Seront examinées ci-après les principales #normes_internationales applicables aux décisions de #transfert_d’armes qui visent à assurer la #protection_de_la_population_civile au Yémen et de l’#infrastructure_civile indispensable à sa survie.

    Les États qui transfèrent des armes à d’autres pays sont soumis aux normes du droit de la responsabilité internationale de l’État. Ils ont l’obligation de retenir ces transferts d’armes lorsqu’il est raisonnablement prévisible que les destinataires les utiliseront pour commettre des violations graves du droit international ou de les détourneront vers d’autres utilisateurs. Tel qu’expliqué ci-après, les États qui fournissent des armes aux parties au conflit au Yémen portent une énorme #responsabilité en regard du grand nombre de personnes civiles qui ont subi de graves blessures et des pertes, y compris à leur domicile, entraînant des déplacements internes et externes massifs de population. Les infrastructures civiles essentielles à la survie de la population ont été détruites ou gravement endommagées lors d’attaques armées, et l’accès à l’aide humanitaire reste entravé par les forces armées et les milices. Selon les Nations Unies, des millions de personnes souffrent de ce qui a été qualifié de la “pire crise humanitaire du monde”.


    https://ipisresearch.be/publication/avis-sur-la-legalite-internationale-des-transferts-darmes-vers-larabie-
    #armes #armement #commerce_d'armes #Emirats_arabes_unis #protection_civile #guerre

    ping @reka

  • #Avignon : victoire pour le droit au logement des personnes exilées
    https://fr.squat.net/2019/12/12/avignon-victoire-pour-le-droit-au-logement-des-personnes-exilees

    A Avignon, une association qui occupe un bâtiment du diocèse pour accueillir des réfugiés a obtenu un délai de trois ans avant de devoir évacuer. Un soulagement pour les 150 bénévoles qui s’activent depuis un an. « Nous sommes très contents. Les habitants aussi sont soulagés. » Chantal Raffanel et les autres bénévoles de l’association […]

    #procès #Rosmerta #sans-papiers

  • Vie privée : CDiscount, AlloCiné et Vanity Fair visés par une plainte d’une ONG
    https://www.lemonde.fr/pixels/article/2019/12/10/vie-privee-cdiscount-allocine-et-vanity-fair-vises-par-une-plainte-d-une-ong

    Les trois sites sont soupçonnés d’imposer un traçage publicitaire même aux utilisateurs qui le refusent. Ces messages d’alerte sont devenus courants depuis l’entrée en vigueur du règlement général européen sur la vie privée (RGPD) en 2018 : à l’arrivée sur un site, ce dernier vous demande si vous acceptez que des cookies, de petits fichiers servant à stocker des informations, enregistrent des données sur vous et votre navigation. Celles-ci servent notamment à afficher des publicités ciblées. Mais selon (...)

    #CDiscount #Facebook #cookies #profiling #publicité #CNIL #NOYB #conditions

    ##publicité

  • Entre examen individuel et gestion collective : ce que les injonctions à la #productivité font à l’instruction des demandes d’asile

    Cet article s’intéresse à la question générale des conditions de la prise de décision en matière d’asile : comment l’objectif « d’#accélération_des_procédures », ainsi que les critères d’#efficacité et de #productivité bureaucratiques influencent-ils la mise en oeuvre du #droit_d’asile ? À partir d’une enquête ethnographique au sein de l’administration de l’asile en Suisse, cet article analyse comment une « #politique_du_chiffre » imprègne le travail d’instruction des demandes d’asile et se traduit concrètement dans les injonctions des cadres intermédiaires, dans leurs stratégies et priorités de traitement, ainsi que dans des instruments d’aide à la décision. Deux arguments principaux sont développés dans l’article. Premièrement, l’#examen_individuel des requêtes entre en tension avec une #gestion_collective de celles-ci : en effet, non seulement ce traitement individuel s’inscrit dans des logiques organisationnelles de gestion des « flux » migratoires — la conjoncture du nombre et de l’origine des demandeurs d’asile influençant les priorités et les stratégies de traitement — et d’industrialisation de la prise de décision, mais il se fait aussi toujours à l’aune de lignes directrices définies par l’institution. Cette analyse nous conduit à nous interroger sur la forme syllogistique des décisions. Celles-ci sont le plus souvent prises en référence aux normes secondaires d’application qui orientent la perception qu’ont les spécialistes asile des décisions possibles. Deuxièmement, l’article met en évidence le rôle que jouent les #cadres_intermédiaires dans la mise en oeuvre de l’action publique. Ces derniers disposent d’un #pouvoir (discrétionnaire et normatif) dans l’orientation et l’encadrement des pratiques de mise en oeuvre de la politique d’asile.

    https://www.erudit.org/fr/revues/lsp/2019-n83-lsp04994/1066088ar
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #procédure_d'asile #Suisse

  • Qui veut encore protéger les mineurs non accompagnés en France ?

    Arrivés dans le courant des années 1990, les mineurs non accompagnés sont des individus de moins de 18 ans qui, après un parcours migratoire, se trouvent sur le territoire français sans leur représentant légal. Enfants en danger devant être pris en charge inconditionnellement par les services départementaux compétents, pourquoi ces mineurs sont-ils devenus les objets d’une politique du tri et du contrôle ? Comment ces considérations ont-elles pu s’inviter dans le champ de la #protection_de_l’enfance ? Qui sont les acteurs impliqués dans ce basculement du parcours dédié aux mineurs non accompagnés ? Mineurs à protéger d’un côté et étrangers à contrôler de l’autre, cette population est perçue à travers des représentations bipolaires qui ont conduit à l’édification de #frontières_administratives, institutionnelles et symboliques jalonnant aujourd’hui le parcours de l’#accueil de ces jeunes. Alors que leur #minorité et leur #isolement devraient suffire à justifier une #prise_en_charge, le #soupçon qui plane sur ces jeunes a fait de ces deux critères des données scrupuleusement vérifiées par les autorités. La contribution revient sur la logique de #sous-traitance de la mission d’#évaluation et de #mise_à_l’abri ayant permis d’exclure ces mineurs du circuit traditionnel de la protection de l’enfance. Associations, organisations humanitaires, société civile, ministère de la Justice incarnent les nouveaux protagonistes d’un paysage de l’accueil, où les idéaux et les engagements en matière de défense du #droit_des_enfants ont été relégués au second plan.

    https://www.erudit.org/fr/revues/lsp/2019-n83-lsp04994/1066084ar
    #enfants #enfance #mineurs #asile #migrations #réfugiés #France #protection #contrôle #droits_des_enfants #MNA #mineurs_non_accompagnés

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • Même en refusant les cookies, votre vie privée peut s’émietter
    https://noyb.eu/say-no-to-cookies-yet-see-your-privacy-crumble/?lang=fr

    Cdiscount, Webedia, Condé Nast, Facebook, AppNexus et PubMatic ont tous participé à la mise en place illégale de cookies publicitaires alors que les utilisateurs les ont expressément rejetés. noyb.eu dépose trois plaintes auprès de la CNIL liées au consentement de l’utilisateur à l’installation de cookies. S’appuyant sur l’extension open source “Cookie Glasses” développée par des chercheurs de l’institut national de recherché en sciences du numérique (Inria), noyb a identifié de nombreuses violations de la (...)

    #Facebook #CDiscount #cookies #procès #conditions #CNIL #[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données_(RGPD)[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation_(GDPR)[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation_(GDPR)

    ##[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données__RGPD_[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_

  • Say “NO” to cookies – yet see your privacy crumble ?
    https://noyb.eu/say-no-to-cookies-yet-see-your-privacy-crumble

    Cookie banners of large French webpages turn a clear “NO” into “fake consent” noyb.eu files three GDPR complaints with the French Data Protection Regulator (CNIL). Relying on the open source extension “Cookie Glasses” developed by researchers of the French institute Inria, noyb.eu identified countless violations of European and French cookie privacy laws as CDiscount, Allociné and Vanity Fair all turn a rejection of cookies by users into a “fake consent”. The privacy enforcement non-profit noyb.eu (...)

    #CDiscount #cookies #procès #conditions #CNIL

  • Les promesses jamais tenues de Delevoye et du gouvernement en faveur de la retraite des agriculteurs
    https://www.bastamag.net/Delevoye-reforme-retraite-greve-pension-1000-euros-minimum-agriculteurs

    Alors qu’il était déjà ministre en 2003, Jean-Paul Delevoye avait déjà promis aux agriculteurs une retraite égale à 85 % du SMIC. Et l’année dernière, le gouvernement a encore bloqué une proposition de loi revalorisant les faibles #Retraites agricoles. La réforme des retraites envisagée par le gouvernement est-elle favorable aux agriculteurs ? C’est ce qu’a laissé entendre Christiane Lambert, la présidente de la FNSEA, le principal syndicat agricole. « Si demain, 1 euro cotisé donne les mêmes droits à tout (...) #Décrypter

    / #Luttes_sociales, Quel avenir pour nos #Protections_sociales ?, #Agriculture, Retraites, Protections sociales, A la (...)

    #Quel_avenir_pour_nos_protections_sociales_ ?

  • Europe spends billions stopping migration. Good luck figuring out where the money actually goes

    How much money exactly does Europe spend trying to curb migration from Nigeria? And what’s it used for? We tried to find out, but Europe certainly doesn’t make it easy. These flashy graphics show you just how complicated the funding is.
    In a shiny new factory in the Benin forest, a woman named Blessing slices pineapples into rings. Hundreds of miles away, at a remote border post in the Sahara, Abubakar scans travellers’ fingerprints. And in village squares across Nigeria, Usman performs his theatre show about the dangers of travelling to Europe.

    What do all these people have in common?

    All their lives are touched by the billions of euros European governments spend in an effort to curb migration from Africa.

    Since the summer of 2015,
    Read more about the influx of refugees to Europe in 2015 on the UNHCR website.
    when countless boats full of migrants began arriving on the shores of Greece and Italy, Europe has increased migration spending by billions.
    Read my guide to EU migration policy here.
    And much of this money is being spent in Africa.

    Within Europe, the political left and right have very different ways of framing the potential benefits of that funding. Those on the left say migration spending not only provides Africans with better opportunities in their home countries but also reduces migrant deaths in the Mediterranean. Those on the right say migration spending discourages Africans from making the perilous journey to Europe.

    However they spin it, the end result is the same: both left and right have embraced funding designed to reduce migration from Africa. In fact, the European Union (EU) plans to double migration spending under the new 2021-2027 budget, while quadrupling spending on border control.

    The three of us – journalists from Nigeria, Italy and the Netherlands – began asking ourselves: just how much money are we talking here?

    At first glance, it seems like a perfectly straightforward question. Just add up the migration budgets of the EU and the individual member states and you’ve got your answer, right? But after months of research, it turns out that things are nowhere near that simple.

    In fact, we discovered that European migration spending resembles nothing so much as a gigantic plate of spaghetti.

    If you try to tease out a single strand, at least three more will cling to it. Try to find where one strand begins, and you’ll find yourself tangled up in dozens of others.

    This is deeply concerning. Though Europe maintains a pretence of transparency, in practice it’s virtually impossible to hold the EU and its member states accountable for their migration expenditures, let alone assess how effective they are. If a team of journalists who have devoted months to the issue can’t manage it, then how could EU parliament members juggling multiple portfolios ever hope to?

    This lack of oversight is particularly problematic in the case of migration, an issue that ranks high on European political agendas. The subject of migration fuels a great deal of political grandstanding, populist opportunism, and social unrest. And the debate surrounding the issue is rife with misinformation.

    For an issue of this magnitude, it’s crucial to have a clear view of existing policies and to examine whether these policies make sense. But to be able to do that, we need to understand the funding streams: how much money is being spent and what is it being spent on?

    While working on this article, we spoke to researchers and officials who characterised EU migration spending as “opaque”, “unclear” and “chaotic”. We combed through countless websites, official documents, annual reports and budgets, and we submitted freedom of information requests
    in a number of European countries, in Nigeria, and to the European commission. And we discovered that the subject of migration, while not exactly cloak-and-dagger stuff, is apparently sensitive enough that most people preferred to speak off the record.

    Above all, we were troubled by the fact that no one seems to have a clear overview of European migration budgets – and by how painfully characteristic this is of European migration policy as a whole.
    Nigeria – ‘a tough cookie’

    It wasn’t long before we realised that mapping out all European cash flows to all African countries would take us years. Instead, we decided to focus on Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and the continent’s strongest economy, as well as the country of origin of the largest group of African asylum seekers in the EU. “A tough cookie” in the words of one senior EU official, but also “our most important migration partner in the coming years”.

    But Nigeria wasn’t exactly eager to embrace the role of “most important migration partner”. After all, migration has been a lifeline for Nigeria’s economy: last year, Nigerian migrants living abroad sent home $25bn – roughly 6% of the country’s GNP.

    It took a major European charm offensive to get Nigeria on board – a “long saga” with “more than one tense meeting”, according to a high-ranking EU diplomat we spoke to.

    The European parliament invited Muhammadu Buhari, the Nigerian president, to Strasbourg in 2016. Over the next several years, one European dignitary after another visited Nigeria: from Angela Merkel,
    the German chancellor, to Matteo Renzi,
    the Italian prime minister, to Emmanuel Macron,
    the French president, to Mark Rutte,

    the Dutch prime minister.

    Three guesses as to what they all wanted to talk about.
    ‘No data available’

    But let’s get back to those funding streams.

    The EU would have you believe that everything fits neatly into a flowchart. When asked to respond to this article, the European commission told us: “We take transparency very seriously.” One spokesperson after another, all from various EU agencies, informed us that the information was “freely available online”.

    But as Wilma Haan, director of the Open State Foundation, notes: “Just throwing a bunch of stuff online doesn’t make you transparent. People have to be able to find the information and verify it.”

    Yet that’s exactly what the EU did. The EU foundations and agencies we contacted referred us to dozens of different websites. In some cases, the information was relatively easy to find,
    but in others the data was fragmented or missing entirely. All too often, our searches turned up results such as “data soon available”
    or “no data available”.

    The website of the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF) – worth around €3.1bn – is typical of the problems we faced. While we were able to find a list of projects funded by AMIF online,

    the list only contains the names of the projects – not the countries in which they’re carried out. As a result, there’s only one way to find out what’s going on where: by Googling each of the project names individually.

    This lack of a clear overview has major consequences for the democratic process, says Tineke Strik, member of the European parliament (Green party). Under the guise of “flexibility”, the European parliament has “no oversight over the funds whatsoever”. Strik says: “In the best-case scenario, we’ll discover them listed on the European commission’s website.”

    At the EU’s Nigerian headquarters, one official explained that she does try to keep track of European countries’ migration-related projects to identify “gaps and overlaps”. When asked why this information wasn’t published online, she responded: “It’s something I do alongside my daily work.”
    Getting a feel for Europe’s migration spaghetti

    “There’s no way you’re going to get anywhere with this.”

    This was the response from a Correspondent member who researches government funding when we announced this project several months ago. Not exactly the most encouraging words to start our journey. Still, over the past few months, we’ve done our best to make as much progress as we could.

    Let’s start in the Netherlands, Maite’s home country. When we tried to find out how much Dutch tax money is spent in Nigeria on migration-related issues, we soon found ourselves down yet another rabbit hole.

    The Dutch ministry of foreign affairs, which controls all funding for Dutch foreign policy, seemed like a good starting point. The ministry divides its budget into centralised and decentralised funds. The centralised funds are managed in the Netherlands administrative capital, The Hague, while the decentralised funds are distributed by Dutch embassies abroad.

    Exactly how much money goes to the Dutch embassy in the Nigerian capital Abuja is unclear – no information is available online. When we contacted the embassy, they weren’t able to provide us with any figures, either. According to their press officer, these budgets are “fragmented”, and the total can only be determined at the end of the year.

    The ministry of foreign affairs distributes centralised funds through its departments. But migration is a topic that spans a number of different departments: the department for stabilisation and humanitarian aid (DSH), the security policy department (DVB), the sub-Saharan Africa department (DAF), and the migration policy bureau (BMB), to name just a few. There’s no way of knowing whether each department spends money on migration, let alone how much of it goes to Nigeria.

    Not to mention the fact that other ministries, such as the ministry of economic affairs and the ministry of justice and security, also deal with migration-related issues.

    Next, we decided to check out the Dutch development aid budget
    in the hope it would clear things up a bit. Unfortunately, the budget isn’t organised by country, but by theme. And since migration isn’t one of the main themes, it’s scattered over several different sections. Luckily, the document does contain an annex (https://www.rijksoverheid.nl/documenten/begrotingen/2019/09/17/hgis---nota-homogene-groep-internationale-samenwerking-rijksbegroting-) that goes into more detail about migration.

    In this annex, we found that the Netherlands spends a substantial chunk of money on “migration cooperation”, “reception in the region” and humanitarian aid for refugees.

    And then there’s the ministry of foreign affairs’ Stability Fund,
    the ministry of justice and security’s budget for the processing and repatriation of asylum seekers, and the ministry of education, culture and science’s budget for providing asylum seekers with an education.

    But again, it’s impossible to determine just how much of this funding finds its way to Nigeria. This is partly due to the fact that many migration projects operate in multiple countries simultaneously (in Nigeria, Chad and Cameroon, for example). Regional projects such as this generally don’t share details of how funding is divided up among the participating countries.

    Using data from the Dutch embassy and an NGO that monitors Dutch projects in Nigeria, we found that €6m in aid goes specifically to Nigeria, with another €19m for the region as a whole. Dutch law enforcement also provides in-kind support to help strengthen Nigeria’s border control.

    But hold on, there’s more. We need to factor in the money that the Netherlands spends on migration through its contributions to the EU.

    The Netherlands pays hundreds of millions into the European Development Fund (EDF), which is partly used to finance migration projects. Part of that money also gets transferred to another EU migration fund: the EUTF for Africa.
    The Netherlands also contributes directly to this fund.

    But that’s not all. The Netherlands also gives (either directly or through the EU) to a variety of other EU funds and agencies that finance migration projects in Nigeria. And just as in the Netherlands, these EU funds and agencies are scattered over many different offices. There’s no single “EU ministry of migration”.

    To give you a taste of just how convoluted things can get: the AMIF falls under the EU’s home affairs “ministry”

    (DG HOME), the Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI) falls under the “ministry” for international cooperation and development (DG DEVCO), and the Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP) falls under the European External Action Service (EEAS). The EU border agency, Frontex, is its own separate entity, and there’s also a “ministry” for humanitarian aid (DG ECHO).

    Still with me?

    Because this was just the Netherlands.

    Now let’s take a look at Giacomo’s country of origin, Italy, which is also home to one of Europe’s largest Nigerian communities (surpassed only by the UK).

    Italy’s ministry of foreign affairs funds the Italian Agency for Development Cooperation (AICS), which provides humanitarian aid in north-eastern Nigeria, where tens of thousands of people have been displaced by the Boko Haram insurgency. AICS also finances a wide range of projects aimed at raising awareness of the risks of illegal migration. It’s impossible to say how much of this money ends up in Nigeria, though, since the awareness campaigns target multiple countries at once.

    This data is all available online – though you’ll have to do some digging to find it. But when it comes to the funds managed by Italy’s ministry of the interior, things start to get a bit murkier. Despite the ministry having signed numerous agreements on migration with African countries in recent years, there’s little trace of the money online. Reference to a €92,000 donation for new computers for Nigeria’s law enforcement and immigration services was all we could find.

    Things get even more complicated when we look at Italy’s “Africa Fund”, which was launched in 2017 to foster cooperation with “priority countries along major migration routes”. The fund is jointly managed by the ministry of foreign affairs and the ministry of the interior.

    Part of the money goes to the EUTF for Africa, but the fund also contributes to United Nations (UN) organisations, such as the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), as well as to the Italian ministry of defence and the ministry of economy and finance.

    Like most European governments, Italy also contributes to EU funds and agencies concerned with migration, such as Frontex, Europol, and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO).

    And then there are the contributions to UN agencies that deal with migration: UNHCR, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), IOM, the UN Development Programme (UNDP), and the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), to name just a few.

    Now multiply all of this by the number of European countries currently active in Nigeria. Oh, and let’s not forget the World Bank,

    which has only recently waded into the waters of the migration industry.

    And then there are the European development banks. And the EU’s External Investment Plan, which was launched in 2016 with the ambitious goal of generating €44bn in private investments in developing countries, with a particular focus on migrants’ countries of origin. Not to mention the regional “migration dialogues”
    organised in west Africa under the Rabat Process and the Cotonou Agreement.

    This is the European migration spaghetti.
    How we managed to compile a list nonetheless

    By now, one thing should be clear: there are a staggering number of ministries, funds and departments involved in European migration spending. It’s no wonder that no one in Europe seems to have a clear overview of the situation. But we thought that maybe, just maybe, there was one party that might have the overview we seek: Nigeria. After all, the Nigerian government has to be involved in all the projects that take place there, right?

    We decided to ask around in Nigeria’s corridors of power. Was anyone keeping track of European migration funding? The Ministry of Finance? Or maybe the Ministry of the Interior, or the Ministry of Labour and Employment?

    Nope.

    We then tried asking Nigeria’s anti-trafficking agency (NAPTIP), the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, and the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI).

    No luck there, either. When it comes to migration, things are just as fragmented under the Nigerian government as they are in Europe.

    In the meantime, we contacted each of the European embassies in Nigeria.
    This proved to be the most fruitful approach and yielded the most complete lists of projects. The database of the International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI)
    was particularly useful in fleshing out our overview.

    So does that mean our list is now complete? Probably not.

    More to the point: the whole undertaking is highly subjective, since there’s no official definition of what qualifies as a migration project and what doesn’t.

    For example, consider initiatives to create jobs for young people in Nigeria. Would those be development projects or trade projects? Or are they actually migration projects (the idea being that young people wouldn’t migrate if they could find work)?

    What about efforts to improve border control in northern Nigeria? Would they fall under counterterrorism? Security? Institutional development? Or is this actually a migration-related issue?

    Each country has its own way of categorising projects.

    There’s no single, unified standard within the EU.

    When choosing what to include in our own overview, we limited ourselves to projects that European countries themselves designated as being migration related.

    While it’s certainly not perfect, this overview allows us to draw at least some meaningful conclusions about three key issues: where the money is going, where it isn’t going, and what this means for Nigeria.
    1) Where is the money going?

    In Nigeria, we found

    If you’d like to work with the data yourself, feel free to download the full overview here.
    50 migration projects being funded by 11 different European countries, as well as 32 migration projects that rely on EU funding. Together, they amount to more than €770m in funding.

    Most of the money from Brussels is spent on improving Nigerian border control:
    more than €378m. For example, the European Investment Bank has launched a €250m initiative

    to provide all Nigerians with biometric identity cards.

    The funding provided by individual countries largely goes to projects aimed at creating employment opportunities

    in Nigeria: at least €92m.

    Significantly, only €300,000 is spent on creating more legal opportunities to migrate – less than 0.09% of all funding.

    We also found 47 “regional” projects that are not limited to Nigeria, but also include other countries.
    Together, they amount to more than €775m in funding.
    Regional migration spending is mainly focused on migrants who have become stranded in transit and is used to return them home and help them to reintegrate when they get there. Campaigns designed to raise awareness of the dangers of travelling to Europe also receive a relatively large proportion of funding in the region.

    2) Where isn’t the money going?

    When we look at the list of institutions – or “implementing agencies”, as they’re known in policy speak – that receive money from Europe, one thing immediately stands out: virtually none of them are Nigerian organisations.

    “The EU funds projects in Nigeria, but that money doesn’t go directly to Nigerian organisations,” says Charles Nwanelo, head of migration at the NCFRMI.

    See their website here.
    “Instead, it goes to international organisations, such as the IOM, which use the money to carry out projects here. This means we actually have no idea how much money the EU is spending in Nigeria.”

    We hear the same story again and again from Nigerian government officials: they never see a cent of European funding, as it’s controlled by EU and UN organisations. This is partially a response to corruption within Nigerian institutions – Europe feels it can keep closer tabs on its money by channelling it through international organisations. As a result, these organisations are growing rapidly in Nigeria. To get an idea of just how rapidly: the number of people working for the IOM in Nigeria has more than quadrupled over the past two years.

    Of course, this doesn’t mean that Nigerian organisations are going unfunded. Implementing agencies are free to pass funding along to Nigerian groups. For example, the IOM hires Nigerian NGOs to provide training for returning migrants and sponsors a project that provides training and new software to the Nigerian immigration service.

    Nevertheless, the system has inevitably led to the emergence of a parallel aid universe in which the Nigerian government plays only a supporting role. “The Nigerian parliament should demand to see an overview of all current and upcoming projects being carried out in their country every three months,” says Bob van Dillen, migration expert at development organisation Cordaid.

    But that would be “difficult”, according to one German official we spoke to, because “this isn’t a priority for the Nigerian government. This is at the top of Europe’s agenda, not Nigeria’s.”

    Most Nigerian migrants to Europe come from Edo state, where the governor has been doing his absolute best to compile an overview of all migration projects. He set up a task force that aims to coordinate migration activities in his state. The task force has been largely unsuccessful because the EU doesn’t provide it with any direct funding and doesn’t require member states to cooperate with it.

    3) What are the real-world consequences for Nigeria?

    We’ve established that the Nigerian government isn’t involved in allocating migration spending and that local officials are struggling to keep tabs on things. So who is coordinating all those billions in funding?

    Each month, the European donors and implementing agencies mentioned above meet at the EU delegation to discuss their migration projects. However, diplomats from multiple European countries have told us that no real coordination takes place at these meetings. No one checks to see whether projects conflict or overlap. Instead, the meetings are “more on the basis of letting each other know”, as one diplomat put it.

    One German official noted: “What we should do is look together at what works, what doesn’t, and which lessons we can learn from each other. Not to mention how to prevent people from shopping around from project to project.”

    Other diplomats consider this too utopian and feel that there are far too many players to make that level of coordination feasible. In practice, then, it seems that chaotic funding streams inevitably lead to one thing: more chaos.
    And we’ve only looked at one country ...

    That giant plate of spaghetti we just sifted through only represents a single serving – other countries have their own versions of Nigeria’s migration spaghetti. Alongside Nigeria, the EU has also designated Mali, Senegal, Ethiopia and Niger as “priority countries”. The EU’s largest migration fund, the EUTF, finances projects in 26 different African countries. And the sums of money involved are only going to increase.

    When we first started this project, our aim was to chart a path through the new European zeal for funding. We wanted to track the flow of migration money to find answers to some crucial questions: will this funding help Nigerians make better lives for themselves in their own country? Will it help reduce the trafficking of women? Will it provide more safe, legal ways for Nigerians to travel to Europe?

    Or will it primarily go towards maintaining the international aid industry? Does it encourage corruption? Does it make migrants even more vulnerable to exploitation along the way?

    But we’re still far from answering these questions. Recently, a new study by the UNDP

    called into question “the notion that migration can be prevented or significantly reduced through programmatic and policy responses”.

    Nevertheless, European programming and policy responses will only increase in scope in the coming years.

    But the more Europe spends on migration, the more tangled the spaghetti becomes and the harder it gets to check whether funds are being spent wisely. With the erosion of transparency comes the erosion of democratic oversight.

    So to anyone who can figure out how to untangle the spaghetti, we say: be our guest.

    https://thecorrespondent.com/154/europe-spends-billions-stopping-migration-good-luck-figuring-out-where-the-money-actually-goes/171168048128-fac42704
    #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Nigeria #EU #EU #Union_européenne #externalisation #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers #Frontex #Trust_fund #Pays-Bas #argent #transparence (manque de - ) #budget #remittances #AMIF #développement #aide_au_développement #European_Development_Fund (#EDF) #EUTF_for_Africa #European_Neighbourhood_Instrument (#ENI) #Development_Cooperation_Instrument (#DCI) #Italie #Banque_mondiale #External_Investment_Plan #processus_de_rabat #accords_de_Cotonou #biométrie #carte_d'identité_biométrique #travail #développement #aide_au_développement #coopération_au_développement #emploi #réintégration #campagnes #IOM #OIM

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur l’externalisation des frontières :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/731749
    Et ajouté à la métaliste développement/migrations :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/733358

    ping @isskein @isskein @pascaline @_kg_

  • Le Sénat adopte la surveillance fiscale des réseaux sociaux
    https://www.nextinpact.com/news/108491-le-senat-adopte-surveillance-fiscale-reseaux-sociaux.htm

    Le Sénat vient d’adopter l’article du projet de loi de finances organisant la collecte généralisée de données publiques sur les réseaux sociaux et les plateformes de vente en ligne (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Airbnb, LeBonCoin, eBay...). Les amendements de suppression ont tous été rejetés, au profit d’un encadrement un peu plus serré. D’entrée, ce lundi, en fin de matinée, le sénateur Loïc Hervé a dit et redit ce qu’il nous avait dit quelques heures plus tôt dans cette interview. « Notre pays s’est toujours (...)

    #Airbnb #eBay #Facebook #Leboncoin.fr #Twitter #YouTube #algorithme #fiscalité #législation #bénéfices #contribuables #profiling #surveillance (...)

    ##fiscalité ##SocialNetwork

  • Lyon : un lycéen de 15 ans touché au visage par un tir de LBD et transporté à l’hôpital
    https://france3-regions.francetvinfo.fr/auvergne-rhone-alpes/rhone/lyon/lyon-lyceen-15-touche-joue-tir-lbd-transporte-hopital-1

    Selon les témoignages que nous avons recueillis, une quarantaine de lycéens bloquaient le lycée Ampère-Saxe ce matin vers 07H00. Au moment de l’intervention des policiers vers 8H15, c’est en tout une soixantaine d’élèves selon les manifestants, une centaine selon la police, dont certains non-bloqueurs, qui ont été évacués.

    Une intervention policière sans sommation

    L’intervention policière de ce matin s’est faite sans sommation, surprenant les lycéens. D’après la préfecture qui confirme cette information, l’abcsence de sommation est justifiée par le fait que les policiers étaient visés par des tirs de projectiles, lancés par un manifestant en particulier. Les forces de police ont donc chargé, les lycéens se sont alors rabattus sur les trottoirs en face du lycée. Selon les témoignages des lycéens, des gifles et des coups ont été donnés, des tirs de gaz lacrymogène et un tir de LBD effectués.

    La police prétend que ce jeune homme n’était pas visé, mais si la police vise aussi mal, il est urgent de leur interdire la possession de toutes les armes de tir. Leurs matraques se sont aussi manifestement égarés sur les visages et les corps de ces mineurs. L’IGPN va surement se saisir de cette affaire avec le même soucis de précision borgne.

    –—
    c’est en tout une soixantaine d’élèves selon les manifestants, une centaine selon la police,
    Après la borgnerie, on peu voire que la dyscalculie fait aussi parti des critères de recrutement de la police.

  • Das Gesicht der modernen Kirche: Theresa Brückner ist als Pfarrerin in den sozialen Medien aktiv - Tempelhof
    https://www.berliner-woche.de/tempelhof/c-leute/theresa-brueckner-ist-als-pfarrerin-in-den-sozialen-medien-aktiv_a242

    Was Theresa Brückner macht, ist in Berlin einzigartig. Die 32-Jährige ist „Pfarrerin für Kirche im digitalen Raum“ im Evangelischen Kirchenkreis Tempelhof-Schöneberg. Als „theresaliebt“ berichtet sie auf Instagram, Twitter, Facebook und YouTube über ihre Arbeit und Privates.

    Vor fast einem Jahr, am 1. Januar 2019, hat sie die Stelle angetreten. Die Gemeinde wurde auf sie aufmerksam, weil sie schon lange vorher in den sozialen Medien aktiv war. Am erfolgsreichsten ist ihr Instagram-Profil mit rund 8000 Followern. „Das Problem ist, dass Kirche oftmals sehr klischeehaft unmodern gezeigt wird, vieles aber ganz aktuell ist“, sagt sie. In den vergangenen Jahren habe es die Kirche ihrer Meinung nach verschlafen, die Dinge, die sie gut macht, auch gut zu kommunizieren.

    Ihre offene und ehrliche Art könnte daran etwas ändern. „Mir ist es wichtig zu zeigen, dass Kirche ganz normal sein kann und ich als Pfarrerin eine ganz normale, berufstätige Mutter bin.“ In ihren Videos geht es beispielsweise um alltägliche Herausforderungen wie die Organisation beruflicher Termine, wenn das Kind plötzlich krank und der Mann wegen einer Dienstreise unterwegs ist.

    „Viele Mütter schreiben mir, dass es für sie entlastend ist, zu lesen, dass ich in dieser Social-Media-Welt eben nicht immer nur all das zeige, was großartig klappt, sondern auch darüber spreche, was schiefläuft und wobei ich mich überfordert fühle“, erzählt Theresa Brückner. Privatsphäre ist ihr aber trotz aller Offenheit sehr wichtig. Ihren dreijährigen Sohn erwähnt sie nie mit Namen. Auf Fotos ist sein Gesicht immer verdeckt. Wenn sie Zeit mit ihm verbringt oder einen freien Nachmittag hat, packt sie ihr Handy weg. Das gilt auch, wenn die Familie zu Hause gemeinsam am Tisch sitzt.

    Jeder Arbeitstag im Leben von Theresa Brückner ist anders. Gottesdienste, Beerdigungen und Hochzeiten bereitet sie in ihrem Büro in der Götzstraße vor. Oft ist sie jedoch auch unterwegs, fährt zu Konferenzen wie der „re:publica“ oder zu Barcamps. Ihre Erlebnisse dokumentiert sie mit der Kamera. Videos zu drehen und zu schneiden, hat sie sich selbst beigebracht.

    Der Kirchenkreis lässt ihr freie Hand. So modern und fortschrittlich wie in Tempelhof-Schöneberg ist die evangelische Kirche jedoch nicht überall in Deutschland. Einige Gemeinden sind sehr konservativ und haben schon allein damit ein Problem, dass Frauen überhaupt das Pfarramt ausüben. „Sexismus ist da ein ganz großes Thema. Deshalb spreche ich darüber ziemlich offen auf Twitter. Dort bekomme ich regelmäßig Nachrichten, dass ich als Frau doch schweigen solle und nichts zu sagen habe.“ Außerdem seien einige der Meinung, dass sich die Kirche nicht so zeigen dürfe, wie sie es macht.

    „Ich weiß mittlerweile, dass ich, wenn ich heikle Themen anspreche, danach Zeit einplanen muss, um Kommentare durchzugucken und zu beantworten.“ Hasskommentare bekomme sie immer dann, wenn sie sich politisch positioniere, beispielsweise gegen die AfD. Vor einigen Wochen hat Theresa Brückner erstmals Anzeige erstattet. Grund war eine E-Mail voller sexueller Beleidigungen. Immer wieder kommt es auch vor, dass sie Kommentare löscht oder User blockiert. Anfangs haben sie die Anfeindungen verunsichert und auch wütend gemacht. Inzwischen habe sie sich jedoch einen Schutzpanzer angelegt. Instagram sei eben keine „heile Glitzerwelt“, obwohl es oft so dargestellt werde. Theresa Brückner versucht daher, auch Jugendliche dafür zu sensibilisieren, Fälle von Cybermobbing nicht zu verschweigen, sondern dagegen vorzugehen. Die Freude an ihrem Beruf will sie sich von niemandem nehmen lassen. Spätestens dann, wenn sich Menschen gern mit ihr unterhalten möchten, die sonst nie in die Kirche gehen würden, ist der Ärger ganz schnell wieder verflogen.

    #Allemagen #Berlin #église_protestante #propagande

  • Huawei subit un vent de colère en Chine après l’arrestation d’un ancien employé
    https://www.liberation.fr/planete/2019/12/07/huawei-subit-un-vent-de-colere-en-chine-apres-l-arrestation-d-un-ancien-e

    L’arrestation d’un ancien employé a contrecarré le plan de communication de Huawei autour de la fille du fondateur, assignée à résidence depuis un an au Canada. Le 2 décembre 2018, Meng Wanzhou était arrêtée au Canada à la demande des Etats-Unis pour avoir enfreint l’embargo américain contre l’Iran. A l’époque, l’opinion chinoise s’émeut et les messages de soutien affluent vers la directrice financière de Huawei. Confronté à un boycott et considéré comme une menace à la sécurité nationale par Washington, (...)

    #Huawei #bracelet #smartphone #procès #conditions #discrimination #travail

  • Dans les #Kiosques le N° 165 de La Décroissance - On a gagné ?! – décembre 2019 - janvier 2020
    Le journal de la joie de vivre

    Au sommaire :
    http://www.ladecroissance.net/?chemin=sommaires


    Page 2 : Courriers – dessins

    Page 3 : Mourrons-nous guéris ?, par la rédaction– Éditorial : La #publicité, par Bruno Clémentin

    Page 4 : La #décroissance a-t-elle déjà commencé ? par Denis Cheynet – Chronique d’Alain Accardo : « Imbéciles et irresponsables »

    Page 5 : Lettre à tous ceux qui ne veulent de la société industrielle capitaliste ni ici ni ailleurs, par Hervé Krief 

    Page 6 : Le clone, par Raoul Anvélaut – Écotartufe : Jean Jouzel, par Pierre Thiesset

    Page 7 : Simplicité volontaire : Une vie appropriée, interview de David – L’action du mois : Boire de la bière artisanale, par Arnaud Pailla
    
Page 8 : « Le combat central, c’est de sortir du #productivisme et du #consumérisme », interview de François Ruffin

    Page 9 : DOSSIER : CASSEURS DE PUB, 20 ANS

    Page 10 : « Nous devons devenir des guerriers de la signification », avec Kalle Lasn

    Page 11 : La pub nous rend con, de Nardo

    Page 12 : « Une aventure intellectuelle », avec Bruno Clémentin et Vincent Cheyne
    t
Page 14 : « La publicité est la #religion officielle », avec François Brune

    Page 16 : « Se lever contre la laideur environnante », avec Yvan Gradis

    Page 17 : « Les élèves en 2020 sont encore davantage victimes du marketing qu’auparavant », avec Bernard Legros

    Page 18 : « La publicité qui harcèle les populations les plus fragiles est la même qui s’attaque au paysage », avec Pierre-Jean Delahousse

    Page 20 : « L’idée selon laquelle la #voiture n’est qu’un objet, et non un système, demeure », avec Randall Ghent 

    Page 22 : Deux siècles de pubavec, de Jean-Luc Coudray 
    
Page 24 : Bédé : Le conte pour les fêtes du père Cochet, par Domi et Druilhe 

    Page 26 : International : Critiquer Extinction Rebellion ?, par Denis Bayon – Quand la cause animale sert l’industrie des #biotechnologies, interview de Jocelyne Porcher - Lectures 

    Page 28 : Chronique d’Alain Gras : Quand les #aborigènes refusaient le « progrès » – Le petit économiste : « Longue Vie au Glorieux Parti Communiste Chinois…, par Denis Baba 

    Page 29 : Professeur Foldingue : Géniocratie 

    Page 30 : Lectures – Débat : Faut-il marcher pour le #climat ?, avec Isabelle Attard, Les Amis de Bartleby, Lieux communs et Thierry Brulavoine 

    Page 30 : Nicolas Bertrand : Retour à l’envoyeur 

    Page 32 : Chronique antinucléaire de Stéphane Lhomme : Le nucléaire se met au vélo.

  • Vie numérique : Place à l’éthique
    https://www.liberation.fr/evenements-libe/2019/11/17/vie-numerique-place-a-l-ethique_1763933

    Face aux dérives du monde numérique, et tandis que l’appareil législatif, vite dépassé, se construit tant bien que mal, le débat éthique prend de l’ampleur, obligeant tous les acteurs à se questionner. Il y eut l’âge d’or, celui des promesses. Le temps insouciant d’un numérique qui émancipe, qui foudroie les frontières, libère les savoirs, décuple les possibles, individuels et collectifs… Et puis il y a, après l’euphorie, comme un goût de lendemain de fête. Lorsque, dégrisé, l’on découvre que le trip (...)

    #Apple #Google #Microsoft #Amazon #Facebook #algorithme #CCTV #smartphone #biométrie #éthique #manipulation #[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données_(RGPD)[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation_(GDPR)[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation_(GDPR) #élections #facial (...)

    ##[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données__RGPD_[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_ ##reconnaissance ##bénéfices ##fiscalité ##BigData ##data ##profiling ##GAFAM ##LaQuadratureduNet ##CNIL

  • Les femmes seront encore les grandes perdantes de la réforme des #Retraites
    https://www.bastamag.net/greve-5-decembre-retraites-femmes-reforme-inegalites-intox-gouvernement

    L’actuelle réforme des retraites profiterait aux femmes, c’est l’un des arguments du gouvernement. Sauf que le projet risque d’aggraver encore leur situation, alors que les retraitées sont déjà victimes de grandes #Inégalités. Explications. Le 27 novembre, Édouard Philippe sort de réunions avec syndicats et représentants du patronat sur son projet de réforme des retraites. Il défend que son système serait bénéfique pour les femmes « dont les pensions sont aujourd’hui en moyenne inférieures de 40 % à celles (...) #Décrypter

    / #Luttes_sociales, #Féminisme, Quel avenir pour nos #Protections_sociales ?, #Discriminations, Retraites, Inégalités, Protections sociales, A la (...)

    #Quel_avenir_pour_nos_protections_sociales_ ?

  • TikTok est accusé d’avoir collecté illégalement des données et les avoir transféré en Chine
    https://www.numerama.com/tech/577165-tiktok-est-accuse-davoir-collecte-illegalement-des-donnees-et-les-a

    Une étudiante américaine a porté plainte contre l’application de partage de vidéos. Selon elle, TikTok collecterait et traiterait des données personnelles sans l’accord des utilisateurs. TikTok envoie-t-il les données de ses utilisateurs en Chine, sans leur consentement ? C’est en tout cas ce qu’affirme Misty Hong, une étudiante américaine. Elle a entamé le 27 novembre une action en justice contre l’application. Il s’agit d’une action groupée, c’est-à-dire d’une plainte à laquelle des tiers peuvent se (...)

    #ByteDance #TikTok #smartphone #géolocalisation #procès #data #spyware

    //c0.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2018/11/tik-tok.jpg

  • #Immigrant_Movement_International

    Tania Bruguera’s Immigrant Movement International, presented by Creative Time and the Queens Museum of Art, is a Long-Term art project1 in the form of an artist initiated socio-political movement. Bruguera will spend a year operating a flexible community space in the multinational and transnational neighborhood of Corona, Queens, which will serve as the movement’s headquarters.

    Engaging both local and international communities, as well as working with social service organizations, elected officials, and artists focused on immigration reform, Bruguera will examine growing concerns about the political representation and conditions facing immigrants. As migration becomes a more central element of contemporary existence, the status and identity of those who live outside their place of origin increasingly become defined not by sharing a common language, class, culture, or race, but instead by their condition as immigrants. By engaging the local community through public workshops, events, actions, and partnerships with immigrant and social service organizations, Immigrant Movement International will explore who is defined as an immigrant and the values they share, focusing on the larger question of what it means to be a citizen of the world. Bruguera will also delve into the implementation of art in society, examining what it means to create Useful Art2, and addressing the disparity of engagement between informed audiences and the general public, as well as the historical gap between the language used in what is considered avant-garde and the language of urgent politics.


    http://www.taniabruguera.com/cms/486-0-Immigrant+Movement+International.htm
    #migrations #frontières #cartographie #visualisation #projection #monde #Tania_Bruguera #art #art_et_politique
    #faire_monde

    ping @karine4 @isskein @cede @reka

    voir aussi l’oeuvre « Dignity has no nationality » de la même artiste :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/814368#message814372

    • #Partido_del_pueblo_migrante

      With a platform geared towards the political presence of citizens expelled from their places of origin and access to rights, the Migrant People Party (MPP) is a party of ideas that will break into the 2012 Mexican Elections. Parting from the phenomenon of migration, the party’s political axis is centered in taking steps towards the disappearance of borders, where dignity has no nationality.

      Our platform demands the creation of structures in civil society that:

      . Include migrants in equal conditions as real citizens.
      . Eliminates the differentiation amongst people based on their migratory status.
      . Recognizes that the global system, through migration, generates the characteristics of a trans-

      border modern slavery.
      . Creates and promotes living conditions in which migration is an option, not an imposition.
      . Identifies the inadequate treatment of Mexican institutions towards the Central American

      migrants, which is similar to the one suffered by Mexican immigrants in the United States.
      . Demands a political arena for both citizens and migrants from the receiving places.
      . Claims dignity in migrant treatment.

      . Calls for a public space that is a common property to all.

      In the public sphere, the party points to one of Mexico’s contemporary phenomenons: migration -a political issue displaced from the electoral campaigns of the main political parties of the country. The geographic border between Mexico and the United States allows for a massive migration of Mexicans to the North, while Mexico also experiences the reception and transit of groups coming primarily from Central America. In the Mexican territory, this dynamic generates a time-space related to displacement and associated to the violation of human rights, which further rips out the country’s social fabric. In many cases, Mexican authorities repeat the same unjust conditions experienced by Mexican immigrants in the United States, with the people (permanent or in transit) that reach the country. At the same time, the migrant population in Mexico constitutes a ghost population that lacks political agency.

      The party is an area where all migrants can employ a political presence through education, the active and deliberate use of the media, and a series of creative actions focused on issues that affect the different types of migrants. Presented by the Sala de Arte Público Siqueiros (SAPS), the MPP will hold a series of informal forums for the general public centered on Mexico’s complex migratory issues. During the months preceding the elections, the MPP will align with other groups that work on migration issues, artists and citizens. The MPP will communicate with the social and political spheres through the media. In April, the party will move to a venue in the center of the city. For those who choose to join the party, it is neutral, safe and accessible. Finally in May and June, the MPP will creatively intervene in the public space through a series of actions that will highlight the lack of attention to issues of migration in the electoral campaigns. In August and September, a publication will be edited to commemorate the project. It will be launched at the end of 2012.

      In Mexico City, the MPP (in collaboration with SAPS) is a project that parts from Immigrant Movement International in Queens, New York, initiated by artist Tania Bruguera and sponsored by The Queens Museum of Art and Creative Time. Its purpose is to redefine the citizen-migrant position and access the concept of “useful art,” -a notion that promotes the integration of art in search of sustainable long-term solutions to urgent social and political issues.

      http://www.taniabruguera.com/cms/586-0-Migrant+People+Party+MPP.htm